National Unity Government (NUG)
Individual Documents
Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၉/၂၀၂၁)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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277.24 KB
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"1. The Privatization Commission under the terrorist military junta is planning to sell off 23 state-owned properties by open tender. The NUG Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment is advising no one to buy them as such action is not lawful. In its statement (5/2021)1 of 9 July 2021, the Ministry has warned that it will nationalize those properties.
2. On 10 July 2021, the NUG Ministry of Electricity and Energy has announced (Statement 5/2021)2 that it is cancelling various fees for petroleum and petroleum products.
3. The NUG Ministry of Health has now launched its COVID-19 Knowledge Centre, a Facebook page that will provide correct and beneficial information regarding COVID-19 for the public. All advice on prevention and control of the disease will be posted on this page.
The Ministry will answer questions related to COVID-19 submitted by the public between 9.00 am and 7.00 pm on Tuesdays and Fridays on the next working days, Wednesdays and Saturdays.
The Ministry of Health has also started TeleHealth (https://facebook.com/telehealthmm) , an online clinic that provides health care services for the public, including COVID-19 cases. The clinic is open daily from 8.00 am to 6.00 pm. General practitioners and specialists have been treating up to 12 specialist cases.
Five Telegram channels will also be available from 16 July 2021 for exclusive COVID-19 consultations and treatments for the public. The ministry will launch COVID-19 Awareness Week (12 – 18 July 2021) under the theme of ‘Look after each other and beat COVID-19’ to respond to the fast-spreading coronavirus across the country. The campaign will ensure increased awareness of the guidelines published by the NUG Ministry of Health, observance and sharing of the information. It also promotes homemade fabric/cloth masks as it is increasingly difficult to buy surgical masks which are rising in price.
COVID-19 related posters and videos of the Ministry of Health are available on http://tinyurl.com/c19mohnug.
Meetings between the Ministry of Health and EHO teams, as well as political and social organisations, for the prevention, control and treatment of coronavirus disease have been held. A campaign, ‘Let me breathe freely’ is now organized and will begin soon.
This campaign will focus on denouncing the thuggish junta’s prohibition of refilling oxygen cylinders. COVID-19 patients need these urgently.
The ministry is also running a COVID-19 webinar series for health care works on three days a week. This is accessible at http://facebook.com/MoHNUGMyanmar.
The ministry also advises the public to stay at home for two weeks except for emergencies and follow the guidelines.
4. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) has approved U Toe Aung’s nomination by the National Unity Government as Union Auditor General.
5. The NUG Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation has announced that it has blacklisted (11) employees with statement(3/2021)3, (32) employees with statement(4/2021)4, (9) employees with statement(6/2021)5, (10) employees with statement(7/2021)7, (9) employees with statement(8/2021)8,who have been threatening those taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). The blacklisted employees also include those who are loyal to the military junta and continue working under the junta. Resolution no. 7 of the meeting held on 10 July 2021 agreed to take appropriate actions against these individuals based on their activities. On 12 July 2021, the NUG Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation submitted a report5 on the Nationally Determined Contributions – NDC programme regarding Myanmar’s efforts to reduce emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change.
6. The Ministries of the NUG met civil society organizations on 12 July and obtained recommendations as to the Universal Periodic Review of Human Rights.
7. The National Commission on Prevention, Control and Treatment of Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) of the NUG has released announcement (1/2021)9 on 13 July and has warned the military junta about COVID-19 infections and deaths in prisons.
8. The NUG Ministry of Human Rights has issued a statement10 regarding measures in response to the third wave of COVID-19.
It states that people in Myanmar are deprived of their right to health, such as (1) the right to health without discrimination, (2) the right of everyone to obtain necessities for prevention of disease and health risks, (3) the right to access health products (4) health programmes that are community-based and accepted by the public (5) quality of health care services.
Such denial of the rights to health by the military junta constitutes a further violation of crimes against humanity. The ministry warns the regime to stop harassing health care organisations immediately and ensure that health care services are delivered to the people.
9. The NUG Ministry of Electricity and Energy has released announcement (6/2021)11 on 14 July that it has dismissed nine employees who have been loyal to the junta. These individuals have oppressed, threatened, and sacked the employees participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement. They also evicted these CDM participants from staff accommodation and coerced them to repay a salary advance for two months.
အသေးစိတ်သိရှိလိုပါက ထပ်မံလေ့လာရန် လင့်ခ်များ
၁။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/145212184366088
၂။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/145863500967623
၃။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/147099670844006
၄။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/147819244105382
၅။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/148482904039016
၆။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/148681640685809
၇။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/149418967278743
၈။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/149378983949408
၉။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/147877507432889
၁၀။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/147933740760599
၁၁။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/148603070693666..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description:
"အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၈/၂၀၂၁)
၁၆ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန က အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ ပုဂ္ဂလိကပိုင်ပြုလုပ်ရေးကော်မရှင်က နိုင်ငံပိုင် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦနှင့် မြေကွက် (၂၃)ခုကို အိပ်ဖွင့်တင်ဒါစနစ်ဖြင့် ရောင်းချရန် စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းသည် တရားဝင်မှု မရှိသောကြောင့် ဝယ်ယူခြင်း မပြုကြရန်နှင့် ဝယ်ယူထားသည့် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦ နှင့်မြေကွက် များအား နိုင်ငံပိုင်အဖြစ် ပြန်လည် သိမ်းယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးတားမြစ်သည့် ကြေညာချက် (၅/၂၀၂၁)၁ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်က ၉ ရက်နေ့ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ရေနံနှင့် ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းများဆိုင်ရာ အခွန်အခများ လွတ်ငြိမ်းခွင့်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာတဲ့ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)၂ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းခဲ့သည့် ဦးတိုးအောင်အား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီက ပြည်ထောင်စုစာရင်းစစ်ချုပ်အဖြစ် အတည်ပြု ခန့်အပ် တာဝန်ပေးအပ်လိုက်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ကိုဗစ် ၁၉ ဗဟုသုတစင်တာ (https://facebook.com/ckcmohnugmm) လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာကို ဇူလိုင်လ ၄ ရက်နေ့က စတင်ဖွင့်လှစ်လိုက်သည်။ ကိုဗစ် ၁၉နှင့် ပတ်သက်သော မှန်ကန် ၊အကျိုးရှိမည့် ကျန်းမာရေး ဆိုင်ရာအချက်အလက် အကြောင်းအရာများကို ပြည်သူလူထုထံသို့ ဖြန့်ဝေပေးနိုင်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ပြီး ကိုဗစ် ၁၉ရောဂါဆိုင်ရာ ဆောင်ရန်ရှောင်ရန်အချက်များနှင့် ကြိုတင်ကာကွယ်ရမည့် နည်းလမ်းများကို ဖော်ပြပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် အပတ်စဉ် အင်္ဂါနေ့နှင့် သောကြာနေ့တို့တွင် နံနက် (၉) နာရီမှ ည (၇) နာရီအတွင်း ကိုဗစ်ဗဟုသုတဆိုင်ရာ မေးခွန်းများကို ပြည်သူများထံမှ စုစည်းရယူပြီး ဗုဒ္ဓဟူးနေ့နှင့် စနေနေ့တို့တွင် အဆိုပါမေးခွန်းများကို ပြန်လည် စုစည်းဖြေကြား ပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် တယ်လီကျန်းမာအွန်လိုင်းဆေးခန်း (https://facebook.com/telehealthmm) ကိုလည်း (၁၉-၆-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့က စတင်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပြီး ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ကျန်းမာရေးပြဿနာများကို အွန်လိုင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် ကုသပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ နေ့စဉ် နံနက် (၈) နာရီမှ ညနေ (၆) နာရီအထိ ဆေးခန်းဖွင့်လှစ်ထားပြီး အထွေထွေရောဂါဆရာဝန်များအပါအဝင် အထူးကုဆရာဝန်ကြီးများက အထူးကုရောဂါ အမျိုးအစား (၁၂) မျိုးထိ ကုသပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် (၁၆-၇-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါဆိုင်ရာ သီးသန့်အကြံပေးကုသပေးမည့် Telegram Channel (၅) ခုဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ ကျန်းမာရေးပြဿနာများကို ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် “ပြည်သူက ပြည်သူကို စောင့်ရှောက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါကို အနိုင်ယူပါ” ဆောင်ပုဒ်ဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါဆိုင်ရာ ကျန်းမာရေးအသိပညာ ဖြန့်ဝေရေး လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှု ရက်သတ္တပတ်ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ (၁၂) ရက်နေ့မှ (၁၈) ရက်နေ့အထိ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ နေရာဒေသအနှံ့၌ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါသည် လျင်မြန်များပြားစွာ ကူးစက်ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည့်အတွက် ပြည်သူများသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသော ရောဂါကာကွယ်ရေးနည်းလမ်းများကို ပိုမို သိရှိ၊ လိုက်နာ၊ ဖြန့်ဝေကြစေရန်နှင့် အထူးသဖြင့် Surgical Mask များ ဝယ်ရခက်ခဲပြီး ဈေးနှုန်းများ မြင့်တက်လာသည့်အတွက် မိမိအိမ်တွင် ချုပ်လုပ်ကြသည့် အဝတ်နှာခေါင်းစည်း (Homemade Fabric / Cloth Mask) များကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဝတ်ဆင်လာကြစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ ပညာပေးပိုစတာများ၊ ရုပ်သံဗီဒီယိုများကို အင်တာနက်လိပ်စာ https://tinyurl.com/c19mohnug တွင် တစ်စုတစ်စည်းတည်း ရယူနိုင်ရန် စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်ထားရှိပါသည်။
ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ ကာကွယ်၊ ထိန်းချုပ်၊ ကုသရေးအတွက် EHO အဖွဲ့များ၊ အခြားနိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် လူမှုအင်အားစုများနှင့်လည်း တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုများလည်း ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါကူးစက်ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော ပြည်သူများ အရေးပေါ် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် အောက်စီဂျင်စလင်ဒါများ ပြန်လည်ဖြည့်ခြင်းအား ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်းကို ရှုံ့ချသည့်အနေဖြင့် လူတိုင်း လွတ်လပ်စွာ အသက်ရှုခွင့်နှင့် အသက်ရှင်ခွင့်ရရှိစေရန်အတွက် "လွတ်လပ်စွာ အသက်ရှုခွင့်ပေးပါ Campaign" ကိုလည်း ယခုရက်ပိုင်းအတွင်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် စီစဉ်လျက်ရှှိပါသည်။
ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများအတွက် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ဆိုင်ရာ ဆေးပညာမျှဝေမှုအစီအစဉ် (COVID-19 Webinar Series) ကိုလည်း တစ်ပတ်လျှင် (၃) ရက် ပြုလုပ်ပေးလျက်ရှိပြီး ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ Facebook Page (https://facebook.com/MoHNUGMyanmar) တွင် Live ထုတ်လွှင့်ပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ ကူးစက်ဖြစ်ပွားမှုများ ကာကွယ်ထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ရန် ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် မဖြစ်မနေ အပြင်ထွက်ရမည့် ကိစ္စမှအပ မိမိတို့နေအိမ်ထဲတွင်သာ (၂) ပတ် နေထိုင်ရန်နှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ရောဂါကာကွယ်ရေးနည်းလမ်းများကို လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်စေရန်လည်း နှိုးဆော် ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက မိမိတို့ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအတွင်းရှိ CDM တွင်ပါဝင် ဆန္ဒပြနေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများကို အမျိုးမျိုးဖိအားပေး ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ ဩဇာခံများနှင့် ယင်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေကြသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများ (Non- CDM များ) အား ၎င်းတို့၏ လုပ်ရပ်/ပြစ်မှု အပေါ်မူတည်ကာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ထိုက်သင့်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်များ ချမှတ်ကာ ထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူသည့်အနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၁၀) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြုလုပ်သည့် အစည်းအဝေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အမှတ်(၇) အရ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁)၃ ကို ထုတ်ပြန်၍ ဝန်ထမ်း (၁၁) ဦး၊ (၄/၂၀၂၁)၄ ကိုထုတ်ပြန်၍ ဝန်ထမ်း (၃၂) ဦးတို့ကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist) သွင်းခဲ့ကြောင်း ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။
၁၂-၇-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် “အမျိုးသားအဆင့် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှု လျှော့ချရေးနှင့် လိုက်လျောညီထွေ ရှိစေရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းအစီအစဉ် (Nationally Determined Contributions-NDC)” ဆောင်ရွက်မှုအစီရင်ခံစာ၅ တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)၆ ဖြင့် ဝန်ထမ်း (၉) ဦး၊ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၇/၂၀၂၁)၇ ဖြင့် ဝန်ထမ်း (၁၀) ဦး၊ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁)၈ ဖြင့် ဝန်ထမ်း (၉) ဦးတို့ကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist) သွင်းခဲ့ကြောင်း ထပ်မံကြေညာခဲ့သည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများသည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအခြေအနေ ပုံမှန်သုံးသပ်မှုလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (Universal Periodic Review - UPR) နှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး အကြံပြုချက်များ ရယူနိုင်ရန်အတွက် အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးခဲ့သည်။
၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသားအဆင့် COVID-19 ကာကွယ်၊ ထိန်းချုပ်၊ ကုသရေး ကော်မရှင်က
အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် COVID-19 ရောဂါ ကူးစက်ပြန့်ပွားသေဆုံးမှုများ ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည့်ကိစ္စနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား ပြင်းထန်စွာသတိပေးသည့် အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)၉ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၃ ရက် နေ့စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန က "ကိုဗစ်တတိယလှိုင်းတုန့်ပြန် လုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်" တစ်စောင်၁၀ ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။ အဆိုပါထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အလမ်းများ ရရှိခံစားခွင့် အချက် (၅) ချက်ဖြစ်သည့် ၁။ ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများကို မည်သူ့အပေါ်မှ ခွဲခြားခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ရယူခံစားခွင့် (Non-Discrimination) ၂။ ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရေးနှင့် ပတ်သတ်၍ လိုအပ်သော အရာများကို လူတိုင်း ရရှိပိုင်ခွင့်(Availability) ၃။ ကျန်းမာရေးပစ္စည်းများကို အလွယ်တကူ ဝယ်ယူပိုင်ခွင့်(Accessibility) ၄။ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုအစီအစဉ်များလုပ်ဆောင်ရာတွင် လူထုကို အခြေပြုပြီး ပြည်သူအများလက်ခံနိုင်မှု (Acceptability) ၅။ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှုများ၏ အရည်အသွေးပြည့်ဝမှု (Quality) စတဲ့ ရရှိခံစားခွင့်များကိုပင် မရရှိသည့် အခြေအနေနှင့် ကြုံတွေ့နေရကြောင်း၊ ထိုသို့ပြုလုပ်နေခြင်းဟာ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက မြန်မာပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးအပေါ်သက်ရောက်စေသည့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်တစ်ခုလုံးအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု ကို နောက်ထပ်ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကူညီ လုပ်ဆောင်နေသော အဖွဲ့များအပေါ် နှောက်ယှက်ဟန့်တားနေမှုတွေကု ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်ပြီး ပြည်သူတွေဆီ ကျန်းမာရေးအကူအညီတွေ ရောက်ရှိစေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန် သတိပေးကြောင်းတို့ ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
၉။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက လျှပ်စစ်နဲ့စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန လက်အောက်ရှိ ဌာနခွဲအသီးသီးက CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုမှာ ပါဝင်တဲ့ ဝန်ထမ်းတွေကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်း၊ ပြန်ဆပ်ရန် မလိုသည့် ၂ လစာချေးငွေများကို ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ခိုင်းခြင်း စတဲ့လုပ်ရပ်တွေကို ကျူးလွန်နေတဲ့ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံဝန်ထမ်းအကြီးအမှူး ၉ ဦးကို အမိန့်ကြေငြာစာအမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)၁၁ ကိုထုတ်ပြန်၍ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်လိုက်ကြောင်း ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၄ ရက် ဒီကနေ့ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), COVID-19 (Coronavirus), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters
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1.48 MB
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၇/၂၀၂၁)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
Size:
244.35 KB
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG)
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Sub-title:
The National Unity Government’s plan to end discrimination against the Rohingya and replace the 1982 Citizenship Law could face opposition from among its own supporters – if the parallel government gets the chance to implement it.
Description:
"In early June, the National Unity Government, a parallel administration set up by lawmakers elected last November, issued a new policy on the Rohingya promising to end human rights abuses against them and grant them citizenship.
Discrimination and violence against the largely stateless Muslim minority have been a source of controversy within Myanmar and abroad for decades, and the NUG’s position is already proving divisive.
The United Nations welcomed the change in policy, as have Rohingya leaders. However, some also question whether the NUG can even implement what it has proposed when it is still struggling to be recognised and function as Myanmar’s government.
Due to the military coup, many people who in the past have stridently opposed recognising the Rohingya have remained quiet about the policy. Although some NUG supporters welcomed the new stance, most still seem unwilling to accept extending citizenship rights. Meanwhile, locals in Rakhine State were said to be unhappy they had not been consulted and questioned the NUG’s authority for issuing the policy.....Cautious support for the new policy: Many countries, including the United States, condemned the military coup on February 1 and expressed support for anti-coup protestors and the NUG. Despite this support, NUG representatives engaging with the international community and seeking support have faced tough questions about its position on the Rohingya.
At a May 4 hearing held by the United States House of Representatives’ Foreign Affairs Committee, Myanmar’s permanent representative to the United Nations, U Kyaw Moe Tun, was questioned about the lack of Rohingya representation within the NUG and its position on granting citizenship. Representative Ted Lieu of California sent a clear message: “I cannot support the NUG and will oppose efforts for the United States to support your National Unity Government until you commit to having at least a representative of the Rohingya people and you commit to stopping the genocide.”
On June 3, the NUG released its new policy, which commits to ending human rights abuses against the Rohingya and promises to grant them equal citizenship rights. In just one of the many striking departures from National League for Democracy policy, the statement used the term “Rohingya”. The NLD government had usually called them “Muslims living in Rakhine”, but after Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacks on police and military posts in August 2017 it even referred sometimes to “extremist Bengali terrorists”.
The policy says the Rohingya should have the right to citizenship and should enjoy the same rights as other citizens in accordance with human rights law and in line with the principles of federal democracy. The NUG also promised that once a new constitution is drafted it would repeal laws used to repress the Rohingya, including the 1982 Citizenship Law, which discriminates against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups deemed non-indigenous. It also said it would abolish the National Verification Card process – the current pathway to citizenship for the Rohingya, but one that they have largely rejected. “This new Citizenship Act must base citizenship on birth in Myanmar or birth anywhere as a child of Myanmar citizens,” the policy states..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-07-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), National Unity Government (NUG), Statelessness in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-14
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-14
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက
လျှပ်စစ်နဲ့စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန လက်အောက်ရှိ ဌာနခွဲအသီးသီးက CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုမှာ ပါဝင်တဲ့ ဝန်ထမ်းတွေကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်း၊ ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုသည့် ၂ လစာချေးငွေများကို ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ခိုင်းခြင်း စတဲ့လုပ်ရပ်တွေကို ကျူးလွန်နေတဲ့ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံဝန်ထမ်းအကြီးအမှူး ၉ ဦးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်လိုက်ကြောင်း ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၄ ရက် ဒီကနေ့ရက်စွဲနဲ့ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-14
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"Statement on COVID-19 response: We are deeply concerned that there have been many weaknesses in the way the military
regime is handling the fresh wave of COVID-19 pandemic in Myanmar and by the resultant health
crisis Myanmar people are facing.
Far from enjoying their right to health, Myanmar people who are now going through the
third wave of the pandemic, are seeing their health entitlements being denied by the regime.
The Right to Health is normally measured by five elements as follows:
Non-discrimination: health facilities, goods and services must be accessible to all, without
discrimination on any of the prohibited grounds. However, currently in Myanmar, military
personnel and their families are enjoying privileges over ordinary citizens who need urgent
protection. Instead of a systematic COVID-19 vaccination program by determining priority
population groups, those from the military circle are being prioritized. And the military is keeping
healthcare facilities including COVID-19 care centers and oxygen plants for itself, violating the
fundamental right of every human being to equally enjoy healthcare.
Availability: there must be sufficient quantity of functioning public health and health care
facilities, goods and services for all. Due to weaknesses in preparation, people especially the
grassroots are finding it extremely difficult to have access to basic requirements like facial masks
and oxygen. What’s worse, the military regime is intentionally restricting the people’s access to
necessary healthcare products and using those products for themselves, seriously affecting their
availability.
Accessibility: Health facilities, goods and services have to be accessible to everyone. The
military regime is however controlling the import of healthcare products needed to prevent
coronavirus, restricting the accessibility of health services.
Acceptability: all health programs must be based on the people and serve the people.
Confiscation of oxygen and other relief supplies provided by donors and disruption of their
assistance breaches acceptability.
Quality: health care services must be of good quality. As a result of inadequate preparation,
COVID-19 centers run by the regime are ill-equipped and have failed to provide reliable
information. The quality of healthcare services delivered by the regime is obviously concerning.
Those acts show the regime’s lack of political will and its intent to take political advantage
of the COVID-19 third wave to weaken the nationwide anti-regime movement. The regime is
deliberately creating panic among the people by refusing them necessary healthcare services, in
what appears to be retaliation against public opposition to it. Such acts only deepen public health
crisis and are blatant violations of the right to health. It is the regime’s another crime against
humanity affecting entire Myanmar people.
We sternly warn the regime to immediately stop disrupting the organizations providing
healthcare assistance, and keep aid channels open so that medical aid reaches the regions and people
in need..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"National Unity Government: Ministry of Human Rights Statement on Covid-19 Response - ကိုဗစ်တတိယလှိုင်းတုန့်ပြန်လုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Severe admonishment of the terrorist military council for the deaths of inmates
in prisons as a result of contracting COVID-19 disease.
At this moment in time, alarming death rates are being observed in Myanmar due to
COVID-19 disease. It has come to our attention that the terrorist military council has shown no
empathy towards its own citizenry and is using the COVID-19 pandemic as part of its
armament in preserving its illegal hold on power. There is also abundant evidence that they
are using all sorts of means and methods to deter the public, as part of their human rights,
from being able to seek medical assistance.
It is also noted, nowadays, that the general public has been put into a situation with
nowhere to run or hide with so much angst and dread every day.
To make matters worse, reliable sources from news agencies inform us that the
infectivity rate and deaths from COVID-19 disease in inmates in most prisons are so
menacingly high that it is of a major concern.
This is intentional on the military council’s part so that the political prisoners who had
been arbitrarily detained would die from COVID-19 disease. To prevent these unnecessary
deaths, we demand that all political prisoners be released unconditionally in order that they
can be given medical assistance without delay.
If the military council does not comply with our demand, we hereby give the terrorist
military council a stern warning that they will have to suffer the consequences from their
inhumane acts if any of the inmates were to come to harm and that according to the wishes of
the people they will be pursued in the law courts and legal justice sought
By Order
Dr Zaw Wai Soe
Secretary
National Commission for Prevention, Control and Management of Coronavirus Disease
National Unity Government
Republic of the Union of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-13
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"အမျိုးသားအဆင့် COVID-19 ကာကွယ်၊ ထိန်းချုပ်၊ ကုသရေး ကော်မရှင်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ( ၁/၂၀၂၁)
နေ့စွဲ။ ။ ၁၃ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၁
အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် COVID-19 ရောဂါ ကူးစက်ပြန့်ပွားသေဆုံးမှုများ ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည့်ကိစ္စနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား
ပြင်းထန်စွာသတိပေးခြင်း
ယခုလက်ရှိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် COVID-19 ရောဂါ ဖြစ်ပွား၊ သေဆုံးမှုများ ကြောက်ခမန်းလိလိ ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုမရှိဘဲ မိမိအာဏာတည်မြဲရေး ကိုသာရှေးရှု၍ ပြည်သူလူထုအားဖိနှိပ်ရာတွင် COVID-19 ရောဂါကို လက်နက်သဖွယ် အသုံးချလျက်ရှိသည်ကို တွေ့မြင်နေရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးတစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သော လူတိုင်း လွတ်လပ်စွာ ဆေးကုသ ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးလျက်ရှိနေသည်ကို သက်သေသာဓက အမြောက်အမြားနှင့်တကွ တွေ့ရှိနေရသည်။
ယခုအချိန်အခါတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုသည် “ပြေးစရာ မြေမရှိ” ဆိုသကဲ့သို့ စိတ်ဓာတ် လုံခြုံမှု မရှိဘဲ နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ စိတ်ရောကိုယ်ပါ ပင်ပန်းဆင်းရဲကြီးစွာ ခံစားနေရသည်ကိုလည်း ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။
ပို၍ ဆိုးသည်မှာ အကျဉ်းထောင်များထဲတွင် COVID-19 ရောဂါ ဖြစ်ပွား၊ ကူးစက်၊ သေဆုံးမှုနှုန်းများ စိုးရမ်ဖွယ်ရာကောင်းလောက်အောင် မြင့်တက်နေသည်ကို ခိုင်လုံသော သတင်းရင်းမြစ်များမှတစ်ဆင့် သိရှိရပါသည်။
အထူးသဖြင့် မတရား ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်းခံထားရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို COVID-19 ရောဂါ ကူးစက်ပြီး ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးစေရန် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိသည့်အတွက် နိုင်ငံအကျဉ်းသားများအနေဖြင့် COVID-19 ရောဂါကူးစက်မှုကြောင့် ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးမှုများ မဖြစ်ပွားစေရန်နှင့် လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုများ ခံယူရရှိနိုင်စေရန်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအားလုံးကို ချွင်းချက်မရှိ ချက်ချင်း လွှတ်ပေးရန် သတိပေးလိုက်သည်။
သို့တည်းမဟုတ်ပါက ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသော အကျိုးဆက်များအားလုံးကို အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက တာဝန်ယူရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး လူမဆန်သောအဆိုပါလုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒအရ တရားဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။
အမိန့်အရ
ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုး
အတွင်းရေးမှူး
အမျိုးသားအဆင့် COVID-19 ကာကွယ်၊ ထိန်းချုပ်၊ ကုသရေး ကော်မရှင်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-13
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"ပြည်သူမှ အပ်နှင်းသည့် အခွင့်အာဏာနှင့် ပြည်သူကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တစ်ခုတည်းသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရ ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ပါရီသဘောတူညီချက်၏ ရည်မှန်းချက်ဖြစ်သည့် ကမ္ဘာ့အပူချိန်ကို စက်မှုထွန်းကားကာလမတိုင်မီ အပူချိန်နှင့် နှိုင်းယှဉ်ပါက ၁.၅ ဒီဂရီစင်တီဂရိတ်အောက် ထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် “အမျိုးသားအဆင့် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှု လျှော့ချရေးနှင့် လိုက်လျောညီထွေ ရှိစေရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းအစီအစဉ် (Nationally Determined Contributions-NDC)” အစီရင်ခံစာကို ဂုဏ်ယူဝမ်းမြောက်စွာဖြင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုဆိုင်ရာ ကွန်ဗင်ရှင်း(UNFCCC)၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူးရုံးသို့ (၁၂-၇-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် အစီရင်ခံစာအပြည့်အစုံနှင့် အစီရင်ခံစာအနှစ်ချုပ်တို့ကို နိုင်ငံတော် ယာယီသမ္မတနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးတို့၏ အမှာစကားများနှင့်အတူ ပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါသည်။
အဆိုပါ NDC အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုလျော့ချရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအနေဖြင့် ဖန်လုံအိမ်ဓါတ်ငွေ့လျော့ချမည့် လုပ်ငန်းများကို စွမ်းအင်၊ စိုက်ပျိုးရေး၊ သစ်တောနှင့် အခြားမြေအသုံးချမှုကဏ္ဍများတွင် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှု လိုက်လျောညီထွေရှိစေရေး လုပ်ငန်းများကို ၂၀၁၉ ခုနှစ်တွင် အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုဆိုင်ရာ မဟာဗျူဟာနှင့် ပင်မလုပ်ငန်းအစီအစဉ်ပါ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ခြင်းဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
NDC အစီရင်ခံစာပါ ဖန်လုံအိမ်ဓါတ်ငွေ့ လျှော့ချရေးလုပ်ငန်းများကို မိမိနိုင်ငံအစီအစဉ်ဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ပါက ၂၀၃၀ ပြည့်နှစ်တွင် ကာဗွန်ဒိုင်အောက်ဆိုဒ်တန်ချိန် ၂၂၄ သန်း လျှော့ချသွားနိုင်မည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အကယ်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာမှ ရန်ပုံငွေနှင့် နည်းပညာအထောက်အပံ့ ရရှိပါက ၂၀၃၀ ပြည့်နှစ်တွင် ကာဗွန်ဒိုင်အောက်ဆိုဒ် ပမာဏ တန်ချိန်ပေါင်း ၄၁၃ သန်း လျော့ချနိုင်မည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ကမ္ဘာ့အပူချိန်ကို ၁.၅ ဒီဂရီစင်တီဂရိတ်အောက် ကောင်းမွန်စွာ ထိန်းချုပ်မည့် ပါရီသဘောတူညီချက်၏ ရည်မှန်းချက် ပြည့်မီစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည့် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာ ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများသည် အကျိုးရှိထိရောက်စေမည်ဟု အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက မြဲမြံစွာ ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ မိမိတို့သည် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရင်း ပြည်သူများအတွက် ချမ်းသာသုခ ဆောင်ကြဉ်းပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် သာယာဝပြောသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို သာမက၊ ရေရှည်တည်တံ့၍ ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုဒဏ် ခံနိုင်စွမ်းရှိသည့် လူမှုစီးပွားဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုကိုပါ ပြန်လည်တည်ဆောက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
အစီရင်ခံစာအပြည့်အစုံနှင့် အကျဥ်းချုပ်အား ရယူလိုပါက - https://monrec.nugmyanmar.org/resources/
သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
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1.52 MB
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
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806.13 KB
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁) ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
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512.32 KB
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Sub-title:
Item 4: Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Description:
"Madam President, Mister Special Rapporteur,
FIDH and its member organizations ALTSEAN-Burma and Women Peace Network welcome this oral progress report.
We are troubled by ongoing reports of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, torture, and prosecutions of human rights defenders, National League for Democracy members, and junta critics and opponents. It is even more troubling that women and children have continued to be deliberately targeted by the junta’s security forces.
Last week’s release of more than 2,000 prisoners charged under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code is welcome, but they shouldn’t have been detained in the first place. This cynical tactic to avoid criticism ahead of high-profile international meetings like this one does not negate the fact that scores of people have been charged with the capital offence of treason and 65 have been already sentenced to death. Several thousands more political prisoners remain behind bars and must be immediately released.
We welcome the National Unity Government’s public commitment to uphold human rights and establish accountability for abuses, including those committed against Rohingya and other ethnic groups. In light of this, we urge the NUG (National Unity Government) to review the recommendations made by UN member states during the Universal Periodic Review of Myanmar in January 2021 and to submit its response to these recommendations ahead of the next Human Rights Council’s session.
Thank you..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်
ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
ရက်စွဲ။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်(၉) ရက်
၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန်အတွက် Chinland Defense Force ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ (၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မိမိတို့ဒေသ အနေဖြင့် မိမိကိုယ်ကိုခုခံ ကာကွယ်ခြင်းကို ဧပြီလကတည်းက စတင်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ ကလေး-ကဘော်-ဂန့်ဂေါဒေသအတွင်းရှိ တော်လှန်ရေးရဲဘော်ရဲဘက်များနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ပြီးနောက် Chinland Defense Force—Kalay Kabaw Gangaw (CDF-KKG) ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ(၁)ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည်။
၃။ CDF-KKG သည် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဖျက်သိမ်းရေး၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို ပြည်သူ့ လက်ဝယ်ပြန်လည်ထားရှိရေး၊ အရပ်သားအုပ်ချုပ်ကွပ်ကဲမှု(Civilian Supremacy) ဖော်ဆောင်ရေး၊ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်နှင့် အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေး အာမခံချက်ရှိသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင် စုနိုင်ငံတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားပါမည်။
၄။ CDF-KKG သည် ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) ၏ လမ်းညွှန်မှုကို ခံယူ၍ ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ် မတော် (CNA)၏ ကြီးကြပ်ကွပ်ကဲမှုအောက်တွင် ဒေသအသီးသီးရှိ CDF တပ်ဖွဲ့များနှင့်အတူ တိုက်ပွဲ ဝင်မည်။
၅။ CDF-KKG သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) မှဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်သည့် ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော် (PDF) နှင့် ပူးတွဲ၍ ခုခံကာကွယ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်သွားမည်။
ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အောင်ရမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Chinland Defense Force - Kalay Kabaw Gangaw
Date of publication:
2021-07-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Chin (Zo)- economic, social, cultural, political
Language:
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82.66 KB
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Description:
"''မှတ်တမ်းတင်ကျေးဇူးတင်လွှာ''
======================
ချစ်ခင်လေးစားရပါသော NUG Support Team မှ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး မိတ်ဆွေများနှင့် မြန်မာ့ဖက်ဒရယ်
ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးအတွက် အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေကြသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွား ညီအစ်ကို၊ မောင်နှမများခင်ဗျား...
မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်တွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် လုံးဝချုပ်ငြိမ်း ပျောက်ကွယ်စေရေးအတွက် အရေးပါသော လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အခွန်မဆောင်ရေးနှင့် NUG ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရ၏ လုပ်ငန်းဆောင် တာများ ပိုမိုထိရောက်အောင်မြင်စေရန် "ငါတို့ အစိုးရ ငါတို့ အခွန်ဆောင်ကြစို့" ကြွေးကြော်သံနှင့်အတူ စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ဆော်ရေးတွင် တဘက်တလမ်းမှ အင်းတိုက်အားတိုက် ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက် အားဖြည့်ပေးနေကြသော NUG Support Team မှ တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်ချင်းစီအား ကျေးဇူးအထူးတင်ရှိပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွှတ်ရေးအစိုးရ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာ ရေးနှင့်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့်လည်း NUG Support Team ၏ စည်းရုံးရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ၊ ရှေ့ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် လိုအပ်ချက်များနှင့် အကောင်အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် လိုအပ်သည်များကို ပံ့ပိုးကူညီသွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
NUG Support Team အနေဖြင့်လည်း "ငါတို့ အစိုးရ ငါတို့ အခွန်ဆောင်ကြစို့" လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်၏ အရေးပါမှုနှင့် အကျိုးကျေးဇူး ရလဒ်များကို အခွန်ထမ်းပြည်သူများထံသို့ တိကျရှင်းလင်းစွာ သတင်းစကားပါးရင်း ထိရောက်စွာ စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ ဆော်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဟု မျှော်လင့်ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
66.22 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ
လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ် ဝါဆိုလဆန်း ၂ ရက်
(၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၀ ရက်)
အကြောင်းအရာ။ ။ ရေနံနှင့် ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းများဆိုင်ရာ အခွန်အခများ လွတ်ငြိမ်းခွင့်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာခြင်း။
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်တော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန သည် ကိုဗစ် - ၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါ ကြောင့်လည်းကောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖိနှိပ် နှိပ်စက်မှုများကြောင့် လည်းကောင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုးလျော့ကျစေရေး နှင့် သယံဇာတမှရရှိသောရန်ပုံငွေကို ပြည်သူ အား နှိပ်စက်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့များထံ မရောက်ရှိစေရေးအတွက် အောက်ပါ အမိန့်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်သည်။
၂။ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏မူဝါဒများအနက် ဒုတိယဖြစ်သော ပြည်သူ့ ဝန်ဆောင်မှု လုပ်ငန်း များနှင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပ ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုများ မပြတ်တောက်စေရေး နှင့်အညီ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ခရီးသွား လာရေး၊ ကုန်ဈေးနှုန်း မတိုးမြင့်စေရေးတို့အတွက် လောင်စာဆီ ဈေးနှုန်းများအား ထိန်းသိမ်းနိုင်စေရန် ရေနံနှင့် ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်း ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၈ ပါ အောက်ပါ အခွန်အခများအား နောက်ထပ် ညွှန်ကြားချက် တစုံတရာ မရရှိမီ အထိ ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၄၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (ခ) အရ လွတ်ငြိမ်းခွင့် ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်-
(က) နှစ်စဉ်ကြေး
(ခ) သက်တမ်းတိုးကြေး
(ဂ) ရက်လွန်ဒဏ်ကြေး
(ဃ) ပိုင်ရှင်လွှဲပြောင်းကြေး
(င) အမည်ပြောင်းလဲကြေး
(စ) သိုလှောင်နိုင်သည့်ပမာဏပြင်ဆင်ပြောင်းလဲကြေး
(ဆ) ပျက်စီး/ ပျောက်ဆုံးမိတ္တူမှန်ကြေး
၃။ ရေနံနှင့်ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းဥပဒေသည် ပြည်သူလူထုကရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်သောအစိုးရ နှင့် လွှတ်တော်က ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ဥပဒေအမှတ် ၂၀ ဖြင့် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ကိုင်စွဲသုံးစွဲခွင့်မရှိဘဲ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် က သဘောတူတင်မြှောက်ခဲ့သော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက သာ ကိုးကားဆုံးဖြတ်ခွင့်ရှိပါသည်။ ယခု အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအား ကျော်လွန်လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ လုပ်ဆောင် ခြင်း များ အား အစိုးရ၏သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနများက အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် သတင်းပို့ညှိနှိုင်းသွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
(စိုးသူရထွန်း)
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
78.89 KB
more
Description:
"ကြေညာချက် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
ဇူလိုင်လ ၉ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
================
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ ပုဂ္ဂလိကပိုင်ပြုလုပ်ရေးကော်မရှင်က နိုင်ငံပိုင် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦနှင့် မြေကွက် (၂၃)ခုကို အိပ်ဖွင့်တင်ဒါစနစ်ဖြင့် ရောင်းချရန် စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းသည် တရားဝင်မှု မရှိသော ကြောင့် ဝယ်ယူခြင်း မပြုကြရန်နှင့် ဝယ်ယူထားသည့် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦ နှင့်မြေကွက်များအား နိုင်ငံပိုင်အဖြစ် ပြန်လည်သိမ်းယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးတားမြစ်ခြင်း။
----------------------------
ရည်ညွှန်းချက် ။ ။၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ဝေသည့် ကြေးမုံသတင်းစာပါ { နိုင်ငံပိုင် မြေနှင့် အဆောက်အဦနှင့် မြေကွက်များအား ရောင်းချရန် အိပ်ဖွင့်တင်ဒါခေါ်ယူခြင်း} ။
------------------------------
၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုထံမှ အာဏာကို မတရားသောနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် အတင်းအဓမ္မ သိမ်းယူထားသော တရားမဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်သည့်အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် မည်သည့်ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံကမျှ တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ် ပြုထားခြင်းမရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းသာဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ ပုဂ္ဂလိကပိုင်ပြုလုပ်ရေးကော်မရှင်သည် ကချင်၊ စစ်ကိုင်း၊ တနင်္သာရီ၊ ပဲခူး၊ မွန်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တို့ရှိ နိုင်ငံပိုင် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦ နှင့်မြေကွက် စုစုပေါင်း (၂၃)ခုအား အိပ်ဖွင့်တင်ဒါစနစ်ဖြင့် ရောင်းချရန် စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။
၃။ နိုင်ငံပိုင် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦ နှင့်မြေကွက်များ၏ မူရင်းပိုင်ရှင်သည် နိုင်ငံတော်အတွင်း မှီတင်းနေထိုင်ကြသော နိုင်ငံသား ပြည်သူများသာဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအားကိုယ်စားပြုမှု အလျဉ်းမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ယင်း၏ လက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါ မြေနှင့်အဆောက် အဦ နှင့်မြေကွက်များအား စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့်၊ ရောင်းချပိုင်ခွင့် မရှိပါ။
၄။ သို့ပါ၍ နိုင်ငံပိုင် မြေနှင့်အဆောက်အဦ နှင့် မြေကွက်များအား ရောင်းချရန် အိပ်ဖွင့်တင်ဒါခေါ်ယူခြင်းသည် တရားဝင်မှု လုံး၀မရှိသော ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်သာဖြစ်၍ ဝယ်ယူခြင်း မပြုကြရန်နှင့် လက်ဝယ်ရယူထားသည့် မည်သူမဆိုထံမှ နိုင်ငံပိုင်အဖြစ် ပြန်လည်သိမ်းယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးတားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။
တင်ထွန်းနိုင်
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
257.57 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"1. The National Unity Government (NUG) has announced its position on international
humanitarian assistance in Myanmar so that international organizations can cooperate with the
NUG and its Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and develop more
2. The NUG Ministry of Human Rights has released information regarding the state of press
freedom since the coup. Based on the data up to 3 July 2021, 39 journalists have been detained; 6
imprisoned; 3 injured. The junta released 49 journalists but issued arrest warrants for 26
journalists. It has also revoked the licenses of eight media companies.
3. The NUG Commission for Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response held its first
coordination meeting and discussed sector-wise matters and efficient and quick delivery of
assistance for the people who are suffering under the dictatorship and from the COVID-19
pandemic.
4. The NUG ministers held a joint meeting with Japanese parliamentarians on 6 July 2021. They
discussed matters related to urgent humanitarian assistance to Myanmar and IDPs who fled the
violence and terror of the military junta. They also agreed to urge the Japanese government to
recognize the NUG and continue its support for the success of just efforts in Myanmar that will
enable the people to enjoy the democracy they deserved.
5. The National Unity Government has offered a public tribute2 to the events marking the 59th
anniversary of the Seventh July Incident, honoring students, young people and revolutionaries
who have sacrificed their lives for truth, justice, and liberty in the history of the country. The
NUG said that their love of truth and courage to resist injustice stay alive today despite lives and
properties being destroyed and oppressed by force for three generations over 60 years under
effective ways for humanitarian aid.
successive military dictators. Such love of truth and courage continue to inspire the present antidictatorship
movement.
The NUG is confident that the dream of young people - for a democratic and federal union where
they can enjoy justice and equality - will come true through the combination of the Union spirit
of all students and young people, the strength of the people, and the experience of all the leaders
of ethnic groups.
6. On 6 July 2021, Daw Zin Mar Aung, Foreign Minister of NUG, had a meeting with The Right
Honourable Nigel Adams, Minister for Asia at the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development
Office (FCDO). They discussed the current political situation in Myanmar, atrocities and the
terror campaign of the military junta, as well as worsening human rights violations and the
humanitarian condition in the country.
7. Throughout the whole of Myanmar the infectivity rate of COVID-19, in its third wave, has been
observed to be very high and a high mortality rate has also been detected, including in areas
under military council’s control, as they have not been able to provide preventive mitigation
measures nor treatment regimes.
The Ministry of Health, National Unity Government, has been giving public health information
daily via its social media pages, with directives on preventive and mitigation methods, on
isolation measures on exposure to suspected or positive cases, on signs and symptoms of
COVID-19 infection and management protocols.
To be able to effectively control this situation the National Commission for Corona Virus
Disease(COVID19) Prevention, Control and Management has been established today on 7th July
led by the acting President Duwa Lashi La, in collaboration with ministers from affiliated
ministries, health associations from ethnic communities, experts and professionals. This
commission will be responsible for and work towards acquiring vaccines, personal protective
equipment (PPE), equipment for testing, etc,. by liaising with neighbouring countries,
representatives from international aid associations and Ethnic Armed Organisations.
Whilst these efforts are being made, the general public are urged by Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, Union
Minister for Health, to help stop the spread of the virus and reduce the infectivity rate by
everyone adhering to the mitigation strategies such as regular hand washing, wearing of face
masks or facial coverings, social distancing, staying indoors when required. With the public
unity complying with these measures, Myanmar will be able to overcome this deadly pandemic..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-09
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
www.nugmyanmar.org
အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၇/၂၀၂၁)
၈ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်လျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ကာ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေး နည်းလမ်းများအားဖော်ထုတ် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးကို ဦးတည်လျက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု လုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သဘောထား ရပ်တည်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ ၁
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးတဲ့နောက်ပိုင်း သတင်းမီဒီယာအပေါ် ဖိနှိပ်မှုအခြေအနေ (၂၀၂၁ ဇူလိုင် ၃ နောက်ဆုံးရ အချက်အလက်) များကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ လက်ရှိတွင် သတင်းမီဒီယာသမားများထဲမှ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ (၃၉) ဦး၊ ထောင်ဒဏ်ကျခံနေရသူ(၆) ဦး၊ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူ (၃) ဦး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူ (၄၉) ဦး၊ လိုင်စင်အသိမ်းခံရသည့် မီဒီယာ (၈) ခု၊ ဖမ်းဝရမ်းအထုတ်ခံရသူ (၂၆) ဦး ရှိကြောင်း ဖော်ပြပါရှိပါသည်။
၃။ လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးကော်မရှင်၏ ပထမအကြိမ် ညှိနှိုင်း အစည်းအဝေးကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ပြီး သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မည့် ကိစ္စများ၊ လတ်တလော အာဏာရှင်ဘေးနှင့် ကိုဗစ်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသော ပြည်သူများအား ထိရောက်သော အကူအညီများ လျင်မြန်စွာ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီနိုင်ရေး ကိစ္စများကို ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြပြီး လုပ်ငန်းအစီအစဉ်များချမှတ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။
၄။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၆)ရက်နေ့တွင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG)၏ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီးများနှင့် ဂျပန်လွှတ်တော် အမတ်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်နေသော လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ ထိရောက်စွာရရှိရေး၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကြောင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာရသော ဒုက္ခသည်များအား ကူညီနိုင်ရေး၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် ဂျပန်နိုင်ငံ အစိုးရအား တိုက်တွန်းပေးရေးနှင့် တရားသော ကြိုးပမ်းမှုအောင်မြင်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသားများနှင့် ထိုက်တန်သော ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ် ပြန်လည် ကျင့်သုံးနိုင်ရေး တို့ကို ဂျပန်နိုင်ငံက တတ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဆက်လက်အားပေး ထောက်ခံပေးရန် အတွက် အစည်းအဝေးပွဲတစ်ရပ် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။
၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက (၅၉) နှစ်မြောက် ၇ ဇူလိုင် အခမ်းအနားများသို့ သဝဏ်လွှာတစ်စောင်၂ ပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီး အမှန်တရားနှင့် တရားမျှတ လွတ်လပ်ခြင်းအတွက် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ဘဝနှင့်အသက်ကိုပေးဆပ်ကာ လက်ဆင့်ကမ်း တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် တော်လှန်ရေးရဲဘော်အပေါင်းအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက လေးစားစွာ ဦးညွှတ်ဂုဏ်ပြုပါကြောင်း၊ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်၏ နှစ်ပေါင်း ၆၀၊ မျိုးဆက် ၃ ခု ကြာမျှ လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဖိနှိပ်အနိုင်ကျင့်ကာ ဘဝနှင့် အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်များကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသော်လည်း အတိတ်သမိုင်းမှ ကျောင်းသား လူငယ်များ၏ အမှန်တရားကို ချစ်မြတ်နိုးသည့်စိတ်ဓါတ်၊ မတရားမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန် ရဲသည့် သတ္တိတို့သည် ယနေ့တိုင် ဆက်လက်ရှင်သန်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး ယခုလက်ရှိ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုများကိုလည်း လက်ဆင့်ကမ်း ဆက်လက်စေ့ဆော်ပေးလျက်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် လူငယ်များ၏ တရားမျှတသော၊ တန်းတူညီမျှသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု စိတ်ကူးအိပ်မက်အား ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် အားလုံး၏ သမဂ္ဂစိတ်ဓါတ်၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏အင်အား၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်အားလုံး၏ အတွေ့အကြုံနှင့် ပေါင်းစပ်ကာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်သွားနိုင်မည်ဟု မုချယုံကြည်ကြောင်းတို့ပါဝင်သည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွှတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်သည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ (၆) ရက်နေ့က ဗြိတိန် အစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၊ ဓနသဟာရ နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး ဝန်ကြီး Mr. Nigel Adams နှင့် မြန်မာပြည် အတွင်းလက်ရှိ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံရေး အခြေအနေများ၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ နှင့် ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာမှု အခြေအနေများနှင့် ပက်သက်၍ တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။
၇။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့တွင် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါ တတိယလှိုင်းကူးစက်ပြန့်ပွါးမှုနှုန်းသည် အလွန်မြင့်မားလျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီထိမ်းချုပ်နယ်မြေများတွင် ထိရောက်သော ကာကွယ်မှု၊ကုသမှုမပေးနိုင်၍ သေနှုန်းမြင့်မားလျက် ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွှတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာများမှ လူတိုင်း မိမိကိုယ်ကို ထိရောက်စွာ ကာကွယ်နိုင်မည့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်၊ ရောဂါရှိသူနှင့် ထိစပ်သူ (သို့) သံသယလူနာများ မိမိ အိမ်တွင် သီးခြားခွဲနေလျှင် လိုက်နာရမည့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်များ၊ ရောဂါဖြစ်လာလျှင် စောင့်ကြည့်နေရမည့် ရောဂါလက္ခဏာ များနှင့် ရောဂါပြင်းထန်မှုပေါ်မူတည်ပြီး လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်များကို နေ့စဉ်မျှဝေပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ဤအခြေအနေကို ပိုမိုထိရောက်စွာ ထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်လျက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၇ ရက်နေ့တွှင် Corona Virus Disease 2019(COVID-19) ကာကွယ်၊ ထိန်းချုပ်၊ ကုသရေး အမျိုးသားအဆင့် ကော်မရှင်ကို ယာယီသမ္မတ
ဒူဝါ လရှီးလက ဦးဆောင်ကာ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဝန်ကြီးများ၊ ဒေသ အသီးသီးမှ တိုင်းရင်းသား ကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ နှင့်ပညာရှင်များ နှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပါသည်။ ဤကော်မရှင်သည် ပြည်သူလူထု လိုအပ်နေသော ကိုဗစ်ကာကွယ်ဆေး၊ အကာအကွယ် ပစ္စည်းများ၊ စစ်ဆေးရန် လိုအပ်သော ဓါတ်ခွဲခန်းသုံး ပစ္စည်းများရရှိနိုင်ရန် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာမှ မိတ်ဘက်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အရှိန်အဟုန်မြှင့် လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဟု အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့သို့ ကြိုးစားလုပ်ဆောင်နေချိန်တွင် ဤရောဂါပိုးပြန့်ပွားမှုကျဆင်းပြီး အမြန်ဆုံး ထိမ်းချုပ်နိုင်စေရန် ပြည်သူတစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်ချင်းစီမှ ပါဝင်ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုးမှ တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်ပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များဖြစ်သော လက်မှန်မှန် ဆေးခြင်း၊ ပါးစပ်နှာခေါင်းစည်း(Mask) တပ်ဆင်ခြင်း၊ ခပ်ခွါခွါနေခြင်း၊ အိမ်ထဲမှာနေခြင်းတို့ကို သတိအထူးဖြင့် လုပ်ဆောင်ပါက ဤရောဂါကပ်ဘေးဆိုးကို အတူတကွအောင်အောင်မြင်မြင်နှင့် ကျော်ဖြတ်နိုင်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-09
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1017.41 KB
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံးက အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ်(၁/၂၀၂၁) ကိုထုတ်ပြန်ပြီး Corona Virus Disease 2019(COVID 19) ကာကွယ်၊ ထိန်းချုပ်၊ ကုသရေး အမျိုးသားအဆင့်ကော်မရှင်ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည်..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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766.21 KB
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"ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ၊( အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေး ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာကုလသမဂ္ဂအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဟောင်း)သည် လွန်ခဲ့သော အပတ် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ၊ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြင်သစ်အထက် လွှတ်တော်၏ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးရာ ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့်လက်နက်ကိုင်အင်အားစုများ ကော်မတီထံသို့ မိန့်ခွန်း ပြောကြားခဲ့ရာ မိန့်ခွန်းတွင်ပါဝင်သည့် အကြောင်းအရာအပြည့်အစုံကို အများပြည်သူ နားလည်သဘော ပေါက်နိုင်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ပြီး အင်္ဂလိပ်ဘာသာမှ မြန်မာဘာသာသို့ အတတ်နိုင်ဆုံး ဘာသာပြန် ဆိုထားပါသည်။
ဤမိန့်ခွန်းသည် ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာမှ ပြင်သစ်လွှတ်တော်အမတ်များထံသို့ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်မြောက် မိန့်ခွန်းပြောကြားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
ပြင်သစ်အထက်လွှတ်တော်အမတ်ပေါင်း (၁၅၀)ကျော်မှ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် ပြင်သစ်အစိုးရမှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ကြပြီး လက်ရှိတွင် ဆက်လက်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သည့်အပေါ် ဆုတောင်းကူညီပေးကြပါရန် အလေးအနက်မေတ္တာရပ်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။
အားလုံးကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Today, the 7th of July marked the 59th anniversary of the massacre of the national student
heroes who were brutally murdered by the cruel military junta led by murderer Ne Win.
This is a day of mourning for the whole nation. We salute and will always remember the
fallen heroes who sacrificed their lives for the cause of freedom from the brutal military
junta. They died to bring peace and a federal democracy that, in the end, will prevail. The
people of Myanmar have made it repeatedly clear that they will no longer tolerate military
coups and cruel military dictatorships in Myanmar by sacrificing their lives, again and
again at the hands of these cruel military dictators. Fifty nine long years of sacrificing the
lives of the brave people of Myanmar have been too painful and too long for the people to
tolerate any longer. From Ne Win to Min Aung Hlaing, the movement of peaceful protest
against military rule has cost the lives of thousands of brave Myanmar people. These
oppressive military regimes bring nothing but death and destruction to the people and
country of Myanmar. Now today, once again, in this the 21st century, Min Aung Hlaing and
his brutal military junta forces have murdered nearly 1,000 brave people of Myanmar who
have once again sacrificed their precious lives for the cause of freedom and federal
democracy. Over 6000 of our brave heroes have been illegally arrested and detained in
military run concentration camps, and more than 2000 are evading illegal arrest warrants.
1.2 million Myanmar people have fled for their lives, and 6.4 million Myanmar people will
be without food by the end October this year. Over 27 million Myanmar people will be
living in extreme poverty within a year, compounded with the rapid resurgence of
Covid-19. Under the failed military coup and regime, the economy is collapsing along with
our health care, banks, education system and basic services. All this is truly the product of
this genocidal military junta headed by Min Aung Hlaing. Our fallen heroes have made it
crystal clear with their lives that we the people of Myanmar have no future with dictators,
be it Ne Win, Than Shwe, Min Aung Hlaing or any other murderer. Therefore, no matter
how long it takes, no matter how hard it becomes, we will never give up, and we will never
surrender until these genocidal military dictators are defeated and eradicated once and for
all from the precious soil of Myanmar. When we achieve a free and inclusive federal
democratic union - the new future for all the people of Myanmar - the names of these
national heroes will be lauded and respected by the nation and all generations to come.
These national heroes have given their lives for the future of Myanmar where a place will
be found for ALL regardless of race, religion, culture, ethnicity or background. The
sacrifices they have made for us are not in vain, and today we are marching closer and
closer to freedom and a federal democracy where lasting peace, prosperity and stability
awaits us. Together, we are winning against the darkness, and the dawn of light will soon
break upon the blood stained soil of the Golden Land. The dark blot of military control
over the history of Myanmar will be forever replaced by the light of freedom, peace, self
determination and democracy. Equality, respect, stability, equality intelligence and
prosperity will take the place of smoking guns and the orders of murderous fools.
May God bless the united people of Myanmar!
Sincerely,
- H.E. Dr. Sasa -..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
www.nugmyanmar.org
၇ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
(၅၉) နှစ်မြောက် ဆဲဗင်း ဇူလိုင် အခမ်းအနားများသို့ ပေးပို့သော သဝဏ်လွှာ
၁။ ယနေ့ ဇူလိုင်လ ၇ ရက်နေ့သည် ဗမာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် အပါအဝင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို တပ်ဦးမှ တော်လှန်ခဲ့သော ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် သူရဲကောင်းတို့၏ ၇.၇.၁၉၆၂ တွင် သွေးမြေခခဲ့ရသည့် အောက်မေ့ဖွယ်အထိမ်းအမှတ်၊ (၅၉) နှစ်မြောက် အခါသမယ ဖြစ်သည်။ အမှန်တရားနှင့် တရားမျှတ လွတ်လပ်ခြင်းအတွက် ထိုကဲ့သို့ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ဘဝနှင့်အသက်ကိုပေးဆပ်ကာ လက်ဆင့်ကမ်း တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် တော်လှန်ရေးရဲဘော်အပေါင်းအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက လေးစားစွာ ဦးညွှတ်ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ အနယ်နယ်အရပ်ရပ်မှ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံပါဝင်သော လူငယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများသည် ကိုလိုနီစနစ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ရာတွင် ရှေ့တန်းမှ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ မြန်မာ့လွတ်လပ်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ထောင်ရာတွင် အဓိကအခန်းကဏ္ဍက ပါဝင်ခဲ့သည့် ခေါင်းဆောင် များစွာကိုလည်း မွေးထုတ်ပေးခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ သမိုင်းအဆက်ဆက် မတရားမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရာတွင် အစဉ်အလာရှိခဲ့သည့်အတိုင်း ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၂ ရက်နေ့၌ ဗိုလ်ချုပ်နေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သည့် တော်လှန်ရေးကောင်စီက အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ၂ ရက်အကြာ မတ်လ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများက ကန့်ကွက် ကြောင်း ပူးတွဲကြေညာချက် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အမှန်တရားနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုဘက်မှ ခိုင်မာစွာ ရပ်တည်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များကို စစ်အာဏာရှင် တော်လှန်ရေးကောင်စီက ဇူလိုင် ၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ရာ အပြစ်မဲ့သည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် ရာနှင့်ချီ၍ ကျဆုံးခဲ့သည်။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ကျောင်းသား နိုင်ငံရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၏ အထိမ်းအမှတ်သင်္ကေတဖြစ်သည့် သမဂ္ဂအဆောက်အဦကိုပါ ဗုံးခွဲဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့သည်။
၃။ အလားတူ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင်လည်း ပြည်သူ့အာဏာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အဓမ္မသိမ်းယူခဲ့ပြန်သည်။ ထိုအာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ရက်ပိုင်းအတွင်း ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များက စတင်ကာ နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ ပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးက ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဆန့်ကျင်ဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ် မှ ယခု ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်တိုင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်သည် ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာသော လက်နက်မဲ့၊ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများကို စစ်အင်အားသုံးကာ ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူပေါင်း သိန်းဂဏန်းချီ၍ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ သန်းနှင့်ချီသော တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများ၏ ဘဝပေါင်းများစွာကို အတိဒုက္ခရောက်စေခြင်း၊ လူငယ်များ၏ မျှော်လင့်ချက်များနှင့် အနာဂတ်များကို စနစ်တကျဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။
၄။ ထိုသို့ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်၏ နှစ်ပေါင်း ၆၀၊ မျိုးဆက် ၃ ခု ကြာမျှ လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဖိနှိပ်အနိုင်ကျင့်ကာ ဘဝနှင့် အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်များကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသော်လည်း အတိတ်သမိုင်းမှ ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၏ အမှန်တရားကို ချစ်မြတ်နိုးသည့်စိတ်ဓါတ်၊ မတရားမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန် ရဲသည့် သတ္တိတို့သည် ယနေ့တိုင် ဆက်လက်ရှင်သန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုလက်ရှိ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုများကိုလည်း လက်ဆင့်ကမ်း ဆက်လက်စေ့ဆော်ပေးလျက်ရှိသည်။ လူငယ်များ၏ တရားမျှတသော၊ တန်းတူညီမျှသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု စိတ်ကူးအိပ်မက်အား ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် အားလုံး၏ သမဂ္ဂစိတ်ဓါတ်၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏အင်အား၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်အားလုံး၏ အတွေ့အကြုံနှင့် ပေါင်းစပ်ကာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်သွားနိုင်မည်ဟု မုချယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Military History, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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Format :
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Description:
"H.E. DR. SASA’S MESSAGE ON THE 59TH ANNIVERSARY OF 1962 MASSACRE OF PRO-FREEDOM, PRO- DEMOCRACY STUDENTS BY THE GENOCIDAL MILITARY JUNTA..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
466.89 KB
more
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ် နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီး ဌာန
နှင့်
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
ပူးတွဲကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၂/၂၀၂၁
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၆ရက်
၁။ အရပ်သားအစိုးရထံမှ မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းယူထားသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၎င်းတို့အာဏာသိမ်းသည့်နေ့မှစ၍ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအား မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်းတို့ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့ပြင် အပြစ်မဲ့ကလေးသူငယ်များကို ရက်ရက်စက်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းနှင့် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းကဲ့သို့သော ဆိုးရွားလှသည့်ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကိုလည်း ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၂။ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဖြစ်သည့် အသက်ရှင်သန်ခွင့်၊ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ခွင့်နှင့် ကာကွယ်မှုခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်များကို အချိန်တိုင်းနေရာတိုင်းတွင် ကလေးများအားလုံးရရှိခံစားနိုင်ရန်အတွက် လူတိုင်းတွင်တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ သို့သော် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ (၁၅)ရက်နေ့ မှ စတင် ၍ အသက် (၁၈) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ပေါင်း အနည်းဆုံး (၇၇) ဦးကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ တချို့ကလေးသူငယ်များသည် စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုနှင့် နှိပ်စက်မှုများကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ကြရသည်။ သေဆုံးခဲ့သည့်ကလေးသူငယ်များထဲတွင် အသက်အငယ်ဆုံးဖြစ်သည့် မန္တလေးမြို့မှ အသက် (၇) နှစ်အရွယ်ရှိ မခင်မျိုးချစ်သည် မိမိနေအိမ်တွင် ဖခင်၏ရင်ခွင်ထဲ ရှိနေစဉ်မှာပင် သေနတ်ဖြင့် ချိန်ရွယ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် မိုးကုတ်မြို့မှ အသက်(၅) နှစ်အရွယ်ရှိ မစုထက်ဝိုင်းသည် သူမ၏အဖေကို ဖမ်းဆီးမရသဖြင့် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ်ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည့် အငယ်ဆုံးကလေးဖြစ်ခဲ့သည်။ ပြန်လည် လွတ်မြောက်လာခဲ့သော်လဲ ဆိုးဝါးလှသည့် ထောင်တွင်းအတွေ့အကြုံများကို ရင်ဆိုင်ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရရှာသည်။
၃။ မိဘများကို မဖမ်းဆီးနိုင်သည့်အတွက် အပြစ်မဲ့ရင်သွေးငယ်ကလေးများကို ဓားစာခံဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းနှင့် မိဘနှင့်အတူ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်းများမှာ ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည်။ ဇွန်လ (၁၀) ရက်နေ့တွင် မိခင်ဖြစ်သူ
ဒေါက်တာထားထားလင်းနှင့်အတူ သားဖြစ်သူ အသက် (၇) နှစ်အရွယ်ရှိ မောင်အောင်သုခမိန်လင်းကို စစ်တပ်က ဖမ်းဆီးသွားခဲ့သည်။ ယခုအချိန်အထိ ယနေ့အထိ မည့်သည့်နေရာတွင် မည်သည့်အခြေအနေမျိုးဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးထားသည်ကို မသိရှိရသဖြင့် ကလေးငယ်၏ ရုပ်ပိုင်း၊ စိတ်ပိုင်းကျန်းမာရေးအတွက် မိမိတို့ အထူး စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မိပါသည်။
၄။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးစာချုပ်ကို ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၉၉၁ တွင် အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ထားသည့် စာချုပ်အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည်။ စာချုပ်ပါကလေးအခွင့်အရေးများကို လေးစား၊ ကာကွယ်၊ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးရန်တာဝန်ရှိသော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကာကွယ်ပေးရန်ပျက်ကွက်ယုံသာမက ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၅။ ကလေးသူငယ်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းသည် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေ (၂၀၁၉) ပါအခွင့်အရေးများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုဥပဒေတွင် အသက် (၁၀) နှစ်အောက်ကလေးများကျူးလွန်သည့်ပြစ်မှုများသည် ရာဇဝတ်မှုမမြောက်ဟုဆိုသည်။ ပိုမိုဆိုးဝါးသည့်အချက်မှာ ယခုဖမ်းဆီးခံနေရသည့်ကလေးငယ်များသည် ရာဇဝတ်မှုဆိုင်ရာပြစ်မှုများကို လုံးဝကျူးလွန်ခြင်းမရှိသောအပြစ်မဲ့ကလေးသူငယ်များဖြစ်နေခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နှစ်ထပ်ကွမ်းအခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရခြင်းဟု ဆိုနိုင်သည်။
၆။ အပြစ်မရှိသောကလေးများကိုချုပ်နှောင်ထားခြင်းသာမက ထိုကလေးများကို ချုပ်နှောင်စဉ်ကာလအတွင်း ရုပ်ပိုင်းစိတ်ပိုင်းထိခိုက်နာကျင်အောင် ဆက်ဆံခြင်းများရှိကြောင်း၊ အချို့ကလေးငယ်များကို အခြားချုပ်နှောင်ခံ ရသူများနည်းတူ အချုပ်ထဲတွင် ပုံစံထိုင်ခိုင်းခြင်းများ လုပ်ဆောင်ခိုင်းကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ထိုသို့လုပ်ဆောင်မှု များသည် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ်အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်းမြောက်သည်။ ထိုသို့လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေသာမက နိုင်ငံတကာ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးစာချုပ်ကို ချိုးဖောက် ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
၇။ ထို့ကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့်
- ကလေးသူငယ်များအား မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန်
- ဖမ်းဆီးခံကလေးသူငယ်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးပြန်လွှတ်ပေးရန်၊
- ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသောကလေးသူငယ်များအတွက် ရုပ်ပိုင်းစိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ပြန်လည်ကုစား ပေးရေးအစီအစဉ်များ ပံ့ပိုးပေးရန်တို့ကို လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးရမည်။
ထို့အပြင် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးသူများနှင့် စေခိုင်းသူများကို ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights and Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs National Unity Government
Date of publication:
2021-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Children
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"The recent pictures of the charred bodies of an elderly couple in their 80s in a village in central Myanmar have shocked the world. They were found by their family when they returned to their village of Kin Ma in Magway Region. Villagers had been chased out of their homes when fighting broke out nearby between the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) and local resistance fighters who are supporters of the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG).
The family of the elderly couple told local media they decided to leave their parents in the village because they were too frail to take with them. After three days hiding in the jungle, the villagers returned and were dismayed to find their entire village razed to the ground.
Eyewitnesses said the security forces ransacked the houses before setting them on fire. The blaze was so large it was recorded by NASA’s satellite fire-tracking system at 15:22 GMT (Greenwich Mean Time) on Tuesday June 15, according to Reuters. A total of 200 houses out of 240 in the village were burned down.
This shocking incident happened a few days after more than a dozen unidentified bodies were found in a village in Demoso Township in Kayah State in eastern Myanmar.
The corpses were found in Ngwe Taung when the villagers returned. They had fled in fear of their lives when intense fighting broke out between the army and the combined forces of the ethnic Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) and a newly organized militia, the People’s Defence Force (PDF).
The KNDF is a combined force of civilian fighters from the Karenni territories and other ethnic armed organizations.
Most of the corpses found were barely recognizable and some had been partially eaten by dogs, according to those who helped cremate the bodies. Some of the victims had their hands tied behind their backs and some had headshot wounds.
Kayah State has experienced violent clashes between the military and local militias, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides, especially for the Myanmar military. According to the KNDF, the Tatmadaw lost nearly 200 troops. The military retaliated by using helicopters and heavy artillery to strike the resistance forces in the Karenni area.
Myanmar is witnessing attacks on innocent civilians by the military on an unprecedented scale. They are not restricted to areas where the army and the militias clash, but are also occurring in towns and cities.
Attacks on individuals are escalating across the country. In recent weeks, local administrators appointed by the military have been killed by unidentified assailants. They were accused of passing on information to the authorities about local residents suspected of opposing military rule. According to local media, in the month of June alone, more than two dozen local administrators were either gunned down or stabbed by assailants.
The coup makers claim the violent attacks were spearheaded by members of the PDF, a citizens’ militia formed by young protesters collectively known as Gen Z.
On June 22, a lieutenant colonel and another military officer were killed when security forces raided the hideout of PDF members in Mandalay. This was the first time a senior officer had been killed in an armed clash between the two forces. The security forces responded with heavy weapons in a bid to capture the PDF members holed up in the building. State media claimed four militia members died and eight were captured. This figure was hotly disputed by the PDF, which claimed it lost two of their fighters with six being captured.
Following the arrests of the PDF members in Mandalay, the military confiscated a large cache of arms and ammunition on a truck bound for Mandalay in Thabeikkyin Township. The weapons seizure indicates that the PDF, who have received military training in areas controlled by ethnic non-state armies, are better armed than previously thought. This could be a sign that more deadly armed resistance from the militias is to be expected.
The NUG has endorsed the PDF, but does not command or control it. Such loosely formed, shadowy armed groups are emerging in several areas of the country and appear to be actively involved in clandestine attacks on local administrators suspected of being military informants, and related facilities across the country.
The most spectacular attack took place on June 18 when a parked military truck with soldiers on board was bombed in east central Yangon. The truck was parked in front of an office of the junta’s proxy political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party. State media have yet to report on the incident.
Myanmar Now reported that PDF fighters claimed these daring assaults on military facilities were only possible because of the support and help they got from army soldiers. Major Hein Thaw Oo, a Myanmar military officer who broke ranks and joined the anti-junta Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), insisted there were many people like him who would like to join the CDM if given the chance.
Some may argue that using the tactics of assassinations and bombings to achieve political ends will put militias at risk of engaging in terrorism, but to most citizens, resorting to violence is the only option left as the international community has failed to intervene to stop the atrocities committed by the regime. This notion is shared by the NUG.
However, the International Crisis Group in a June 28 report, “Taking Aim at the Tatmadaw: The New Armed Resistance to Myanmar’s Coup”, urged the NUG to strengthen its military code of conduct.
“The NUG, even if it does not have command and control of these groups, should continue strengthening its military code of conduct, ensure that this code is widely disseminated, carry on publicly signaling the priority it gives to the document and use its influence to press all resistance elements to adhere to the provisions,” the group said in the report.
The report also pointed out that the diverse nature of the militias and communication problems present significant challenges to putting in place a unified chain of command.
Confronting the new citizen militias in many different locations, especially in towns and cities, will be a major challenge for the Tatmadaw, even as it faces a renewed escalation of fighting with non-state armies along the border.
With the overwhelming support the militias are receiving from within the country and abroad, it is highly likely that they will become much stronger, better armed and more structured. Evidence shows that the resistance force members are ready to give their lives to bring down the military dictatorship..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-07-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
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"Dear respected members of the Parliament of the European Union, thank you so much
indeed for giving me this great opportunity to represent my people and country of Myanmar,
which have suffered too much for far too long under the hands of the failed coup leader Min
Aung Hlaing and his military junta regime’s reign of terror against the 54 million people of
Myanmar.
This is the darkest moment in our history. The people of Myanmar are facing the darkness
of the genocidal military junta. While the future of Myanmar is in the hands of the brave
people of Myanmar, we need the strong and continued support, friendship and recognition
from the people, Parliamentarians, and European Union and its international alliance. Your
support and recognition are absolutely crucial in ending this cruel military junta in Myanmar
and building a new Myanmar into an inclusive federal democratic union for ALL the people
of Myanmar regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, background and ethnicity.
Under the hands of the failed coup leader, Min Aung Hlaing and his genocidal military junta
forces, the 54 million people of Myanmar are facing brutal crimes against humanity, war
crimes and ethnic cleansing.
1. Over 915 people, including 72 children have been murdered in cold blood since 1st of
February 2021 when the military Generals in Myanmar took entire nation hostage.
2. More than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people were arrested illegally without cause.
3. Many of our democratically elected leaders of Myanmar are facing a show trial with
fraud charges which has nothing to do with the rule of law but has everything to do
with the destruction of our democracy and freedom, and the prolonging of the military
junta reign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
4. More than 2,000 people have been forced to flee for their lives from illegal arrest
warrants.
5. A Few days ago the military junta in Myanmar made another show again by releasing
more than 2,000 illegally detained civilian hostages who should never have been
arrested in the first place. The military junta is preparing another mass illegal arrest
by releasing them as show and also for making more spaces at famous junta run
concentration camps - the Insein Prison and other junta run concentration camps and
prison cells across the country. Insein prison and other junta run prisons must be
closed by the international community immediately before these concentration
camps become the place of hell where human beings are being dehumanized by the junta forces. These prisoners of conscious held in these concentration camps have
done nothing wrong; they simply were using their right to freedom of expression.
6. 1.2 million innocent people of Myanmar have fled for their lives from their homes,
villages, town and cities which have come under attack by the genocidal military junta
forces, who are guilty of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing
against the people of Rohinga our brothers and sisters, the people in Kachin, Karen,
Kayah, Mon, Shan, Rakhine and Chin States which make over 40% of the Myanmar
population. (UNCHR: 1.2 million IDPs, Refugees from Myanmar).
7. 27 million people of Myanmar will be living in poverty within a year. (Half the
population of Myanmar will live under the poverty line within a year - UNDP).
8. 6.4 million people in Myanmar will have no food by the end of October this year
(United Nations World Food Programs - WFP).
9. We have received several hundred thousand emails: 151,000 emails contain
documented cases of crimes against humanity, and 310,000 videos and photographs
of atrocities.
10.427 strong cases are being open by international human rights lawyers on behalf of
28,005 victims who suffered crimes against humanity committed by the military junta
forces. These are being named with case details and cases notes.
11. Covid-19 cases are rising rapidly and out of control without the provision of Covid-
19 vaccinations. Myanmar is becoming another breeding ground for Covid-19.
12. Myanmar is quickly becoming a failed state, and our economy is collapsing without
break, our health care, education and other basic services are paralyzed, and food
insecurity is sharply rising.
13.The violence and killing continue and are becoming more and more widespread
across the nation.
14.Therefore, we are getting closer and nearer to a great civil bloodbath, great civil war,
and another genocide, which can be prevented only by the international community’s
strong actions against this genocidal military regime in Myanmar.
15.The ASEAN five-point consensus on Myanmar passed more than two months without
any actions on the ground, and the military junta continues to use ASEAN as their
propaganda tool.
16.The 76th UN General Assembly resolution adopted on Myanmar has passed two
weeks with no results on the ground in Myanmar. The military junta in Myanmar keeps
showing zero respect for the International Community, our ASEAN brothers and
sisters, and the people of Myanmar.
17.The military junta forces have occupied our churches, schools, community halls and
hospitals to use as barracks and supply depots. These junta forces are replacing
textbooks and pencils with the terror of fear, violence, guns and bullets; replacing
Bibles and hymnals with intimidation, oppression, mortars and bombs; and replacing
life-saving hospital equipment with weapons of torture, destruction and death.
18.It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the
school children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of
worship and community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the
communities, pastors, monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is
not normal that our hospitals, schools, colleges, universities, banks, and economy is
crashing due to this military reign of terror. It is not normal that our teachers, tutors,
professors, doctors, nurses, midwives, engineers, scholars and civil servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their peaceful movement of Civil
Disobedient Movement-CDM which is more powerful than all the military junta’s acts
of terrorism against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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"မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သဘောထားရပ်တည်ချက် မြန်မာ ဘာသာပြန် အပြည့်အစုံ
လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်လျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လာရောက်ထိတွေ့ ပူးပေါင်း ညှိနှိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ကာ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေး နည်းလမ်းများအားဖော်ထုတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေး ကို ဦးတည်လျက် ဤသဘောထားရပ်တည်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။
(ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် အင်္ဂလိပ် မြန်မာ ဘာသာ နှစ်မျိုးစလုံးကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာန website https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org တွင် ရယူနိုင်မည် ဖြစ်ပြီး pdf file လိုအပ်ပါက email မှ တဆင့် ဆက်သွယ်တောင်းခံနိုင်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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pdf
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2.69 MB
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"CONTENTS: 2 Trials for NLD leaders
2 NUG and CRPH
5 COVID-19 surge
5 Conflict and displacement
6 Ceasefires
6 Displacement
7 Fighting by region
9 Protests and violent crackdowns
12 Resistance bites
12 Women continue to lead, and to
suffer disproportionately
13 International reactions, sanctions
15 ASEAN engagement
15 ASEAN-China meeting
17 UN General Assembly
17 G7 Summit
17 Effects on foreign business
18 Foreign links identified
18 Economy continues to sink
19 Junta continues to enrich itself.....Junta seeks to bolster coup narrative: Since April, the junta has published at least three
propaganda books that omitted its killing of over 800
pro-democracy protesters. The books focused on the
myth that the military had to take over due to
widespread electoral fraud by the NLD in the 2020
elections. According to the books’ prefaces: “Although
Myanmar’s democracy foundation shaped by the
Tatmadaw since 1988 is making certain progress, the
democratic journey is delayed by voter-list errors and
poor transparency in the 2020 election and the failure
to handle the Tatmadaw’s statements on the election.”
On 10 June, the Ministry of Information reported that
the junta’s Union Election Commission had found
evidence of electoral fraud by the NLD after examining
the voter lists and voting conditions in 49 townships in
Shan State. It declared that NLD candidates violated
the Hluttaw Election Law, as well as COVID-19
prevention and control guidelines during the campaign
and on polling day. The Commission added that the
NLD had “arranged to seize power in advance”, and
concluded that the election was not free and fair. This
was one in a months-long series of examinations by
location since February.
During the ASEAN-Russian Federation Summit on
Security on 28 June, junta representative Lt-Gen Yar
Pyae said that electoral fraud by the NLD had led to a
loss of trust in democracy and the election system. He
claimed that the Tatmadaw had no choice but to take
power to maintain stability. Yar Pyae also accused the
NLD of banning “the rights of democracy, including
media freedom” during its first term in office, and
blamed the kyat’s drop in value and increased
commodity prices on their “wrong” economic policies.
Irrawaddy (24 Jun 2021) Myanmar Junta Propaganda Books
Hope to Rewrite History; SAC (10 Jun 2021) Announcement
of Union Election Commission; SAC (29 Jun 2021) Union
Minister Lt-Gen Yar Pyae joins virtual ASEAN-Russian
Federation Summit on Security Affairs.....Junta’s “perfect information”: In light of widespread condemnation by independent
media, the NUG, and foreign governments, the junta
sought to dispute the facts about its military actions.
On 7 June, it denied that its troops initiated a 5 June
shootout with villagers armed with homemade guns
in Kyonpyaw Township (Ayeyarwady Region). This
contradicted news reports that the Tatmadaw fired
first. The junta also alleged that three villagers were
killed, compared to 20 in other sources.
On 19 June, it criticized CNN and Reuters for their
“wrong news without media ethics” after they
reported, on 17 June, that junta forces had burned
down 80% of homes in Kinma Village, Pauk
Township (Magway Region). It alleged that a local
PDF and insurgents from Chin State set fire to the
house of a USDP member during a clash with
security forces on June 15, leading to more fires.
Also on 19 June, it published a press release on the
incident, accusing the CRPH, NUG, PDF, extremist
NLD members and followers of spreading rumours
on social networks to cause instability. On 20 June,
it alleged that the PDF had deliberately set fire to
Kinma to raise funds through Facebook donations,
tarnish the image of the government, and draw
international condemnation.
On 21 June, the (reconstituted) Myanmar Press
Council released a statement that unlicensed local
media outlets, international news agencies, and
foreign embassies had spread fake news regarding
the events in Kinma to help international
organizations interfere with the country’s internal
affairs. It said it would not be responsible for further
disputes that occur if media workers contact and
provide information to news outlets whose licenses
were revoked by the junta. The next day, the junta
said official news media had already provided “the
perfect information” and urged news agencies to
follow international media ethics.
SAC (7 Jun 2021) Exaggeration of media on attack in
Ayeyawady Region; Myanmar Now (5 Jun 2021) Junta
troops kill three civilians in shootout over arrest of local
villager; Guardian (6 Jun 2021) Myanmar junta forces
reportedly kill 20 civilians in fresh clashes; SAC (19 Jun
2021) CNN, Reuters news agencies presenting news
without media ethics need to post correct news; SAC (19
Jun 2021) Public information released not to believe fake
and false news on social networks; SAC (20 Jun 2021)
Statement strongly condemns media outlets and
organizations spreading false information on Kinma fire
case; SAC (22 Jun 2021) Media council releases
statement urging to follow journalism ethics; SAC (26 Jun
2021) Myanmar Press Council – Announcement 5/2021.....Latest information control measure: whitelists: In June, internet providers in Burma confirmed that
the junta plans to allow access only to approved
(“whitelisted”) websites/platforms, whereas before
the internet was open except for blacklisted sites.
From February, the junta instructed internet
providers to ban platforms like Facebook and
Twitter, and continued to add other websites, often
via twice-weekly directives. A senior official at
Burma telecommunications company MPT said the
junta gave the company hundreds of thousands of
IP addresses to blacklist, including news websites.
For nearly 50 days, there were only around 500,000
internet connections in a country of 54
million. Website/platform bans and internet
blackouts disrupted even the most basic functions of
the banking, education, transportation, and
healthcare sectors.
The junta restored access to the internet over mobile
data in May. Popular websites and platforms like
Facebook and Twitter remain inaccessible without a
VPN, but some mobile banking applications became
usable again. An IT professional said that while the
junta could not ban some Cloudflare VPNs, most
VPNs could be shut down as whitelisting begins.
All internet users in Burma will likely eventually be
affected by whitelisting, but so far the whitelist only
seems to be affecting mobile internet. The ministry
has sent its lists of over 1,000 websites and
applications to be whitelisted, and mandated that
mobile operators and internet service providers
follow the whitelist plan.
MPT was also recently required to begin monitoring
calls and the most frequently visited websites.
Senior official said they could not view emails and
chats, but were monitoring the highest traffic
websites from local IP addresses.
Frontier Myanmar (30 Jun 2021) Whitelisted internet
takes Myanmar back to a ‘dark age’..."
Source/publisher:
Altsean Burma, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma, and Women Peace Network
Date of publication:
2021-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
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" The junta, still unable to gain political, territorial, or economic control in the fourth
month since its forcible and unconstitutional power grab, has engulfed the entire
country in armed conflict.
Security forces created battlefields in more towns and cities, expanded airstrikes
on Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, and Sagaing States/Regions, and shelled villages
in all of these places as well as in Shan State.
During May alone, security forces killed at least 125 civilians and displaced over
150,000. There were 530 violent attacks that either targeted or failed to protect
civilians in the first three weeks of May, and a total 2,098 incidents 1 Feb–21 May.
In total, they have killed over 1,000 civilians, injured thousands more, displaced over
200,000 mainly ethnic minority people, and detained at least 5,554 politicians,
activists, journalists and others, in attacks against the democracy movement.
The National Unity Government (NUG) formed an interim armed force, began a
constitutional reform process, and took other democratic, inclusive governance
measures. It suggested granting ICC jurisdiction over events since 1 February.
Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing snubbed ASEAN’s 5-point consensus by escalating
violence and discarding commitments without consequences—ASEAN members
instead moved to remove the call for an arms embargo at the UN General Assembly.
The junta’s oppressive attempts to gain control of the country is disintegrating the
economy. The value of the Kyat fell by 20% since January, inflating costs for people
already impacted by the crippling economic impacts of the coup and COVID-19.
Junta leaders, secure in their access to foreign currency through oil, gas, and
natural resource exploitation, seem willing to accept destruction of the domestic
economy as the price of territorial control.
In order to avert worse violence and create
space for dialogue and negotiations, the
movement in Burma and allies urge that:
o The UN, foreign states, and international
finance institutions (IFIs) must expand
sanctions;
o These actors must engage with the NUG
as the legitimate government of Burma,
rather than the junta; and
o The UN Security Council must take a
more active role, in the face of ASEAN’s
weakness and the junta’s intransigence.....CONTENTS: 2 NUG fights for democracy
5 Air strikes, artillery, and attacks
on towns
10 Violent crackdowns on resistance
13 Resistance bites
14 Protests continue despite dangers
15 Women continue to lead, and
continue to be targeted
16 International reactions, sanctions
18 More corporations depart
19 Economy continues to sink
20 Junta focuses on extractives for
personal enrichment..."
Source/publisher:
Altsean Burma, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma, and Women Peace Network
Date of publication:
2021-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, National Unity Government (NUG), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
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"A month after its 1 February 2021coup, themilitary junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed bydeployment of notorious military units to represspeaceful demonstrations,underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence.
The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomaticand human rightsmissions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and confrontation sparked by the coup.
In order to avert worse violence and create the space for dialogue and negotiations, the movement in Burmaand their allies urge that:oInternational Financial Institutions (IFIs) immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior loans and reassess the post-coup situation; oForeign states and bodies enact targeted sanctions on themilitary (Tatmadaw),Tatmadaw-affiliated companiesand partners, including a global arms embargo;andoThe UN Security Council immediately send a delegation to prevent further violenceandensure the situation is peacefully resolved.
Thecoup violatedmultiple provisions of the Tatmadaw-designed 2008 Constitution.
The junta’s public statements and information warfare reflect a calculated plan to neutralize domestic democratic forces and pacifythe international community.While portraying themselves as a gentler version of previous juntas, the Min Aung Hlaing regime has already attacked thousands ofunarmed protestors.On 28 February the Tatmadaw killed at least 18, injured dozens more, and arrested at least 479, in a significant escalation of abuses. This brought the total to at least 30 killed, hundreds injured, and 1,132 politicians, activists, journalists, and othersarrested, with most denied access to legal counsel.
The coup also involved a systematic purge of members of the executive and key agencies including the Central Bank of Myanmar. The coup and crackdown havedisrupted the economy, heighteningconcerns that political and economic destabilization will have regional and global impacts, intensifying reputational and operational risks, and resulting in withdrawals and suspensions of investment.
The Tatmadaw has sought to weaken popular opposition by implementing or amending seven laws that violate human rights norms, eliminate privacy and threaten lengthy imprisonment for anybody perceived as an enemy of the junta.
Millionsof civilians continue to protestnationwide—in almost every township in Burma—despite military intimidationand brutal violence.The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has been joined byworkers and senior officials from the civil service, police officers, and the private sector..."
Source/publisher:
Altsean Burma, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma, and Women Peace Network
Date of publication:
2021-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions
Language:
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585.82 KB
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"Announcement for Illegal permits and projects (related to exploration, extraction and
trading of minerals, gems, peart, timber and other resources) approved by the Ministry of
Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation under the control of the terrorist
military council considered null and void by the National Unity Government
1. It is reportedly learnt that the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental
Conservation under the control of the terrorist State Administration Council (SAC) has
been attempting to cam revenue for the SAC through exploring, extracting, and
trading of minerals, gems, pearl, timber and other natural resources, and granting the
exploration permits, gems/mineral mining permits, and granting new licenses and
renewal of old licenses for sales of gems and jewelry has been earned out by this
ministry of the SAC. Furthermore, it is also observed that this Ministry is making efforts
to gather revenue for the SAC by collecting the different taxes related to gems, and
minerals including land leases, exploration royalty, commercial tax, and special goods
tax. auction selling of Myanma gems, jades, and pearls in the Emporium, exporting
finished jade products through One Stop Service (OSS), tender selling of extracted
logs, transport of logs, and trading and exporting the finished timber products.
2. The Ministry of the Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation under the
National Unity Government has, by issuing the Announcement (1/2021), already
requested all entrepreneurs and companies not to get involved in any acts including
business activities conducted by the SAC, and has warned that the punishment shall
be taken against those who are found to be in ties with the SAC.
3. The National Unity Government (NUG) has also declared, through the announcement
(3/2021) issued by the Ministry of Planning. Finance and Investment of the NUG. that
the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) of the SAC shall not be recognized as legal
body, and all the investments and projects approved by the MIC be considered null and void. It has already announced that all sponsors of and those involved in such
projects will be held criminally liable for any violations of the existing legal
frameworks.
4. It is reportedly learnt that the Ministry under the control of the SAC is planning to
issue new permits and licenses for artisanal extraction, small scale, and medium scale
extraction for gems, jade and minerals as the current ones will soon be expired.
Therefore, the Ministry of the NUG hereby urges all entrepreneurs and companies not
to renew permits and licenses.
5. The Ministry also urges all entrepreneurs and companies who are conducting the
extraction of minerals, gem, pearl, timber and other resources not to get involved
directly or indirectly in any cooperation or ties with the Ministry of Natural Resources
and Environmental Conservation under the control of the SAC.
6. The Ministry of the NUG hereby warns that all entrepreneurs and companies who are
in ties with the Ministry of the Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation
under the control of the SAC will be blacklisted, and such information will be publicly
disclosed, and if necessary, legal measures will be taken against them in accordance
with the existing laws. The Ministry of the NUG also reiterates our warning that we,
the MONRE-NUG, shall not recognize any permits and licenses for exploration,
extracting, and trading of minerals, gem, pearl, timber and other natural resources,
warning that all staff who lead and get involved in the process of granting permits and
licenses will be recorded and plausible measures will be taken against them
accordingly.
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation
National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"1. The National Unity Government (NUG) held a virtual press conference (2/2021) for Burmese
language media on 25 June and for English language media on 28 June.
2. The Ministry of Labour of the NUG released statement 2/2021 on 26 June to confirm that the
announcement made by the military junta’s Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population
on 1 March 2021 was not in accordance with the law.
The junta Ministry outlawed sixteen labour organisations, including federations of trade
unions, and called their activities illegal. The junta threatened to take actions against such
activities under existing laws.
The NUG Ministry of Labour points out that Myanmar is a party to the ILO Convention
concerning Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise. Therefore, every
worker has the right to establish and organise to promote labour interests. The NUG also
points to Myanmar’s Labour Organisation Law (2011) concerning registration.
The junta has neither the right nor the authority to designate labour organisations that register
under this law as unlawful organisations.
The Ministry of Labour of the NUG states therefore that the announcement made by the army
council violates the Geneva Convention and that the sixteen labour organisations mentioned
in the junta’s announcement have the right to exist and to continue their work.
3. The web page for the Ministry of Education https://moe.nugmyanmar.org/ was launched on
27 June 2021. Biographies of Ministers, activities and the organisation of the department,
announcements and contact emails are published on this page.
Also included is information on how to join interim education programmes for primary and
secondary levels and vocational training that are part of NUG’s Continuing Education
programme.
The NUG offers courses and lectures on the constitution, federalism, and human rights
provided as part of its Federal Education Programme, available in Burmese and English.
4. The Ministry of Defence of the NUG has published the People’s Defence Periodical,
Volume 1, No. 1. The periodical includes valuable information for local People’s Defence
Forces such as Rules of Engagement, the Law of Armed Conflict, rules for members of the
underground resistance network, defence and gender, the Code of Conduct for the People’s
Defence Force, and the four-point oath of allegiance o f the People’s Defence Force.
5. A high-level open debate on Children and Armed Conflict under the Presidency of Estonia
took place via video conference on 28 June 2021. Members of the United Nations that are not
part of the UN Security Council sent statements to the event. Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun,
Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, sent a written statement
expressing Myanmar’s ' deep concern about grave violations that affected the children in
armed conflict'.
His statement included these words:
We are particularly alarmed by the trends o f increased attacks on schools. ...The
protection of children needs to be ensured first and foremost by a legal framework
that guarantees their rights and wellbeing.
Regarding Myanmar, he highlighted that,
Despite constitutional constraints with regard to armed conflicts, the elected civilian
government led by President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, showed its strong commitment in implementing a number o f significant initiatives
to enhance child protection capacity.
He also confirmed that:
Given the widely known brutality and inhumane acts o f the military and its total
disregard for human life, the military has been relisted under Section B o f annex I o f
this annual report o f the Secretary-General fo r the recruitment and use o f children.
Since the illegal military coup on 1 February 2021, the military has destroyed our
nascent democratic transition and has ruined the rule o f law. Justice has been taken
out of reach. Violence and atrocities have been perpetrated by the military security
forces on a daily basis.
Nearly 900 people were ruthlessly murdered by the military. According to UNICEF,
as o f 21 June, at least 60 children have been killed since February.
The security forces continue to occupy many schools and hospitals throughout the
country, making it impossible in enabling a safe environment fo r learning and health
care.
Permanent Representative U Kyaw Moe Tun appealed to the Security Council, the Security
Council Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict and the to Secretary-General and
his Special Representative as follows:
• Prevent further grave violations by military forces of killing and maiming children
and rape and other forms of sexual violence against children in Myanmar.
• Ensure that the military forces stop indiscriminate and excessive use of force and
comply with the obligations under international law, including international
humanitarian and human rights law.
• End impunity and hold the perpetrators of grave violations against children
accountable.
• Ensure that the country task force on monitoring and reporting receives sufficient
support and strengthens its monitoring, reporting, prevention and response efforts
regarding all violations and abuses against children in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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pdf
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196.13 KB
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"အပတ်စဉ် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
၂ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲ အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁) ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန် ၂၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် မြန်မာ့ဘာသာဖြင့်ထုတ်လွှင့်သော မီဒီယာများဖြင့် လည်းကောင်း၊ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံခြားဘာသာဖြင့် ထုတ်လွှင့်သော နိုင်ငံတကာမီဒီယာများဖြင့် လည်းကောင်း Online Conferencing စနစ်ဖြင့် တွေ့ဆုံ၍ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် ၂/၂၀၂၁ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ (၂၆)ရက်နေ့စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီး အဆိုပါ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် ၂၀၂၁ မတ်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အလုပ်သမား၊ လူဝန်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အင်အား ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့ချုပ်များနှင့် အလုပ်သမားရေးဆောင်ရွက်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၆ ဖွဲ့အား တရားဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ ယင်းတို့၏လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်မှုများသည်လည်း ဥပဒေနှင့် ညီညွတ်မှုမရှိကြောင်း ဆက်လက်လှုပ်ရှား ဆောင်ရွက်ပါက တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကြေညာခဲ့ခြင်းသည် တရားဝင်မှုမရှိကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာအလုပ်သမား အဖွဲ့ချုပ်(ILO)၏ လွတ်လပ်စွာသင်းပင်းဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် Freedom of Association Convention 87 ကို လက်မှတ်ထိုးထားသော နိုင်ငံတနိုင်ငံဖြစ်ပြီး အလုပ်သမားတိုင်းသည် မိမိတို့ အလုပ်သမားအရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အလို့ငှါ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာစည်းရုံး ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်ခွင့် ရှိကြောင်း၊ ၂၀၁၁ ခုနှစ် အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်းဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် ဥပဒေသည် မှတ်ပုံတင်ဥပဒေသာဖြစ်ပြီး အဆိုပါ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ မှတ်ပုံမတင်သော အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို တရားမဝင်အဖွဲ့များအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ခွင့်မရှိကြောင်း၊ ယခုလို အရပ်သားအစိုးရထံမှ မတရားအာဏာလုယူထားသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်သည် ဂျီနီဗာ ကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းကို ဖောက်ဖျက်ရာရောက်ကြောင်းနှင့် အဆိုပါ အလုပ်သမားရေးဆောင်ရွက်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၆ ဖွဲ့သည် မိမိတို့၏ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် မိမိတို့၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အလုပ်သမားရေးရာ လုပ်ငန်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ဆောက်ရွက်ခွင့် ရှိကြောင်းတို့ ဖော်ပြပါရှိသည်။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်အစိုးရ ပညာရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာန၏ အင်တာနက် စာမျက်နှာဖြစ်သည့် https://moe.nugmyanmar.org/ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်သည်။ အဆိုပါ Website တွင် ဝန်ကြီးများ၏ ကိုယ်ရေးအချက်အလက်များ၊ လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်တာများ၊ ဌာန ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ၊ အမိန့်ကြေငြာချက်များ၊ ဆက်သွယ်နိုင်မည့် အီးမေးလ်များကို ပြည်သူလူထုသိရှိစေရန် ဖော်ပြထားသည့်အပြင် စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ်ပညာရေးကဏ္ဍတွင်လည်း ကြားကာလပညာရေး အခြေခံ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်နှင့် သက်မွေးပညာရေး အစီအစဉ်များအားလည်းကောင်း၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပညာရေးကဏ္ဍတွင်လည်း ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ် သင်တန်း အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေး သင်တန်းများအားလည်းကောင်း မည်သို့တက်ရောက် သင်ကြားနိုင်ကြောင်းတို့ကို အသီးသီး ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ထိုသို့ဖော်ပြရာတွင် မြန်မာပြည်သူပြည်သားများသာမက ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံအသီးသီးမှလည်း ဝင်ရောက်လေ့လာနိုင်ရန် မြန်မာ၊ အင်္ဂလိပ်နှစ်ဘာသာဖြင့် ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။
၄။ စစ်ပွဲနှင့်တိုက်ပွဲ၊ ထိတွေ့မှုဆိုင်ရာ စည်းမျဉ်းစည်းကမ်းများ(Rule of Engagement) နှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခဆိုင်ရာ (သို့) စစ်ဥပဒေများ၊ မြေအောက်ယူဂျီရဲဘော် ဆောင်ရန် ရှောင်ရန်၊ Gender နှင့်တိုင်းပြည်ကာကွယ်ရေး၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်၏ စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်၏ သစ္စာအဓိဌာန် (၄) ချက် စသည့် အနယ်နယ်အရပ်ရပ်မှ ဒေသခံ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ သိသင့်သိထိုက်သည်များပါဝင်သည့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးစာစဉ် အတွဲ(၁) အမှတ်(၁)၂ ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထုတ်ဝေခဲ့သည်။
၅။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် အက်စတိုးနီးယားနိုင်ငံ သမ္မတက သဘာပတိအဖြစ် ဆောင်ရွက်၍ လက်နက်ကိုင် ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ကလေးသူငယ်များအရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ အဆင့်မြင့် တံခါးဖွင့်အစည်းအဝေး (UN Security Council High-Level Open Debate on Children and Armed Conflict) ကို virtual ကျင်းပခဲ့ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ အစည်းအဝေးသို့ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ အဖွဲ့ဝင်မဟုတ်သော အခြား ကုလသမဂ္ဂနိုင်ငံများနည်းတူ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာ အမြဲတမ်း ကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ကိုယ်စားပြုပေးပို့သော မိန့်ခွန်း (Written Statement) တစ်ရပ်ကို ပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ မိန့်ခွန်းတွင် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်မှုများ၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများအပေါ် ဉီးတည်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများအတွက် လွန်စွာစိုးရိမ်မှု ရှိသည့်ကိစ္စ၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များအား ဥပဒေကြောင်းအရ ကာကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မှု၏ အရေးပါမှုကိစ္စ၊ အပြစ်ကျူးလွန်သူများအားလုံး အရေးယူရန် အရေးကြီးမှု၊ အရွေးချယ်ခံအရပ်သားအစိုးရလက်ထက်တွင် ကလေးသူငယ်များကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေး အတွက် အလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည့်ကိစ္စ၊ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူမဆန့်သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများဆက်လက်ရှိနေ၍ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ အစီရင်ခံစာ၏ ချိုးဖောက်မှုရှိသည့် နောက်ဆက်တွဲ စာရင်းတွင် တပ်မတော်ကြည်း အား ပြန်လည်ထည့်သွင်းခဲ့သည့်ကိစ္စ၊ စစ်တပ်က မတရား အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး နေ့စဉ် လူမဆန်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများ မတရား သတ်ဖြတ်မှု၊ ဖမ်းဆီးမှု၊ နှိပ်စက်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်နေသည့်ကိစ္စ၊ ကလေးငယ် (၆၀) ကျော်အပေါ်၊ လူပေါင်း (၉၀၀) နည်းပါး အသတ်ခံခဲ့ရသည့် ကိစ္စ၊ စစ်တပ် အနေဖြင့် စာသင်ကျောင်း၊ ဆေးရုံးများ ကို တပ်ဆွဲထားသည့်ကိစ္စများ ကို ဖော်ပြထားပြီး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ် တို့အနေဖြင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ အပေါ် လူမဆန်စွာ ကျူးလွန်များ ထပ်မံ မဖြစ်ပေါ်ရေးအတွက် ကာကွယ်ပေးရေး၊ ခွဲခြားမှု မရှိဘဲ အင်အားအလွန်အကျွံ အသုံးမပြုရေး၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူများအား အရေးယူရေး၊ စောင့်ကြည့် အစီရင်ခံသည့်အဖွဲ့ အနေဖြင့် ပံ့ပိုးမှု ပိုမိုရရှိရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ အတားအဆီးမရှိ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရေး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ နှင့် အလှူရှင်များ အနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားစည်းလုံးညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့် ထိတွေ့ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေး၊ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်အနေဖြင့် စာသင်ကျောင်း နှင့် ဆေးရုံးများ အသုံးမပြုရေး၊ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု ချက်ချင်းရပ်စဲ၍ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်လည်ရရှိရေး တို့အတွက် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ပြည်သူတွေနှင့် အတူ အမျိုးသား စည်းလုံး ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင် အပြီးပြတ်ချေမှုန်းရေး၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်း ဖယ်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံ တည်ထောင်ရေးအတွက် လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်သည့်ကိစ္စ အားလုံးကို ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း တို့ကိုဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။
၆။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အနှံ့အပြားရှိ အတိဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြရသော ပြည်သူများအတွက် ထောက်ပံ့မှုများကို အခက်အခဲများ ကြားမှ အမြန်ဆုံး ရောက်ရှိနိုင်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ လှူဒါန်းမှုများဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ဇွန်လ ၆ရက်နေ့မှ ဇွန်လ ၂၈ရက်နေ့ အတွင်း
-ကရင် ပြည်နယ် ဖလူး ဒေသ စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် ရှစ်ဆယ့်တစ်သိန်းခန့် တန်ဖိုးရှိ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် အဝတ်အထည်များ နှင့် ငွေကျပ် ကိုးဆယ့်ခုနစ်သိန်းလေးသောင်း ကို လည်းကောင်း၊
-ကရင်ပြည်နယ် အခြားဒေသများရှိ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းများသို့ ငွေကျပ် သိန်းတစ်ရာ့ငါးဆယ်ခန့် တန်ဖိုးရှိ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် အဝတ်အထည်များကိုလည်းကောင်း၊
-ရှမ်းပြည်နယ် တောင်ပိုင်း ဖယ်ခုံမြို့ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်များအတွက် ငွေကျပ် နှစ်ရာ့ကိုးသိန်းခန့် တန်ဖိုးရှိ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေး ပစ္စည်းများကို လည်းကောင်း၊
-ကယား ပြည်နယ် စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် သုံးရာနှစ့်ဆယ့်ငါးသိန်း ကို လည်းကောင်း၊
-ချင်းပြည်နယ် စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် လေးရာ့ခြောက်ဆယ့်ရှစ်သိန်းခန့် တန်ဖိုးရှိ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေး ပစ္စည်းများ နှင့် ငွေကျပ် တစ်ဆယ်သိန်း ကို လည်းကောင်း၊
-ပြည်တွင်း ဒေသအသီးသီးရှိ ထိခိုက်လွယ်မိသားစုများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် ကိုးဆယ့်နှစ်သိန်း တစ်သောင်းငါးထောင်ကို လည်းကောင်း ထောက်ပံ့ပေးပို့နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ လုံခြုံရေးအခြေအနေများကြောင့် ထောက်ပံ့မှုသတင်းများကို အချိန်နှင့် တပြေးညီ မထုတ်ပြန်သည်ကို နားလည်ပေးပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။
၆။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော တတိယအကြိမ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ဒုတိယပုံမှန်အစည်းအဝေးတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်က အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဌာနအသီးသီး၏ (၂) လတာ လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်ရွက် နေမှုများကို အစီရင်ခံစာတင်သွင်းခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်မှ မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရှိခဲ့သည်။
၇။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက် အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၀၁/၂၀၂၁ ၃ ဖြင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Commission for Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response) ကိုဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကော်မရှင်တွင် ယာယီသမ္မတက ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်က ဒုတိယဥက္ကဋ္ဌ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးက အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖြစ်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီး လုပ်ငန်းနှင့်သက်ဆိုင်သော ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများမှ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး (၁၁) ဦးတို့ အဖွဲ့ဝင်အဖြစ်ပါဝင်သည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-07-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့်
ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၀၁/၂၀၂၁
၁၃၈၃ခုနှစ်၊ နယုန်လပြည့်ကျော် ၇ ရက်
(၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်)
လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးကော်မရှင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း
(Forming of Commission for Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response)
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အတွင်း ဘေးအန္တရာယ်အမျိုးမျိုး ကျရောက်ချိန်များတွင် ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အထောက်အပံ့များ ပေးအပ်ရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးတို့အတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုကိစ္စရပ် များကို ကြီးကြပ်လမ်းညွှန် ပေးနိုင်ရန် လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေး ကော်မရှင်ကို အောက်ပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည်။ အဆိုပါကော်မရှင်အတွက် လိုအပ်ပါက အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ တိုးချဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းကော်မတီများ ထပ်မံ ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"At least 12 LGBTIQ community members have been killed by regime forces and another 73 arrested or charged since the junta’s coup for fighting against dictatorship and striving for equality, according to a report from the National Unity Government (NUG).
On Wednesday, the NUG’s Ministry of Human Rights and Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs released the situation report of the LGBTIQs after the military coup in Myanmar, in celebration of Pride Month which recognizes the valuable contributions made by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) people.
LGBTIQ groups in Myanmar have actively participated in anti-regime protests since the start of the pro-democracy movement in February. The most visible sign of their participation are the rainbow flags that have been waved among the crowds at anti-coup demonstrations nationwide.
As crackdowns, violence and torture against pro-democracy activists and civilians has intensified in the past few months, many LGBTIQ people across Myanmar have faced severe human rights violations, with some killed, tortured or detained by the military regime.
Between Feb. 1 and June 20, at least 12 LGBTIQ people from Myitkyina, Myingyan, Monywa, Mawlamyine, Yangon, Kyaukpadaung, and Mandalay were shot dead by junta forces while participating in peaceful protests and defending protesters from military violence, the report stated.
Three gay men and one transgender woman from Myingyan and Bago were also seriously injured by junta forces, according to the report.
Of the 73 LGBTIQ people arrested, 65 are still being detained. Another 28 are in hiding to avoid arrest, the report stated.
The NUG report noted that transgender people who have been arrested have experienced different forms of sexual harassment while in police custody, or being held in detention by regime forces, because of their visible identity as LGBTIQ people.
It quoted a 50-year transgender woman in Yangon who was arrested and severely tortured by junta forces.
The woman was beaten on their back, shoulders and head, stripped naked and forced to kneel down all the time. Their nipples were also burned with the tips of burning cigarettes and had paper clips attached to them, while a bottle was inserted into their anus.
“After they were happy with burning my nipples and inserting a bottle in my anus, and when they were about to sleep, they made me leapfrog. The compound is very wide and I could do that and they made me hold my two hands between my thighs and made me twist around and I was kept the whole day with dust and mud on me,” the woman was quoted as saying.
Those injuries took a month to heal, the transgender woman said.
In addition, many of the gay and transgender detainees who are being treated for HIV with antiretroviral therapy are unable to access their medication as they are scared about revealing their health status to the officials detaining them, the report said.
Civil society organizations representing LGBTIQ groups stressed that members of the LGBTIQ community actively participating in the anti-regime movement faced harsh retaliation and transphobic attacks from junta forces.
However, the groups vowed that they will never give up contributing to the revolution in acquiring equality for all.
The NUG has called on the international community to put pressure on the Myanmar military to immediately end the violence against all civilians, including LGBTIQ people, as well as calling for the release of all detainees and for the provision of the necessary psycho-social support upon their release.
It also urged the international community to support and engage with their work on the protection and promotion of human rights for all people, including the LGBTIQ community..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Urgent call for responsible and ethical humanitarian assistance
The NUG calls for rapid and expanded humanitarian assistance to save the lives of all people
in Myanmar. The recent military coup and ongoing atrocity crimes committed by the junta
have yet again plunged our people into a complex political and humanitarian emergency.
The NUG’s humanitarian policy is led by the needs of our people on the ground. These needs
are acute, and are the direct result of the unlawful actions of the military. Since 1 February
2021, the military has killed more than 900 individuals, including many children; it has
unlawfully detained thousands, subjecting many to torture; and it has precipitated a banking
crisis and rising food insecurity, with the World Food Program estimating that an additional
3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the military’s decades of misrule and
criminal behavior, which are the reason why Myanmar has required such high levels of
international assistance. More than half a million people are now internally displaced.
People across Myanmar require urgent assistance. The military is ill-equipped to manage the
economy and meet the needs of our people. This same military is impeding access and
recourse for life-saving humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar. The military
continues to target the general public as well as healthcare and humanitarian workers.
Humanitarian assistance should prioritize the immediate needs currently called for by
communities. There are serious needs across all sectors. We echo calls for an emphasis on
basic needs: food, water, medicine, and shelter, and/or direct financial support.
The NUG respects and supports the basic values of humanity and impartiality in
humanitarian aid, which seek to protect life and health, and ensure respect for human beings
on the basis of need alone. The NUG and the people of Myanmar are struggling to free our
country from military dictatorship and establish a peaceful federal democratic union. As
such, we expect humanitarian agencies to respect the fundamental rights of Myanmar's
citizens to determine their own political future, and to recognize and support us as we do so.
The NUG also calls for all international humanitarian actors to agree to certain guiding
principles to ensure that their activities do as much good as possible and avoid the risk of
benefiting the military in its campaign to control the country through mass violence.....Goal: The NUG calls on all international humanitarian aid to be provided in a way that meets the
needs of people most in need and is rooted in a localization approach that respects the
people's democratic right to organize the delivery of their own relief.....Guiding Principles: 1. International humanitarian assistance should be provided to all those in need, without
discrimination and be designed to reach the specific needs of the most vulnerable.
2. International assistance must reflect the needs and will of the local public.
3. International humanitarian assistance programs must be designed and implemented to
ensure they are not used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the
military junta.
4. International humanitarian assistance should be coordinated with and empower
existing governance structures supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar,
including NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered
areas, for a localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground.
Principles for international humanitarian assistance in Myanmar/Burma:
Strong principles and conditions are required to ensure that humanitarian work does not in
practice serve the harmful interests of the military. Assistance must reach those most in need
and must not in any way legitimize the junta that is the cause of the people’s suffering.
We urge international humanitarian actors to collectively agree to the following principles
when considering the provision of assistance to areas controlled by the junta:
1 . Avoid substitution policies or undermining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)
The people of Myanmar are using their agency to peacefully oppose the unjust military coup.
This involves making difficult sacrifices, including not participating in the military
administration. The people do not want international actors to undermine this peaceful
resistance strategy. Respect their decisions. It would be unethical to substitute international
provision of services, such as healthcare, education, or others, where the CDM is actively
choosing to not provide these services through the military administration.
Instead, resources should be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively
provide these services in ways that do not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta.
By resourcing established civil society organizations and ethnic administrations, depending
on the location and including to provide services through CDM professionals, international
assistance can help ensure that needs are met without causing greater harm..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Bonjour!
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Dear respected members of the Foreign Affairs Committee of
Defenses and Armed Forces of the Senate, the Parliament of France, I cannot thank you
enough for giving me this great opportunity again to represent my people and country of
Myanmar before the French Parliamentarians. I am so moved by seeing and hearing the
strong support from the People, Parliament and Government of France for the liberation and
freedom of the people of Myanmar from the hands of the military junta and for the building
of an inclusive Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for All of the people of Myanmar
regardless of race, religion, gender, culture, background and ethnicities.
The brave people of Myanmar and the National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly
appreciate the People, Parliament and Government of the French Republic for your solidarity
with us at this darkest of hours in the history of our country. I once again would like to
reiterate our sincere gratitude for your leadership in the EU, UN and at G7 on behalf of the
people of Myanmar. Thank you for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as representing the
voices of the people of Myanmar and thank you for joining countries that have imposed an
arms embargo in solidarity against the ruthless military junta in Myanmar. While the future
of Myanmar is in the hands of the brave people of Myanmar, we need the strong and
continued support, friendship and recognition from the people, Parliamentarians, and
Government of France and its international alliance. Your support and recognition are
absolutely crucial in stopping the crimes against humanity in Myanmar and ending the
military General’s reign of terror against the innocent people of Myanmar who’s only 'crime'
is expressing their fundamental rights as human beings. The defense and armed forces are
established in the countries around the world to protect their people and to defend freedom
and democracy, but the defense and armed forces in Myanmar are doing the opposite. They
are using their battlefield weapons to destroy our freedom and democracy by killing the
innocent people of Myanmar and bringing destruction to civilian homes, villages, towns and
cities across the Nation of Myanmar.
Under the hands of terrorist-turned-armed forces leader, Min Aung Hlaing and his military
junta gang, the innocent people of Myanmar have been facing the crises of crimes against
humanity, Covid-19 and a great humanitarian catastrophe. Under the brutality of the military
junta in Myanmar, Covid-19 cases are rising rapidly and out of control - the country is quickly
becoming a failed state; the economy is collapsing along with the healthcare system,
education system, and all basic services in the country are failing quickly. Food insecurity is
rising sharply, violence and killing continues day and night. The 54 million people of
Myanmar are facing the darkness of crimes against humanity, death and destruction which
are becoming both systematic and widespread.
Since the failed coup was instigated on the 1st of February 2021 in Myanmar, the military
junta forces have murdered over 915 people, including 72 children, unlawfully arrested and
detained more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people including our elected leaders, our State
Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr. President U Win Myint and dozens of brave journalists,
hunting down more than 2,000 innocent civilians and forcing them to flee from illegal arrest
warrants. All these charges are a farce which has nothing to do with rule of law but has
everything to do with the destruction of our freedom, democracy and prolonging of the
military junta reign of terror in Myanmar.
On the 16th of June 2021, the military junta committed another crime against humanity by
burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes) and burning elderly people to
death who were trapped inside their homes. This is not a first, however, as this military junta
is guilty of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohinga
our brothers and sisters, the people of Karen, Kachin, Kayah, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin
States which account for over 40% of the population of Myanmar. We have made our policy
and position strong and clear to bring justice for our Rohingya brothers and sisters and to
hold the military generals accountable for the crimes against humanity that they have
committed against the people of Myanmar. There shall never again be impunity for these
criminals.
According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million
civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta’s reign of terror.
The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is predicting that over half of the
population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a
year. The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million
people in Myanmar are going to face starvation by the end of October 2021. We cannot
allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar people being violently forced to flee from
their homes because of a military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the
normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation; we cannot allow
the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty
because of the greed of military Generals in Myanmar.
The brutal military junta forces are attacking civilian homes, properties, villages, towns and
cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied churches,
schools, community halls and hospitals to use as barracks and supply depots. These junta
forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with the terror of fear, violence, guns and bullets;
replacing Bibles and hymnals with intimidation, oppression, mortars and bombs; and
replacing life-saving hospital equipment with weapons of torture, destruction and death.
It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school
children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and
community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities,
pastors, monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our
hospitals, schools, colleges, universities, banks, and economy is crashing due to this military reign of terror..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၁/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ(၂၁) ရက်
ပြည်ထောင်စုတိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးတက္ကသိုလ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုတိုင်းရင်းသားလူငယ်များစွမ်းရည်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးဒီဂရီကောလိပ်များ နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ကြေညာချက်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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174.03 KB
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၂/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၃၀) ရက်
ကြားကာလယာယီကောင်စီများကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Under the watch of Min Aung Hlaing’s failed coup and his military junta regime in Myanmar,
Covid 19 cases are rising hugely hourly and is out of control- the country is quickly becoming
a failed state; the economy is collapsing along with the healthcare system, education
system, and all basic services in the country are failing quickly. Food insecurity is rising
sharply, violence and killing continues day and night, and humanitarian catastrophe is
becoming widespread. Normalization of crimes against humanity and war crimes are being
attempted by the oppressive and brutal military junta that the 54 million people of Myanmar
are facing. This is the darkest moment in the history of Myanmar. The people of Myanmar
are facing the real darkness of crimes against humanity, death and destruction which are
both systematic and widespread.
Since the failed coup started on the 1st of February 2021, in Myanmar, the military junta
forces have murdered over 915 people, including 72 children (52 cases have been verified).
The brave people of Myanmar will never allow the normalization of the murder of innocent
civilians, and it is a matter of justice and accountability. The illegal military junta forces have
unlawfully arrested and detained more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people without cause,
including our elected leaders, our State Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr. President U Win
Myint and dozens of brave journalists. The military junta has been hunting down more than
2,000 innocent civilians and forcing them to flee from illegal arrest warrants, for the mere
'CRIME' of expressing their fundamental and universal human rights.
The illegal military junta committed another crime against humanity on the 16th of June,
2021 by burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes), in Sagaing Region of
Myanmar, and burning elderly people to death who were trapped inside their homes. This is
not a first, however, as this military junta is guilty of war crimes, genocide, crimes against
humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the people of Karen, Kachin, Kayah, Shan, Mon,
Rakhine, Chin States, our Rohinga brothers and sisters who account for over 40% of the
population of Myanmar.
This violence we are seeing instigated by the military junta in Myanmar is both systematic
and widespread. The brutal junta forces are attacking civilians’ homes, properties, villages,
towns and cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied
churches, schools, community halls and hospitals to use as barracks and supply depots.
These junta forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with the terror of fear, violence, guns
and bullets; replacing Bibles and hymnals with intimidations, oppressions, mortars and bombs; and replacing life-saving hospital equipment with weapons of tortures, destruction
and death.
It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school
children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and
community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities,
pastors, monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our
hospitals, colleges, universities, banks, and economy is crashing due to this military reign of
terror. It is not normal that our teachers, tutors, professors, doctors, nurses, midwives,
engineers, scholars and civil servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their
peaceful movement of CDM which is more powerful than all the military junta’s acts of
terrorism against the people of Myanmar.
According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million
civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta’s reign of terror.
There is nothing normal about 1.2 million innocent civilians in Myanmar being forced to flee
their homes due to this oppressive military junta.The United Nations Development Program
(UNDP) is predicting that over half of the population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million
people) will be living in poverty within a year. There is nothing normal about 27 million
innocent civilians in Myanmar facing harsh poverty. The United Nations World Food Program
(WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million people in Myanmar are going to face starvation
by the end of October 2021. There is nothing normal about 6.4 million innocent civilians
dying from starvation and thirst. It will be heart breaking to count the number of deaths
caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and
hunger that has begun directly because of the terroristic actions of this brutal military junta
in Myanmar.
We cannot allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar people being violently forced to
flee from their homes because of a military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the
normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation, nor can we allow
the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty
because of the greed of a few old generals.
The military junta’s brutality and cruelties against the doctors, nurses, health workers,
teachers and civil servants who are simply expressing their fundamental rights by joining the
peaceful movement of civil disobedience - CDM - have been increasing. We, the NUG again
denounce and condemn this illegal and illegitimate military junta and their acts of terrorism
against this most peaceful CDM movement. This unacceptable reign of terror, harassment,
tortures, intimidations and violence against the peaceful movement of CDM must be
stopped at once. The legal and legitimate government of Myanmar, the National Unity
Government (NUG) has now successfully established 16 Ministries with responsible
Ministers, and out of these 16 Ministries of NUG, 11 Ministries have built websites and pages
in order to serve the best interest of our people for whom and by whom the NUG was elected
and formed.
The NUG is looking out for the best interest of the people of Myanmar, and in doing so we
have waived all land fees and charges for all rented lands in the areas of Myanmar's natural resources. These attempts are to cut off all revenue belonging to the people of Myanmar
from going into the hands of this illegitimate military regime 'SAC'. At the same time, I want
to take this opportunity to appeal to the International Communities that the people of
Myanmar have put strong sanctions against the military junta on the ground. They are
putting themselves in harsh conditions, for they know that these harsh conditions are
temporary, and that freedom and federal democracy means everlasting peace, prosperity,
and stability. Therefore, it’s time for the International Communities to sanction all stateowned
enterprises such as Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprises (MOGE) and other revenue
streams which are the main income sources for the military junta to buy more weapons in
order to kill more innocent people in Myanmar.
We have produced very important leaflets on how to prepare emergency kits for families
and individuals, and these are made available to all the public. We have done this because
of the increase of internally displaced persons (IDPs) as a direct result of the military junta
forces acts of terrorism against the peaceful and innocent people of Myanmar. We are doing
everything we can to relief our people who have suffered so much for far too long.
The acts of terrorism against Mandalay City, the second largest and most populated city in
Myanmar, and the crimes against humanity and war crimes we have seen in Kinma, village
of Pauk Township, Pakokhu District, Sagaing Division, Demoso and other places in Kayah
State, and Mindat and other parts of Chin State have shown strong evidence that the military
junta in Myanmar is openly committing crimes against humanity and war crimes against the
civilian population in Myanmar. The acts of terrorism by the military junta in Myanmar are
leading the whole Nation into a civil bloodbath, a great civil war and another genocide. Day
after day, these nationwide peaceful protests, boycotts and strikes which are completely
non-violent have been cracked down on by the oppressive military junta with bloodstained
heavy battlefield weapons that have been secured from China, Russia and other countries
with the money that has been stolen from the same gas and oil enterprise and our natural
resources..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"In a beige stone townhouse on a leafy New York street, a political coup thousands of miles away has split an office in two.
Downstairs in the dimly lit building, staffers at Myanmar's Permanent Mission to the United Nations receive orders from the military junta, which overthrew the country's elected government on February 1.
Upstairs, charismatic ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun is leading what is effectively an underground diplomatic corps, part of an attempt to wrestle back control of the country. His conference room is decorated with portraits of a long line of his military-aligned predecessors, reminders of what he's up against.
Staffers at Myanmar's dozens of diplomatic posts around the world have been faced with a predicament since the coup.
Stay in their roles and be forced to represent the military junta that has killed hundreds of pro-democracy protesters and locked up the democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Speak out and risk being fired and placing themselves and their families in Myanmar in danger.
At least 21 staffers across multiple regions -- including Kyaw Moe Tun -- have decided they won't cooperate with the military-controlled foreign ministry. Instead, they are quietly using their connections and relative safety abroad to counter messaging from Myanmar's military.
To many of their former colleagues, they are defectors -- people who have turned their backs on duty and the chain of command. Several diplomats who spoke to CNN insisted they are actually loyalists to the democratic government that was overthrown in February.
The issue is getting other countries to see them that way.
They have already had a win -- the United Nations has allowed Kyaw Moe Tun to retain his seat and rejected a military-approved replacement. That makes him the only openly anti-coup Myanmar diplomat to remain in office.
That alone won't be enough. Myanmar's military rulers could try again to replace him at any time -- and the longer the military remains in power, the harder it will be for underground diplomats to secure international recognition.
A military coup
In Berlin, Chaw Kalyar, 49, had stayed up late to watch Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) government be sworn in.
The NLD had been reelected in a landslide vote last year and February 1 was meant to be the day parliament opened. Instead, the country woke up to find men in green military uniform swarming the capital Naypyidaw. Television channels went black. In the days to come, members of Suu Kyi's government would be hunted down or arrested.
It was heartbreaking, said Chaw Kalyar, third secretary at the Berlin Embassy. As a 16-year-old, she had joined the country's historic 1988 protests against military rule, and seen friends killed in the ensuing government crackdown. She joined the foreign ministry more than 23 years ago, when Myanmar was under another brutal military dictatorship. When February's coup unfolded, Chaw Kalyar immediately knew she could not cooperate with the military junta -- she remembered how much people had suffered. "We could not just sit by this time," she said.
As she talked with other embassy staffers in Berlin about publicly supporting the burgeoning civil disobedience movement, Chaw Kalyar was cautious that others in the embassy may support the military.
Many of the country's career diplomats took roles in the foreign service during Myanmar's half century of military rule, which plunged Myanmar -- then called Burma -- into poverty, isolationism and civil war.
Just over a decade ago, the military chiefs put in place a plan that would permit the country to hold elections, liberalize the economy, and transition into a semi-democracy while still maintaining their authority. Suu Kyi's NLD election win in 2020 was only the second democratic election held since direct military rule ended. The party appeared to be leading the country, but in reality the military remained a powerful force.
The diplomats and embassy staff who denounced the coup were resisting a return to past repression.
Chaw Kalyar knew that if she spoke out against the coup, and the movement against the junta was unsuccessful, she would likely never be able to go home. Despite the risks, she decided to act.
"It's like all our life has endured this military dictatorship," she said. "We have to join this movement, and we think this movement can bring down this military coup, and we can finally eradicate this military brutality."
Thet Htar Mya Yee San, 29, a junior diplomat at the Myanmar embassy in Washington, remembers an emotional conversation with like-minded diplomats in two European cities. Although she was on her first foreign assignment, she and other young diplomats decided they should "give up everything" to support the civil disobedience movement or CDM, which has seen people across Myanmar stop going to work to prevent the country from operating as normal under its new de facto rulers.
But isolated in foreign countries, fearful for their families at home and uncertain of what would come next, they didn't take action immediately. That would come after a key moment a few weeks later..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂/၂၀၂၁)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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733.56 KB
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"၁၉၇၆ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သောစစ်အာဏာရှင်များမှ ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးအား ရက်ရက်စက်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့တွင် (၄၅)နှစ် ပြည့်ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ သို့သော် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်နှင့်ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေးလမ်းစဉ်အတွက် သူ့ဘဝစွန့်လွှတ် အနစ်နာခံမှု ၏အကြောင်းအရင်းကို ယနေ့ထက်တိုင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များမှ အဖြေမပေးနိုင်သေးပေ။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ စစ်အာဏာရှင်နှင့် ကမ္ဘာကိုပြင်းထန်ပြတ်သားစွာ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့် “မင်းတို့ငါ့ခန္ဓာကိုယ်ကိုသာ သတ်လို့ရမယ်၊ ငါ့ရဲ့ယုံကြည်ချက်နဲ့ရပ်တည်ချက်တွေကိုတော့ ဘယ်တော့မှ သတ်လို့ရမှာမဟုတ်ဘူး။ မင်းတို့ စစ်ဖိနပ်အောက်မှာ ငါဘယ်တော့မှ ဒူးထောက်မှာမဟုတ်ဘူးကွ”ဆိုသည့် သမိုင်းဝင်စကား ပြောခဲ့သည်မှာ (၄၅)နှစ် တင်းတင်းပြည့်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။
ယနေ့တွင် ကျွန်တော့်အနေနဲ့ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့်စကားကို ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် နိုင်ငံတော်စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကောင်စီ(SAC) နှင့် ၎င်း၏သတင်းပေးများအား ထပ်မံပြောကြားလိုသည်မှာ “ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မြန်မာပြည်သူ ၅၄ သန်းသည် ဘယ်သောအခါမှ သင်တို့၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှု၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု၊ အိမ်မက်ဆိုးများအောက်တွင် အရှုံးပေးမည်မဟုတ်ပါ။ အဲဒီအစား ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် စကားဖြင့်တောင် ဖော်ပြလို့မရလောက်အောင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများဖြစ်သည့် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ နာကျင်ခြင်းနှင့် ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခပေါင်းစုံကို ယူဆောင်ပေးသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကိုအမြစ်ဖြတ်ချေမှုန်း အဆုံးသတ်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအားလုံးအတွက် “အားလုံး”ပါဝင်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရက်တစ် ပြည်ထောင်စုမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကို တည်ထောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။”
ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏အိမ်မက်များကို မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ အိမ်မက်များအဖြစ်မှတ်ယူပြီး အကောင်အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်တော့်အနေဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များနှင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ဘက်တော်သားများအား ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားလိုသည်မှာ “မင်းတို့ ငါတို့ရဲ့ခန္ဓာကိုယ်တွေကိုသာသတ်ရင်သတ်လို့ရမယ်၊ သို့သော် ယခု မျိုးဆက်များနှင့် အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်များအပေါ်ထားရှိသည့် ကျွန်တော်တို့၏ ချစ်ခြင်းမေတ္တာနှင့် အိပ်မက်များကို သတ်လို့မရဘူး၊ ငါတို့ ရပ်ရွာတွေနဲ့အိုးအိမ်တွေကိုတော့ မင်းတို့ဖျက်ဆီးနိုင်ပေမယ့် ငါတို့အနာဂတ်၊ လာမည့် မျိုးဆက်များ၏အနာဂတ်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အနာဂတ်ကိုတော့ ဘယ်တော့မှဖျက်ဆီးလို့ရမှာမဟုတ်ဘူး။” ကျွန်တော့်အနေနဲ့ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးအပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေးအတွက် အသက်ပေးဆပ်သွားခဲ့ကြသော နိုင်ငံ့သူရဲကောင်းများအားလုံးကို လေးစား ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးနိုင်ကိုနိုင်ရမည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အကြီးအကျယ်အနိုင်ရပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ကျရှုံးနေပြီ။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးနှင့် ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိရှိသောမြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ယုံကြည်ချက်နဲ့ရပ်တည်ချက်များ အကောင်အထည် မဖော်သေးသ၍ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ရပ်တန့်မည်မဟုတ်ပါ၊ အရှုံးပေးမည်မဟုတ်ပါ၊ အညံ့ခံမည်မဟုတ်ပါ။
ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးနှင့်အတူ ကျဆုံးသွားသောနိုင်ငံတော် သူရဲကောင်းများအားလုံးကို အစဉ်လေးစား ဂုဏ်ပြုအလေးပြုလျက် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်အတွက် -
ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-28
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National Unity Government (NUG), Chin history
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"It has been 45 years since the military dictators slaughtered Salai Tin Maung Oo, the
leader of the student movement, on the 26th of June, 1976. Salai Tin Maung Oo's
sacrifice of his life for the cause of freedom and democracy remain as yet unanswered by
the military dictators in Myanmar. It has been 45 years since Salai Tin Maung Oo gave a
very strong message to the military dictatorships and to the world that "you can kill my
body, but you can never kill my dream and vision, I shall never kneel down under the
military dictatorships (your soldier's boots)". Today, I wanted to repeat the message of
Salai Tin Maung Oo to this brutal military junta - the SAC led brutal regime of Min Aung
Hlaing and to those of you who report to the SAC - that, we the 54 million people of
Myanmar will and never bow down before your cruelties, your reign of terror and hellish
nightmare, but instead we will eradicate and bring an end to the military dictatorship that
has brought such uncontainablc and unspeakable terrorism, death, destruction, pain and
suffering to our people, and we will build an inclusive Federal Democratic Union of
Myanmar for ALL the people Myanmar. We will make Salai Tin Maung Oo's dreams and
the dreams of the brave of Myanmar become a reality. Let me repeat again to the military
junta - SAC and their supporters that "you can kill our bodies, but you cannot kill the love
that we have for our people, the visions and dreams that we are carrying for not only this
generation, but many generations to come in Myanmar. You can destroy our homes and
villages, but you can never destroy our hopes and beliefs that we have for our future and
the future of generations to come in the nation of Myanmar". I once again salute the
national hero Salai Tin Maung Oo and all the fallen heroes of the Nation for the cause of
freedom and inclusive federal democracy in Myanmar. We must win this spring revolution,
and indeed we are wining big and the military dictatorship is steadily losing. We will never
give up and we will never surrender, we will not rest until Salai Tin Maung Oo's dreams
and the visions of the brave people of Myanmar are achieved. We salute and honor Salai
Tin Maung Oo, and all the fallen heroes of the Nation, for our people and for our country.
Sincerely,
- H.E. Dr. Sasa..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Chin history, Chin (Zo)- economic, social, cultural, political
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"It is hardly surprising that the ethnic rebellions in states like those inhabited by the Kachin and Karen have flared anew since the military seized absolute power in Myanmar on Feb. 1, and that Bamar dissidents from cities and towns have sought refuge in areas controlled by ethnic rebels in the north and east. That happened after the military crushed a nationwide uprising for democracy in 1988 as well. But this time, the sound of gunfire and bomb blasts can be heard in Yangon, Mandalay and other cities and towns in the country’s heartland. And, in the ethnic areas, some of the heaviest fighting has raged in Chin and Kayah states, which for decades have not seen any widespread insurgencies.
Even there, it is a new type of rebellion. Myanmar’s older ethnic rebel armies, who have been battling for self-rule and autonomy for decades, are dressed up in uniforms with insignia, the officers have ranks, they are based in camps and are organized along the lines of regular armies anywhere in the world. The “new rebels” in Chin and Kayah states have none of that, and, unlike the ethnic rebel armies, are not equipped with automatic rifles but hunting guns, homemade weapons and bombs they have assembled themselves.
Even so, if reports on social media sites are to be believed, they have managed to inflict heavy casualties on the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw. Dozens of soldiers have been killed in ambushes and by roadside bombs—which, in turn, has provoked a massive and brutal response from the Tatmadaw. Heavy artillery and airpower have been used, but since the Tatmadaw is facing a largely invisible enemy, the firing into villages suspected of harboring the rebels has been indiscriminate, houses have been torched and even places of worship, like churches in predominantly Christian areas of Kayah State, have been damaged.
As a result, according to a June 24 statement by Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for UN Secretary General António Guterres, “an estimated 230,000 people have been displaced because of violence, fights and insecurity.” According to local sources in Demoso, Kayah State quoted by The Irrawaddy, Tatmadaw troops have also looted shops and entered homes and taken whatever they feel like. With all of that comes widespread anger at central military authorities—and the possibility of strengthening older, centrifugal forces on the periphery, which would be a challenge to anyone who wants to keep the country together.
Kayah State is inhabited by several ethnic groups of whom the Karenni, or Kayah, are the predominant among the state’s population of approximately 286,000. Originally Animist, many of them were converted to Christianity, mainly by Baptist missionaries, in the 19th century. But the Mong Pai (Mobye in Burmese) area on the Shan State border—where more than a dozen Tatmadaw soldiers were killed by local rebels in May—is where the Kayan, or Padaung, people live. They are predominantly Roman Catholic and their women are famous for wearing brass neck rings, which make their necks seem longer.
There is an old rebel army in Kayah State, the Karenni Army (KA), which is the armed wing of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) but has been engaged only in sporadic fighting since it was formed in the 1970s. But Kayah State has a very different administrative history from other Myanmar states. Although Animist or Christian, its people adopted at an early stage in history Shan political culture and established their own principalities. Following the advent of British colonial power in the 19th century, central Burma, as it was then called, became a colony, while the 40-or-so Shan states achieved a status similar to that of being protectorates.
The Karenni states, on the other hand, were recognized as “independent” under an agreement signed in 1875 by T.D. Forsyth for the British crown and Kinwun Mingyi U Kaung, the representative of the king in Mandalay: “It is hereby agreed that the Burmese and British Governments that the states of Western Karenni shall remain separate and independent and that no sovereignty or governing authority of any description shall be claimed or exercised over that State.” Consequently, the Karenni states of Kyebogyi, Kantarawaddy and Bawlake were marked as “independent” on maps throughout the colonial era although, in reality, they enjoyed the same status as the Shan principalities. But British presence was light, and there was little interference in the internal affairs of the Karenni states.
The Karenni and Shan states were the only states which, according to the 1947 constitution, had the right to secede from the then proposed Union of Burma after 10 years of independence. The Kachin and Karen states, which were to be formed after independence, did not have that right. But the Karenni rose in rebellion as early as 1946 in anticipation of the formation of the Union. The United Karenni Independent States were proclaimed to safeguard the “independence” of the area. An armed wing called the United Karenni States Independence Army was formed in 1948 but the rebellion petered out after the arrest of the main leader, Saw Maw Reh, in 1949. He was released in 1953 and was among those who formed the KNPP in 1957. The KA was set up in 1974, but like its mother organization the KNPP, it was based mainly on the Thai border opposite Mae Hong Son, where it benefited from the black-market trade between the two countries. A smaller faction broke away and formed an alliance with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), but its presence in Kayah State was very limited. When Saw Maw Reh died in 1994, the KNPP/KA lost most of its remaining strength and the movement slipped more or less into oblivion—until now.
The Kayan formed their own organization called the Kayan Newland Party (KNLP). Set up in 1964, it was for years led by Shwe Aye, aka Naing Hlu Ta, a former university student, who allied the movement with the CPB. In 1994, the KNLP was one of many rebel groups that made peace with the then military government. Local conflicts with rival groups and government demands for total surrender have decimated the group and it is now no longer active. The recent surge of fighting in Kayah State, therefore, appears to be unconnected with older insurrections.
The Chin, like the other hill peoples, including their distant relatives the Kachin, were also Animists before the arrival of the Christian missionaries. But unlike the Kachin they never managed to establish a formidable rebel army. One reason is that—again unlike the Kachin, among whom the Jinghpaw dialect became the lingua franca—the Chin remained divided by more than 30 (according to some counts, 44) different, mutually unintelligible dialects. In the 1970s, the Kachin Independence Army made an attempt to raise an allied force in Chin State—the Chin Independence Army, with the unfortunate abbreviation of CIA—but it soon vanished from the scene.
The Chin are more closely related to the Mizo (or Lushai, as they were called during the colonial era) of northeastern India, and cross-border contacts have always been strong and frequent. The establishment of Mizoram, a separate state for the Mizo, in India in 1987 also had repercussions in Chin State. Much to the embarrassment of the Indian government, the Indian flag was hoisted in several towns in Chin State in 1988. It was followed by a demand by local leaders that Chin State should secede from Myanmar and join newly formed Mizoram.
A smaller rebel group called the Chin National Front (CNF) with the Chin National Army (CNA) as its armed wing was formed when a number of Chin students went underground after the 1988 uprising. They did get some support from across the border in India, where the Research and Analysis Wing (India’s external intelligence agency) used them to collect intelligence. They were also unofficially allowed to set up a base in a remote part of southern Mizoram. It was known as the Victoria Camp and named after Mount Victoria (Nat Ma Taung in Burmese), the highest mountain in Chin State. But it was abandoned in 2005 and the CNF remained an insignificant group—until ex-general U Thein Sein launched his so-called “peace process” after assuming the presidency in 2011.
In 2015 the CNF became one of the eight original signatories of U Thein Sein’s “Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement”, but it was then so small and insignificant that it was awarded an area in Chin State where it could set up a headquarters, also called Victoria Camp. It was seen as important that the so-called “signatories” were credible forces, although only two of them, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Karen National Union, had any actual armed forces. Photos of uniformed CNA troops began to appear on social media sites, but their weaponry seems to consist almost exclusively of wooden cutouts.
The CNA does not appear to have taken an active role in the recent fighting in Chin State, where in May a local force calling itself the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) seized control of a town called Mindat and, according to local sources, killed more than 30 Tatmadaw soldiers before being forced out after heavy bombardment from the air and by artillery fire. The CDF has also launched attacks near the Chin State capital Hakha and other places in the area. But on May 28, the CNF, perhaps because it did not want to be overtaken by events, declared that it had forged an alliance with the National Unity Government (NUG), which consists of elected MPs who were ousted on Feb. 1 and other pro-democracy individuals. It is also worth noting that the main spokesman of the NUG, Dr. Sasa, is a Chin who is among the thousands of Chin who fled to India after the coup and the subsequent flare-up of fighting in the home areas. Some sources put the number of refugees in India at more than 20,000, nearly all of them from Chin State and adjacent lowland areas. A smaller number of refugees are in Manipur, the Indian state north of Mizoram.
It is too early to say whether the new rebellions that the coup has ignited will have any significant, long-term impact. The initial success of their ambushes could not have been carried out without widespread popular support, but in order to fight an insurgency, they would need more sophisticated weaponry than they presently have at their disposal. In the past, Thailand had a huge gray weapons market where many Myanmar rebel armies bought their guns. But that is no longer the case and China, the only other possible source of military hardware, would provide only the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and, indirectly, the allied forces of that group with weapons. None of the new rebel armies would fall into that category. The UWSA has also shown through its inactivity that it wants to be aloof of the post-coup anti-Tatmadaw movement, and will remain uninvolved.
It is also not possible that the new rebels will have access to safe havens in neighboring countries, which they would need in order to survive and expand. The Thais are not even willing to let the thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in eastern Myanmar cross the border, and those who did manage to escape to Mizoram can, at most, expect humanitarian assistance from their fellow Mizo.
And then there is the issue of ethnic identity. Is there any coordination between the new rebel groups in ethnic areas and urban guerrillas carrying out attacks in cities and towns? Will the new armies in ethnic areas, in the end, join kindred rebels fighting for autonomy or, in some cases, secession from an oppressive, Bamar-dominated central power? The only thing that can be said with certainty is that junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing probably had no idea of the forces he and his henchmen would unleash when, nearly five months ago, they decided to launch a coup, a move that has thrown the country into turmoil, causing immense suffering and tearing the country apart..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Chin (Zo)- economic, social, cultural, political, The Communist Party of Burma (CPB), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Sub-title:
A new brand of militant is throwing bombs, torching targets and killing junta officials in the name of restoring democracy
Description:
"Five months after the military coup in Myanmar, resistance to the anti-democratic takeover is evolving and intensifying.
In the old capital Yangon, groups of mostly young people appear for brief moments in the streets, shouting slogans and flashing the three-finger salute, the symbol of the pro-democratic struggle. They then disperse as quickly as they had appeared to avoid arrest.
Upcountry, people are also showing their anger at Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s power grab, with most protests taking place in Mandalay, Sagaing and Tanintharyi Regions. Demonstrators from across the country have expressed solidarity with each other.
When clashes occurred between protesters and security forces in urban areas in Mandalay in early June, people in Yangon staged a demonstration chanting “Stay strong Mandalay, we, Yangon will be with you.”
More militant elements have taken to throwing low-grade bombs and grenades at government buildings on a near-daily basis, while police, suspected military informants and leading members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party are being targeted for assassination.
Moreover, a loose alliance of local resistance forces known as the People’s Defense Force (PDF) was formed in May in response to the coup. Officially, it is the armed wing of the National Unity Government (NUG), which is made up of MPs who were deposed in the February 1 coup and other anti-junta activists.
The evident aim is to topple Min Aung Hlaing’s government by military means.
Judging from what happened in February, when millions of people in virtually every city, town and major village across the country marched against the coup, it is plausible to assume the NUG and PDF may have widespread popular support and getting recruits would not be a major problem.
But more than that will be needed in order to wage a successful armed struggle. The first would be access to weapons, then fall-back areas and, preferable, safe havens across the borders of a neighboring nation from where supplies could be sent to forces inside the country. It will also need money to sustain its activities.
On the surface, the PDF doesn’t appear to have any of the above.
According to a May 23 Myanmar-language NUG announcement, the PDF is made up of five divisions, each having at least three brigades. Each brigade consists of five battalions which, in turn, are divided into four companies, the announcement said.
That sounds like a formidable military force but, in reality, it’s so far only on paper. Groups of urban dissidents have taken refuge in areas controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Karen National Union (KNU) ethnic armed organizations.
Reports from inside sources indicate that the urban guerrilla warfare that Myanmar is now experiencing is an outcome of that alliance. Indeed, the well-planned attacks have been daring and dramatic.
On June 18, for instance, an army truck with regime soldiers on board was blown up in Yangon’s Tamwe township. The Irrawaddy cited witnesses who said they saw soldiers on board the truck, which was parked outside an office of the USDP. The blast also occurred within walking distance of the township’s police station, the Irrawaddy reported.
Both the KIA and elements of the KNU, which disagree with their leaders’ signing of an earlier, ineffectual Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), have since the coup also carried out widespread attacks in their areas of operation. The KIA in particular has hit Tatmadaw targets all over Kachin state.
But elsewhere in Myanmar, armed resistance appears to have been launched by local groups which may or may not have any links to the NUG and the PDF. That is especially true in now restive Chin and Kayah states, parts of the country that have not seen any large-scale insurgency for decades.
The PDF’s prospects look initially bleak. Decades of experience show that neither side in Myanmar’s many, mainly ethnicity-based civil wars can win solely by military means.
The Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw, has been unable to defeat the rebels and none of the ethnic armed groups has had enough strength to force any central government to agree to their demands for self-rule or autonomy.
The International Crisis Group sums it up as such in a June 28 report on Myanmar’s new emerging armed struggle:
“The resistance has taken on an increasingly revolutionary character, with most dissidents no longer aiming for restoration of the status quo ante, but for the Tatmadaw’s disbandment and its replacement by a new armed force that is not dominated by the Burman ethnic majority.”
That, the ICG concludes, would require the “Tatmadaw’s defeat or capitulation” – a remote possibility in today’s Myanmar.
The most recent attempt at finding an alternative, political solution to the civil wars was made by Thein Sein, a former Tatmadaw general, shortly after his appointment as president in 2011.
Talks between his government, the Tatmadaw and a variety of ethnic armed groups were held and resulted in eight of them signing the NCA in October 2015.
The problem, however, was that only two of those groups — the KNU and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) — had any armed forces to be reckoned with. The rest were tiny, largely irrelevant groups whose signatures were required to solidity the credibility of the NCA.
None of the major groups, among them the KIA, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, the Arakan Army or the United Wa State Army (UWSA) which, along with their respective allies, represent more than 80% of all armed rebels in the country.
The PDF will add to the Tatmadaw’s troubles. Unable to identify the new rebels, who unlike other ethnic insurgents are not dressed in uniforms with insignia showing the name of their army and their ranks, the Tatmadaw has resorted to firing indiscriminately into villages, causing widespread destruction of civilian homes and properties.
As a result, an estimated 230,000 people have been displaced in Myanmar because of violence, fights and insecurity, according to a June 24 statement by Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres.
Myanmar’s “new rebels”, with or without collaboration with older, ethnic armies, may be able to inflict heavy casualties on the Tatmadaw. But even the older armies are facing similar problems as the new ones.
In the past, Thailand’s grey weapons market was a treasure trove for any group looking for weapons, but, as relations between the Thai military and Tatmadaw have improved, that is no longer the case.
Informed sources say they are struggling to keep even their own soldiers with guns and sufficient ammunition. And Myanmar’s largest and best-equipped ethnic armed group, the UWSA, has shown no interest in arming or even sheltering urban dissidents and other pro-democracy activists.
That could be explained in the context of the UWSA’s close relationship with China’s security services on the other side of the border. While democratic countries all over the world have condemned the coup, China, along with Russia, have come out in support of Min Aung Hlaing’s junta.
The future for Myanmar thus looks bleak, with only a split within the Tatmadaw likely able to bring about fundamental change. But there are no signs yet of that happening as Myanmar’s resistance shifts from peaceful protests to more violent means.
The most the “new rebels”, alone or together with ethnic allies, may be able to achieve would be to disrupt its efforts to consolidate its grip on the country. In other words, Myanmar is back to square one in the history of its decades-long civil wars where neither side can win.
That can only mean more suffering for the people with villages being torched and civilians killed — and refugees gathering in the jungles and mountains or trying to escape to neighboring countries. Myanmar will remain a source of instability in an otherwise relatively prosperous part of the world..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, National Unity Government (NUG), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Across Myanmar, militias are forming to counter deadly repression of demonstrations against the 1 February coup. In response, the military has deliberately targeted civilians, displacing tens of thousands. Outside actors should press the regime to respect international law and allow humanitarian aid to the displaced.
Description:
"What’s new? Following Myanmar’s 1 February coup, newly organised militias have launched attacks in several parts of the country in response to regime killings of demonstrators. These lightly armed bands have inflicted significant casualties on the security forces, who have struck back with heavy weapons and bombardment of residential areas.
Why does it matter? The regime’s heavy-handed, indiscriminate retaliation has displaced tens of thousands of men, women and children. Local networks and humanitarian agencies are unable to adequately assist these people, due to security and access restrictions, including military arrests, confiscation of supplies, and killings of those trying to deliver aid.
What should be done? International actors – including in the UN Security Council – should press Myanmar’s regime to respect its legal obligations regarding the principles of proportionality and distinction, which its counter-insurgency strategy deliberately violates, and allow humanitarian access to all displaced people. Newly created militias must also refrain from abuses, particularly killing detainees..."
I.
Overview
The Myanmar junta’s crackdown on protesters and the broader civilian population after the 1 February coup d’état has triggered violent resistance, including the formation of militias in parts of the country. Some such militias, armed with hunting rifles and other makeshift weapons, have used their numbers and knowledge of local terrain to inflict serious casualties on Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw. Security forces have responded with indiscriminate attacks on populated areas, using artillery, airstrikes and helicopter gunships. Tens of thousands of men, women and children have fled to the forest, with the regime blocking relief from reaching them. The Tatmadaw must meet its international obligations to respect the proportional use of force, distinguish between combatants and civilians, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access to those displaced. Outside actors have a responsibility, including in the UN Security Council, to ensure the regime faces consequences for international law violations. The militias, for their part, should not take the Tatmadaw’s grave abuses as an excuse to commit their own.
Citizens in many parts of Myanmar watched in dismay as the regime unleashed deadly violence against protesters and residents in major cities from late February. Determined to continue demonstrating against the coup, but also concerned that they faced the same threat from security forces, they began forming militias to defend themselves. Such groups have emerged in several areas of the country, responding to the security forces’ attacks with determined campaigns of armed resistance. They have been most effective in places with existing militias or ethnic armed groups, or strong traditions of hunting – where many men have access to weapons and know the terrain intimately. Many of these areas have seen no active conflict in years or decades, meaning the Tatmadaw has little established military and intelligence capability there.
With ground troops proving to be easy targets for ambushes, [the military] has unleashed long-range artillery, airstrikes and airborne assaults on populated areas.
Facing rising casualties, the military has responded with overwhelming force. With ground troops proving to be easy targets for ambushes, it has unleashed long-range artillery, airstrikes and airborne assaults on populated areas, such as the towns of Mindat (in Chin State) and Demoso (in Kayah State). The Tatmadaw is using its long-established “four cuts” counter-insurgency strategy in these areas, a cruel approach that deliberately targets civilians in an effort to deprive insurgents of food, funds, recruits and intelligence on troop movements (hence the four cuts). Attacks on populated areas are an integral part of this strategy, along with the looting of food stores and denial of relief supplies, in clear violation of international humanitarian law.
The fast emergence of these militias, and their capacity to evolve from loosely coordinated groups of local people into more structured, better armed and sustainably funded forces, likely marks a new phase of Myanmar’s decades-old civil war. Given the deep grievances in areas such as Chin and Kayah States – about the coup, but also over decades of neglect, ethnic discrimination and denial of rights – these militias are unlikely to simply disband or quickly fade away. They constitute new fronts for the Tatmadaw, which will probably keep blindly lashing out at civilians, as it has done repeatedly in the past when fighting many of the country’s ethnic armed groups. While these militias generally express support for the National Unity Government (NUG), the civilian body that has emerged to contest the junta’s claim to rule, they are not under its command or control.
In a context of national economic collapse and local penury, these new militias will have privileged access to resources and rent-seeking opportunities, such as other armed actors in the political economy of Myanmar’s conflict have long secured. Experience from other parts of the country shows that such groups can provide protection for residents but can also become a source of insecurity for them, as well as an economic burden.
Addressing these conflict dynamics and their impact on non-combatants is difficult without a return to more democratic and accountable civilian government, which the regime appears determined to prevent. Nevertheless, some steps can be taken now that would help meaningfully improve the situation:
The Tatmadaw must cease attacks on civilians in line with its international legal obligation to respect the principles of proportionality and distinction. The security forces must also stop impeding humanitarian access to displaced populations.
Outside actors should do what they can to ensure that the regime is held accountable for its violations of international law. UN Security Council members inclined to act could request that the UN secretary-general report in more detail on the extent of violence and any obstruction of aid in Myanmar, thus ensuring that the Council discusses these issues. All countries should stop the supply of weapons to the regime.
Humanitarian agencies and donors should use all available channels to press the regime for timely access to displaced people. Asian countries, which are likely to have the most influence, should also advocate for expeditious humanitarian aid as a matter of priority.
The militias likewise have an obligation to refrain from committing abuses, including killing of detainees and attacks on civilians and civilian property. All parts of the resistance must refrain in particular from targeting schools and medical facilities.
Even if it does not have command and control of these groups, the NUG should take steps to strengthen and further disseminate its military code of conduct, continue to publicly signal the priority it gives to this code and press all elements of the resistance to adhere to the provisions.
II.
Opposition to the Coup Takes a Revolutionary Turn
The military regime has responded to the anti-coup resistance with extreme violence, killing more than 870 people and detaining more than 6,000. The dead include protesters – many of whom were shot in the head – bystanders, random civilians shot in their houses and others tortured during interrogations. The crackdown has been effective in clearing the streets of the mass protests seen in the coup’s immediate aftermath, but it has provoked greater anger toward the regime. Mass protests have been replaced with flash mobs, which disperse before security forces can intervene, and strikes, boycotts and other forms of civil disobedience continue on a large scale.
The anti-regime resistance as a whole is diverse, organic and organised locally by professional groups (such as medical workers, engineers and teachers), pre-existing civil society networks, labour unions and others. Some of the members of parliament elected in the November 2020 polls, who were due to take their seats on the day of the coup, have come together to form a legislative body, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH). It is composed mainly of members of Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) who are now in hiding, either in areas of the country controlled by ethnic armed groups or in exile. On 16 April, the CRPH established an executive body, the National Unity Government, with a diverse ethnic composition, especially at the deputy minister level.
The resistance has taken on an increasingly revolutionary character, with most dissidents no longer aiming for restoration of the status quo ante, but for the Tatmadaw’s disbandment and its replacement by a new armed force that is not dominated by the Burman ethnic majority. The CRPH/NUG has articulated its wish to create a “federal army”, under civilian control, with a more diverse ethnic composition and without the Tatmadaw’s institutional culture of violence against civilians. On 1 March, the CRPH went as far as to declare the regime a terrorist group, and the NUG did the same on 7 June.
This revolutionary agenda requires the Tatmadaw’s defeat or capitulation. The NUG first endorsed violent self-defence on 14 March and then announced the formation of its own armed wing, the People’s Defence Force (PDF), on 5 May. This step represents a decisive break with the policy of non-violence that the NLD adopted in its long years of opposition to military rule (1988-2011), which was a defining principle espoused by Aung San Suu Kyi herself. The regime responded on 8 May by declaring the CRPH, NUG and PDF to be “terrorist groups” under the Counter-terrorism Law.
The PDF is still a work in progress, with an aspirational structure on paper. Some young people, whom the NUG hopes to bring under its command, are being trained by ethnic fighters and some Tatmadaw deserters in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups. So far, three separate strands have emerged in the efforts at armed resistance:
First, the NUG attempted to convince existing ethnic armed organisations in Myanmar to join forces to fight the Tatmadaw under the banner of a new federal army. While several armed groups have expressed their support for the resistance and NUG, and in some cases provided sanctuary to fleeing dissidents, none has so far been willing to enter into a military alliance.
Secondly, the NUG announced the PDF, a tacit acknowledgement that it had been unable to form an alliance with ethnic armed groups and would instead form its own fighting force de novo. The challenges involved are enormous, however. The NUG does not control territory, and it is unlikely that ethnic armed groups would allow it to operate autonomously from places they control – for chain-of-command reasons, and because of likely regime retaliation; the Kachin Independence Organisation, for instance, has already said it will not do so. Although ethnic armed groups are providing military training to hundreds of young dissidents who have fled to areas under their control for sanctuary, these groups are not organised by the NUG and are not under its command, although they may share its objectives.
Thirdly, locally organised militias have been forming spontaneously in many places across Myanmar, in response to Tatmadaw violence. Groups such as the Chinland Defence Force (in Chin State), Kalay Civil Army (in Sagaing Region) and Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (in Kayah State) have clashed with the security forces – both repelling Tatmadaw attacks and going on the offensive to take control of towns or rural areas. The NUG’s announcement of the PDF was intended in part to unify these various local groups under its umbrella. But while many of them are supportive of the NUG and some have pledged allegiance to it, they are not under its command. Some of the largest groups have had no contact at all with the NUG (see Section III.C below).
In addition to organised militias, networks of civilians have responded to the regime’s use of brutal violence with asymmetric attacks on government and other targets in Yangon, Mandalay and elsewhere – including with improvised explosive devices, arson and killings of administrative officials and suspected regime informants. These networks include some people who have been trained in ethnic armed group areas and have subsequently returned to the cities. Since early April, there have been hundreds of explosions in various parts of the country, with the largest concentration in Yangon.
Bomb and arson attacks have struck educational institutions, local administration offices, the homes of regime-appointed officials, police and military personnel and installations, and banks. Schools have been particularly hard-hit, with dozens across the country targeted in an apparent effort to deter parents from registering their children ahead of the new school year starting 1 June, which anti-coup forces have called upon the population to boycott. On 26 May, the NUG issued a set of ethical rules for resistance forces, inter alia prohibiting attacks on schools, medical facilities and other civilian targets. Since then, attacks on schools have declined but not stopped.
III.
The New Armed Resistance
As the regime began to use increasingly deadly violence against protesters and the broader civilian population from late February, city residents began to take measures to protect themselves from the security forces and deter their night-time raids. They barricaded access roads, appointed nightwatchmen to give early warning of the security forces’ incursions and formed defence groups made up of mostly young men and women armed with makeshift weapons and shields.
As the military deployed front-line troops to force residents of Yangon, Mandalay and other towns to remove these roadblocks over the month of March, many members of these improvised defence forces either went underground or fled to ethnic armed group-controlled areas seeking weapons and training. Some of these underground cells, and networks of people who have now returned to the cities after receiving limited training, have begun carrying out opportunistic attacks, including bombings.
In other parts of the country, the situation has evolved differently. With the regime focused on quashing dissent in the main cities, people in many provincial towns and rural areas were able to continue demonstrating without facing violent crackdowns. As they saw the death toll mounting in other areas, however, some of these communities began organising themselves to resist the security forces. When protesters began to be arrested or shot in their areas, they were ready to retaliate.
A.
The Battle for Mindat
On 4 April, resistance cells from all nine townships of Chin State came together to form the Chinland Defence Force (CDF). Located in the country’s north west, bordering India, the mountainous state is Myanmar’s poorest. On 24 April, CDF members in the southern town of Mindat clashed with the security forces for the first time, after officers refused to release seven people, three men and four women, detained for putting up anti-regime stickers in town. Residents said the detentions violated an informal agreement between security forces and the townspeople that troops would take no action against protesters as long as they remained peaceful. Protesters had gathered in the town centre to demand the detainees’ release, and when a police officer fired into the crowd, the defence force retaliated, reportedly shooting dead three members of the security forces.
The situation escalated rapidly from there. The army attempted to bring in troops by road to reinforce the overwhelmed local battalion in Mindat. On 26 and 27 April, CDF fighters ambushed military convoys on the roads leading to the town, reportedly killing more than 30 troops, destroying army trucks and looting weapons. Although the CDF fighters were only lightly armed with traditional flintlock rifles, they were experienced at using these for hunting, had intimate knowledge of the terrain and outnumbered their targets – amassing hundreds of fighters to strike the convoys.
Seemingly taken aback by the level of resistance it was facing, on 27 April the military initially tried to negotiate with Mindat town elders, seeking an agreement that attacks on troops would end in return for the release of detained demonstrators; the truce broke down after a few hours when the security forces failed to release all the seven detainees. Further negotiations were held on 1 May and 9 May, aiming to reach agreement on the withdrawal of fighters from both sides from the downtown area, the withdrawal of troops from outside medical facilities and banks, permission for CDF fighters to return home with no retaliation, and the release of five remaining detainees. Discussions broke down on 12 May, with the military still refusing to release one of the detainees.
The military was able, however, to negotiate safe passage for a convoy of troops through Mindat, on 7 May, in order to resupply its bases in Paletwa township further south. Paletwa had been the site of some of the most intense conflict between government forces and the Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine rebel force, from January 2019 until the informal ceasefire in November 2020. Chin people were caught in the crossfire of that conflict, and were at times targeted by the Arakan Army, so the CDF may have had some interest in allowing the convoy to proceed.
After negotiations collapsed on 12 May, CDF fighters attacked soldiers posted outside a bank in the downtown area. The following day, the regime declared martial law in Mindat and began shelling the town. On 13 and 14 May, the military sent two convoys of reinforcements, which were again ambushed by the CDF. Tatmadaw troops fled, and CDF fighters seized large quantities of weapons from the trucks before destroying nine of them.
With the CDF controlling all roads into Mindat, on 15 May the military launched an airborne offensive, first shelling the town, then flying in several hundred troops by helicopter to seize control. The CDF retreated into the surrounding hills, and most townspeople also fled; thousands remain in makeshift settlements in the forest. The military now controls the town, but clashes continue in the surrounding areas, including Tatmadaw attacks in areas that civilians have fled to. The CDF told Crisis Group it is regrouping and preparing for new attacks, but in order to protect civilians, it will no longer base itself in urban areas..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication:
2021-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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"Dear friends, brothers and sisters, thank you for having me!
On behalf of the people of Myanmar, I want to say a warm thank you for giving me this
opportunity to present the plight of the people of Myanmar and appeal for your prayers and
support in this darkest hour in the history of Myanmar. The National Unity Government of
Myanmar and the brave people of Myanmar greatly appreciate you all for your prayers, your
support and for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the most pivotal
moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the
balance, the strong and continued support and prayers from you all are absolutely crucial in
stopping this reign of terror. More so than ever, the 54 million courageous citizens of
Myanmar need the continued strong friendship, coordinated support and prayer from you
all in fulfilling our hopes, aspirations, and dreams. The people of Myanmar have suffered so
much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their
regimes.
I want to take this opportunity to appeal to you all for your prayers, support and action:
According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million
civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta's reign of terror.
There is nothing normal about 1.2 million innocent civilians in Myanmar being forced to flee
their homes due to this oppressive military junta.
The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is predicting that over half of the
population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a
year. There is nothing normal about 27 million innocent civilians in Myanmar facing this harsh
poverty.
The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million
people in Myanmar are going to face starvation by the end of October of this year. There is
nothing normal about 6.4 million innocent civilians dying from starvation and thirst. It will be
heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun directly as a result
of the terroristic actions of this brutal military junta in Myanmar.
We cannot allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar People being violently forced to
flee from their homes because of a Military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the
normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation, nor can we allow
the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty
because of the greed of a few old generals.
Injustice cannot be made into justice. Since the failed coup in Myanmar on the first of
February 2021:
There can be no justification whatsoever for the brutal murder of over 915 people, including
72 children, by the military junta forces. We will never allow the normalization of the murder
of innocent civilians, and it is a matter of justice and accountability. There is no justification
whatsoever for illegally arresting and detaining more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people
without cause, including our elected officials, our State Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr.
President U Win Myint and dozens of brave journalists, by the illegal military junta. There is
no justification whatsoever for the torture and intimidation by the military junta of innocent
civilians and forcing over 2,000 of them to flee from illegal arrest warrants, for the mere
'CRIME' of expressing their fundamental and universal Human Rights.
The illegal military junta committed another crime against Humanity on the 16th of June 2021
by burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes), in Sagaing Region of
Myanmar, and burning elderly people to death who were trapped inside their homes. This is
not a first, however, as this military junta is guilty of war crimes, genocide, crimes against
Humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people and the people of Karen,
Kachin, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, and Chin States, which account for over 40% of the population
of Myanmar.
This violence we are seeing instigated by the military junta in Myanmar is both systematic
and widespread. The brutal junta forces are attacking Churches, Schools, Villages, Towns
and Cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied Churches,
Schools, Community halls and Hospitals nationwide to use as Barracks and Supply Depots.
These junta forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with guns and bullets; replacing
Bibles and Hymnals with Mortars and bombs; and replacing live-saving Hospital equipment
with weapons of destruction and death.
It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school
children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and
community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities,
Pastors, Monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our
Hospitals, Colleges, Universities, Banks, and Economy is crashing due to this military reign
of terror. It is not normal that our Teachers, Tutors, Professors, Doctors, Nurses, Midwives,
Engineers, Scholars and Civil Servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their
peaceful movement of CDM which is more powerful than the military junta’s acts of terrorism
against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The pro-democracy protests continued across the country in different townships despite the continuing lethal attacks by the junta forces and arrested of protests and the youth. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) figures showed that as of 9 May, 780 people have been killed by the junta, 3,826 are currently under detention while 84 were sentenced. 1,540 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment.
The military junta also said that it would not agree to a visit by a Southeast Asian envoy until it could establish stability. Maj. Kaung Htet San, a spokesperson for the junta’s State Administration Council said in an online news conference: "Whether we will follow the suggestions of ASEAN or not will depend on the situation of the country."
Explosions and killings have been reported in several states and regions including Yangon in the past week while growing numbers of clashes between the military and the civilian defense forces are also reported in Chin State state, Magway and Sagaing regions. Four administrators appointed by the junta were killed in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing regions, while a NLD MP and four other people were killed in the explosion of a parcel bomb in Bago region.
Local media also reported the fighting between the military and the KNLA and KIA in Kachin and Kayah States and the military air raids in those areas left dozens of civilians injured. It is also reported more than 7,000 people in Papun district in Karen State are hiding as their villages are being attacked while more than 3,000 fled into Thailand. People of Salween River Basin Network, a civil rights group based in Mae Hong Son, urged the Thai government not to push the refugees back. The CSOs also repeatedly requested humanitarian organisations and relief agencies to take part in the distribution. In addition, more than 200 local and the international NGOs called on the UN to impose Myanmar arms embargo.
The junta also banned three media outlets including Myitkyina Journal, The 74 Media based in Kachin state and Tachileik News Agency from Shan state, totaling up to 8 abolished media outlets since the coup. The detained Japanese journalist, Yuki Kitazumi, was charged for spreading “fake news”.
The National Unity Government (NUG) set up a “people’s defence force” to protect civilians and outlined 35-point basic principles for its defense ministry, after the junta announced that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People Defense Force (PDF) are terrorist organizations..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"One hundred days after the coup, the junta has pushed the region’s fastest-growing economy into an economic and humanitarian disaster. The World Bank forecast shows that Myanmar's economy is expected to contract by 10% in 2021, a sharp difference from the previous prediction of 5.9% growth in October 2020. There is a possible banking crisis which leads to cash shortages, limited access to social welfare payments and international remittances. Last week, Myanmar Kyat hit one of its lowest compared to the USD.
The World Food Program also estimates that up to 3.4 million more people, particularly those in urban areas, will face hunger during the next six months. Price rises, hurting the poor and causing shortages of some essentials, including the costs of fuel and medicine.
The junta called to reopen colleges, universities and schools soon but many students and educators are boycotting. As a result, around 13,000 staff had been suspended by May 8. The junta also announced job vacancies for educational positions to replace striking staff.
Across Myanmar, the ordinary citizens have taken up any weapons available from air guns to traditional firearms and homemade bombs and arms have spread in Chin state, Sagaing, Magwe and Mandalay regions. Mindat township in Chin State reported more intensified fights between the civil resistance groups and the Myanmar military while clashes were reported in Myingyan township, Mandalay region and Tamu township, Sagaing region.
According to our information, at least 43 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week and many of them were in Yangon’s townships. It was reported that two people died and at least 21 people were injured.
Media reported the junta continued to conduct air strikes across the villages in Kachin, Kayin, and Shan states, leading to thousands of people fleeing their villages. The Ethnic Health Organizations (EHOs) called on the international community to provide direct support to the ethnic areas as international aid sent through central Myanmar was unable to reach EHOs. The media also reported that the IDPs in Momauk township, Kachin State are in desperate need for emergency support.
CSOs based in Thai-Myanmar border called authorities to consider measures for refugees on humanitarian principles and make an effort to monitor, assess the situation closely while consistently upholding both national security and humanitarian principles. They also urge Thai authorities to assess the situation comprehensively based on correct information and reliable sources.
A DVB reporter, Min Nyo was sentenced by a military court to three years in prison for his reporting. Three reporters from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and two activists from Myanmar have been arrested in Thailand for illegal entry and face possible deportation. CSOs and foreign correspondents in Thailand urged the Thai authorities not to deport them back to Myanmar.
Thai prime minister and Foreign Minister met with the UN special envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener to discuss the situation in Myanmar. The PM said he will not force those fleeing violence back to Myanmar. The National Unity Government also called for foreign countries to introduce and expand sanctions against the overseas relatives of Myanmar’s military council members.
As of May 16, a total of 3,998 people are currently under detention and among 92 are sentenced. 1,679 have been issued arrest warrants. Twenty were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment.
UEC member U Khin Maung Oo informed that there will be a coordination meeting with all the 91 political parties on 21 May and the main topic to discuss is about the use of the PR system. After the coup, the junta appointed UEC requested political parties to send the proposals on the PR system and some of the major parties such as NLD and SNLD rejected the proposal.
World religious leaders are giving special attention to Myanmar, Pope Francis offered a special mass for the people of Myanmar on Sunday, 16 May 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, WFP (World Food Programme), Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The protests continued for the 11th week despite the brutal crackdown by the junta forces. Ko Wai Moe Naing, a prominent leader of the pro-democracy protest movement in Monywa, Sagaing region, was beaten and dragged away after a vehicle hit his motorbike. 26 citizens were killed by the junta forces during the Thingyan period, habitually the country’s most joyful and auspicious holidays.
Mobile data was cut in Myanmar for the 35th consecutive day according to Netblocks while nighttime internet blocking continues. Wireless and broadband services were also shut down throughout the country. Youth are fighting the junta's internet shutdown and information suppression with underground printed newsletters such as Molotov, The Voice of Spring, and The Milestone of Spring that they are secretly distributing across communities in Yangon and other cities.
This week, pro-democracy politicians, including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) announced a shadow National Unity Government (NUG) formed under the terms of the Federal Democracy Charter. Mahn Win Khaing Than, an ethnic Karen and former House Speaker was appointed as the prime minister, while Duwa Lashi La, president of the Kachin National Consultative Assembly is the vice president. President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi retain their positions.
The special ASEAN summit on Myanmar is scheduled to take place on 24 April in Jakarta and Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing will attend the summit as his first known foreign trip since he staged the coup. The National Unity Government officials responded that ASEAN has to negotiate with the newly formed legitimate government if they want to help resolve the current situation. They also urged ASEAN to provide a seat at the summit for the NUG and not to recognize the junta as the legitimate representative of Myanmar.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 737 people have been killed by the junta as of 18 April and 3,229 people are currently under detention. 75 have been sentenced and 930 arrest warrants have been issued targeting pro-democracy activists, political party leaders, government officials, medical officers, celebrities and social media influencers.
An art and culture concert called “Myanmar Spring”, to be held on 24 April at the Bangkok Art and Culture Center. The charity event is organized by Myanmar students in Thailand, in the hope of raising awareness and raising funds in support of the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), internally displaced individuals, and families of those who have lost their lives in the conflict in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The protests continued for the 12th week across the country despite the brutal crackdown. After a weeks-long absence, protesters returned to the streets in downtown Yangon ahead of the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. The media also reported that more than 110 people, many of them student activists and youth protesters, were abducted by the junta. Some of the protest leaders’ houses were raided while some of them fled to avoid the arrests.
The ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting was held on 24 April in Jakarta, Indonesia and was represented by junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing despite strong objection from the people of Myanmar and both local and international CSOs. The calls to invite the National Unity Government (NUG) to the meeting in order to address the issue of Myanmar were not fulfilled. The meeting ended with the issue of a “Five Points of Consensus”, which was criticised for not including the call for the release of political detainees in Myanmar. Deadly crackdowns on the protesters and the attacks on ethnic communities by the junta continued even during the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting.
The World Bank forecast the Myanmar economy will decline by 10 percent this year due to the impact of the military coup. Around 200,000 workers in the garment industry have lost their jobs and nearly a third of the garment industry jobs have been wiped out with many other industries. The World Food Program (WFP) analysis also shows up to 3.4 million or more people will struggle to afford food in coming months with urban areas worst affected as job losses mount in manufacturing, construction and services and food prices are in rise.
As air raids and the continuing fights between the Myanmar military led thousands of people to cross the border to Thailand and India. The humanitarian organizations also stressed the importance of unfettered access to everyone fleeing Myanmar to provide lifesaving aid and other services, including healthcare, food and water.
There are nearly 250,000 displaced persons inside Myanmar or neighbouring countries like Thailand, India. However, there is no proper humanitarian assistance for these victims and it was discussed in many CSOs forums for immediate actions, specially from the Thai government, UN and other international relief groups.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners figures show that as of 25 April, 751 people are confirmed killed by this junta. 3,431 are currently under detention while 79 are sentenced. 1,159 arrest warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The pro-democracy protests continued across the country while the Myanmar community outside of the country also conducted the protests in places such as London, Kuala Lumpur, Tokyo and Seoul. The protests started again in Yangon last week just before the ASEAN summit after a few weeks of absence. Some flashmobs were also witnessed in townships such as Kyauktada, Sanchaung, Ahlone, Hlaing, Kamayut, Dawbon, Thaketa, Tamwe, Insein and Hlaing Tharyar townships in Yangon.
A series of small-scale explosions also reported in Yangon in the past week. On 2 May alone, explosions were reported at least in six townships including Insein, Hlaing Thar Yar, Tamwe, North Dagon, South Dagon and Thaketa.
The junta lifted the nightly fibre internet cut off while mobile data and wireless broadband remain blocked, except for some selected business and banking apps. Social media, including Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, are still banned in the country.
Despite the call for immediate cessation of violence through ASEAN summit by the ASEAN leaders which was joined by the junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, deadly crackdowns, human rights violations, raids and arrests have continued in days and nights. The junta also announced that stability is the current priority of the regime including maintaining law and order and restoring community peace and tranquility. The junta also announced it will only consider the ASEAN leaders’ recommended five-point consensus after the situation stabilizes in the country.
Suppression of media and arrest of journalists also continued. More than 70 journalists have been arrested since the coup and of them, 40 are still under detention and another 22 journalists face arrest warrants on incitement charges. It was also reported last week the junta has terminated the license of Myitkyina News Journal, a local media based in Kachin State.
In the past week, tension between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) intensified. The military launched more airstrikes in the conflict areas, causing more residents to flee across the Thailand border.
There is also a trend that pro-democracy activists express their support towards the ethnic armed organizations and receive military training from ethnic armies in Myanmar's borderlands. Thousands of young people including students, doctors and engineers have joined the training in Karen and Kachin States.
The UNDP has reported that nearly half of Myanmar’s population could be forced into poverty by 2022 due to the impacts of military rule and the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners figures showed that as of 2 May, 765 people have been killed by the junta, 3,555 are currently under detention while 82 were sentenced. 1,396 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonmen..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၂/၂၀၂၁
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ နယုန်လပြည့်ကျော် (၂)ရက်
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ၊ (၂၆)ရက်
၁။ အရပ်သားအစိုးရထံမှ မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းယူထားသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အလုပ်သမား၊ လူဝန်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အင်အားဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့ချုပ်များနှင့် အလုပ်သမားရေးဆောင်ရွက်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၆ ဖွဲ့အား တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ ယင်းတို့၏လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်မှုများသည်လည်း ဥပဒေနှင့် ညီညွတ်မှုမရှိကြောင်း ဆက်လက်လှုပ်ရှား ဆောင်ရွက်ပါက တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ( ၁၊ ၀၃၊ ၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကြေငြာခဲ့သည်။
(၁) ဗမာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာအလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်(ABFTU)၊
(၂) အလုပ်သမားအချင်းချင်း ရိုင်းပင်းကူညီရေးအဖွဲ့
(၃) အနာဂါတ် အလင်းတန်းဆုံမှတ်အဖွဲ့
(၄) Action Labor Rights
(၅) All Myanmar Trade Union’s Network
(၆) Agriculture Freedom of Myanmar
(၇) Association for Labour Development(ALD)
(၈) Federation of General Workers Myanmar
(၉)Freedom and Labour Action Group
(၁၀) Labour Power Group
(၁၁) We Generation Network
(၁၂) ရောင်ခြည်ဦးအလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့၊
(၁၃) သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်သောသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်(မြန်မာ)STUM
(၁၄) အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးကော်မတီ(Cooperation Committee of Trade Unions-CCTU)
(၁၅) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာ ရေနံအလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်
(၁၆) စက်မှုလုပ်ငန်းဆိုင်ရာအမျိုးသမီးအလုပ်သမားများအစည်းအရုံး(Industrial Woman Worker Organization-IWWO)
၂။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာအလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့ချုပ်(ILO)၏ လွတ်လပ်စွာသင်းပင်းဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် Freedom of Association Convention 87 ကို လက်မှတ်ထိုးထားသော နိုင်ငံတနိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည်။ အလုပ်သမားတိုင်းသည် မိမိတို့ အလုပ်သမားအရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အလို့ငှါ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာစည်းရုံး ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်ခွင့် ရှိသည်။ ၂၀၁၁ ခုနှစ် အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်းဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် ဥပဒေသည် မှတ်ပုံတင်ဥပဒေသာဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ မှတ်ပုံမတင်သော အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို တရားမဝင်အဖွဲ့များအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ခွင့်မရှိပါ။ ယခုလို အရပ်သားအစိုးရထံမှ မတရားအာဏာလုယူထားသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်သည် ဂျီနီဗာ ကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းကို ဖောက်ဖျက်ရာလည်း ရောက်နေပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ အထက်ပါ အလုပ်သမားရေးဆောင်ရွက်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၆ ဖွဲ့သည် မိမိတို့၏ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် မိမိတို့၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အလုပ်သမားရေးရာ လုပ်ငန်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ဆောက်ရွက်ခွင့် ရှိကြောင်း ကြေငြာလိုက်သည်။.....
ပုံ
နိုင်သုဝဏ္ဏ
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour
Date of publication:
2021-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Despite the fact that no exceptional circumstances whatsoever can be invoked to justify torture
under international law, Myanmar’s military and security forces continue to torture and commit
degrading and inhuman treatment against its people every day.
Since its coup in February, the military regime has increasingly tortured anti-regime protesters and
those opposing th e ju n ta However, it is not a new crime; torture is one o f its cruel tactics
Myanmar’s military has carried out against ethnic people in armed conflicts over the past five
decades. Ethnic people were subject to detention on suspicion o f having ties to ethnic armed
organizations, torture during interrogation, forced confession and wrongful imprisonment.
Evidence showed that the junta unnecessarily displayed force and beat the people including youths
and women in their arrests and tortured them during interrogation. At least 22 civilians were
tortured to death during military custody since February coup.
On this International Day in Support o f Victims o f Torture, the Ministry o f Human Rights strongly
condemns the State Administrative Council, which is how the junta describes itself, and its security
forces for their acts. The ministry here reiterates that it is trying to hold those responsible for torture
accountable both under national and international laws. According to international conventions, not
only those who carry out but also those who authorize torture are responsible for torture. The
ministry will ensure those who authorized torture also receive fitting punishments.
The ministry will ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Convention
Against Torture as soon as possible to prevent torture against innocent civilians in the future. It will
continue its efforts to prevent Myanmar civilians from torture and to bring those responsible for
torture to justice..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Atrocities Against Groups, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"H.E. Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation, Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, and former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations addressed the Parliamentarians of the French Republic at the hearing on the Myanmar crisis organized by the French National Assembly Foreign Affairs Committee.
23 June 2021
Bonjour!
Dear Mr. Chairman and respected members of the French National Assembly, members of the France Parliament, on behalf of myself and on the behalf of the people of Myanmar, I wanted to say thank you to you for giving me this opportunity to represent the people of Myanmar. The brave people and the National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People, Parliament and Government of the French Republic for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the darkest of hours and the most pivotal moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the balance, the strong and continued support from the people, Parliamentarians, and Government of France and its international alliance are absolutely crucial in stopping this reign of terror. More so than ever, the 54 million courageous citizens of Myanmar need the continued strong friendship, coordinated support and recognition from the people, Parliamentarians and Government of France in fulfilling the hopes, aspirations, and dreams of those who have suffered so much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their regime..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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"မင်္ဂလာပါ။
လေးစားအပ်ပါသော သဘာပတိကြီးနှင့်တကွ ပြင်သစ်ပါလီမန်အဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် ပြင်သစ်အမျိုးသား ညီလာခံ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များခင်ဗျာ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုကို ကိုယ်စားပြုနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ကျွန်ုပ်အား ယခုကဲ့သို့ အခွင့်အရေးပေးသည့်အတွက် ကျွန်ုပ်အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု ကိုယ်စားအားလုံးကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။
ရဲရင့်သောမြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပြင်သစ်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံတော်၏ ပြည်သူများ၊ ပါလီမန်အမတ် များနှင့် ပြင်သစ်အစိုးရမှ မြန်မာ့သမိုင်း၏ အရေးကြီးသော အခိုက်အတန့်တွင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် အတူရပ်တည်ပေးကြသည့်အတွက် အလွန်ဂုဏ်ယူဝမ်းမြောက်မိပါသည်။
ယခုအချိန်ကာလသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသမိုင်း တစ်လျှောက်တွင် အမှောင်မိုက်ဆုံးအချိန်နှင့် အရေးပါဆုံးသောကာလ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့တိုင်းပြည်၏ ကံကြမ္မာနှင့် အနာဂတ်သည် ဟန်ချက်ညီအောင် ထိန်းသိမ်းနေစဉ် ပြင်သစ်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံရှိ ပြည်သူများ၊ ပါလီမန်အမတ်များ၊ ပြင်သစ်အစိုးရနှင့် ၎င်း၏အပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာမဟာမိတ်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ ခိုင်မာသော စဥ်ဆက်မပျက် ထောက်ခံ အားပေးမှုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကြီးမားသော ကံဆိုးမိုးမှောင်ကျမှုနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်ချုပ်ခြင်းများမှ လွတ်မြောက် နိုင်ရန် မရှိမဖြစ် အလွန်အရေးကြီးပါသည်။
ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိရှိသော မြန်မာပြည်သူ ၅၄ သန်းသည် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော စစ်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်များနှင့် သူတို့၏အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကတည်းက ယခုအချိန်အထိ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုအမျိုးမျိုးကို ခါးစီးခံစားခဲ့ကြရပြီး သူတို့၏ မျှော်လင့်ချက်များ၊ မျှော်မှန်းချက်များနှင့် အိပ်မက်များကိုအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရာတွင် ပြင်သစ်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံရှိ ပြည်သူများ၊ ပါလီမန်အမတ်များနှင့် ပြင်သစ်အစိုးရတို့၏ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု၊ ခင်မင်ရင်းနှီးမှုနှင့် ထောက်ခံအားပေးမှုများကို ယခင်အချိန်များထက် ပိုမိုလိုအပ်နေပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-25
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Category:
National Unity Government (NUG)
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၃၁/၂၀၂၁)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ နယုန်လဆန်း ၁၃ ရက်
ဇွန်လ (၂၂)ရက် ၊၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
===================အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်မှ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသို့ ဒုတိယသမ္မတအား ယာယီသမ္မတ (Acting President) အဖြစ် ပြောင်းလဲခေါ်ဝေါ်သုံးစွဲရန် သဝဏ်လွှာ တစ်စောင်ပေးပို့လာပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံတော်၏ သမ္မတကြီး ဦးဝင်းမြင့်အား တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက မတရားဖမ်းစီး ထားစဉ်အတွင်း ဒုတိယသမ္မတကြီးက ယာယီသမ္မတအနေဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သဖြင့် ယာယီသမ္မတ (Acting President) အဖြစ် ခေါ်ဝေါ်သုံးစွဲရန် အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။
(၂၁-၆-၂၀၂၁ CRPH အစည်းအဝေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အရ )
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2021-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
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"The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) released the final comprehensive report of its international election observation mission to the 2020 Myanmar general elections and said “it is its informed opinion that the results of the 2020 general elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar”. It also said despite the raging COVID-19 pandemic, 27.5 million people voted thanks to the hard work of polling staff and election or health officials, their voices cannot be silenced. ANFREL has identified the election postponement, disenfranchisement of the Rohingya community and the other ethnic minorities, legal framework outlined by the 2008 military drafted constitution as the shortcomings of the election that has to improve in future elections. International and local media reported the findings, and diplomatic missions of Canada, US, UK, New Zealand, Switzerland to Myanmar also quoted ANFREL in their social media accounts with its full report.
The junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) called for a meeting with the political parties on 21 May in Nay Pyi Taw and 59 political parties joined. The popular parties like National League for Democracy (NLD), Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Arakan National Party, Democratic Party for New Society did not attend the meeting while a representative of the People’s Party, known as a pro-democracy party attended. The party faced mass resignation over the decision that seven out of 20 central executive committee members resigned, including co-founder Ye Naing Aung. At the meeting, the junta-appointed election commission chair Thein Soe said they will dissolve the NLD due to “electoral fraud” and the regime will prosecute NLD leaders as “traitors”.
The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the crackdown by the junta. Tension between the junta forces and the civilian resistance fighters increased during the week that the situation in Mindat, Chin State further escalated after junta forces entered Mindat. The junta has blocked road access to the town and cut off its water supply, making life very difficult for those who stayed behind. Local media also reported the locals fled to the nearest forest due to the attacks on Mindat town and they desperately needed emergency support for food and medicine.
The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters also emerged in several places in Kayah state such as Loikaw, Hpasawng, Demoso, and Bawlake townships. Media reported that emergency support on food, shelter and medicine were needed in IDPs camps of Kayah.
Kachin Independent Army (KIA) forces also clashed with the Myanmar military forces over the week in Kachin state, Sagaing region and Shan state. Continued fighting with KNU forces and military has also left many to flee to Thailand. The civil society organizations based in Thailand and Thai-Myanmar border urged the Thai government to delay the repatriation of Myanmar refugees and allow war refugees and displaced persons at the Thailand-Myanmar border by the Salween to have access to humanitarian aid. According to Indian government officials, more than 15,000 had sought refuge since the Feb. 1 coup. A local official of the Union Election Commission (UEC) in Magway Region was also tortured to death by junta troops.
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 57 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 11 people died including a nine-year-old boy, and at least 40 were injured.
International Crisis Group reported that Myanmar’s junta is seeking to limit access to the internet to an internal network of only “whitelisted” sites to quash opposition. Reports said that military and intelligence agencies are conducting some tracing of SIM cards and interception of calls.
United Nations General Assembly vote on 18 May on a draft resolution calling for “an immediate suspension of the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and munitions” to Myanmar has been postponed. The US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated 16 individuals and one entity connected to Burma’s military regime including adult children of previously designated senior Burmese military officials and the UK extended its sanctions to Myanmar Gems Enterprise, a distributor of jade and other precious stones.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 23 May, 818 people were killed by the junta. 4,296 people are currently under detention and 95 are sentenced. 1,822 warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the crackdown by the junta. The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters or Ethnic Armed Organizations also emerged in several places in Myanmar, such as in Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Shan, Sagaing and Yangon States/Regions.
The Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN) said that airstrikes by the junta in Karen State’s Mutraw district have displaced 90% of the entire rural population in recent months and sparked a “humanitarian crisis”. Around 70,000 residents from around 150 villages in Kayah State’s Demoso and Loikaw and Shan State’s Pekon Township have been displaced in the five days of fighting since Friday.
Karen National Union (KNU) said that 128 junta’s troops died and 180 injured during clashes between junta’s troops and the KNU in May. There were around 193 clashes between them from 5 to 26 May. Several civilian resistance forces have alerted people not to go outside unless they have urgent reasons to do so, as of increased risks to civilians. At least 73 children were killed by regime forces across Myanmar from 15 February to 15 May, according to the Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government (NUG).
Aung San Suu Kyi attended a court hearing on Monday for the first time after arresting her on 1 February. Prior to the hearing, Suu Kyi had only been permitted to speak with lawyers via video conference.
Japan permits the visa extension for another six months for Myanmar nationals due to the current situation, while the US designated Myanmar nationals for Temporary Protected Status (TPS), allowing many in the US to be shielded from deportation and obtain work permits.
The economy is falling down into the depths due to the military coup as well as the COVID-19 crisis. Myanmar people lose their jobs and the banking system is not fully functioning, the Central Bank is not issuing the limited cash to the bank, therefore, many people are waiting infront of ATMs which is common seen in many mornings.
Millions in Myanmar are struggling to buy food as due to price hike and millions of farmers were pushed into destitution and debt as there are more expensive inputs, declining crop prices and a possible dearth of affordable credit. According to estimates by NetBlocks, a nongovernmental organization that tracks internet access, the cost to Burma’s economy exceeds $24 million per day due to the internet shutdown and restrictions. On the other hand, Myanmar’s junta could lose tens of millions of dollars after French oil giant Total announced that it has suspended dividend payments.
Southeast Asian nations lobbied to remove the arms embargo call from the UN on Myanmar Junta but the Phillippine foreign minister denied knowledge of ASEAN blocking calls to the UN.
School enrolling commenced on Monday across the country which was enforced by the junta but more than half of all teachers are on strike and some 90 percent of students have refused to enroll in Myanmar’s education system, according to the members of the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation (MTF).
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 101 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 7 people died and at least 20 were injured.
UN special envoy on Myanmar Christine Scharner Burgener called for member states to support Myanmar people and talk to NUG as its setup by the elected MPs during her press conference in Japan.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 30 May, 840 people were killed by the junta. 4,409 people are currently under detention and 108 are sentenced. 1,881 warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"The National Unity Government (NUG) held its very first press conference on Friday 4 June. The junta shut down the internet between 5 p.m. and 6 p.m to disrupt that press conference being held by the parallel government. The NUG said that it will announce a national D-Day to fight the military junta when the time is ripe at its press conference.
The COVID-19 control collapsed after the coup as many health workers joined a civil disobedience movement to protest against the junta. COVID-19 infections have resurfaced in Myanmar amid post-coup turmoil with 767 new cases being found and seven deaths in the past seven days. The military junta has imposed stay-at-home orders on half of the Chin State’s townships as well as Kalay, Sagaing State.
On 1 June, the junta forced the start of the new school year across the country. No more than a quarter of Myanmar's 12 million pupils enrolled for the new school year amid a protest boycott against military rule and in the wake of a series of bombings, an official of Myanmar Teachers’ Federation said. Security forces stood guard at some schools and brought pupils under armed escort from their homes.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the chief of the coup, met with Brunei's Second Minister for Foreign Affairs Erywan Pehin Yusof and ASEAN Secretary General Lim Jock Hoi in Naypyitaw on Friday 4 June. He told ASEAN envoys elections will only come after the country returns to ‘normal’. The parallel government, National Unity Government (NUG) said it no longer has any expectation that ASEAN can help Myanmar as the regional bloc has only engaged with the junta while neglecting them.
The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar and its unsettled situation continued even in the fifth month after the coup. The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters or Ethnic Armed Organizations also emerged in several places in Myanmar, such as in Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Shan, Mandalay, Magway, Ayeyarwaddy, Sagaing and Yangon States/Regions. It was reported that the staff who are joining the CIvil Disobedience Movement are facing tough choices as there is no income, intimidation, legal threats and weakening financial support. More young people are joining the ethnic armed organisations for military training.
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 65 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 11 people died and at least 15 were injured.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 6 June, 849 people were killed by the junta. 4,674 people are currently under detention and 160 are sentenced. 1,936 warrants have been issued. 31 were sentenced to death, 14 people to three years, 39 people to 20 years, 5 people to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour. The journalists of Democratic Voice of Burma and Mizzima were sentenced to two-year jail in the past week..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"H.E. Dr. Sasa Union Minister of the MOIC and Spokesperson of the NUG welcomes new EU sanctions against individuals connected to the military regime - H. E ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူမှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်နေသော ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအပေါ် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ၏ အရေးယူပိတ်ဆို့မှုများပြုလုပ်ခြင်းအား ကြိုဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Sanctions, Business and the Military, Sanctions - general
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"H.E. Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation and
Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly welcomes the
third round of European Union targeted sanctions against individuals and militarycontrolled
entities in Myanmar. This is another big step in ending the violence and
death across the country. The press release is as follows:
“The Council today imposed sanctions on 8 individuals, 3 economic entities and the War Veterans
Organisation in relation to the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the
ensuing repression against peaceful demonstrators. The EU's restrictive measures are largely aligned
with those of major international partners.
The individuals targeted by sanctions include ministers and deputy ministers, as well as
the attorney general, who are responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law and
for serious human rights violations in the country. The four entities are either stateowned
or controlled by the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), contributing directly or indirectly
to the military's revenues or activities.
By targeting the gems and timber sectors, these measures are aimed at restricting the junta’s ability
to profit from Myanmar’s natural resources, while being crafted so as to avoid undue harm to the
people of Myanmar.
Restrictive measures, which now apply to a total of 43 individuals and 6 entities, include an asset
freeze and a prohibition from making funds available to the listed individuals and entities.
Additionally, a travel ban applicable to listed persons prevents them from entering or transiting through
EU territory.
Pre-existing EU restrictive measures also remain in place. These comprise an embargo on arms and
equipment that can be used for internal repression, an export ban on dual-use goods for use by the
military and border guard police, export restrictions on equipment for monitoring
communications that could be used for internal repression, and a prohibition on military training for
and military cooperation with the Tatmadaw.
The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going
to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta.
The EU remains a steadfast supporter of Myanmar/Burma’s people and of the country’s democratic
transition.
The European Union continues to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles
of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. In 2021, it allocated €20.5 million in
humanitarian aid to address the immediate needs of displaced and conflict-affected communities in
the country. It stands ready to cooperate with the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian
Assistance in this respect. The EU stresses the importance for Myanmar/Burma to ensure that all
refugees, displaced persons and people in need have rapid, safe and unhindered access to
humanitarian aid.
The relevant legal acts, including the names of the persons and entities concerned, have been
published in the Official Journal.”
H.E. Dr. Sasa stated:
"Today I would again like to thank the European Union for taking a lead and being an advocate and
voice for the people of Myanmar, and imposing even stronger targeted sanctions against military junta
linked personnel and entities. The EU is a steadfast supporter of our democratic transition, and I want
to extend my most sincere thanks on behalf of the 54 million citizens of Myanmar for the continued
support and solidarity of the European Union with the people of Myanmar.
I continue to appeal to all nations around the globe to join with us, and support us, the people and
rightfully elected National Unity Government of Myanmar and help us end this cruel and unlawful
military junta ('SAC') occupation. We especially urge all nations to completely cease engagement with
the Military and all its entities, both directly and indirectly, and put yet tougher coordinated, targeted
and more widespread sanctions both diplomatically and economically. Every moment that these
tougher measures are delayed, more and more lives are lost, and thousands are displaced from their
homes in Myanmar, losing everything they own. We need your help to stop this now, once and for all,
and together build a true federal democratic union for ALL people of Myanmar.
Thank you for strongly standing with the 54 million brave people of Myanmar in this darkest time in the
history of our nation. The recognition of our voice, and your support, will ensure that we remain as
your faithful allies, friends, and economic partners for generations to come.".....
H.E. Dr. Sasa
Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation
Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar
Former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Sanctions - general, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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"H.E. Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation and
Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly welcomes the
further UK sanctions on companies linked to Myanmar’s military regime as
announced by Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab. This will be a huge blow to the
cashflow of the junta by restricting the military junta’s ability to profit from key
resources such as timber and pearl, and is another big step in ending the violence
and bloodshed across the country. The press release is as follows:
“ In the UK’s sixth tranche of Myanmar sanctions, measures announced today will target the Myanmar
regime’s economic interest with new designations against the State Administration Council (SAC), the
junta’s ruling body, who continue to undermine democracy and brutally suppress Myanmar’s civilians.
These sanctions send a clear message to the junta the UK will not allow financial support that props
up the military regime following the coup earlier this year.
Additional measures will now be imposed on the Myanmar Timber Enterprise and Myanmar Pearl
Enterprise, 2 state owned entities in Myanmar’s extractive sector. These asset freezes will be enforced
with immediate effect, and target the junta’s ability to profit from pearl and timber, 2 high-value natural
commodities that generate millions in revenue for the military regime.
Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab said:
Alongside our allies, we are placing sanctions on companies linked to Myanmar’s military junta,
targeting the finances of this illegitimate regime.
The military has continued its subversion of democracy and brutal killing of civilians. We will continue
to hold the Junta to account and sanction those responsible, until democracy is restored.
Today the Foreign Secretary has also announced the conclusion of the UK’s Myanmar Trade Review.
In a Written Ministerial Statement in Parliament, he confirmed that the UK will maintain its suspension
on trade promotion in Myanmar first imposed following the coup earlier this year.
The UK will also strengthen our Overseas Business Risk guidance to reiterate the message that UK
businesses must undertake enhanced supply chain due diligence and should not enter into trading
relationships that benefit the Myanmar military.
The Myanmar Trade Review emphasised that UK businesses continue to have an important role to
play in Myanmar in job creation and poverty alleviation, but should operate responsibly in order to
avoid inadvertently supporting the military regime.
Today’s new sanctions announcement, alongside the similar announcement from the European Union
on Myanmar Timber Enterprise, follows the recent G7 communique which called on partners and
business to exercise due diligence in their trade and investment in Myanmar. Under the UK’s
presidency the G7 continues to call for an end to the coup and the immediate adoption of the ASEAN
5-point consensus.”
H.E. Dr. Sasa stated:
“Today I would again like to express my sincere thanks to the United Kingdom for taking a lead and
being an advocate and voice for the people of Myanmar both in the G7 summit and UN Security
Council, and imposing even stronger targeted sanctions against military junta linked entities and
commodities. The UK is a steadfast supporter of our democratic transition, and I want to extend my
most sincere thanks on behalf of the 54 million citizens of Myanmar for the continued support and
solidarity of the United Kingdom with the people of Myanmar.
I continue to appeal to all nations around the globe to join with us, and support us, the people and
rightfully elected National Unity Government of Myanmar and help us end this cruel and unlawful
military junta ('SAC') occupation. We especially urge all nations to completely cease engagement with
the Military and all its entities, both directly and indirectly, and put yet tougher coordinated, targeted
and more widespread sanctions both diplomatically and economically. Every moment that these
tougher measures are delayed, more and more lives are lost, and thousands are displaced from their
homes in Myanmar, losing everything they own. We need your help to stop this now, once and for all,
and together build a true federal democratic union for ALL people of Myanmar.
Thank you for strongly standing with the 54 million brave people of Myanmar in this darkest time in the
history of our nation. The recognition of our voice, and your support, will ensure that we remain as
your faithful allies, friends, and economic partners for generations to come.".....
H.E. Dr. Sasa
Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation
Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar
Former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Sanctions - general, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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"လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ် နယုန်လဆန်း ၁၃ ရက်
(၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၂၂ ရက်)
အကြောင်းအရာ။ ။ ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်းဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၁၅၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (စ) ပါ ထွက်ရှိသည့် ရေနံ အတွက် ပေးသွင်းရမည့် ခိုင်ကြေးနှင့် လုပ်ကွက် အတွက် မြေငှားရမ်းခများ ကောက်ခံခြင်းကို ရပ်ဆိုင်းခြင်း။
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်တော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန သည် ကိုဗစ် - ၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါ ကြောင့်လည်းကောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖိနှိပ် နှိပ်စက်မှုများကြောင့်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်သူလူထု အပေါ် ဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုး လျော့ကျ စေရေး နှင့် သယံဇာတမှ ရရှိသောရန်ပုံငွေကို အကြမ်းဖက် အဖွဲ့ များ ထံ မရောက်ရှိစေရေး အတွက် အောက်ပါ အမိန့်ကိုထုတ်ပြန်အပ်သည်။
၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ် ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်းဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ (ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ဥပဒေ ၁၅/၂၀၁၇) အရ နိုင်ငံတော် အတွင်း တရားဝင်ခွင့်ပြုထားသော ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်းများနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အောက်ပါအတိုင်း လိုက်နာရန် ဖြစ်သည်။
၁။ ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၅၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (စ) အရ ပေးဆောင်ရမည့် ရေနံ အတွက် ပေးသွင်းရမည့် ခိုင်ကြေး နှင့် လုပ်ကွက် အတွက် မြေငှားရမ်းခများအား ပေးဆောင်ခြင်း အားကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် ပြုလိုက်သည်။
၂။ ရေနံ၊ သဘာဝ ဓာတ်ငွေ့ နှင့် အခြား တွင်းထွက် ပစ္စည်းများ၊ သဘာဝ သယံဇာတ များသည် ပြည်ထောင်စု သား အားလုံး နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ပြီး ပြည်နယ် တိုင်း ဒေသကြီးများဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေး အတွက် ခွဲဝေသုံးစွဲရမည် ဖြစ်သော်လည်း နိုင်ငံတော်အဆင့် စီးပွားဖြစ် ထုတ်ယူရန်မဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် ရေနံကို ဒေသဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး အတွက် တွင်းတိမ်များ ဖြင့် ထုတ်ယူ ပြုပြင် ရောင်းချခွင့် ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ရာ အောက်ပါလမ်းညွှန်ချက်များအတိုင်း လိုက်နာ ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် ဖြစ်သည်။
(က) လုပ်ငန်းရှင်များ အနေဖြင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ မြို့နယ် ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့များ နှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ကာ ဒေသဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး ပံ့ပိုးဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြရန်၊
(ခ) လုပ်ငန်းခွင် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကင်းရှင်းရေး နှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိခိုက်မှု အနည်းဆုံး ဖြစ်စေရေး အထူး သတိပြု ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန်။
(စိုးသူရထွန်း)
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
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"n February 1, the Burmese military thwarted
the will of the Burmese people and carried
out a coup. The coup dashed the Burmese
people’s hopes for a brighter, more democratic future
for the Southeast Asian nation.
In the months since the coup began, millions of Burmese citizens have taken to the streets to oppose the
military takeover.1
Protests have been augmented by
strikes in various areas of the Burmese economy, starting
in the health care sector and extending to parts of civilian
leadership. The apparatus for robust civilian resistance,
formed in response to previous attempts by the military
to thwart reform, remains in place. People are putting
both life and livelihood on the line in an effort to get
their country back on the path to democracy.
The Burmese military has already killed close to
1,000 demonstrators, including at least 40 children,2
and have imprisoned far more: As of May 31, according to the Assistance
Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 5,576 people had been arrested,
and 4,443 “were still detained.”3
From the first days of the coup, de facto
head of the country Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint have
been under house arrest.
That the response to demonstrations has been swift and often brutal is
no surprise. The leader of the coup, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing, is the
same Burmese military official who was responsible for carrying out what
the United Nations calls genocide and crimes against humanity against the
Muslim minority Rohingya.4
The likelihood of future atrocities is high and
should be closely monitored, especially as the Tatmadaw (Burma’s military)
exercises unbridled power and authority. Min Aung Hlaing says that the
military will rule Burma for only one year; the reality may be different.
The U.S. response to the coup has been relatively swift. The Biden Administration undertook a sanctions review and redirected aid away from the
Burmese government toward the people and civil society.5
Since then, the
Administration has issued additional sanctions against Burmese military
leaders and their affiliates.
As the coup stretches on, the U.S. Administration may look for additional
steps that it can take to strengthen the hand of the Burmese people while
holding the Burmese military accountable. To these ends, the Administration should:
l Finally issue an atrocity determination saying whether the Burmese
military carried out genocide and crimes against humanity against the
Rohingya;
l Broaden its application of preexisting sanctions tools, including by
designating Burma as a Primary Money Laundering Concern (PMLC)
or identifying specific entities that might qualify as PMLCs; and
l Press the Burmese regime to release all political prisoners.
The Global Response to the Coup
The Burmese People. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is the
latest incarnation of Burma’s pro-democracy movement, which has innovated and flourished as civil society has grown increasingly robust in spite
of various threats to its existence. The 2021 CDM started in the medical community where doctors and nurses refused to report to work and instead
set up roadside medical clinics to meet the people’s needs.6
This response
to the coup later spread to the transportation industries, banking sector,
legal profession, educators, and beyond. Many in the Burmese government’s
civilian leadership refuse to report to work and are playing a key role in
leading the movement.7
An opposition National Unity Government (NUG) has emerged. The
NUG represents a conglomeration of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers and operates in consultation with the CDM and
the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (comprised primarily
of NLD lawmakers elected in November 2020). While the NUG initially
faced criticism for not engaging the Rohingya, they have since sought
ways to include Rohingya voices in their movement. The NUG established
a Federal Charter,8
an interim document intended to provide order to a
movement that seeks to get the country back on the path toward reform
and establish the NUG as the legitimate government of Burma as opposed
to the military. Protests have extended beyond Burma’s borders and have
included Burmese diplomats in New York and Washington, D.C., as well as
staff on strike and otherwise declaring their allegiance to the CDM rather
than the ruling military junta.9
Protestors in Burma are sacrificing their livelihoods and even their lives
to stand in opposition to the coup and make their voices heard. Such bravery demands a strong response, especially when put in the context of the
existential threat posed by the military junta’s leadership.
The U.S. Government. The U.S. was among the first countries to condemn and take action in response to the coup. On the same day as the coup,
the Administration inaugurated a review of U.S. sanctions and assistance
programs directed toward Burma.10
The President declared a state of national emergency on February 11
when he issued Executive Order 14014 invoking the National Emergencies
Act11 and using his authority under the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act (IEEPA)12 to issue sanctions.13 Within 10 days of the coup, the
Administration issued sanctions against 10 individuals and three entities,
including the coup’s leader, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing (the second
time he has been sanctioned by the U.S.).14 This first tranche of sanctions
also targeted Burma’s jade and ruby industries15 and froze over $1 billion in
Burmese government foreign currency reserves in the U.S.16
Since that time, the U.S. has continued to issue piecemeal sanctions
against individuals and entities in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
The Heritage Foundation ( Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"A year after the National League for Democracy’s 2015 election victory, as I was wandering about the massive Tatmadaw Museum in Naypyitaw, I could not help but be awed by the scale of the Myanmar military’s gratuitous ode to itself. It sprawls across numerous caverns covering the minutiae of its history. Hiding in its bulk is one room dedicated to the Tatmadaw’s “victories”. What it claims as historic triumphs are battles to control hilltops. While important in terms of individual counterinsurgency campaigns, this presentation masks a reality.
The Tatmadaw does not win wars. It may win some battles but ultimately it draws and seeks ceasefires.
It has been argued in some recent analyses that resistance to junta rule is difficult, nay nearly impossible, because the Tatmadaw has approximately 350,000 troops. Using this number is a gross oversimplification and gives a false impression that the Tatmadaw is in an inherently strong position. This could not be further from the truth, for one reason: The generals managed to provoke a nationwide uprising against the Tatmadaw. There are few comparable examples of such an event since World War II and the period of anti-colonial wars. There is nothing pre-determined about what will happen in Myanmar, certainly not the Tatmadaw’s survival. The coup was a historic shift in the country and a strategic blunder of existential proportions by the generals.
A more apt number to focus on is that Myanmar has a population of over 52 million, nearly all of whom viscerally hate the Tatmadaw. It is this context that confronts the generals. They have reduced their military to essentially being a foreign occupying force desperately trying to suppress nearly the entire Myanmar population. Wherever their soldiers look, they see hostility. Other than its immediate proxies, notably the police and the Union Solidarity and Development Party, there are no significant chunks of the public that are supportive.
The Tatmadaw’s response to this uprising has been predictable. Its tactics of violence, deprivation and cooption have been honed over decades of dictatorship. There is a calculus within the Tatmadaw that it can outlast the public’s anger, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and a collapsing economy, while isolating whatever revolts emerge. The Tatmadaw believes it has a longer window of perseverance than that of the resistance. The generals will attempt to split the public from the National Unity Government (NUG), the CDM and the country’s most ardent democracy activists. They will endeavor to sow discord between ethnic groups, keep ceasefires with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and prevent the defection of proxy militias. They will sell the country cheaply to China.
Whatever successes the Tatmadaw might claim are achieved at high cost in terms of soldiers and resources. That it has not been able to dislodge the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) from strategic gains made in March or decisively quell escalating revolts in Sagaing, Chin and Kayah are signs of weakness. Isolated in its purpose-built capital, hiding in schools in the cities, and having to move in large convoys through the Bamar heartland, the Tatmadaw would be foolish to feel it is presently in a good position. Its troops are harried to quell revolts before they spread, all the while fearing its lacky militias will desert and its ceasefires will collapse when the time is ripe.
Essentially a light infantry force, the Tatmadaw is dispersed across the country in numerous small bases. In the context of a national uprising, this could arguably be a strength if the Tatmadaw was well resourced with good logistics chains and strong mobile units. Poor and under-equipped, it has neither of these. Individual units are increasingly feeling pressure as their resupply is stretched and local populations harass them. Logistics will be further pressed over the rainy season and Tatmadaw rank-and-file will be demoralized as millions openly cheer their battlefield losses on social media.
Having long espoused a “people’s war” doctrine of relying on the population to help repel foreign invasion, it is the Tatmadaw that now faces numerous local self-defense militias. Many of these are the People’s Defense Force (PDF) militias instigated by the NUG, but there are others, such as the Chinland Defense Force, that are local collectives formed to provide security for threatened communities. This trend will escalate.
To accurately assess the prospects of the resistance, it is most pertinent to focus on the military balance in terms of its trajectory. The anti-junta movement should not be judged on its composition at any snapshot in time, but rather on the speed at which it is advancing.
Revolutions never start with a resistance that is well armed, fully staffed and professionally competent. Successful ones have a steep learning curve in terms of effective leadership, developing tactics and making all due haste in acquiring weapons. From this perspective, events are not moving in the junta’s favor. It is facing pressure across the country, including in areas that have not produced sustained revolt in living memory, such as southern Sagaing, but increasingly in other regions all the way down to Ayeyarwady as new PDFs emerge.
The Tatmadaw must increasingly feel like it is a foreign occupying force amongst a hostile population. Its soldiers must fear envelopment across a range of threats—local attack, constricted resupply and suffocating social ostracization. They must be forced to spread themselves even thinner. Increasingly fatigued, they can be harassed and fragmented through countless small attacks.
The Tatmadaw can always win the tactical firefights it chooses to prioritize but will struggle to design a viable strategy against a national uprising. This would be hard for any military facing near universal revolt. Key to the resistance’s success is unity. Battlefield successes against the Tatmadaw will do more to catalyze national solidarity than anything else. Kani, Mindat and Demoso must be precedents for wider collective action, while the whole country owes gratitude to the KIA for its undaunted assaults on State Administration Council forces and to the Karen National Union for providing safe havens.
If the nature of the conflict can be maintained as a national uprising, the military balance favors revolution by sheer force of numbers and willpower. Many analysts have noted the durability of military rule in Myanmar. Such defeatist attitudes serve the status quo of domestic vested interests seeking to wait for others to bear the costs of ousting the Tatmadaw or cynical foreign observers who fail to see how much the Tatmadaw is loathed. Many have also subtly upheld the Tatmadaw’s claim that it is holding the country together, despite years of the military having divided local-level armed groups into competing factions and a complete refusal to meaningfully include leaders from outside its circle in political decision-making, stoking resistance generation after generation.
Lessons are also clearly being learned from the country’s experience during 1988 and afterwards. The NUG sees itself as a revolutionary movement rather than a “government in exile” and has made clear efforts to build a national coalition based on federal democracy. These efforts are still nascent and must be furthered.
Moreover, it is vital that armed resistance is not borne only by ethnic minorities but fundamentally includes the Bamar majority. It is critical that resistance includes the regions and cities. Resistance here greatly threatens the Tatmadaw’s viability. The generals would love to return to the “normalcy” of only fighting EAOs. Nascent “tag teams” between EAOs and PDFs in Chin, Sagaing and Kayah show how potent they could be. The NUG’s ominous warnings of a looming “D-Day” of national action should scare the military more than anything else.
When walking out of the Tatmadaw Museum, one is left with the sense that such a massive complex is intended to hide what is actually an inferiority complex. This is a military desperately trying to show it is central to keeping the country together, ever the benevolent guardian. Any notions of this being accepted by the public are long gone, as the country has risen in revolt. The Tatmadaw is now widely recognized as the barbaric national disgrace it is. Fundamentally this is a crisis that only Myanmar can solve. International action will be distinctly secondary. The Myanmar people should take solace knowing that they have the means and moral right to overthrow a military that has for too long destroyed the country..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"On 3 June 2021 the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar issued its “Policy Position on the Rohingya in the Rakhine State.” In response, the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) with the Rohingya people cautiously welcomed this development. The announcement was a step in the right direction towards a credible solution for the Rohingya community of Myanmar. This process would need to be inclusive from the onset. In this regard, we encourage further direct engagement between the NUG and Rohingya representatives, and as such ARNO and our partners stand ready to play our part in what needs to be an inclusive process of engagement with Rohingya representatives.
Against this background, we wished to emphasise the following in response to the policy position:
We welcome the NUG’s clear acknowledgment of the violence and gross human rights violations inflicted upon Rohingyas, including the massive displacement inflicted on our people, with hundreds of thousands fleeing their homes in Rakhine State in the last decade. The brutality and crimes of the Tatmadaw against all civilians now in Burma is a sad reality the Rohingya people have experienced for many years. The NUG’s expression of sorrow and sympathy to the plight of the Rohingya helps to bring about genuine reconciliation.
In parallel we welcome the NUG’s commitments to actively seek justice and accountability for all crimes committed by the military against the Rohingya and all other people of Myanmar. Such accountability process needs to be comprehensive and look beyond just the period of since 1 February. In this regard, we are encouraged by the NUG’s commitments towards reparation and justice in the future Federal Democratic Union Constitution.
The cornerstone of the legitimate rights and demands of the Rohingya centre on our recognition as citizens of Myanmar. The NUG’s position towards repealing the 1982 Citizenship Law is critical in this regard, including the abolishment of National Verification Cards, and replacing it with a just and inclusive legislative process that recognises the legitimate rights of the Rohingya as citizens of Myanmar.
Finally, we fully endorse the NUG’s position on the voluntary, safe, and dignified repatriation of Rohingya people who fled to neighbouring countries from Rakhine State due to the military’s brutality. It is critical for there to be a credible policy and plan in place by the NUG in addressing the refugee needs of the Rohingya and of all Burmese people who have been forced into refuge at the hands of the Tatmadaw.
Underpinning the above is the need for genuine engagement and inclusion of Rohingya representatives. Such approach would ensure a just and durable solution for a future democratic Myanmar that we all seek. In particular we seek through this inclusion to urge the NUG to:
Intensify the focus and preparations for a comprehensive accountability process. This requires the NUG to initiate a process that grants the International Criminal Court jurisdiction over crimes committed within Myanmar against the Rohingyas and other communities. To support credible accountability efforts, it is important that NUG acknowledges all past crimes against Rohingyas to ensure victims see justice served and the cycle of violence is not repeated.
Accept the findings and recommendations of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (IIFFMM). This includes an unequivocal acknowledgment that genocide and crimes against humanity have been committed against the Rohingya, as stated by the UN Fact-Finding Mission.
Commit to a comprehensive and durable solution to safeguarding the universal rights of the Rohingya as indigenous to Arakan/Rakhine State and therefore to Myanmar. Indeed, the Rohingya are entitled to rights and privileges on a par with other ethnicities of Myanmar. Our inherent rights and ethnic identity should be safeguarded in a future Myanmar, including through the Federal Charter, new constitutional process and vision set out by the NUG.
We recognise addressing these issues are complex and securing the fair and just solution would not occur overnight. We stand ready to work with our NUG partners along this process, and remain committed to joining hands with NUG and others in the Spring Revolution against the military dictatorship in all possible ways, and bring about a free, fair and democratic future Myanmar.
Source/publisher:
Arakan Rohingya National Organisation
Date of publication:
2021-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), National Unity Government (NUG), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
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"The short-lived era of democratic reform in Burma
came to an alarming halt on 1 February 2021, when
the leaders of the Burmese military seized power in
a well-orchestrated coup. The democratically elected
National League for Democracy (NLD) government
was overthrown and key members of parliament
arrested. The military generals who staged the power
grab said that the November 2020 election was
fraudulent. But despite their claims, there has been
no evidence of this at all.
Not long after the military took control, laws were
amended to make it easier to prosecute anyone who
challenged their authority. The most widely used law
has been Section 505 of the Penal Code, used by the
authorities to stifle dissent. The law stipulates that
it is illegal for anyone to make, publish or circulate
any statement, rumor or report with intent to cause,
or likelihood to cause fear or alarm to the public.
The free press specifically has been targeted for
reporting on the military’s violence and like many
others, have faced charges under botched trials by
the junta-controlled courts inside detention centers
and prisons. The moral landscape of human rights in
Burma has been eroded and deliberately derailed by
the Burmese military.
But civilians have responded with state-wide
protests. The demonstrations went on for months,
and drew thousands condemning the actions of
the military. The junta in turn, at the direction of
the so-called State Administrative Council (SAC),
has continued on a spree of mass human rights
violations across the country. Despite bloodshed,
warrantless arrests and impositions of Martial Law
in several townships, the people of Burma remain
defiant. General strikes led to the establishment
of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), and a
shadow government, the National Unity Government
of Myanmar (NUG) was formed.
Resistance to the military continues to take on
different forms. The military’s attacks on all
people of various ages, genders, socio-economic
backgrounds and ethnicities have triggered
growing calls for more unity and collective action
to overthrow the junta. These efforts are a growing
force in the rallying calls for long-needed change in
Burma, including for a democratic, federal union.
In areas which the Human Rights Foundation of
Monland (HURFOM) works in, including Mon State,
Karen State and Tanintharyi region, the assault of
fundamental freedoms against innocent civilians has
been widespread. This is especially true for those
associated with the Civil Disobedience Movement
(CDM), an active movement of resistance taking
place across multiple fronts, from striking doctors
to armed protesters in the street. Those arrested
have been forced to endure torture in detention.
According to HURFOM data, at least 41 have been
killed across the target area states. Another 222 have
been injured, while 1,372 have been arrested and
detained since the coup. But the nationwide death
count has soared to almost 900, with over 6,000
arrested. HURFOM has also observed an increase in
the confiscation of mobile devices and destruction of
private property, including people’s homes.
The sense of hope and freedom brought on from
Myanmar’s democracy era is now totally lost.
Survival has become the main focus as rallying forces
continue to be fueled by wide-spread rejection of a
military-government. The only way to beat the junta
is to stay alive and to find new ways of delegitimizing
their rule. Human rights defenders are regularly
on the run, forced to meet in secret with other
dissidents to overcome the harsh realities of the
present moment which people are being strained to
contend with.
The chaos and instability of the security forces
brazen attacks have affected thousands of civilians
who have fled their homes to seek safety. HURFOM
has categorized the mass internal displacement into
three groups of people fleeing: political dissidents
escaping persecution, civilians fearing the junta in
their villages, townships and those who have been
economically impacted seeking better opportunities.
Further, this short briefing paper outlines the
impacts of militarization on displaced communities
since the coup and the underlying consequences.
In addition, this briefer also makes direct calls
for action regarding the humanitarian situation in
Burma, where for the most vulnerable demands an
immediate response..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication:
2021-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
HURFOM and other human rights material about the Mon, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"It has been four months since the Myanmar military seized power from the elected National League
for Democracy (NLD) and arrested most of the NLD leaders including State Counsellor Aung San
Suu Kyi. The reason originally given was irregularities in the voting process and lack of redress by
the Union Election Commission, which was controlled by the NLD, although such reasoning,
especially amidst new accusation of corruption amongst other things remains suspect.
Soon after the coup, the military formed a body, the State Administration Council (SAC), under the
control of the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces Min Aung Hlaing. Not unsurprisingly the
return to military rule was met with widespread protests in the country and condemnation from the
international community while Myanmar security forces took to the streets to brutally suppress the
protestors, known as the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Security forces used not only riot
control techniques but live-fire resulting in the deaths at the time of writing over 860 civilians had
been killed, including children, and more than 4,840 civilians convicted or arrested.
1
Protests have taken place throughout the country including areas under the control of Ethnic Armed
Organisations (EAOs). The EAOs, before the coup, had been involved in an NLD led and ostensibly
military supported, peace process – the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. While the peace process
had been flawed and at one point stalled for two years it was expected that 2021 could see some
progress made in addressing many of the problems that had occurred.
The EAOs largely came out in favour of the protestors and the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST)
an alliance of the 10 NCA-signatories2 immediately issued the following statement
1). We condemn the Myanmar military’s way of addressing the current political crisis by
carrying out a coup d’état.
2).We demand the immediate and unconditional release of all leaders who are detained and
arrested.
3).We urge the resolution of political problems by peaceful means and negotiation, rather than
by force of arms.
4.) We stand firm on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and act accordingly regarding
the peace process.
5.) We call for the unconditional declaration of a nationwide ceasefire.
6.) We will collaborate with the public in seeking solutions, as we are aware of the difficulties
faced by the people by the coup as well as the global pandemic (COVID-19).
7.) We call on the support of the international community including the UN in resolving the
current crisis.3
That said, however, at least one ethnic political party the Arakan National Party (ANP), the biggest
Arakanese political party in Arakan State, released a statement signalling that it would cooperate
with Myanmar’s military.
In its statement, the ANP said it will work together with the Tatmadaw to resolve specific
Arakanese crises including the removal of the terrorist label for the United League of
Arakan/Arakan Army, which the SAC later did.
On March 11, the PPST, which had already suspended all political dialogue with the military on
February 20, held a meeting to discuss strategies to stop the Myanmar military’s ongoing violent
crackdown on anti-coup protesters and also future dialogue with the Committee Representing the
Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a shadow NLD government.4
According to reporting there had been concerns among some EAOs that it could be dangerous for the
PPST to prioritize coordination with the CRPH. One leader was quoted as saying,
We were a dialogue partner of the military. We were a dialogue partner of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi. Now we cannot stand the people’s suffering. The main discussion is how to calm the
situation down. We are thinking of the plight of the citizens,5
Despite several concerns, the Karen National Union, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the
Chin National Front still held separate talks with the CRPH. In addition, the Karen National
Union’s Chairman Mutu Say Po wrote a letter on 22 March 2021, after Min Aung Hlaing had sent a
letter requesting a meeting. The reply from Mutu Say Po stated,
The KNU finds it completely unacceptable that police and Tatmadaw personnel, whose
responsibilities are to protect and defend its own people, have killed, attacked, and
threatened peaceful protesters. Such events have damaged our country's reputation and
caused great pain and suffering of our people.
These included a number of requirements the military had to meet before further discussions could
take place these were,
1. Withdraw all riot squads and Tatmadaw troops which have been deployed against
protesters and withdrawal of all Tatmadaw troops which have been deployed in ceasefire
areas and send them back to their outposts and bases; Declare and implement a nationwide
ceasefire.
2. Release and remove charges against those detained since Tatmadaw took over power on
the 1" February 2021.
3. Fully allow access for medical assistance and healthcare to support the people's protest
movement.
4. Issue orders to police and Tatmadaw troops to comply with all NCA provisions — and
urgently release the following provisions regarding proper treatment of civilians:
A. Stop acts violating a person's dignity, violence, extrajudicial detention, kidnapping,
torture, inhumane treatment, imprisonment, killing or causing the disappearance of
individuals
B. Stop forcibly taking money, property, food, labour or services from civilians; in addition,
halt unlawful and arbitrary arrest, entrapment, forced confession, lawsuits and prosecution
against civilians;
C. Stop denying individuals' right to healthcare and restriction of public health resources;
and halt blocking the legal transportation of medicines for public use;
D. Stop the destruction or actions that would lead to the destruction of schools, hospitals,
clinics, religious buildings and their premises and the use of such places as military bases or
outposts;
E. Immediately stop any form of sexual attack on women, including sexual molestation,
sexual assault or violence, rape and sex slavery; End all killing or maiming, forced
conscription, rape or other forms of sexual assault or violence, or abduction of children.
5. Abolish laws issued by Tatmadaw since Feb 1" that violate human rights.
6. Agree to address the root causes of internal conflict of over 70 years through negotiations.
7. Agree to accept international mediation to support negotiations to end the current military
administration and transfer power to a National Unity Government.
8. The Tatmadaw should publicly declare its commitment to democracy and federalism and
withdraw from active engagement in politics..."
Source/publisher:
Euro Burma Office
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Euro Burma Office, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"1. Indiscriminate shelling by SAC forces in Bilin Township:On April 4th 2021, Border Guard Force (BGF)[2] [and State Administration Council - SAC] soldiers[3] [from Lay Kay SAC army camp] indiscriminately fired mortar rounds at Lay Kay village, Lay Kay village, P’Ya Raw village tract,[4] Bilin Township, destroying one farm hut belonging to a local villager. Fortunately, the owner was not inside the hut on the night of the incident. [Another civilian building was also damaged.].....2. Fighting breaks out during a protest in support of the NUG in Thaton Township: On April 23rd 2021, at around 8 am, fighting broke out between the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[5] and an unknown SAC unit from Thaton army camp. The incident happened on the highway between Thaton town and Yangon town, beside Kaung Kyet shop, Thaton Town, Thaton Township. On that day, local civilians were holding a protest in support of the National Unity Government (NUG)[6] under the protection of KNLA soldiers. However, fighting broke out after SAC soldiers arrived at the protest location.....3. Indiscriminate shelling by SAC forces in Bilin Township: On April 23rd 2021, the SAC Artillery Unit #314 based in Htee Hpoe Nya Lee Hkee army camp, near Kyaw T’Raw village, Shway Yaw Pya village tract, Bilin Township indiscriminately fired mortar rounds at nearby villages such as Ma Yan Gone, Mi Chyaung Aaing and Htee Nya Paw, among others. Since April 23rd 2021, Artillery Unit #314 has been regularly firing artillery rounds at local communities, especially those located in areas controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU).[7] These rounds are bigger and have a longer range than 120mm mortar rounds. The platform they are fired from must be moved by truck. The SAC artillery rounds landed in villages such as T’Rer Hkee, T’Rer Wah, Yo Poe and Htee Poo Wah [among others], T’Rer Hkee village tract.
As a result of the SAC indiscriminate shelling, one Ma Yan Gone villager, Saw[8] T---, sustained a shrapnel injury to his leg. Many plantations local villagers rely on for their livelihoods have also been damaged, and no compensation was provided to their owners. Moreover, about 3,000 villagers from the areas affected have been fleeing their villages since April 27th. The only villagers who still remain in the area [hiding in the forest near their villages] are the villagers who do not have relatives in towns or in other places.....4. Villager killed in crossfire after being forced to transport SAC soldiers: On April 23rd 2021, an unidentified villager from Myaink Teh Su section, Kyeik Kaw Thein Seik town, died during a skirmish between the KNLA and SAC Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[9] #406, Military Operations Command (MOC)[10] #8 [under the authority of Battalion Commander Kyaw Yaw Hla] beside the vehicle road near Chaw Bee Na and Kaw Ler villages, Kaw Ler village tract, Thaton Township. Before the incident, the victim was delivering bricks to Noh Htoe Day village, Maw Lay village tract.
He encountered SAC LIB #406 soldiers from T’La Aww Poe Klah army camp on his way back from Noh Htoe Day village. The soldiers forced him to stop and to take them on his truck to an unknown location, so he could not refuse this order. Unfortunately, [the truck was ambushed by] KNLA [soldiers] along the way. The driver was killed during the ensuing skirmish. Some SAC soldiers were also killed, and others got injured. Local villagers think that these LIB #406 soldiers were on their way to help the SAC troops involved in the fighting in Thaton town [see Section 2].....5. BGF activities in Bilin Township: Most of the SAC military operations between Ta Paw army camp, Ta Paw village tract and Lay Kay army camps, P’Ya Raw village tract, Bilin Township are conducted by the BGF. [According to information received by KHRG, BGF soldiers make up around 90% of the SAC forces in the area.]
Between April 27th and May 3rd 2021, BGF Battalion #1014 led by Bo[11] Tin Way and Battalion Commander Bo Maung Chit sent about 200 soldiers to Doo Tha Htoo District. Local villagers do not know where these soldiers are from and they claim that they were sent to relieve the troops based in Ta Paw and Lay Kay army camps.
On April 29th 2021, fighting between the KNLA and BGF broke out when these BGF soldiers arrived at Baw Ta Pro village. The soldiers then crossed the Baw Naw Kloe River at Ha Ta Reh Place[12] and headed towards Ta Paw army camp, Ta Paw village tract, Bilin Township. They reached the camp on May 1st 2021. While staying at the camp, the BGF indiscriminately fired mortar rounds at nearby villages, destroying one farm hut belonging to a Ta Paw villager on May 1st 2021.
The BGF troops spent the night at the camp before continuing their journey towards Lay Kay army camp on May 2nd. They always fired mortar rounds indiscriminately when arriving and leaving their camps to clear the road [and surrounding areas of KNLA soldiers].
On May 3rd and 4th 2021, the BGF in Lay Kay army camp fired mortar rounds at nearby villages. At least five of these rounds did not explode. One house was damaged and one villager sustained injuries as a result of the shelling. In addition, Saw Z---, a Lay Kay villager, also sustained a shrapnel injury on May 3rd and his car’s windows were damaged.
In the afternoon of May 3rd 2021, BGF soldiers ordered Lay Kay villagers to provide four trucks for their soldiers’ return to Ta Paw army camp, but the villagers could only provide three trucks. [The truck owners had to drive the BGF soldiers back to Ta Paw army camp.] KHRG does not know whether these villagers received payment. Even though the truck owners were afraid and did not feel safe, they had to take the soldiers back to their camp nonetheless. Local civilians do not know where the BGF troops went after that. Some BGF soldiers who used to be based in Lay Kay army camp remained there after the new troops arrived, so villagers assume that the BGF sent reinforcements instead of just relieving their troops this time.
According to a KHRG researcher, several skirmishes broke out while the BGF was sending more soldiers to relieve its troops based in the area because local villagers could hear gunfire every day. However, the KHRG researcher and local villagers could not tell whether it was the sound of fighting or indiscriminate shelling. The fighting paused after the BGF troops [that were relieved] returned to their area of origin in early May 2021. However, fighting is still on-going along the border between District 5 [Mu Traw] and District 1 [Doo Tha Htoo].
Moreover, from April 27th to May 18th 2021, SAC helicopters also conducted a couple of reconnaissance missions over Bilin and Thaton townships..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2021-6-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Armed conflict in Karen State - general articles and reports, Armed conflict in Karen State - the human rights situation, Tatmadaw (Burma Army), Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports
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"Excellency,
i am writ ing to you to draw your urgent attention to the recent serious situation in
Myanmar. On 15 June, Myanmar military forces burned an en tire village called Kinma , in
Pauk Township, Magway Region to the ground and those who could not run for their lives
burned to death. Elderlies and sick people were left in the villages when the others had to
flee from their homes d u e to the threatening entering o f the military men.
For y our kind reference. I enclose herewith the Announcement o f the National Unity
Government o f Myanmar dated 17 June 2021 condemning it in the strongest possible
terms.
These horrific acts committed by the military continue amounting to crimes against
humanity. It clearly constitutes the violation o f Article 3 o f the Fourth Geneva Convention
on the Protection o f Civilian Persons in Time o f War o f 12 August 1949. Protecting
civilians must always be a top priority under every circumstance, not only in armed
conflicts. But in total disregarding international laws and principles. Myanmar military has
been terrorizing the civilians since the illegal coup on I February 2021. It is no doubt that
the military will continue to show a total disregard for human life, with no humanity.
The United Na tio n s' call to " spare civilians and civilian infrastructure and ensure
safe and unhindered humanitarian access" has been completely ignored by the military.
There have been on the dire need for medical aid in vulnerable areas o f the country, and
the military has been arresting the healthcare workers who volunteered to provide medical
assistance to the injured. These are clear violations o f international humanitarian law and
international human rights law.
In the aft ermath o f the military coup, collapsing economy, unrest, breakdown o f
public health system, g rowing internal displacement, and difficulty to access aid in need
are leading to a humanitarian c risis in Myanmar. The World Food Program suggests that
some 6.2 million people in Myanmar will face a severe hunger c risis in the coming
months. Despite all the real situations, the military continues blocking and destroying
humanitarian assistance. On 13 June, an ambulance, food, medical supplies, and basic
needs for the civilians were destroyed and set fire. Those supplies were contributed by
well-wishers a cross the country for internally displaced persons.
We are still amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, and the military evidently fails to
manage the pandemic. The National Unity Government o f Myanmar has been taking
necessary measures to contain the spread o f the virus and engaging with the people.
The people o f Myanmar do not accept any form o f military rule, and the people have
made their voices loud and clear. Continued military brutal crackdown on the civilians and
pro-democracy movements are being conducted in a systematic and targeted manner. The
National Unity Government together with the people o f Myanmar have been calling on the
United Nations and the international community to take timely collective and decisive
actions on the military to ease violence, to stop killing its own people and to restore
democracy in Myanmar.
Please accept, Excellency, the assurances o f my highest consideration..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
CDM အောင်မြင်ရေးကော်မတီ
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၈ ရက်
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ CDM အောင်မြင်ရေးကော်မတီ အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုပြုလုပ်နေကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုုးများရေးရာ ဝန်ကြီး ဌာနမှ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးအတွက် အထူးအလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှု လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဝန်ထမ်းများအား တရားမဝင် ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်းနှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာမှ အတင်းဖယ်ရှားခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသော အောက် ဖော်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်းများကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ ရာထူးတည်ရှိမှု အပါ အဝင် ကိစ္စအဝဝကို ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရမှ လုံးဝ(လုံးဝ)အသိအမှတ်ပြုတော့မည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၊ ဇွန်လ (၁၈) ရက်
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human rights and education, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
"Announcement on Kinma Village"
Description:
"The National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar condemns in the strongest possible ways the arson
committed by the Military Council’s terrorist troops and local police officers against the residents of
Kinma village in Pauk Township, Magway Region on Tuesday night, June 16, 2021.
The residents fled their homes to avoid the anticipated military raid after the plate number of the
motorbike of a suspect involved in the shooting incident at the house of the junta-allied administrator
of Deedotekwin village on June 12 was traced back to Kinma. According to local witnesses, policemen
and plainclothes soldiers set the village on fire when they arrived and finding out residents have fled.
According to residents, about 80% of the homes in Kinma were burned down. Two elderly is currently
missing.1
The atrocities committed in Kinma village by the security forces under terrorist military council show
that the Military Council’s terrorist troops has no interest whatsoever restrain from violence regardless
of the repeated request of the international community to do otherwise. The acts of terror in Kinma
village are the conclusive proofs that the Military troops has always been the perpetrator of the crimes
against humanity taken place in the ethnic areas for many decades.
The Military council and its security forces continue to ignore the rule of law, violate human rights, and
commit crimes against humanity. To date, at least 864 individuals were murdered by this junta, while
4893 were illegally arrested, charged, or sentenced2. Since the Military council illegally seized power on
February 1, it has resorted to violence in its attempt to impose its authority, but it has failed.
While the NUG urges local, national, and international stakeholders to continue recording the crimes
committed by security forces. Gathering pieces of evidence of terrorist military council's crimes is
fundamental to hold them accountable.
The NUG, in coordination with pro-democracy movements, continues to work hard to achieve the goals
we set out in the 2021 Federal Democracy Charter, defeat the Terrorist Military Council, and ultimately
bring stability back under a civilian government at the soonest possible time..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
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Description:
"“ကင်းမရွာ ဖြစ်စဉ်နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်”
မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ပေါက်မြို့နယ် ကင်းမရွာနေ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့ညတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ် နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များက တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ရွာလုံးကျွတ် မီးရှို့ခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံး ရှုတ်ချလိုက်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ ဒီးဒုတ်ကွင်း ကျေးရွာအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှူး၏ နေအိမ်အနီး ပစ်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်စဉ်အတွင်း သံသယရှိခံရသူ၏ မော်တော်ဆိုင်ကယ်နံပါတ်သည် ကင်းမရွာသို့ ခြေရာခံမိသည်မှအစပြု၍ ကင်းမရွာရှိ ပြည်သူများသည် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာနိုင်သည့် စစ်တပ်၏ စီးနင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုမှ ရှောင်တိမ်းနိုင်ရန် အိုးအိမ်များကို စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးခဲ့ကြရသည်။ ဒေသခံမျက်မြင်သက်သေများ၏ ထွက်ဆိုချက်များအရ အကြမ်းဖက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များ နှင့် အရပ်ဝတ်စစ်သားများသည် ကျေးရွာသို့ ရောက်ရှိလာပြီး ကျေးရွာနေပြည်သူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ ကင်းမရွာနေ ပြည်သူများ၏ ပြောပြချက်အရ ကင်းမရွာ၏ ၈၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းသော လူနေအိမ်များ ပျက်ဆီးခဲ့ရသည်။ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အို နှစ်ဦးမှာလည်း ပျောက်ဆုံးလျက်ရှိသည်။
နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ မလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲ တိုက်တွန်းနေသော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏တပ်များသည် ယင်းတိုက်တွန်းချက်များအား လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လုံးဝဆန္ဒမရှိကြောင်းကို ကင်းမရွာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံတပ်ဖွဲ့များက ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများက ပြဆိုနေသည်။ ဆယ်စုနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာအတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်သူမှာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ပင် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကင်းမရွာတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများက ခိုင်မာသော သက်သေပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်လက်ပါးစေတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှုကို ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲ မျက်ကွယ်ပြုကာ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို ချိုးဖောက်လျက် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှု များကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ရရှိသော စာရင်းများအရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူ ၈၆၄ ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပြိး ၄၈၉၃ ဦးမှာ တရားဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ အရေးယူခြင်း ခံနေကြရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးသည့်နောက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ အာဏာစက်သက်ရောက်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော်လည်း ယင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုမှာ ကျရှုံးခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ဒေသခံအဆင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်အဆင့် နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့် များရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက်မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ၎င်းကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် သက်သေများကို စုဆောင်းထားရှိခြင်းသည် အခြေခံကျကျ အရေးပါလျက်ရှိသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိသည့် တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်များအားလုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလက်တွဲကာ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိဉာဉ်ပါ ရည်မှန်းချက်များ အောင်မြင်သည်အထိ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အောင်နိုင်၍ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် တည်ငြိမ်ပြီး လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို အပြည့်အဝ အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ထွန်းလာသည်အထိ အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိပြု အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၀/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ(၁၆) ရက်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပညာရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကြားကာလပညာရေးအစီအစဉ်အား ကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
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740.58 KB
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"1 . The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar announced the announcement NO:5/20211 on 13 June 2021 that the security forces of the military set fire to
and destroyed both an ambulance and a supply of humanitarian aid near the base of Lwe Yin Mingalar hill in Western Moe Byae township, between Southern Shan and Karenni States.
Eighty rice bags and medicines, and medical supplies were among the destroyed donations. These had been donated by people from all over the country for internally displaced people.
The military forces have been terrorising and arresting community organisations and individuals who have been providing aid and support to IDPs and those affected by the conflict. In addition to such violence and to arbitrary arrests, the military have plundered
humanitarian aid and destroyed what they could not steal. They have also blocked transport routes. These unlawful acts of the military constitute a clear violation of Article 3 of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, dated 12 August 1949. These acts also violate the provisions of the Defence Services Act 1959 of Myanmar. The military completely ignores the United Nations call to ' spare civilians and civilian infrastructure' and ensure ' safe and unhindered humanitarian access’, a demand laid
out in the statement made on 21 May 2021. We condemn in the strongest terms the egregious and savage acts of the military, blocking
and destroying humanitarian assistance as well as harassing and capturing those who are working hard to help people in need.
We call on the United Nations and the international community to continue exerting pressure on the military to stop such atrocities without delay. The world must not look away while people in need are being treated with such contempt. 2. On 14 June 2021, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) approved the Law2 Amending
the Public Debt Management Law (Third Amendment) proposed by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment of the National Unity Government. Section 2(b) of the law is substituted with the following "Government means the National Unity Government of the
Republic o f the Union o f Myanmar, and any successor government thereof". For other amendments and additions, please follow the link below. 3. The National Unity Government welcomes the discussion on the Myanmar crisis at the 47th G7 Summit held in the United Kingdom, and the 2021 G7 Leaders’ Communique. The G7 has condemned the military coup in Myanmar and has called for the immediate release of
those detained arbitrarily. We urge G7 leaders to build their support by more effective means. The people of Myanmar are waiting for fine words to become meaningful action. 4. NUG issued an announcement No:6/20213 on 16th June 2021. The announcement stated that
the terrorizing military is not a legitimate government. It seized power by force. Thus the courts under the military are not lawful institutions. The unlawful detentions of President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and other leaders and their show trials
constitute grave miscarriages of justice. We strongly condemn these trials. They are a disgrace to the country and a scandal to acceptable standards of international justice. 5. NUG issued an announcement No:7/20214 on 17th June 2021. In the aforementioned
announcement NUG denounced in strongest possible terms the burning down of Kinma village by the terrorist military council’s troops and terrorist police forces. And that NUG urged local, national and international stakeholders to continue recording these atrocities by
the security forces as evidence of their crimes which is fundamental for charges to be made in future. That NUG, hand in hand with those taking part in the Spring Revolution will continue work towards achieving the goals set out in the 2021 Federal Charter by defeating the terrorist military council and building a new Federal Democratic Union under civilian rule where human rights and everlasting will prevail. NUG also vowed to do its best to achieve those goals.
6. The web pages for the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and the Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs were launched on 14 June 2021. They are accessible on https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org and https://mowyca.nugmyanmar.org respectively. 5 7. Covid-19 situation in Myanmar is immensely concerning that the public must do all they can to prevent its further spread. The military council will fail to manage the pandemic with the lack of human resources, expertise, financial and moral capacity and the public support. The Union Minister Professor Zaw Wai Soe calls everyone from all walks of life in Myanmar to lead the prevention of the Covid-19 by stringently following the advice on preventative measures and isolation protocol of suspected cases published on the Ministry of Health
Facebook page6 and the ministry’s website7. No matter what the different strains of Covid-19, prevention is the most effective measure to conquer the disease. 8. The Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs urges the public to participate in the campaign, 14-19 June, to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence
in Conflict (19 June)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
75.43 KB
Local URL:
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
www.nugmyanmar.org
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၁၇ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)၁ ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြားမှ စေတနာရှင်များက စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများအတွက် ပြည်သူမှ ပြည်သူသို့ ပေးပို့လှူဒါန်းထားသော စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ ဆန်အိတ် ၈၀ ခန့်အပါအဝင် ဆေးဝါးပစ္စည်းများနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးထောက်ပံ့ရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုနေသည့် လူနာတင်ကားတစ်စီးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးမှ စစ်ဘေး ရှောင်ပြည်သူများနှင့် အတိဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြသည့် ဘေးသင့်ပြည်သူများအား နည်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးနေသော လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ ကိုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးအရေးယူခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း၊ ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေးပစ္စည်း များကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများကို ပိတ်ဆို့တားဆီးခြင်းတို့ကို အစဉ်တစိုက် ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက လက်မှတ် ရေးထိုးထားသော The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 ၏ Article 3 ကို တိုက်ရိုက်ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာ့ကာကွယ်ရေး အက်ဥပဒေ ၁၉၅၉ ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ကြောင်း၊ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီးက ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် ကြေညာချက်အရ အရပ်သားများနှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အဦများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် ဘေးကင်းပြီး တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့မှု မရှိသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို သွားလာခွင့်ပေးရန်ဆိုသည့် တိုက်တွန်းချက်ကိုလည်း လုံးဝ လျစ်လျူရှု၍ ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု ကိုပြသရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးနှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်း အစရှိသည့် ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျုးလွန်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် အတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း တိုက်တွန်းမှုများပါဝင်သည်။
၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ရေးဆွဲတင်သွင်းသော ''ပြည်သူ့ကြွေးမြီ စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှု ဥပဒေကို တတိယအကြိမ် ပြင်ဆင်သည့် ဥပဒေ''၂ အား ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၃။ ဗြိတိန်နိုင်ငံတွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော ၄၇ ကြိမ်မြောက် G7 ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အရေးကိစ္စနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အလေးထားဆွေးနွေးကာ အစည်းအဝေးအပြီး ထုတ်ပြန်သော ကြေညာချက်တွင် စစ်တပ်၏အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ရှုံချပြီး ဖမ်းဆီးထားသူများကို ချွင်းချက်မရှိပြန်လွှတ်ရန် ထည့်သွင်းတောင်းဆို ထားခြင်းကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြိုဆိုပြီး ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော နည်းလမ်းများ ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)၃ ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဥပဒေနှင့်ညီညွတ်ခြင်းမရှိပဲ အကြောင်း အမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ မတရားသော ဥပဒေပုဒ်မများဖြင့် အမှုဆင်အရေးယူခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတမှုမဲ့စွာ စီရင်ဆုံးဖြတ်ပြီး ထောင်သွင်းအကျဉ်းချခြင်းများကို ဆိုးရွားစွာ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးများ ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းသာမက ရာဇဝတ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ထိုက်သော ပြစ်မှုကြီးများကို စနစ်တကျ ဂိုဏ်းဖွဲ့၍ ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုက အာဏာအပ်နှင်းထားသော ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရထံမှ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကို လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် သိမ်းယူထားခြင်းဖြစ်၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှာ တရားဝင်အစိုးရမဟုတ် သကဲ့သို့ ၎င်းတို့က ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော တရားရုံးများသည်လည်း တရားဝင်တရားရုံးများ မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ သို့ဖြစ်၍ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီး မတရားသော ဥပဒေများဖြင့် စွဲဆိုရုံးထုတ်နေသည့် လုပ်ရပ်သည်လည်း ဥပဒေကို အလွဲသုံးစား လုပ်သည်သာမက နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ကျဆင်းထိခိုက်စေပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် ရှက်ဖွယ်ဖြစ်စေသည့် လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတိအလင်းထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာကြောင်းတို့ပါရှိပါသည်။
၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၇/၂၀၂၁)၄ ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့ညတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ် နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များက တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ရွာလုံးကျွတ် မီးရှို့ခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံး ရှုတ်ချကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ဒေသခံအဆင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်အဆင့် နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်များရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက်မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ၎င်းကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် သက်သေများကို စုဆောင်းထားရှိခြင်းသည် အခြေခံကျကျ အရေးပါလျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိသည့် တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်များအားလုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလက်တွဲကာ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိဉာဉ်ပါ ရည်မှန်းချက်များ အောင်မြင်သည်အထိ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အောင်နိုင်၍ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် တည်ငြိမ်ပြီး လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို အပြည့်အဝ အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ထွန်းလာသည်အထိ အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိပြုကြောင်းတို့ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ (Website) များဖြစ်သော https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org နှင့် https://mowyca.nugmyanmar.org တို့ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် စတင်၍ ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်သည်။ ၅
၇။ ယခုအခါ ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အလွန်စိုးရိမ်ဖွယ် အနေအထား ဖြစ်နေ ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူများ အထူးဂရုပြု ကာကွယ်ရမည့် အခြေအနေဖြစ်ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကိုဗစ်ကို ထိရောက်စွာ ကာကွယ်ကုသပေးနိုင်ရန် ငွေအား၊ လူအား၊ အတတ်ပညာအား၊ စေတနာအား၊ ပြည်သူ့အား မရှိ၍ ဤကပ်ရောဂါဆိုးကို ပြည်သူ လူထုမှ ဦးဆောင်ပြီး ကာကွယ်ဟန့်တားရန်၊လှည်းနေလှေအောင်း မြင်းဇောင်းမကျန် တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်မကျန် ကာကွယ်ဟန့်တားရန် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုးမှ တိုက်တွန်းပန်ကြားပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရန် နည်းလမ်းများနှင့် သံသယလူနာများ လိုက်နာရမည့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်များကို ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာ၆ နှင့် အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ၇ တို့တွင် ဖတ်ရှုလမ်းညွှန်မှုရယူနိုင်ပါသည်။ COVID 19 ရောဂါ မည်သည့်မျိုးကွဲမဆို ကာကွယ်ရေး နည်းလမ်းများကို ကြတ်မတ်စွာလိုက်နာခြင်းအားဖြင့် ကာကွယ်ခြင်းဖြင့် ရောဂါကွင်းဆက်ဖြတ်ပါရန် တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်အပ်ပါသည်။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက လာမည့် ဇွန်လ ၁၉ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်မည့် ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်းလိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုပပျောက်ရေး နိုင်ငံတကာနေ့ အထိမ်းအမှတ်အဖြစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၄ရက်မှ ၁၉ရက်နေ့ထိ ပြုလုပ်မည့် ကမ်ပိန်းတွင် အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်ကြရေးကို တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်ထားသည်။
အသေးစိတ်သိရှိလိုပါက လေ့လာရန် လင့်ခ်များ
၁။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/127859682768005
၂။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/128550949365545
၃။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/129758909244749
၄။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/130267515860555
၅။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/128314696055837
၆။ https://www.facebook.com/MoHNUGMyanmar
၇။ https://moh.nugmyanmar.org/..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
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"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
၁၆ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဥပဒေနှင့်ညီညွတ်ခြင်းမရှိပဲအကြောင်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ မတရားသော ဥပဒေပုဒ်မများဖြင့် အမှုဆင်အရေးယူခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတမှုမဲ့စွာ စီရင်ဆုံးဖြတ်ပြီး ထောင်သွင်းအကျဉ်းချခြင်းများကို ဆိုးရွားစွာ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးများ ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းသာမက ရာဇဝတ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ထိုက်သော ပြစ်မှုကြီးများကို စနစ်တကျ ဂိုဏ်းဖွဲ့၍ ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အပါအဝင် အခြားခေါင်းဆောင်များ အပေါ် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၉ ရက်နေ့၌ အဂတိလိုက်စားမှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၅ နှင့် ပုဒ်မ ၅၅ ⁄ ၆၃ တို့အရ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ရဲစခန်းအသီးသီးတွင် တိုင်ချက်ဖွင့်၍ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်း၊ အရေးယူရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူတို့၏ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်မှုဖြင့် တာဝန်ယူခဲ့ကြသော ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့်အတူ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားပြီး အမျိုးမျိုးသော ပြစ်မှု ပုဒ်မများဖြင့် အမှုဆင် လုပ်ကြံစွပ်စွဲခြင်းများအနက်မှ တစ်ခုဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထင်ရှားလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် မိမိတို့၏ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များကို ဤကဲ့သို့သော မသမာသည့် နည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ခေါင်းဆောင်ကြီးများ၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကိုထိပါးစေအောင် အာဃာတကြီးစွာ ကြံစည်ပုံဖျက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ထွက်ပေါက်ရမည်ဟု ယူဆပြီး မိုက်မဲစွာ လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းသာဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုက အာဏာအပ်နှင်းထားသော ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရထံမှ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကို လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် သိမ်းယူထားခြင်းကြောင့် တရားဝင်အစိုးရမဟုတ်သကဲ့သို့ ၎င်းတို့က ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော တရားရုံးများသည်လည်း တရားဝင်တရားရုံးများမဟုတ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အထက်ဖော်ပြပါဆောင်ရွက်ချက်သည် ဥပဒေကို အလွဲသုံးစား လုပ်သည်သာမက နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ကျဆင်းထိခိုက်စေပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် ရှက်ဖွယ်လိလိ ဖြစ်စေသည့် တရားစီရင်ရေး ဆိုင်ရာ ယုတ်မာကောက်ကျစ်သည့် လုပ်ဆောင်ချက် သာလျှင်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတိအလင်းထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာ လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"H.E. Dr Sasa, Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar welcomes with deepest gratitude
the response of the world leaders of the G7 Summit.."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Legislation under consideration, adopted, amended or repealed
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pdf
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531.93 KB
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"Myanmar’s military regime has charged the national immunization director and others 26 doctors with the Unlawful Association Act and incitement under the Penal Code for allegedly assisting the National Unity Government (NUG).
Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the national immunization director, was arrested on Thursday in Yangon. Her husband, seven-year-old son, friend and her daughter were also detained with her. Their whereabouts are unknown.
Two other doctors, Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun and Dr. Swe Zin Oo, are among 26 suspects charged with her who were arrested on Sunday in Mandalay, a source told The Irrawaddy.
On Saturday night, the junta-controlled media announced that Dr. Htar Htar Lin formed the civil disobedience movement’s (CDM) core group and assisted the NUG, which it has designated as a terrorist group.
The state-controlled media said she confessed to communicating with Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the NUG’s shadow health minister, through the applications Signal and Zoom. She helped write speeches and NUG health-care policy documents and helped prepare for Zoom meetings and plan to implement the NUG health-care programs, including estimating required drugs and costs, the state media stated.
It said she will be prosecuted under Article 17 of the Unlawful Association Act and Article 505(a) of the Penal Code for communicating with a “terrorist organization” and working with Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who is in hiding and acting health minister in the NUG. He also has two other ministerial portfolios.
It made the same accusation against 26 other doctors who it said had accepted NUG public health, state health administration and clinician team roles.
The state media broadcast their names and photos and called on the public to give evidence against them. It said anyone who hides the suspects would face prosecution.
Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act penalizes anyone who has joined an unlawful association or is taking part in its activities with up to three years in prison. Incitement under the Penal Code also carries three-year terms.
Several medics and Ministry of Health and Sports staff have been charged for participating in the CDM and for running secret clinics for wounded demonstrators.
At least 51 striking medics, including superintendents, academics, surgeons and other hospital staff, have been arrested with many still in detention and facing prosecution.
The regime also issued warrants for prominent CDM doctors, including Dr. Zaw Wai Soe and Dr. Htar Htar Lin. Thousands of medical staff are in hiding.
The CDM was launched by medics on Feb. 3 in protest against the junta and followed by other government workers nationwide..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Health Workers Strike, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement - standards and mechanisms, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"Myanmar government should have a seat at ASEAN summit
(BANGKOK, April 23, 2021)–The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should work with the newly formed National Unity Government in Myanmar and the broader international community to bring an end to the Myanmar military junta’s attacks and ensure a transition to democratic, civilian rule, said Fortify Rights today.
Myanmar coup-leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is expected to join a special ASEAN summit on Myanmar on April 24 in Jakarta while ASEAN sidelined the National Unity Government from the discussions.
“By inviting coup-leader Min Aung Hlaing and ignoring Myanmar’s elected civilian leaders, ASEAN lends legitimacy to an illegal and brutal military regime,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director of Fortify Rights. “ASEAN should use this special summit as an opportunity to collectively reject the February 1 coup and the military’s subsequent attack on civilians, recognize the legitimacy of the National Unity Government, and garner collective support for economic sanctions and an arms embargo against the Myanmar military.”
If Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing fails to demonstrate an immediate end to the junta’s attempted coup and attack on civilians, then ASEAN member states should consider ousting Myanmar from the regional block, said Fortify Rights.
On February 1, Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated a military coup d’état, overthrowing the elected government and detaining President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and dozens of other government leaders, parliamentarians, and human rights defenders. The junta took over the executive, judicial, and legislative levers of power and, on February 2, created the military-appointed State Administration Council to rule the country.
On April 16, ousted members of parliament, anti-coup protest leaders, and representatives of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities announced the establishment of the National Unity Government. The National Unity Government committed to end military rule and build a federal democracy.
Since the February 1 coup, junta-controlled security forces reportedly killed more than 700 people and detained more than 3,000 in a brutal, nationwide assault against the population. The junta also deployed the air force and launched airstrikes against villages in ethnic army-controlled border areas, killing and injuring civilians, displacing thousands, and sparking concerns of a regional refugee crisis. It has also cut internet access and mobile data nationally, preventing the population from communicating with each other and beyond.
“ASEAN member states should coordinate with the international community to bring effective pressure to bear on Myanmar’s murderous regime,” said Ismail Wolff. “ASEAN can no longer hide behind its flawed policy of non-interference. Governments in this region need to show leadership and stand with the people of Myanmar by categorically rejecting the junta and recognizing the legitimate civilian leadership.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့
၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၀ရက်နေ့၊ ညပိုင်းတွင် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တောင်ပိုင်းနှင့် ကရင်နီ (ကယား) ပြည်နယ်၊ နယ်စပ်ရှိ မိုးဗြဲမြို့နယ်၊ အနောက်ဘက်ခြမ်း၊ လွယ်ရင်းတောင်ခြေတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြားမှ စေတနာရှင်များက စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများအတွက် ပြည်သူမှ ပြည်သူသို့ ပေးပို့လှူဒါန်းထားသော စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ ဆန်အိတ် ၈၀ ခန့်အပါအဝင် ဆေးဝါးပစ္စည်းများနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးထောက်ပံ့ရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုနေသည့် လူနာတင်ကားတစ်စီးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း ဓါတ်ပုံအထောက် အထားများနှင့်တကွ ကနဦးသတင်းရရှိပါသည်။
၂။ ထို့အတူ ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးမှ စစ်ဘေး ရှောင်ပြည်သူများနှင့် အတိဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြသည့် ဘေးသင့်ပြည်သူများအား နည်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးနေသော လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များကိုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးအရေးယူခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း၊ ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းများကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများကို ပိတ်ဆို့တားဆီးခြင်းတို့ကို အစဉ်တစိုက် ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိနေရသည်။
၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက လက်မှတ် ရေးထိုးထားသော The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 ၏ Article 3 ကို တိုက်ရိုက်ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာ့ကာကွယ်ရေး အက်ဥပဒေ ၁၉၅၉ ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါသည်။
၄။ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီးက ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် ကြေညာချက်အရ အရပ်သားများနှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အဦများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် ဘေးကင်းပြီး တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့မှု မရှိသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို သွားလာခွင့်ပေးရန်ဆိုသည့် တိုက်တွန်းချက်ကိုလည်း လုံးဝ လျစ်လျူရှု၍ ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး ကလည်း ကယားပြည်နယ်မှ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများကို စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများက တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့်အပေါ် သတိပြု စိုးရိမ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပါသည်။
၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုကိုပြသရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးနှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်း အစရှိသည့် ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျုးလွန်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် အတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Myanmar junta systematically murdering and arresting protesters
(BANGKOK, March 15, 2021)—U.N. member states should move to hold an Emergency Special Session at the U.N. General Assembly to demand collective action in response to the Myanmar military’s widespread and systematic attack on protesters, said Fortify Rights today. The Myanmar Police Force and Army reportedly killed more than 120 women, men, and children and arbitrarily arrested more than 2,000 since February 1.
Yesterday, security forces murdered more than 50 protesters, most in Yangon, according to local news outlets and open-source media. It was the deadliest day since the February 1 military coup d’etat.
“The Myanmar military poses a threat to the peace, and its ongoing attack is grave, dire, and massive in scope,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The people of Myanmar are desperate for action, and the U.N. Security Council has persistently failed them. Now is the time for an Emergency Special Session at the General Assembly, where China and Russia have no veto power.”
During an Emergency Special Session on the situation in Myanmar, U.N. member states should press for a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military and targeted sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, said Fortify Rights. On sanctions, specifically, governments should coordinate to block the junta’s access to billion-dollar natural gas revenues. Member states should also press for the U.N. Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court to investigate atrocity crimes by Myanmar security forces in recent years, including genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.
The U.N. Security Council has issued two statements in response to the situation in Myanmar since the coup, on February 4 and March 10, but failed to take any collective action or acknowledge the junta’s overthrow of the elected government as a coup d’état. The people of Myanmar and civil society organizations have consistently called for greater action from the international community in response to the coup and the junta’s attacks on civilians.
On March 10, the Security Council called on “the [Myanmar] military to exercise utmost restraint.” Since that statement, the junta murdered scores of people.
The primary responsibility of the U.N. Security Council is the maintenance of international peace and security. In 1950, the U.N. General Assembly passed the Uniting for Peace Resolution to circumvent persistent vetoes at the U.N. Security Council by the Soviet Union during the Cold War era.
Under the Uniting for Peace Resolution, if the U.N. Security Council lacks “unanimity” and “fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression,” then the U.N. General Assembly can convene “to maintain or restore international peace and security.”
For the U.N. Security Council to request an Emergency Special Session, at least nine members of the Council must vote to refer the issue to the U.N. General Assembly. Alternatively, any U.N. member state may send a letter to the U.N. Secretary-General describing the matter of concern to request an Emergency Special Session. If a majority of member states agree with the request, then an Emergency Special Session must be held within 24 hours of receiving the majority of votes.
Since 1950, the U.N. General Assembly has only ever held 10 Emergency Special Sessions on situations in several countries. During those sessions, the General Assembly recommended arms embargos on four occasions, comprehensive sanctions on two occasions, and peacekeepers on one occasion. In five of the past ten Emergency Special Sessions, the General Assembly urged military forces to withdraw.
On February 1, the Myanmar military carried out a coup d’etat, overthrowing the democratically elected government. The military initially arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of others, declaring that it would control the country for one year. On February 2, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing created the State Administrative Council, with himself as chairperson.
On February 3, medical professionals in Myanmar government-run hospitals went on strike in an act of civil disobedience. Their initial, coordinated act grew into the ongoing nationwide nonviolent “Civil Disobedience Movement” involving daily mass protests throughout the country and nationwide general strikes.
On February 5, 15 elected members of parliament created the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), adding two additional MPs on February 10. The CRPH aims to form a government and perform the duties of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. On February 23, the CRPH appointed Dr. Sasa, an ethnic Chin medical doctor and longtime humanitarian, as its representative to the United Nations. On March 9, CRPH announced it had appointed Mahn Win Khaing Than as acting Vice President of the country.
Since February 1, millions of people in Myanmar have protested the coup, including through acts as simple as banging pots and pans. Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets throughout the country, protesting the military and holding evening vigils for murdered protesters in defiance of the junta’s prohibition on gatherings of five or more people.
The Myanmar Police Force and military have used excessive and lethal force against protesters and, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, arbitrarily arrested at least 2,000 people. The junta amended a raft of laws to strip away rights and imposed evening internet blackouts nationwide.
The military coup stands to exacerbate existing crises in the country, said Fortify Rights, citing reports of recent Myanmar military troop movements in at least northern Rakhine State and Karen and Kachin states, armed clashes with non-state ethnic armies, and attacks on civilians in ethnic areas since February 1.
The Myanmar military is responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic minorities for decades. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State.
On February 12, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Thomas Andrews, said, “all options should be on the table” in response to the coup in Myanmar. “Barring concrete steps from the Security Council,” Thomas Andrews said, “the General Assembly can convene an Emergency Special Session.”
On March 11, Thomas Andrews addressed the U.N. Human Rights Council, describing “shocking video of the aftermath of attacks, including fatal gunshot wounds to the heads of protesters, and video of soldiers dragging or carrying away the dead bodies of their victims.”
“There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “This is the same military that has been carrying out the Rohingya genocide for several years and committing war crimes in ethnic states.”
The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace.
Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter concerning Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.”
In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity.
“The Myanmar military is not the Government of Myanmar,” said Matthew Smith. “U.N. member states must recognize Myanmar’s duly elected leaders and their chosen representatives, including the CRPH. The junta is an illegal entity formed by the Myanmar military, a criminal enterprise.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-03-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"To
Honorable members of the parliaments
National Diet of Japan We would like to express our utmost appreciation towards the action of the House of Representatives of Japan for adopting a resolution condemning the coup staged by the
Myanmar military and urging the country to return to democracy. This move of the Japan’s lower house is, indeed, a great encouragement and support for Myanmar and for the global democratic future as well. We would like to take this opportunity to also thank the parliaments
o f Japan for all the support they have been contributing in democratic transition and development of Myanmar. As a legitimate body representing the elected members of parliaments, the CRPH
(Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) will keep on working vigorously with international society urging them to use all the diplomatic resources to stop the unlawful imprisonment and brutal attack by the State Administration Council. We totally believe that the democratic future of the world will be restored if the world stands in solidarity..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2021-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"This article is part of a Just Security series on the Feb. 1, 2021 coup in Myanmar. The series brings together expert local and international voices on the coup and its broader context. The series is a collaboration between Just Security and the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School.
This installment reflects conversations with Rohingya residents of refugee camps in Bangladesh about the coup in Myanmar. Camp residents’ views were collected by Shabbir Ahmad and other members of a team of Rohingya researchers during a recent community feedback collection project. The opinions expressed here are the views of the authors and camp residents, not those of any institution with which the authors are affiliated.
The Rohingya community of Myanmar has been isolated and persecuted for decades, leading to waves of mass displacement, isolation, and resistance. The situation of the Rohingya deteriorated further into crisis after the National League for Democracy (NLD) took power in 2015, starting with a 2016 crackdown and culminating in the massive 2017 violence that displaced over 700,000 people.
Refugees in Bangladesh believe the situation could worsen even further under the current junta, creating new risks for the Rohingya who remain in Myanmar and indefinitely delaying any prospect of a safe repatriation for those displaced. According to one camp resident: “The democratic government didn’t do well for us Rohingya. However, the current conditions will be even worse for us, and maybe for everyone in Myanmar.” According to another, “We Rohingya people don’t expect anything positive to come from the military coup. We know very well that the Myanmar Army is merciless and doesn’t feel afraid of committing injustice.” The greatest fear for many camp residents is that repatriation at a large scale will be impossible as long as Myanmar remains under the control of the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw. In recent comments, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing affirmed these concerns, reiterating once again that the Tatmadaw does not recognize the identity of the Rohingya people or their right to return home. As long as the junta remains in place, there is little possibility of forging solutions to the outstanding political, legal, and justice questions surrounding the Rohingya crisis.
But there is another dimension of the coup in which an unanticipated, positive change has emerged: There has been a wave of social and political reconciliation between Rohingya and other Myanmar people. Though the situation remains formidable both for Rohingya in Myanmar and for those who seek to return from Bangladesh, certain social and political fault lines that have been present throughout Myanmar’s recent history seem to be shifting.
Emerging Grassroots Solidarity
After the first large-scale protests against the coup took place in Yangon on Feb. 6, Shabbir Ahmad, a young Rohingya social activist and educator who currently lives as a refugee in Bangladesh, met with several other youth. They decided to use Twitter to express support for the anti-coup protesters within Myanmar. And they have been at it ever since.
At first, Shabbir and his friends’ tweets received little attention, but they persisted. The Tatmadaw’s crackdown on protesters grew increasingly brutal, and Shabbir watched as civilians across Myanmar were afflicted by violence similar to that committed against Rohingya in 2017. Many in Myanmar began to recognize the magnitude of the Rohingya people’s suffering as they experienced indiscriminate violence firsthand themselves. Rather suddenly, according to Shabbir, “hundreds of Twitter users began apologizing in comments under my tweets. They expressed regret for not supporting Rohingya during the Tatmadaw’s genocidal campaigns, for misunderstanding our plight, and for being afraid to speak up. It was remarkable for us to finally feel their support.”
Shabbir continued posting prayers for the protesters’ safety and security, sharing condolences for those killed in the protests. Four months after the coup, he still posts solidarity messages and photos from the camps nearly every day under his Burmese name, Naing Oo. (Rohingya and others from minoritized ethnic groups in Myanmar often have two names, one in their mother tongue and one in Burmese.)
Shabbir’s most viral Tweet to date was a photo series of refugees whose bamboo and tarpaulin huts burned in the recent devastating March 22 fire that left 45,000 refugees without shelter. “Despite losing their homes and possessions the night before the photos were taken, my subjects were eager to be photographed squatting atop the ashes and rubble of their shelters while making the three-finger Hunger Games salute that has become emblematic of the Myanmar anti-coup resistance movement,” Shabbir described. “Their determination to show solidarity during their own moment of loss struck Myanmar Twitter users, dozens of whom apologized to the Rohingya under my post. Some expressed regret, shame, and grief.” Shabbir tried to reply to each comment in order to make personal connections.
In the past, Shabbir said, “We Rohingya lamented our inability to build a good relationship with other Myanmar people. We never felt any support from them, even during our most difficult times. But since we began voicing our support for the coup protestors, we have felt a big shift in the relationship between the communities.” This includes elders and others who don’t use social media but have heard from others about the online reconciliation. “Everyone in the camps is aware that this is happening, and nearly everyone has been supportive,” he added.
Still, the outpourings of solidarity were not without controversy. “Mistrust was hard to overcome. Amongst refugees, there were a few people who didn’t like what we Twitter users were doing,” Shabbir explained. “They thought Myanmar civilians were pretending to reconcile in order to get support from the international community, and that they would betray Rohingya after using them. My friends and I worked tirelessly to convince our fellow camp residents that our outreach efforts could bring long-term benefits, and subsequently, we think we have earned most people’s trust.”
According to Shabbir, “It seems that refugees here in the camps have authentically forgiven and are feeling happy to finally forge good relationships with Myanmar people of all ethnicities.” He expressed that no one could have imagined that the coup would bring about this positive development, which has shown that some solutions can and must be forged by “ordinary” people rather than by politicians and figureheads in Myanmar and the international community.
Signs of Political Progress
The emerging reconciliation was soon visible offline as well, with anti-coup protestors in Yangon showing up to rallies with handwritten signs apologizing to Rohingya. The willingness of new civilian leaders to recognize the Rohingya suggested to Shabbir and his peers that social activism could trickle up to influence discourse at the national level. Supportive comments made by members of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and its international envoy Dr. Sasa, who has promised to pursue justice for Rohingya, were a source of encouragement to continue expressing solidarity.
However, during the initial months after the coup, there was ambiguity as to whether the positive expressions from Dr. Sasa and others would amount to a departure from the stance of the previous NLD government. The National Unity Government (NUG) was formed by the CRPH on April 16 and there were some initial doubts over whether it would condemn longstanding policies of Rohingya exclusion and persecution. But it has since taken several steps to distinguish itself from the recently ousted civilian administration. One positive sign came on May 20, when NUG Special Representative U Htin Linn Aung stated during a Wilson Center webinar that the NUG fully intends to support Rohingya repatriation. On May 30, the NUG published a press statement asserting that it would cooperate with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) process currently underway to determine whether Myanmar committed genocide against the Rohingya.
Then, on June 3, the NUG released a progressive policy position statement lauded by many observers and described as a “monumental shift” by the human rights group Fortify Rights. The NUG’s statement declared its intent to do away with Myanmar’s problematic and outdated 1982 citizenship law, and to ensure birthright citizenship to all people born in Myanmar as well as to the children of Myanmar citizens. This would effectively mean the acknowledgement of existing citizenship rights for the Rohingya.
The June 3 statement also clarified the NUG’s position in regard to the current International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation on crimes committed by the Tatmadaw against the Rohingya. Previously, the NUG had only mentioned that it would consider accepting the ICC’s jurisdiction to investigate the Tatmadaw’s crimes since the coup, which would not cover earlier periods of violence against the Rohingya. According to the June 3 statement, however, the NUG intends to “initiate processes to grant the ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed in Myanmar against the Rohingyas and other communities” – a commitment that offers hope for full accountability.
Despite feeling hopeful about the recent developments, Shabbir and others in the camps have been careful to temper their optimism. The junta’s grasp on power in Myanmar remains fierce, if threatened, and the NUG has no certain pathway to gaining control. Shabbir sees the addition of a Rohingya representative to the NUG cabinet as a critical next step to bridge the gap between social reconciliation and the political action needed to forge lasting solutions, but so far, no Rohingya cabinet members have been named.
According to Shabbir, “This lack of inclusion has been disheartening for many people who fear it signals that the support from Dr. Sasa and others is disingenuous. But we camp residents remain hopeful that the NUG will involve the Rohingya soon.” Whether this will happen remains questionable. Though Dr. Sasa was appointed as the NUG’s International Cooperation Minister, politicians who have publicly expressed anti-Rohingya views were also given key positions in the NUG. “Fortunately, Rohingya Twitter users have seen various Myanmar people posting on social media to encourage the NUG to involve us,” Shabbir added. “We acknowledge that it may take time to build a good relationship with the NUG, and we are encouraged by the progress made thus far.” The need for recognition of Rohingya issues by the NUG has been noted internationally as well. During a congressional hearing on May 5, several U.S. officials said that support for the NUG should be contingent upon adoption of an explicit anti-genocide policy.
Life as a Waiting Game
Meanwhile, life for those in the camps continues as a waiting game. Eager to return home, many closely follow Myanmar politics, weighing whether each development might promote or hinder the prospect of safe repatriation. The coup is the most significant of these developments since the mass exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh four years ago. Many people arrived in Bangladesh expecting to return home “in days or weeks, not years” once the violence subsided, as one person put it. Now, they are confronted with the reality of having to endure camp conditions for years or even decades. Those initially confident in prompt repatriation now accept that the violence and instability resulting from the coup is likely to further delay the prospect of repatriation in the near term.
Camp residents nevertheless remain hopeful that international justice and accountability delivered through the ICJ and ICC will help expedite progress toward solutions, and the NUG’s statement of support for these international mechanisms is a positive step. However, the residents lack access to clear information about these legal mechanisms, their scope, and their limitations, leading to what many would argue are overly optimistic perceptions given the history of international justice moving at a glacial pace. Victims have long called for international action to resolve the refugee crisis and hold perpetrators of war crimes and other atrocities accountable, but many have been disappointed by an international response perceived as slow and inadequate: “What is the reason why we need to suffer in the camps for over three years? Why isn’t the international community doing anything for us?” Anti-coup protestors in Myanmar are now similarly frustrated by what they view as a lack of prompt and effective international support.
But many forms of justice that Rohingya need in their daily lives – citizenship, repatriation, access to education, and other services – will not be delivered by foreign politicians or faraway courts in Europe. As the coup and resulting instability cement the reality of long-term displacement, camp residents’ need for access to education, livelihoods, civil justice, and basic rights demands more urgent attention. Parents fear that their children will become part of a lost generation of unschooled youth, and illicit economic activity proliferates as refugees face financial pressures but lack the right to formal employment. While international accountability is ultimately necessary for sustainable peace, displaced Rohingya families face more urgent needs every day, as do Rohingya still living in Myanmar.
Complex Hopes and Next Steps
There are a few outliers in the camps, people who have an open mind about the Tatmadaw’s seizure of power or who think that the coup could have a positive impact on repatriation. They wonder if, free of the democratic process laden with complexities and bureaucratic red tape, the Tatmadaw might opt to relieve international pressure by addressing the crisis. One person commented, “The NLD had no real power to give us our rights. Whenever they consulted about Rohingya issues in Parliament, some members would always object, so they couldn’t do anything. But if the military could be convinced by the international community to give rights to Rohingya, they wouldn’t need to consult in Parliament and they could do as they wish.”
But these optimistic views were mostly voiced immediately after the coup. Some people’s hopes were raised when Tatmadaw commanders met with groups of Rohingya elders in Rakhine State just days after seizing power. The commanders blamed Aung San Suu Kyi for the crisis and vowed to make progress where the NLD had failed. Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing stated the same in a televised address on February 8. However, no follow-up action was taken, and these early hopes have faded. Some commentators were struck by the Tatmadaw’s audacity in attempting to shift blame for military repression of Rohingya to the previous civilian government.
As the junta has made no public efforts to engage with the ICC and ICJ cases about the Rohingya crisis while continuing to enact violence throughout Myanmar, it has provided no reason for affected communities to believe that it would pursue just and sustainable solutions. And the voices of hope have diminished with time as the Tatmadaw’s indiscriminate cruelty has been on full display with the killings of civilians in the streets and renewed violence against other ethnic minorities in the border regions.
Over the past four years, contending with the daily hardships of refugee life was difficult enough, but was viewed by many in the camps as a short-term necessity. People’s mental health is now impacted as they orient to the bleak prospect of remaining displaced for the foreseeable future due to the coup. In this context, the NUG’s positions in support of Rohingya citizenship and international justice are particularly welcome signs that progress is possible and that they will someday return home. As Rohingya have continuously stated, the right to Myanmar citizenship is the most fundamental guarantor of their future protection. Without citizenship, it is hard to envision a pathway toward just, safe, and sustainable repatriation.
Ultimately, the end of military rule is necessary as a precursor to forging peace and political solutions. In the meantime, the NUG should not lose sight of the need for Rohingya inclusion, their daily challenges in Myanmar and in the camps, and their right to justice. A meaningful next step would be for the NUG to add a Rohingya representative to its cabinet. As others have noted, the NUG should also reconsider the inclusion in the cabinet of officials who hold anti-Rohingya views. Taking these steps would earn the NUG greater international legitimacy, and, more importantly, would strengthen its ability to work toward an inclusive and just society..."
Source/publisher:
Just Security (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Genocide, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"The NUG has vowed to the people that it will, by justifiable means, vanquish and uproot the terrorist military council that has been ruling the country unlawfully and repressively. The NUG will,
together with the public, endeavor to work judiciously and diligently towards building a federal democratic union. Today’s Spring Revolution is the people’s revolution led by the people to liberate
themselves from under the yoke of the thuggish military dictatorship. It is obvious to one and all that the world renowned Civil Disobedience Movement is the main pillar of the Spring Revolution that
has successfully hindered and impeded the military regime’s apparatus by nonviolent means. And it has rightfully been commended.Therefore the NUG, on record, hereby pay homage, applaud and honour all the heroes of the nonviolent Civil Disobedience Movement. It has also come to our notice that the terrorist military regime has been suppressing our
non-violent CDM heroes by using inhumane methods such as intimidating, torturing and arresting them. Likewise their non-CDM lackeys in the upper administrative echelon are using various threats
and putting pressure on staff. But with the interests of the Nation and the People at heart the populace and all nationals are persevering wholeheartedly with the Civil Disobedience Movement
and for that we are grateful. The NUG will make sure that the military regime’s lackeys are meted out with appropriate retribution through the courts. The NUG has been systematically recording data
on those who are non-CDM participants and have been bullying and threatening CDM participants. Similarly systematic data is being kept on who is CDM participant and who is not in a graded scale
and that data will be used for adjudication purposes after the abolition of military dictatorship and the advent of a new federal democratic union.
The NUG unreservedly supports the non-violent Civil Disobedience Movement. In addition the NUG has advocated a policy on self defence in order for the public to be able to defend themselves against the strong-armed repressive unjust atrocities enacted upon them by the junta. We also note that a group of factious agitators in all forms and guises have been performing seditious acts. The NUG has never been an advocate, nor a supporter of these lawless
seditious acts. The NUG strongly condemns and denounces those acts. The NUG hereby declares that this government will only continue to support the two principles, that of upholding the law and endorse and lend credence to the non-violent activities of the Civil Disobedience Movement..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
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"Dear Prime Minister,
I am making this special appeal to you on behalf of 54 million brave people of Myanmar and the National Unity Government of Myanmar to please put the deepening crisis in Myanmar on the G7 agenda when the head of world leaders meet at the upcoming G7 meeting.
First of all, I would like to reiterate my sincere thanks to the people, Parliament and Government of the United Kingdom for standing in solidarity and being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar. I also want to express my gratitude for the efforts of the UK on coordinating targeted sanctions against key Tatmadaw personnel, Tatmadaw
linked companies and enterprises such as MGE, MEC and MEHL, and for providing generous funding of 28 million UK sterling pound for humanitarian aids to Myanmar and for providing extra funding to the IIMM. I would like to further thank the UK government for taking a strong leadership role in the UN and G7 meetings on behalf
of the people of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of many in this nation. Truly we are the voice of over 54 million brave people who stand in solidarity against the cruel and ruthless junta. Thank you also for lending protection and support to Myanmar Ambassador to UK, H.E Kyaw Zwar Minn since
he was illegally removed from office by the junta.
I previously had the wonderful privilege of meetings with Minister H.E. Nigel Adams and UK Ambassador to Myanmar H.E Dan Chugg. British Parliamentarians reassured me that the People and Government of the UK are strongly committed and supportive of the brave people of Myanmar in our peaceful movement for freedom and democracy
against the junta reign of terror. I am also grateful for the opportunity to appear before the British Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee on the Myanmar military coup crisis hearing.
Since the 1st of February 2021 when military coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his gunmen instigated this illegal coup d’etat and took our Nation, Myanmar, hostage, nearly 900 civilians have been murdered by the junta including at least 72 children, nearly 6,000 civilians have been arrested by the junta including our State Counsellor
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President U Win Myint , and over 1,900 are evading arrest warrants. I have been charged with high treason by these military generals who are in fact the ones committing high treason against the people of Myanmar themselves. The junta leaders continue using the ASEAN engagements as a
propaganda tool while the junta forces continue committing violence and atrocities against the people of Myanmar in villages, towns, and cities across the nation. The torture and cold-blooded murder of innocent civilians under the junta forces continue.
They have abolished free media outlets in the vain attempt to stop the truth from getting out. Harassment and imprisonment of journalists continue under the junta. The violence we are seeing by the junta is both systematic and widespread. It is clear that they are engaging in crimes against humanity by using heavy battlefield weapons
against unarmed civilians. They have been purchasing these weapons from big countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and country of Myanmar. As a result, Myanmar is now quickly becoming a failed state: ten of thousands of people have become displaced by the junta forces, food insecurity is rising sharply, and the UNDP
is predicting that over half of the 54 million population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. World Food Programme (WFP) estimates 6.4 million people will be without food in Myanmar by October 2021.lt will
be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused not only by the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun. We, the sovereign citizens of Myanmar, are doing all that we can to prevent these great tragedies of violence, genocide, criminal atrocities, poverty and hunger by
courageously and peacefully resisting the junta’s efforts to cause us maximum pain, suffering, death and destruction. The citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through this peaceful movement of Civil Disobedient Movement-CDM, strikes and other acts of civil disobedience. We are
boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants are refusing to support the junta’s work. The sanctions that have been imposed to date by the International Community have been a helpful start to supporting our domestic efforts. While the brutal crackdown by the junta and its forces continue, opposition to the junta
remains strong and unanimous among the people of Myanmar. However, greater help and support from G7 world leaders and countries are vitally important. We have three core requests to present to the G7 world leaders and countries: Engage with the National Unity Government as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar. We are comprised of leaders elected in Myanmar’s
democratic November elections as well as leaders of ethnic states and regions. The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well. Help us to address the growing humanitarian crisis. We need aid. The National Unity
Government knows how to get aid to where it is needed. A humanitarian crisis is growing due to this brutal junta and the spread of COVID-19. Myanmar’s economy is in collapse and millions are already, or at risk of being, without water, food, sanitation,
shelter and medicine. We desperately need aid for 1) FOOD SECURITY, 2) HEALTH 3) SHELTER, 4) EDUCATION:
Help us by putting more financial and diplomatic pressure on the junta. It is critical for the nations of the world who stand with us to band together in a coordinated campaign of further sanctions that would cut the flow of revenue to this murderous regime to ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of G7 countries and its alliances
be allowed to continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains unscathed by the international community, therefore sanctions must be placed against Myanmar Oil and Gas and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology; the imposition of an international arms embargo and
a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by whatever means necessary. These measures are critically vital to prevent many bloodbaths and another genocide in Myanmar.
Our National Unity Government of Myanmar is ready, willing and able to help in all of these coordinated efforts. This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from the Governments of G7 countries and the free countries and leaders from around the world who believe in freedom, justice and democracy. This is the greatest opportunity of the century for Myanmar. We must then seize upon this window of opportunity and put an end to this
junta reign of terror - and build inclusive federal democratic union for All people of Myanmar by the people and for the people, and where the rights of ALL regardless of race, gender, culture, ethnicity, background, and religion are equally respected, protected and promoted. We, the opposition to the illegal junta, will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military dictatorships, and at the other end of this fight we will emerge an inclusive Myanmar that is committed to democracy, human rights, and to being a
responsible partner in the global community. With the help of the world leaders and G7 countries, our vision and our dream will become a powerful reality and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratitude for generations to come. Yours sincerely, H.E Dr. Sasa..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Food Security and militarisation in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UK-Burma relations
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ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ဒုတိယသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလက ကချင်ဒေသအတွင်း တကျော့ပြန်စစ်ပွဲပြန်ဖြစ်ခြင်း (၁၀) နှစ်ပြည့် ကျင်းပသည့် အခမ်းအနားသို့ ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၉) ရက်
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Kachin State - general articles, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Experts say the EU's new sanctions against Myanmar raise questions over a contradiction in policy, which calls on ASEAN to take the lead in mediation. There is also concern over how effective the sanctions will be.
Description:
"Questions have been raised over the EU's exact objectives regarding Myanmar, after its foreign affairs chief, Josep Borrell, last Thursday said that a third round of sanctions will soon be imposed on the country's military and economic interests.
Following its February 1 coup, which overthrew the recently reelected civilian government headed by national icon Aung San Suu Kyi, the military is believed to have killed at least 845 people, the majority of whom were civilians who participated in nationwide pro-democracy protests.
The coup has also escalated the country's seven-decade-old insurgencies, with several ethnic militia groups now cooperating to oppose the junta. The National Unity Government, an underground government composed of opponents of the military junta, including ousted parliamentarians, also recently announced the creation of their own militia, the People's Defense Force.
As tensions continue to escalate, the majority of foreign powers, including the EU, have publicly backed the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc in taking the lead to mediate a resolution to the conflict.
Situation beyond ASEAN's reach
However, the situation now appears to be beyond the reach of ASEAN, for whom the Myanmar crisis represents its biggest and most difficult test in decades.
The junta's continued violence and repression go against the five-point consensus it agreed to with ASEAN in April. And Myanmar's pro-democracy movement now says it doesn't trust ASEAN's interlocutors, especially as there appears to be little chance that the bloc can mediate a deal that allows the now-banned National League for Democracy (NLD) to return to power, or even to politics.
Moreover, accusations have been made that the EU is sanctioning the same Myanmar officials that ASEAN may soon confer legitimacy upon, if the bloc's eventual resolution allows the junta to remain in power until new elections are held, which are likely to be rigged by the military.
The EU first agreed to impose sanctions on several officials in Myanmar's military junta and its aligned companies in mid-February. But it took several weeks for the measures to be formally adopted.
A second round of sanctions in April targeted a dozen more junta officials, as well as key military-owned conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited and Myanmar Economic Corporation.....A hazy relationship with oil companies: However, one notable exception so far from the sanctions list is the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state-owned enterprise with close connections to the military's business assets.
"It is imperative that the EU sanctions Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and junta-controlled banks to cut the flow of revenue financing the military's international crimes," said Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice for Myanmar, a research activist group.
"The most significant single source of revenue for the military is from oil and gas, channeled through offshore accounts belonging to state-owned banks," Maung added. "This is wealth that belongs to the people of Myanmar, who have made clear their absolute rejection of the coup."
In late May, petroleum giants Total SA and Chevron — French and American-owned, respectively — announced that they had terminated cash payments to the junta, the dividends they derive from transporting gas from Myanmar's offshore Yadana field to the mainland and to neighboring Thailand.
Both international firms are majority owners of Moattama Gas Transportation Company, the pipeline company that transports the gas. MOGE owns a 15% share.
Maung also called on the EU to push for a global arms embargo on Myanmar. Brussels has frozen the sale and transfer of weapons to the country, while the United Nations earlier introduced a non-binding resolution for an arms embargo. However, the ASEAN bloc has opposed the UN resolution.
It remains to be seen whether MOGE, as well as other lucrative military-run entities, will be part of the new sanctions promised by Borrell last week during his visit to Jakarta.....'A comprehensive and balanced approach': Nabila Massrali, EU Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, said she "would not speculate" on what the new sanctions will entail as they are still being discussed in Brussels.
Massrali described the bloc's measures as "a comprehensive and balanced approach," adding that: "These measures have been carefully crafted to avoid a further negative impact on the Myanmar population. They send a strong signal to the military junta that the EU holds them accountable for their actions and they impose clear costs on their behavior."
Given that EU sanctions were only imposed in March and April, she said it is "too soon to assess the impact of these measures."
In early May, a study made by 10 foreign chambers of commerce in Myanmar found that 13% of surveyed companies had ceased business activity in the country since the coup, and a third reported at least a 75% reduction in their activity.
According to some commentators, however, sanctions may have dented the military's coffers but are almost certain not to force it to its knees. After all, the military, known locally as the Tatmadaw, ruled Myanmar as a hermetic state from 1962 until 2011, when it tentatively accepted a democratic shift and allowed the NLD to form a civilian government after a resounding victory at the 2015 general election.
'No evidence' that sanctions are effective
"There is no evidence so far that the sanctions have caused any change within the military junta, which continues to use violence and imprisonment to silence democratic opposition," said Htwe Htwe Thein, an associate professor of international business at Curtin University in Perth.
In part, this is because almost none of the military's financial assets is held in EU bank accounts, and the majority of large foreign companies doing businesses in Myanmar aren't European. "Of course, there are travel and visa bans for key officials — so officials and their families cannot plan to go to Paris on holiday," Thein noted.
On the one hand, she added, EU sanctions have "symbolic effects" in supporting international condemnation of the junta's actions, and may also pressure other governments to follow suit. "Therefore, they are more effective than they seem," she said.
Yet many other nations haven't followed the EU's example. Singapore, the largest investor in Myanmar, has opposed sanctions, as have other major investors Japan and China.
Who is in charge of mediation?
Confusing matters further, the EU is ramping up its sanctions against Myanmar's junta, but at the same time, is trusting the ASEAN bloc to mediate a solution that may end up conferring legitimacy on the same people that Brussels has targeted.
The EU "should be very careful and discerning in allowing ASEAN to lead the diplomatic efforts and set agendas," said Thien.
When announcing further sanctions on a visit to Jakarta last week, EU foreign policy chief Borrell reiterated that efforts "to find a political solution for the Myanmar situation belongs to ASEAN." He added that the regional bloc's interlocutors are "doing the best possible job."
Not everyone agrees. Even Thailand, whose current ruling party and prime minister came to power through a military coup in 2014, said this week it was concerned that Myanmar's junta is not sticking to the five-point "consensus" it agreed to with ASEAN in April, which committed the military to ending violence and opening political talks with other groups.
Following the visit last week by two ASEAN envoys to Naypyitaw, the National Unity Government said, "we no longer have any faith in ASEAN's efforts, and we have no expectation."
Last weekend, pro-democracy protesters in Mandalay, Myanmar's second-largest city, set fire to ASEAN flags to show their anger at the bloc's ongoing talks with the junta.
Brussels may have backed itself into a corner by imposing sanctions, yet intimating that it will support an ASEAN-led resolution to the crisis.
'A compromised solution'
"If ASEAN finds a 'solution' it would be a very compromised solution — such as scarcely believable promises of future 'free and fair elections' and an end to military violence against pro-democracy supporters," said Thein.
"Chances are that the EU wouldn't be able to accept such false 'solutions,' given the EU's democratic values and policies. What to do then?," she added.
Indeed, if Brussels follows an ASEAN outcome that essentially accepts the junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar, then the EU will presumably have to end its sanctions. If not, and sanctions remain, Brussels will be seen as disagreeing with ASEAN's resolution.
The EU spokesperson did not directly address this issue when asked by DW.
"Violence and repression will not grant legitimacy to the military junta. Only a credible political dialogue, aimed at restoring the democratic institutions and which takes into account the will of Myanmar's people, as expressed in last November's elections, can ensure sustainable peace and a credible democracy," Massrali said, referring to the NLD's victory at a general election last year, which the military argued was rigged.
"The EU will monitor closely the developments and re-assess its policy, including in relation to sanctions, based on the situation on the ground."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Sanctions, Business and the Military, ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with the European Union, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ် ကဆုန်လပြည့်ကျော် ၁၄ ရက်
(၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၈ ရက်)
အကြောင်းအရာ။ ။ လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အားခများကောက်ခံနေမှု နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း။
ရည်ညွှန်းချက် ။ ။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အစိုးရ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေး နှင့် စက်မှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန ၏ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၁၈ ရက်စွဲပါ ကြေညာချက် ၃/၂၀၂၁။
၁။ ယခုကာလသည် ပြည်သူက ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရထံမှ တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက အာဏာသိမ်း ၍ အုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြံရွယ်နေသောကာလ ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ ပြည်သူလူထုက ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်လိုက်သော ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်သည် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ ၂၀၂၁ ခု မတ်လတွင် ခေတ္တ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများ ခန့်အပ်ပြီး ရည်ညွှန်းပါ စာ အတိုင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုး လျှော့ချရန် လျှစ်စစ် ဓာတ်အားခ များအား -
(က) အိမ်သုံးအမျိုးအစား လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် မီတာဝန်ဆောင်ခများကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ် အားလုံး အတွက် ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် (အခမဲ့) ပြုခြင်း၊
(ခ) အိမ်သုံးမဟုတ်သည့် အမျိုးအစားများအတွက် လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် အခြားဝန်ဆောင်ခ များ ကောက်ခံခြင်းကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ်အားလုံးအတွက် ခေတ္တ ဆိုင်းငံ့ခြင်း
တို့ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပါသည်။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် အထက် ရည်ညွှန်းပါ ကြေညာချက်ကို ဆက်လက် အတည်ပြုပါသည်။
၄။ ယခု လပိုင်းများအတွင်း အချို့သော မြို့နယ်များတွင် လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခ ပေးဆောင်ရန် တောင်းခံလွှာပေးပို့ခြင်း၊ မပေးဆောင်ပါက လျှပ်စစ်မီး ဖြတ်တောက်မည်ဟု ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်းများ ရှိနေကြောင်း ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။
၅။ လျှပ်စစ်ဖြန့်ဖြူးရေး ဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံပိုင်စီးပွားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်း များဖြစ်သော လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အား ဖြန့်ဖြူးရေး လုပ်ငန်း (ESE)၊ ရန်ကုန် လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အားပေးရေး ကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း (YESC) နှင့် မန္တလေး လျှပ်စစ် ဓာတ်အားပေးရေးကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း (MESC) တို့၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ဌာနနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသော Franchise လုပ်ငန်းများ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများသည် နိုင်ငံတော် အစိုးရ၏ အမိန့်ကြေညာချက် များကို လိုက်နာကြရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး အနေဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါ (COVID-19) ကျရောက်နေခဲ့ပြီး ယခုအခါ စစ်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဒဏ်ကိုပါခံစားနေရသော ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုး လျော့ကျစေရန် အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ညွှန်ကြားလိုက်သည်။
(၁) လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခများအား ကောက်ခံနေမှု၊ ပြည်သူလူထုအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေမှုကို လုံးဝရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်၊
(၂) နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရ၏ ကြေညာချက်အတိုင်း ဓာတ်အားခ မပေးဆောင်ကြသည် ဖြစ်စေကာမူ လျှပ်စစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်သူလူထု ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများအား ကောင်းမွန်စွာစောင့်ရှောက်ကြရန်၊
၆။ အထက်ပါ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များအား မလိုက်နာသော ညွှန်ကြားသူ၊ လက်တွေ့လုပ်ဆောင်သူ စသည့် တာဝန်ရှိသူ တစ်ဦးချင်းသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၂၂/၁၂၄ ပါအတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကျေးဇူးသစ္စာ ဖောက်ဖျက်ပုန်ကန်မှု အဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အများပြည်သူအကျိုးစီးပွားစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး ဥပဒေအရ လည်းကောင်း အရေးယူခြင်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နှင့် နိုင်ငံပိုင်စီးပွားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်း များနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိသော Franchise ကုမ္ပဏီများသည်လည်း အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း (blacklist) သွင်းခံရမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။
(စိုးသူရထွန်း)
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
လျှပ်စစ် နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
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Individual Documents
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Format :
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577.26 KB
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Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ
လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ညွှန်ကြားချက်
၁။ ယခုကာလသည် ပြည်သူက ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရထံမှ တရားမဝင် စစ်ကောင်စီ က အာဏာသိမ်း ၍ အုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြံရွယ်နေသောကာလ ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ PSC contract များ ချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့သည့် ယခင် နိုင်ငံတော်အေးချမ်းသာယာရေး နှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကောင်စီ အစိုးရ၊ ပထမအကြိမ် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံရသည့် အစိုးရ၊ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံရသည့် အစိုးရတို့ သည် အဆိုပါ စာချုပ်များကို ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံကာ လွှဲပြောင်း ခဲ့ကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ လက်ရှိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဥပဒေ နှင့်အညီတာဝန်လွှဲပြောင်းယူမှု မရှိသည့် အတွက် အထက်ပါ စာချုပ်များ နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ တာဝန်ခံနိုင်မှု အလျဉ်းမရှိပါ။ နိုင်ငံတကာ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံသူများ အနေဖြင့်လည်း တာဝန်ယူမှုကို ခံစားရမည် မဟုတ်သကဲ့သို့ တာဝန်ခံရန်လည်း မသင့်လျော်ပါ။
၄။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ မြန်မာ့ ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ လုပ်ငန်းအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက် အား စတင် ရက်စွဲအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်လျက် အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ညွှန်ကြားလိုက်သည်။
(၁) တရားဝင် အစိုးရများနှင့် ချုပ်ဆိုထားသည့် တည်ဆဲ PSC စာချုပ်များ အတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတကာ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံ သူများအား လုပ်ငန်း အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှု ဆက်လက် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး အကူအညီပေးသွားရန်။
(၂) PSCစာချုပ်များအရ ရရှိအပ်သည့် အကျိုးအမြတ်ခွဲဝေမှုရငွေ နှင့် အခွန်အကောက်ရငွေတို့အား လက်ခံ ရယူခြင်း၊ ရရှိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းများ မပြုပဲ နောက်ထပ်ညွှန်ကြားချက် တစုံတရာ မရရှိမီအထိ လုံးဝ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန်။
(၃) ကိုလိုနီခေတ် Burma Oil Company ကာလ မှ ယနေ့ ထိ တည်ဆောက် ထားခဲ့သော မြန်မာ့ ရေနံ ယန္တရားအား ပျက်စီးစေနိုင်သည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်မှု၊ မသင့်လျော်သော အမိန့် ညွှန်ကြားချက်များ ထုတ်ပေးမှု၊ တည်ဆဲ အလုပ်သမားဥပဒေများ နှင့် မကိုက်ညီသော ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ တို့ကို လုံးဝမပြုလုပ်ရန်။
၅။ အထက်ပါ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များအား မလိုက်နာပါက နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၁၂၂/၁၂၄ ပါအတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကျေးဇူးသစ္စာ ဖောက်ဖျက်ပုန်ကန်မှုအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အများပြည်သူ အကျိုးစီးပွားစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း အရေးယူခြင်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးလိုက်သည်။
(စိုးသူရထွန်း)
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
ဦးဆောင်ညွှန်ကြားရေးမှူး
မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ လုပ်ငန်း
ကြီးကြပ် ကြပ်မတ်ပေးရန် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၁။ ဗဟိုသတင်းအချက်အလက်အဖွဲ့၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ရုံး။
၂။ သတင်းအချက်အလက်အရာရှိ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေး နှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာန။
စာအမှတ် - စွမ်းအင်/MOGE (1)/ညွှန် (၂)
ရက်စွဲ - ၂၀၂၁ ခု ဇွန်လ ၁၀ ရက်..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
386.89 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
၁၀ ဇွန်လ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက တရားရေဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရေး၊ သတင်းအချက်အလက်နှင့် နည်းပညာဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့ကို ထပ်မံဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတက အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းသော ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများကို ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) က အတည်ပြုခန့်အပ်ပေးခဲ့သည်။ ၁
၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ “အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကြေညာခြင်း” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁) ၂ ကို ၇ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနစ် နေ့စွဲဖြင့်ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါကြေညာချက်တွင် အောက်ပါအချက်များပါဝင်သည်။
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်း၏အပေါင်းအပါအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည်
- အရပ်သား ၈၀၀ ကျော်ကို သေစေနိုင်သောလက်နက်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း
- လူပေါင်း ၅၀၀၀ ကျော်အား မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားပြီး၊ အများစုမှာ အနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာစော်ကားခြင်း
- ဘဏ်စနစ်ပြိုလဲလုနီးပါးအခြေအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်စီးပွားရေးကိုချွတ်ခြုံကျစေပြီး အများပြည်သူ၏ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှု စည်းစိမ်ဥစ္စာတို့အားပျက်စီးစေခြင်း
- စားနပ်ရိက္ခာအကျပ်အတည်းကို လျစ်လျူရှုထားပြီး မကြာခင်ကာလများအတွင်း စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ အကျပ်အတည်း၏ ရိုက်ခတ်မှုကိုကြုံတွေ့ရမည့် လူပေါင်း (၁) သန်းမှ (၃) သန်းအထိ မြင့်မားသွားနိုင်ခြေရှိခြင်း
- မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ COVID CERP အစီအစဉ်ကို ပစ်ပယ်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ ကျန်းမာရေးကဏ္ဍ ကျဆုံးသွားခြင်း။
- ငွေကြေးခဝါချမှု လုပ်ငန်းကြီးများပြုလုပ်ခြင်း
စသည်တို့ကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သောကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG)သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်းနှင့်ဆက်စပ်လျက် ရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ (၃) အရ အကြမ်းဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဥပဒေတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် “အများပြည်သူ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကိုဖြစ်စေ၊ အသက် အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကိုဖြစ်စေ၊ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးစေရန် ပြုလုပ်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများ” ကို ကျူးလွန်လျှင် ဥပဒေအရ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြောက်သည်။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ “Non-CDM များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သဘောထားကြေညာချက်” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ၃ ကို ၈ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနစ် နေ့စွဲဖြင့်ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) - အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားနေကြသော တော်လှန်ရေးသူရဲကောင်းများအား ဤနေရာမှ လေးစားစွာ ဂုဏ်ပြု မှတ်တမ်းတင်ကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်က CDM ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းမရှိသည့်အပြင် CDM ပြုလုပ်သူများအား အနိုင့်အထက်ပြု ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်လျက်ရှိသော ဝန်ထမ်းဆိုးများကို စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိသလို၊ Non-CDM များ၊ CDM များ ၏ စာရင်းများကို CDM ပြုလုပ်သည့် အချိန်ကာလပေါ်မူတည်၍ အဆင့်များခွဲခြားကာ စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင် ပြုတ်ကျပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ထောင်သည့်အချိန်တွင် အဆိုပါ စာရင်းများအပေါ်မူတည်၍ တရားသော စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တိကျစွာဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း စသည်တို့ပါဝင်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ တရားဝင် အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ mohai.nugmyanmar.org ကို ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်ပြီး အဆိုပါ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့်လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို တရားမျတမှုအောက်သို့ခေါ်ဆောင်ပြီး ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ် ခုံရုံးများတွင် ကြီးလေးသောပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးနိုင်ရန် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန် နှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုကာလ တရားမျှတမှုကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအနေဖြင့် အထောက်အထားအပြည့်အစုံနှင့်တကွ တိုင်ကြားနိုင်သည့် လမ်းကြောင်းတစ်ခုကို ဖော်ဆောင်ပေးထားပြီး ထိုသို့ တိုင်ကြားနိုင်ကြောင်း ကြေညာချက်တစ်ရပ်၄ လည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနက CDM ပြုလုပ်နေကြသော ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ကို၅ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ၊ (၈)ရက်နေ့ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် CDM ပြုလုပ်၍ ရုံးတက်ပျက်ကွက်သည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ၁၅-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ နိုင်ငံဝန်ထမ်းနည်းဥပဒေ ၁၇၁ အရ တာဝန်မှ ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းကြောင်း အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာ အသီးသီး ကို လက်ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန့်နာခံသည့် ဌာနတာဝန်ရှိသူများမှ မတရား ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ယခင်အစိုးက ထုတ်ချေးထားသော (၂) လစာချေးငွေနှင့် အချို့သောဝန်ထမ်းများအား အလုပ်ခန့်ထားစဉ်က ဝန်ထမ်းခန့်ထားရေး မူအရ ချုပ်ဆိုထားသော ကတိဝန်ခံချက်စာချုပ်သက်တမ်း မပြည့်သေးသည့် အကြောင်းပြချက်ဖြင့် စာချုပ်အရ လျော်ကြေး ငွေများကို (၂)ပတ်အတွင်း နောက်ဆုံးထားပေးသွင်းရန်နှင့် ပျက်ကွက်ပါက တည်ဆဲဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ တရားစွဲဆိုသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဝန်ထမ်းအချို့အားစာဖြင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေကြောင်း၊ ထိုသို့ ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ စီမံကိန်းနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ချေးငွေများအား ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ရန် မလိုအပ်သော ချေးငွေများအဖြစ် ၂ ကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင်ကြေညာကြောင်း၊ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များအား ရှုတ်ချပါကြောင်းနှင့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် (၂) လစာ ချေးယူငွေများ နှင့် လုပ်သက်စာချုပ်လျော်ကြေးများအား ပေးလျော်ရန် မလိုအပ်ကြောင်း စသည့်အချက်များပါဝင်ပါသည်။
၆။ အသစ်ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သော လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက “လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အားခများကောက်ခံနေမှု နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း။” အကြောင်းအရာနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁) ၆ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၈ ရက်နေ့ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်မှုတွင် CRPH ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော ကြေညာချက်ပါ (က) အိမ်သုံးအမျိုးအစား လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် မီတာဝန်ဆောင်ခများကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ်အားလုံးအတွက် ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်(အခမဲ့)ပြုခြင်း (ခ) အိမ်သုံးမဟုတ်သည့် အမျိုးအစားများအတွက် လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခ ကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် အခြားဝန်ဆောင်ခများ ကောက်ခံခြင်းကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ်အားလုံးအတွက် ခေတ္တဆိုင်းငံ့ခြင်း တို့ကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက်အတည်ပြုကြောင်း၊ လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခများ ကောက်ခံနေမှု၊ ပြည်သူလူထုအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေမှုကို လုံးဝရန်ဆိုင်းရန်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရ၏ ကြေညာချက်အတိုင်း ဓါတ်အားခမပေး ဆောင်ကြသည် ဖြစ်စေကာမူ လျှပ်စစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများအား ကောင်းမွန်စွာစောင့်ရှောက်ကြရန် လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားဖြန့်ဖြူးရေးလုပ်ငန်း (ESE)၊ ရန်ကုန်လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားပေးရေးကော်ပိုရေရှင်း(YESC) နှင့် မန္တလေးလျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားပေးကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း(MESC) တို့၏ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ဌာနနှင့်ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသော Franchise လုပ်ငန်းများ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ညွှန်ကြားလိုက်ကြောင်း၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များအား မလိုက်နာသော ညွှန်ကြားသူ၊ လက်တွေ့လုပ်ဆောင်သူ စသည့် တာဝန်ရှိသူ တစ်ဦးချင်းသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၂၂/၁၂၄ ပါအတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကျေးဇူးသစ္စာ ဖောက်ဖျက်ပုန်ကန်မှုအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အများပြည်သူအကျိုးစီးပွားစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး ဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း အရေးယူခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံပိုင်စီးပွားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော Franchise ကုမ္ပဏီများသည်လည်း အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist) သွင်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို သတိပေးကြောင်း စသည်တို့ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က တရုတ်ပြည်သူ့သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးထံသို့ စာတစ်စောင် ၇ ပေးပို့ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါစာတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရုတ်သံရုံး၏ ဇွန်လ (၅) ရက်နေ့က စစ်ကောင်စီ ခေါင်းဆောင်နှင့် တရုတ်သံအမတ်ကြီးတို့ တွေ့ဆုံသည့်အကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်အား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ “ခေါင်းဆောင်” အဖြစ် ရည်ညွှန်းသည့်အပေါ် ရှုံ့ချကြောင်း၊ ၎င်းသည် နိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်ခေါင်းဆောင်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ တရုတ်-အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးနှင့် နှစ်သုံးဆယ်ပြည့် အခမ်းအနား ပွဲများကို စီစဉ်ကျင်းပရာတွင် တရုတ်နှင့် အာဆီယံနှစ်ဦးလုံးသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် တရုတ်နိုင်ငံနှင့်အတူ လန်ကန်-မဲခေါင် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရေး (LMC) ၏ ပူးတွဲသဘာပတိ ဖြစ်သော်လည်း တရုတ်နိုင်ငံဘက်မှ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား တိုင်ပင်ဆွေးနွေးရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်က နိုင်ငံအတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်မှု ရမှသာ အာဆီယံ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကို စတင်နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားချက်ကို တရုတ်နှင့် အာဆီယံတို့က ပြင်းထန်စွာ ငြင်းပယ်သင့်ကြောင်း စသည်တို့ ပါဝင်သည်။
၈။ “အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဇွန်လ ၁၁ရက်နေ့မှ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့အထိကျင်းပပြုလုပ်မည့် G7 ကမ္ဘာထိပ်သီးခေါင်းဆောင်များ တွေ့ဆုံမည့်အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အရေးကိစ္စကို ဆွေးနွေးအဖြေရှာ ကူညီကြပါရန် NUG အနေနှင့်တောင်းဆိုထားသော စာကို ဗြိတိသျှဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဆီပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီး တက်ရောက်လာမည့် ကမ္ဘာ့ထိပ်သီးခေါင်းဆောင်များထံ ဖြန့်ဝေပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုထားကြောင်း၊ G7 အစည်းအဝေးမှ ထွက်ပေါ်လာသော ရလာဒ်များကို ဗြိတိသျှလွှတ်တော်တွင် ဆက်လက်ဆွေးနွေးပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုထားကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး မန်းဝင်းခိုင်သန်းကလည်း G7 အစည်းအဝေးအတွက် NUG ၏သတင်းစကားကို ပေးပို့ထားပြီးဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း” အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာမှ ပြောကြားထားပါသည်။
၉။ “မတ်လ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့မှာ ဗြိတိသျှ လွှတ်တော်သို့ ကျွန်တော် ပန်ကြားခဲ့တဲ့ ကိစ္စရပ်များကို အလေးအနက်ထား တုန့်ပြန်သောအားဖြင့် ဗြိတိန်နိုင်ငံ၏ အာရှရေးရာဝန်ကြီး နီဂယ်အဒမ် က စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဒဏ်ကို ခံစားနေရတဲ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားများ၏ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ ပညာရေး၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် နားခိုရာနေရာ စသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားသည့် ကိစ္စများမှာ ကူညီဖို့ ပေါင် (၂၈) သန်း လျာထားပြီး ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ပါတီစုံမှ ဗြိတိသျှ လွှတ်တော်အမတ် (၆) ဦး လတ်မှတ်ထိုးပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကို ယူကေအစိုးရအနေနဲ့ တရားဝင် အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် တောင်းဆိုပေးခဲ့ကြတာကိုလည်း ကျေးဇူး အထူးတင်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာက ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။
၁၀။ “COVID 19 ရောဂါတတိယလှိုင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက ထိရောက်သော ထိမ်းချုပ်မှုကို ပေးနိုင်မည်မဟုတ်သည်မှာသေချာသောကြောင့် ပြည်သူတစ်ဦးချင်း တစ်ယောက်ချင်း အနေနဲ့ ကာကွယ်ခြင်း၊
အိမ်တွင်သီးခြားနေထိုင်ခြင်း ၈၊ တစ်ဦးကို တစ်ဦး အသိပေးခြင်း သတိပေးခြင်း စသည့် ထိမ်းချုပ်ကာကွယ်မှုများ၉ ကိုလိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည်သာ မြန်မာပြည်အတွက် အကောင်းဆုံး၊ အထိရောက်ဆုံး ဖြစ်သည်” ဟု အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုးက ပြောကြားထား သည်။
၁၁။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် ယခုအပတ်အတွင်း တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ် ဒေသအသီးသီးသို့ ငွေကျပ် သိန်း ၄၇၀ခန့် တန်ဖိုးရှိ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ချင်းပြည်နယ် နှင့် ကရင်နီ ပြည်နယ်များအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများ ဆက်လက်ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရန် ဦးဆောင်စီစဉ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
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Individual Documents
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1.63 MB
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Description:
"H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ ဂျပန်ပါလီမန်အမတ်များထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာ - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Japan-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.67 MB
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