Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
See also Discrimination against the Rohingya in the Human Rights section
Websites/Multiple Documents
Description:
News and Analysis of the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) - Monthly
Source/publisher:
Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO)
Date of entry/update:
2009-11-30
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
English
more
Description:
The OBL archive of this publication from May 2002...Mainly about the Rohingyas.
Source/publisher:
"Kaladan News"
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), "Kaladan News", News - Burma newsletters, periodicals and news archives, News - Burma/Myanmar news sources in English (current sites), News - Burma news sources focussed on non-Burman peoples
Language:
English
Format :
php
Size:
201 bytes
more
Description:
"According to the 1947 Constitution, a group of people who entered Burma before 1825 and settled in a defined territory are also indigenous race of Burma. This clause was
especially written for Rohingya people, said Dr. Aye Maung,
one of the author of the 1947 constitution. Accordingly U Nu
government recognized Rohingya as an indigenous race of Burma..." Keywords: Islam, Muslim, stateless.
Big, flashy site with lots of content.
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
English
more
Description:
News and articles about Rohingya, ရိုဟင်ဂျာ အကြောင်း သတင်းနှင့် ဆောင်းပါးများ
Source/publisher:
Rohingya Blogger (RB)
Date of entry/update:
2012-08-11
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar Politics blogs, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Rakhine (Arakanese) - cultural, political
Language:
Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
more
Description:
Language Characters Set;
Rohingyalish Book;
On Encyclopedia; Language Rules;
Learn Rohingyalish;
Rohingya Songs; 10,000 Rohingya Words; Rohingya Food;
Boson arde Dassan;
Cinderella Tales; Rohingya Language in Yahoo Group; Holy Quran;
Holy Quran (Yasin); Rohingya Language ISO recognized;
Rohingya Language Online; Video Training.
Source/publisher:
Rohingyalish
Date of entry/update:
2010-12-13
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
English, Rohingyalish
more
Description:
"The Rohingya (Burmese: ရိုဟငျဂြာ) are a Muslim people who live in the Arakan region. As of 2012, 800,000 Rohingya live in Myanmar. According to the UN, they are one of the most persecuted minorities in the world..."
Source/publisher:
Wikipedia
Date of entry/update:
2012-07-21
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
English
more
Description:
"ROHINGYA LANGUAGE Script, a modern writing system for the Rohingyas, the oppressed Muslim people of Arakan (Rakhine) State in the western part of Burma (Myanmar), an Asian country where Burmese is the national language.
It follows very simple rules yet it is the most effective and accurate way of writing the spoken language of Rohingyas. You can Learn in Minutes. It uses only Latin alphabets (A to Z) along with two other characters (Ã) and (Ã) which are necessary for the two most distinguished Asian sounds--the tongue rolling and the nasal--for examples: faça(=grinding rock) and fañs(=five).
Also accented vowels (áéÃóú) are used to tune the accent which is very important to differentiate very similar words such as bura(=bad), burá(=old) and búra(=stained).
What is Rohingya Language? Let us learn, exchange ideas and enhance it! And explore the interesting features of the language, the culture and the differences of Rohingyas."
Source/publisher:
rohingyalanguage
Date of entry/update:
2005-12-31
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
English
more
Individual Documents
Description:
"Rohingya say Arakan Army drove them from their homes and killed civilians
Urgent need for international support and humanitarian aid as thousands of new arrivals seek protection in Bangladesh
Bangladesh must refrain from sending Rohingya back to Myanmar, where indiscriminate military air strikes also killing civilians
Newly arrived Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh need urgent access to food, shelter and medical attention after enduring the worst violence against their communities since the Myanmar military-led campaign in 2017, Amnesty International said today.
Testimony shows how Rohingya families forced to leave their homes in Myanmar have been caught in the middle of increasingly fierce clashes between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, one of many armed groups opposing the junta. Hundreds of thousands have been internally displaced and upwards of tens of thousands of Rohingya have crossed the border or are waiting to cross the border to seek refuge in Bangladesh.
“Once again, the Rohingya people are being driven from their homes and dying in scenes tragically reminiscent of the 2017 exodus. We met people who told us they lost parents, siblings, spouses, children and grandchildren as they fled fighting in Myanmar. But this time, they are facing persecution on two fronts, from the rebel Arakan Army and the Myanmar military, which is forcibly conscripting Rohingya men,” Amnesty International’s Secretary General, Agnès Callamard, said.
“Those lucky enough to make it to Bangladesh do not have enough to eat, a proper place to sleep, or even their own clothes.”
The 2021 military coup in Myanmar has had a catastrophic impact on human rights. Myanmar’s military has killed more than 5,000 civilians and arrested more than 25,000 people. Since the coup, Amnesty has documented indiscriminate air strikes by the Myanmar military, torture and other ill-treatment in prison, collective punishment and arbitrary arrests.
The recent escalation in Myanmar’s Rakhine State started in November 2023 with the launch of a rebel counter-offensive by the Arakan Army and two other armed groups that has posed the biggest threat to military control since the 2021 coup. Myanmar’s military has responded by stepping up indiscriminate air strikes that have killed, injured and displaced civilians.
The impact on Rakhine State, where many of the more than 600,000 Rohingya in Myanmar still live, has been severe, with towns transformed into battlegrounds.
In Bangladesh, authorities have been pushing Rohingya fleeing the conflict back into Myanmar, while those who reached the Bangladesh camps told of a desperate shortage of essential supplies and services there.
In September 2024, Amnesty interviewed 22 people in individual and group settings who recently sought refuge in Bangladesh, joining more than one million Rohingya refugees, the majority having arrived in 2017 or earlier.
The new arrivals said the Arakan Army unlawfully killed Rohingya civilians, drove them from their homes and left them vulnerable to attacks, allegations the group denies. These attacks faced by the Rohingya come on top of indiscriminate air strikes by the Myanmar military that have killed both Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine civilians.
Many Rohingya, including children, who were fleeing the violence to Bangladesh drowned while crossing by boat.
Bangladesh pushbacks deepen woes of Rohingya
The people Amnesty International interviewed in Bangladesh had recently fled Maungdaw Township in northern Rakhine State, which the Arakan Army tried to capture from the Myanmar military after it seized Buthidaung Township in May.
Many were survivors of a drone and mortar attack that took place on 5 August on the shores of the Naf River that divides Myanmar and Bangladesh.
All those interviewed stressed that their urgent priority now was access to basic services in the camp, including aid, shelter, money, security, food and healthcare.
They were also terrified of being sent back to Myanmar. But Amnesty International found that Bangladeshi border authorities have forcibly returned Rohingya people fleeing the violence, in violation of the international law principle of non-refoulment, which prohibits returning or transferring anyone to a country where they are at risk of serious human rights violations.
A 39-year-old Rohingya man told Amnesty International he fled Maungdaw with his family on 5 August 2024. In the early morning of 6 August, their boat was near the Bangladesh shore and started taking on water before tipping over. Residents told him later that Bangladeshi border guards prevented them from helping.
“The border guards were nearby, but they did not help us,” he said.
He said he passed out and woke up on the beach to see dead bodies washed ashore. He later discovered that all his six children, aged between two and 15, had drowned. He said his sister also lost six of her children.
Bangladesh border guards detained him. The next night he and the others with him were sent back to Myanmar, where they found another boat and returned. According to one credible estimate, there have been more than 5,000 cases of refoulement this year, with a spike following the 5 August attacks.
“Sending people back to a country where they are at real risk of being killed is not only a violation of international law; it will also force people to take greater risks while making the journey to avoid detection, such as traveling by night or on longer routes,” Agnès Callamard said.
The Rohingya who made it to the refugee camps are living off the generosity of relatives there. New arrivals in particular expressed concern that they were unable to register with the UN refugee agency for essential support. As a result, many are going without meals, and are afraid to venture out for fear of deportation, even when in need of medical care.
Interviewees also mentioned the deteriorating security situation in the camps, due mainly to the presence of two Rohingya armed groups: the Rohingya Solidarity Organization and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Myanmar’s shifting conflict dynamics in Rakhine State have meant that some Rohingya militants have aligned with the junta in Myanmar. As a result, Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh fear that they or their family members could be snatched and forcibly taken back and conscripted to fight there.
The vast majority hoped for resettlement in a third country.
“We are constantly afraid of moving from one place to another because we don’t have any documents. We are newcomers here, and we have also heard about people being abducted,” a 40-year-old woman said.
“The interim Bangladesh government and humanitarian relief organizations must work together so that people can have access to essential services such as food, adequate shelter and medical care,” Agnès Callamard said.
“Bangladesh must also ensure that it does not forcibly return people to escalating conflict. Meanwhile, the international community needs to step up with funds and assistance for those living in the refugee camps.”
In a meeting with Amnesty International, Bangladesh officials rejected the allegations of refoulement but said border guards “intercept” people trying to cross the border. They also stressed that the country cannot accommodate any more Rohingya refugees.
Arakan Army and Myanmar military abuses
The Myanmar military has persecuted Rohingya for decades and expelled them en masse in 2017. It is now forcing them to join the army as part of a nationwide military service law. The Myanmar military has also reportedly reached an informal “peace” pact with the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, an older Rohingya armed group that has reemerged as a force in recent months. These complex developments have further inflamed tensions between the Rohingya and the ethnic Rakhine, whom the Arakan Army purports to represent.
The rise in fighting nationwide has also resulted in mounting allegations of abuses by armed groups fighting against the military. Many Rohingya described the fatal consequences of being trapped between the two sides.
“Every time there is a conflict, we get killed,” one Rohingya interviewee told Amnesty.
A 42-year-old shopkeeper said that on 1 August, a munition of unknown origin landed outside his house in Maungdaw, killing his 4-year-old son. On 6 August, the Arakan Army – whose fighters he identified by their badges – entered his village in Maungdaw and relocated all the Hindu and Buddhist families to another area they said was safe, while the Rohingya families were left in place.
“They began causing unrest [using it as a base to launch attacks] in the village, which forced us, the Muslim families, to leave on 7 August. We were the only ethnic group left in the village. It seemed like they did this intentionally,” he said.
When he later took shelter in downtown Maungdaw on 15 August, he said he saw Arakan Army “snipers” shoot two Rohingya civilians. “I witnessed the Arakan Army kill a woman right on the spot with gunfire while she went to a pond to collect water … there was another man who was sitting and smoking in front of his house and he too was shot right in his head and killed.”
In response to questions by Amnesty International, the Arakan Army said on 13 October that these allegations were unsubstantiated or not credible. It said it issued warnings for civilians to leave Maungdaw ahead of its operations and helped evacuate people, that it instructs its soldiers to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and that in case of breaches, it takes disciplinary action.
Since late last year, Amnesty International has separately documented Myanmar military air strikes that have killed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure in Rakhine State. This year, the impact of the Myanmar military conscripting Rohingya has added to the historical, systemic discrimination and apartheid already experienced by Rohingya.
“I felt really bad that they were involving us in their fight, even though we had nothing to do with it. It felt like they were laying the foundation to get us killed,” a 63-year-old cattle trader said.
Families wiped out
On 5 August 2024, the intensity of bombardments and gunfights between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army forced scores of people from Maungdaw to seek shelter in sturdier homes near the Naf river border with Bangladesh.
Recalling that day, the Rohingya cattle trader said the Arakan Army was “getting closer to our village, capturing the surrounding villages … they flew drones in the sky, holding them there for about an hour, and could drop bombs from the drones whenever and wherever they wanted with remote control. They killed so many people.”
That afternoon, many recounted seeing a drone and hearing multiple blasts. The cattle trader said he heard eight to 10 blasts, and that bombs were exploding “before even touching the ground”. He saw a small unmanned aerial device flying near the crowd that looked like a “rounded-shaped drone” with something attached underneath.
He said his wife, daughter, son-in-law, and two of his grandchildren were killed, while the youngest grandchild, aged one, was seriously injured and later had her lower left leg amputated at the knee in Bangladesh.
One 18-year-old woman from Maungdaw said she lost both parents and two of her sisters, aged seven and five, during the blast. At the time of the attack, her father was carrying one of her sisters while her mother carried the other. When they reached the Maungdaw shore in the afternoon in search of boats to cross to Bangladesh, an explosion occurred.
“We quickly hid in the mud, sitting down in the muddy water, and then another bomb exploded, killing my parents, sisters and many others,” she said. “I saw it all with my own eyes – my parents and sisters were killed when the bomb shrapnel hit them.”
While she didn’t see a drone, she said the “big bomb” that killed her family members “came flying”. The sound has haunted her ever since. She said she saw about 200 bodies on the shore, a figure cited independently by another interviewee.
Almost everyone Amnesty spoke to said they lost at least one relative while trying to flee Myanmar. Medical records shared with Amnesty International from the days after the attack show treatment for bomb blast injuries after arriving in Bangladesh. Since August there has been a dramatic increase in treatment of war wounds from those fleeing Myanmar.
In its response to Amnesty International, the Arakan Army said that the Myanmar military or aligned armed groups were likely those most responsible and that eyewitnesses or survivors may be affiliated with militant groups.
“The Arakan Army must allow an independent, impartial and effective investigation into possible violations carried out during their operations. Both the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military must abide by international humanitarian law,” Agnès Callamard said.
“We continue to call on the UN Security Council to refer the entire situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.”..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1002.32 KB
more
Description:
"Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK......
For Immediate Release 17 October 2024:
The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) condemns the continued targeting and abuse of Rohingya communities in Rakhine State by the Arakan Army (AA). These latest incidents, including violent raids on October 4 and the imposition of strict curfews, come just weeks after BROUK’s urgent call for international intervention in response to escalating atrocities. The international community cannot continue to ignore this relentless violence against Rohingya civilians.
In August, BROUK raised concerns (https://www.brouk.org.uk/urgent-international-action-needed-to-address-escalating-humanitarian-crisis-in-rakhine-state/) over the brutal August 5 attack, where up to 200 Rohingya civilians fleeing violence were killed as they attempted to cross the Naf River into Bangladesh. This massacre followed another heinous assault on May 17, when AA forces nearly decimated the town of Buthidaung. Together, these incidents underscore the Arakan Army’s persistent and unchecked campaign of terror against the Rohingya.
"If the UN and governments are engaging with the Arakan Army leadership on their treatment of Rohingya, then that engagement is failing," said Tun Khin, President of BROUK. “The Arakan Army is using its power to terrorise and displace the Rohingya, and without immediate action, these atrocities will continue unabated. The Arakan Army leadership must be told that the atrocities must stop, or they will face consequences, including sanctions.”
On October 4, AA forces conducted early-morning raids on the Rohingya villages of Ah Twin Nget They and Hpon Nyo Leik in southern Buthidaung Township. Villagers reported that AA members threatened and assaulted residents, with one witness stating, “They came into our village in the morning and inspected each house, and threatened the villagers in different ways. They even beat some villagers with guns and sticks.” In Hpon Nyo Leik, the AA demanded the removal of fences surrounding Rohingya homes under intimidation. “The Arakan Army frequently intimidating us and demanding us to remove the fences that are surrounded our homes. We have no other options but to comply with their orders. If we don't remove the fences, we will have to face unimaginable consequences,” another villager said.
The AA claimed the raids were in response to alleged Rohingya armed groups hiding in these villages, though residents deny this. “There are neither members nor supporters of Rohingya armed groups in these villages. We haven't seen the movements of any armed groups except the movements of Arakan Army in these areas. This seems to be part of a plan to continue their brutal actions against Rohingya IDP camp, who sought refuge here after fleeing from their own villages,” a local resident reported.
These raids followed the imposition of a strict curfew across northern Maungdaw Township on October 2, restricting movement from 7 PM to 6 AM in villages such as Kyauk Hle Kha, Thayet Oak, Oo Shay Kya, and Minglalar Gyi. Villagers were ordered to patrol during curfew hours, facing severe consequences if they did not comply. The AA reportedly abducted six Rohingya from Kyauk Hle Kha and Minglalar Gyi villages while they were returning home after curfew. Additionally, on October 2, two young Rohingya boys disappeared while searching for cattle, with villagers suspecting they may have been detained by AA forces stationed nearby.
BROUK condemns these acts as part of a larger strategy by the AA to instill fear and assert control over Rohingya communities. “These raids and the enforced curfews are clear violations of basic human rights and an alarming escalation in a protracted pattern of violence and persecution,” said Tun Khin. “Rohingya only want to live in peace and harmony with the diverse peoples of Rakhine State and Burma. If the Arakan Army leadership won’t voluntarily accept the ethnic and religious diversity of Rakhine State, they must be pressured to do so. The alternative is to once again stand back and do nothing as the Rohingya face violations of international law.”
The international community must recognise the deliberate and systematic nature of these abuses. The Arakan Army’s actions reveal a blatant disregard for the safety and rights of Rohingya villagers, perpetuating a climate of fear and further entrenching the crisis in Rakhine State.
“Those condemning Rohingya for calling out human rights violations by the Arakan Army are victim blaming and effectively helping to enable those human rights violations. The Arakan Army is solely responsible for its own actions, and nothing justifies those actions,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2024-10-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-10-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
End Pushbacks; Allow Access to Registration, Medical Care, Assistance
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Bangladeshi authorities should allow Rohingya refugees fleeing violence in Myanmar to obtain protection and humanitarian assistance, Human Rights Watch said today. An estimated 18,000 Rohingya have arrived in Bangladesh in recent months to escape abuses amid the surging fighting between Myanmar’s military junta and the ethnic Arakan Army, while another 10,000 are reportedly waiting at the border. Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) forces have pushed back thousands of Rohingya since early August 2024.
On September 23, Bangladeshi security forces arrested an estimated 100 Rohingya refugees in a raid on shelters where new arrivals were staying, as well as about 30 who were crossing the Naf River. They forcibly returned the refugees to Myanmar the following day, saying they were acting under orders.
“Bangladeshi authorities need to allow Rohingya fleeing renewed attacks in Myanmar to enter the country and ensure that they receive protection and aid,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The recent arrivals are in urgent need of food and medicine but are afraid that seeking assistance will put them at risk of being forcibly returned to Myanmar.”
Human Rights Watch in August and September 2024 interviewed 10 Rohingya who recently entered Bangladesh, as well as humanitarian workers and Bangladeshi border authorities. Refugees described being denied entry by border guard officers, forcing them to turn to smugglers to escape threats to their lives and safety in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State.
Bangladesh has not registered any new arrivals, leaving them without access to food rations and health care and at constant risk of being forcibly returned to Myanmar. Bangladeshi authorities should urgently collaborate with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to register new Rohingya refugees.
In recent months, the Myanmar military and Arakan Army have committed mass killings, arson, and unlawful recruitment against Rohingya in Rakhine State. About 630,000 Rohingya remain in Myanmar under a system of apartheid that leaves them especially vulnerable to renewed fighting. The conflict has displaced more than 320,000 people in Rakhine State and southern Chin State since hostilities resumed in November 2023. Dozens of Rohingya have drowned while fleeing as overcrowded boats capsized. On September 23, most of the 18 passengers on a boat reportedly drowned after it capsized in the Naf River.
Bangladesh already hosts about one million Rohingya refugees and authorities say that the country is not able to accept any more. Muhammad Yunus, who is leading the interim government, has called on donors and international partners to fast-track third-country settlement and increase humanitarian assistance.
While Yunus has acknowledged that sending Rohingya back to Myanmar means “pushing them to death,” the BGB has ramped up forced returns since the escalation of fighting in Rakhine State’s Maungdaw township in early August. The border guards have set up at least one new site in the Teknaf border region to detain refugees slated for return. A Bangladeshi border guard official told Human Rights Watch they had pushed back 6,000 Rohingya since August 5.
Border guard forces have also reportedly detained unaccompanied children and returned them to Myanmar. Bangladesh should engage the UNHCR to assist in the urgent identification and reunification of families, Human Rights Watch said.
Bangladesh is obligated to respect the international law principle of nonrefoulement, which prohibits countries from returning anyone to a place where they would face a real risk of persecution, torture, or other serious ill-treatment, or a threat to life. This principle is codified in the UN Convention against Torture, to which Bangladesh is a party, and in customary international law.
Rohingya refugees told Human Rights Watch that smugglers demanded everything in their possession, even spare clothing, as payment to take them to Bangladesh. A refugee from Maungdaw said that in August, Bangladeshi border guards provided him and four family members with food and water but refused their boat entry. He paid Bangladeshi smugglers with his wife’s gold jewelry, who then brought them across the border by bribing the border guards. “It’s a business for them,” he said. “When we are living in between death and life.” There were also reports of smugglers, after being paid, abandoning Rohingya before reaching Bangladesh’s mainland.
Many recent arrivals are sheltering with relatives, often hiding out due to fear of forced return or harassment at checkpoints. “We are hiding and unable to leave the shelter,” said a 28-year-old Rohingya man who entered Bangladesh in July along with six family members. “Security forces have already set up multiple checkpoints and have said that no new Rohingya refugees will be allowed in the camps. We are hungry and desperate because the UN agencies have not included us in their database or provided food rations.”
A Bangladeshi foreign ministry official told Reuters that the government had not decided whether to register recent arrivals: “If we decide to register them, it could open the floodgates, and that’s something we can’t afford. But at the same time, how long can we ignore this issue?”
A humanitarian worker said that some newly arrived Rohingya have been denied access to health services due to lack of documentation, despite aid agencies’ policies that all refugees should be granted access to medical care, regardless of registration status.
Unregistered refugees said that they were too fearful to seek health care for illnesses or injuries. A man who arrived in early August said that when his 6-month-old son became sick, the family was unable to obtain adequate medical care “because we are not registered, and instead had to go to a quack doctor.” A 53-year-old Rohingya woman said that she had to consult an expensive private physician when she was ill. “I didn’t try to go to the NGO-run hospitals because I heard that they don’t allow anyone without a refugee medical record book, which I don’t have,” she said.
New arrivals also expressed fear that armed groups or criminal gangs would abduct or extort them. Violence in the camps has surged, with groups like the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) carrying out killings, kidnappings, forced recruitment, and robberies.
A 24-year-old Rohingya man said: “We faced a lot of trouble and difficulties in Myanmar due to the fighting among the Arakan Army, military, RSO, ARSA, and the Arakan Rohingya Army, which eventually forced us to flee to Bangladesh. But there are turf wars between Rohingya armed groups inside the camp, so we still have to worry about our safety and live in constant fear of being recruited by these armed groups.”
Humanitarian workers said that as the Arakan Army has been expanding its control over Rakhine State, the Rohingya armed groups that had backed the Myanmar military are returning to the refugee camps, where they are fighting for control.
Bangladeshi authorities should work with the UNHCR to register new refugees so they can safely access medical care, food rations, and protection services, Human Rights Watch said. Critical health services should be provided to all new arrivals without any documentation requirements. Donors, including the United States, United Kingdom, European Union, and Australia, should increase funding to meet the massive needs of the refugee population to help Bangladesh support the Rohingya and host communities.
The UN Security Council should adopt measures to prevent further atrocities in Rakhine State and make progress toward durable solutions for the Rohingya, Human Rights Watch said. The council should end its inaction in the face of anticipated vetoes by China and Russia and negotiate a resolution to institute a global arms embargo on Myanmar, refer the situation to the International Criminal Court, and impose targeted sanctions on the junta and military-owned conglomerates.
“International will to press for a rights-respecting government in Myanmar is crucial for a lasting solution to the Rohingya crisis,” Ganguly said. “Instead of quiet diplomacy that achieves little, governments need to coordinate and adopt strong measures to place real pressure on the junta to end its abuses.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-09-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-09-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya in Bangladesh marked the seven-year anniversary of displacement from their homes in neighboring Myanmar on Aug. 25, 2024. It was a somber occasion for the long-persecuted Myanmarese Muslim minority, who have faced dire living conditions while clustered into the world’s most crowded refugee camps.
Since 2017, their status has been continually challenged by both intermittent hostility from within Bangladesh and an ongoing civil war in Myanmar, during which the military government has continued to crack down on the Rohingya’s homeland in Rakhine state.
But recent events in Bangladesh may offer a glimmer of hope for the Rohingya. Months of political unrest led to the ouster of the authoritarian prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, whose government failed to find a solution to the refugee problem.
The new interim government leader, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, has pledged to defend their rights as refugees and work to secure their eventual repatriation.
As a scholar who has written about the Rohingya crisis and spent time in the refugee camps, I believe the odds are still stacked against the Rohingya. Policymakers must contend not only with growing hostility among Bangladesh’s local population and the ongoing Myanmarese civil war, but also with an underappreciated third factor that challenges a political resolution to the crisis: ongoing and growing violence and infighting among Rohingya refugees.
Murder, rape and kidnapping
More than 750,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar in August 2017 after facing a brutal government crackdown. Since then, around 235 Rohingyas have been killed in refugee camps in Bangladesh. In addition, there have been dozens of cases of rape against Rohingya girls and women and scores of kidnappings recorded by the Bangladeshi authorities.
The killing of high-profile people among the refugee population, including the 2021 assassination of Mohib Ullah, a moderate Rohingya leader, has contributed to spiraling violence in the camp.
Such violence, combined with dire humanitarian conditions, have led to a security vacuum in the camp that has been filled by various Rohingya armed groups, operating with divergent goals and methods but creating something of a turf clash embroiling the refugees living there.
Armed groups in the camps
Out of 11 known active armed Rohingya groups – some of which were engaged in the insurgency in Rakhine state against Myanmar’s central government prior to crossing the border – five are heavily implicated in violent activities in the camps.
The most prominent of these is the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Formed in northern Rakhine state in 2016, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army gained prominence after attacking Myanmar security forces in October 2016 and August 2017, prompting the government crackdowns on, and exodus of, Rohingya.
Government troops killed an estimated 25,000 Rohingyas and forced more than 750,000 from the state in a campaign that led much of the international community to label the violence a genocide.
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s attempt to establish control over the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh has led to a backlash from other groups vying for their own foothold, including the Rohingya Solidarity Organization – a long-dormant group that reemerged in Bangladesh in 2021 with support from Bangladeshi security agencies.
Two other groups with links to drug trafficking and other illegal trade — the formerly Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army-affiliated Master Munna Group and the Nobi Hossain Group, which is nominally aligned with the Rohingya Solidarity Organization — have added to the infighting. Meanwhile, the Islami Mahaj group seeks to recruit members in the camp through its Islamist agenda.
Trafficking and drugs
The displacement of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees has provided criminal groups with opportunities to expand their activities. Since 2017, illegal trade across the Myanmar-Bangladesh border has flourished, as has the flow of arms from Myanmar and India, the smuggling of Yaba pills – a kind of methamphetamine – and other drugs, trafficking of women and children, and the illegal sale of relief goods.
Rohingya refugees fled across the border to Bangladesh
Organizations like the Master Munna and Nobi Hossain groups are involved in racketeering, extortion and smuggling in the refugee camps and clash with each other to establish dominance over territory.
During my fieldwork in the camps, I have observed how panic can engulf refugee populations, especially after high-profile murders, as residents fear reprisal attacks and more clashes between the armed groups. As a result, thousands of Rohingya have frequently relocated their stay from one camp to another in search of safety.
Fighting benefits Myanmar’s military
Alongside the toll this violence takes on the victims, the infighting — and the criminal activities of armed Rohingya groups — exacts a political cost for the refugees.
Myanmar uses the fighting as a pretext to blame Bangladesh for ongoing unrest and to defend its treatment of the Rohingya as a legitimate security rationale. In September 2020, Myanmar’s representatives at the United Nations General Assembly accused Bangladesh’s government of harboring “terrorists,” a contention that Bangladeshi diplomats strongly denied.
The violence has also encouraged hostility among Bangladeshis toward the refugees, who are increasingly perceived as troublemakers and criminals.
Meanwhile, nongovernmental organizations and aid workers have been hampered in their ability to deliver services to refugees and civilians in the camps. And an already weary donor community sees risks in the growing militancy and criminality in the camps.
Old tension takes new shape
Tensions between various Rohingya refugee communities isn’t new. Prior to 2017, there were already problems between those registered with the UN’s refugee agency in Bangladesh and living in official camps, and those who were not registered and living in makeshift camps.
But recently, I have observed open hostility between earlier generations of Rohingya refugees who fled to Bangladesh in 1978 and 1991-1992 and the newcomers from the 2017 exodus. What’s different and particularly alarming now is that these tensions started escalating into deadly violence after 2017.
The violence and killing in the camps involve, by my estimate, roughly 5,000 people. It represents a small fraction of the 1.3 million Rohingya refugees overall – including both those who fled before and during the 2017 exodus. But the actions of this minority have been incredibly damaging for the Rohingya and their future; it jeopardizes vital regional and global support and makes eventual repatriation to Myanmar more uncertain.
The change in government in Bangladesh does offer an opportunity for the Rohingya, especially if the incoming administration sticks by pledges to bolster the country’s judicial institutions and protect minority groups. But unrest in the camps will only add to the problems facing the new government and could undermine support for a solution to the Rohingya crisis.
The fear is it may condemn Bangladesh’s Rohingya minority to many more years in uncertain and increasingly violent conditions..."
Source/publisher:
"The Conversation" (Melbourne)
Date of publication:
2024-09-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-09-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Title: Interim Government of Bangladesh Must Adopt Human Rights-Based Measures for Rohingya Refugees
Description:
"Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
In light of the escalating violence between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Burmese military junta in Rakhine State, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) calls for urgent and decisive action by the interim government of Bangladesh to ensure the protection and rights of Rohingya refugees. The ongoing conflict has forced many Rohingya to undertake perilous journeys to escape violence, only to face tragic outcomes, including drowning and pushbacks by Bangladesh authorities.
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK extends its sincere gratitude to the government of Bangladesh for its ongoing efforts to host over a million Rohingya refugees, providing them with shelter and safety amid one of the world’s most protracted humanitarian crises. We also commend Muhammad Yunus, the interim leader of Bangladesh, for his recent commitment, expressed in his first major policy address, to continue supporting the Rohingya community. His pledge underscores the critical role Bangladesh plays in both humanitarian support and economic stability.
“The world is closely observing Bangladesh’s response to the Rohingya refugee crisis. The interim government has a crucial opportunity to affirm its commitment to human rights by immediately halting pushbacks and ensuring that all refugees receive the protection and support guaranteed by international law,” said Tun Khin, President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. “This is a defining moment for Bangladesh to act with urgency and restore the dignity and safety of those who have endured unimaginable suffering.”
The plight of Rohingya refugees is exacerbated by the dangerous sea crossings they undertake, fleeing violence only to be met with further suffering. Reports indicate that many boats have capsized or been forcibly returned, violating the principle of non-refoulement as outlined in the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, which prohibits returning individuals to places where they face serious threats.
BROUK urges the interim government of Bangladesh to take the following constructive and necessary measures to address this crisis and safeguard the rights of Rohingya refugees:
End Boat Pushbacks and Uphold Refugee Protection: Immediately cease the practice of pushing back Rohingya boats and ensure that all individuals seeking safety are granted access to protection. This is a fundamental obligation under international law. Bangladesh should ratify the Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol.
Enhance Humanitarian Support: Remove restrictions on the provision of full education and health services, and construction of decent housing with proper sanitation. Improve livelihood opportunities for refugees, ensuring their basic needs are met and their rights are protected.
Strengthen Security and Prevent Violence: Implement robust measures to protect refugees from violence and exploitation. This involves enhancing security within the refugee camps, preventing recruitment by armed groups, and ensuring that refugees are safe from harm.
Promote Effective International Collaboration: Engage actively with international organisations and human rights bodies to address the needs of Rohingya refugees. Collaboration should focus on creating sustainable solutions for refugee protection and support.
Uphold the Principle of Non-Refoulement: The interim government must strictly adhere to the principle of non-refoulement, prohibiting the return of refugees to a country where they face serious threats. Any plans or discussions regarding repatriation must be suspended until there are verifiable guarantees of safety and human rights protections for the Rohingya in Burma, with comprehensive consultations involving international human rights organizations.
Addressing these critical issues provides the interim government with a vital chance to affirm its dedication to human rights and international norms.
We also call on the international community to fully fund the humanitarian needs of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, which donors have consistently failed to do.
“The interim government must seize this moment to enact meaningful, rights-respecting measures for Rohingya refugees and the international community must provide funding and other support to ensure this happens. Bangladesh’s leadership is essential to ensuring justice and protection for those in need,” said Tun Khin, President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK.
The interim government of Bangladesh has a unique opportunity to transform its approach towards Rohingya refugees. By adopting these recommendations, Bangladesh can demonstrate its commitment to upholding the dignity and safety of some of the world’s most vulnerable people..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2024-09-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-09-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh
CNN
—
As tears roll down her face and her body shivers with pain, Hamida cradles her 4-year-old daughter and baby boy on her lap, comforting them as they cry for their father.
The 22-year-old ethnic Rohingya is surviving on the kindness of fellow refugees in a camp near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh – and trying to process the horrors she endured in neighboring Myanmar, where a civil war is raging between the country’s military and rebel groups including the Arakan Army.
“After they entered my home, they hit me, beat me, and I was struggling to get free when they raped me,” Hamida says. “For at least one hour, they tied me up.”
Hamida – who asked to only use her first name for fear of reprisals – says seven Arakan Army soldiers gang-raped her during the attack in Myanmar’s western Rakhine state in late July.
“I screamed, so they closed my mouth with their hands,” she says. “They raped me. They beat me with their guns. They kicked me. Still, I can’t move (without) pain.”
During the attack, she says her husband heard her screams and ran into their hut to save her – but he was pinned down and forced to watch.
“They slaughtered my husband after they raped me,” she says. “Four Arakan Army soldiers were holding him down tightly, and one slaughtered him with a big sharp knife.”
CNN can’t independently verify Hamida’s account of the attack – nor those of other survivors who fled to safety across the Naf River, which provides a natural border between Myanmar and Bangladesh.
Known as the world’s biggest refugee camp, more than a million Rohingya Muslims are sheltering in makeshift tents near the town of Cox’s Bazar – most of whom fled there in August 2017, after Myanmar’s military killed an estimated 10,000 people in what United Nations experts labeled a genocide.
Now, new arrivals like Hamida are bringing reports of mass murder, bombing attacks on civilians, and burning villages – which bear hallmarks of the 2017 attacks, seven years later. But this time, the ethnic Rakhine rebel group Arakan Army is being blamed for the brutality.
‘It felt like the end of the world’
Witnesses say the deadliest day for attacks was August 5, when an estimated 200 people were killed as drones rained down bombs on those fleeing fighting in the town of Maungdaw.
Videos circulated widely online show piles of bodies – mostly women and children surrounded by their belongings – scattered around a mangrove forest along the shoreline, slaughtered as they tried to board boats to Bangladesh.
Abdul Bashar, a 48-year-old father who survived the drone attacks, says they took place around 6 p.m. that day.
“When we reached the border fence, we saw a large bomb fall on a group of people, killing many of them,” he says. “They were attacking with drones, gunfire, and heavy weapons. It felt like the end of the world.”
Bashar saw his 17-year-old son die, along with his sister, who was killed as she breastfed her 8-month-old daughter.
“I couldn’t look back because bombs were falling heavily,” he said. “I had two of my children with me, and I was bleeding.”
Bashar is now sheltering in a Cox’s Bazar camp with his 10-year-old nephew – whose parents and five siblings died in the attack. The boy survived despite severe shrapnel wounds to his arm.
“I feel that death would be better than living through this,” Bashar said.
A new report from human rights group Fortify Rights urges the International Criminal Court (ICC) to “investigate a massacre of Rohingya civilians perpetrated by the Arakan Army (AA).” A separate report from Human Rights Watch says the attacks “raise the specter of ethnic cleansing.”
In an interview with CNN, Arakan Army spokesperson Khaing Thu Ka denied allegations of atrocities, calling the reports “fake news and disinformation.”
He said AA fighters had “never targeted or killed innocent civilians,” claiming the August 5 drone attacks were carried out by the military.
The Myanmar military blames the AA for the attacks. CNN cannot independently attribute the reports of responsibility or verify the number of people who were killed.
In response to a separate question about Hamida’s testimony of gang rape, the AA’s Khaing Thu Ka said the group would “certainly investigate” her case.
The Rohingya people – a largely Muslim ethnic group with a distinct language and culture – have long been persecuted and denied citizenship in majority-Buddhist Myanmar, with official propaganda describing them as “Bengalis” or “illegal immigrants.” They are also denied official status in Bangladesh, making them known as “the world’s most unwanted people.”
Bangladesh’s new interim chief Muhammad Yunus has promised to continue supporting the Rohingya in his country, but has appealed for the fighting in Myanmar to end so they can return to their homeland with “safety, dignity and full rights.”
Overnight exodus
Tight controls remain in place along the 18-mile (30-kilometer) shoreline of the Naf River snaking between Myanmar and its neighbor – with Bangladeshi border guards under orders to try to keep the fleeing Rohingya out.
Refugees are now using the cover of darkness to try to evade capture, often setting out from Myanmar around 10 p.m. to make the 1.8-mile (3-kilometer) journey across the water.
As midnight approaches, CNN travels down the long coastal road to a tiny fishing village on the southern tip of Bangladesh – to meet with a Rohingya refugee who sneaked out of the camp to meet his sister, who is due to arrive on a boat from Myanmar that evening.
All the phones on her boat had been switched off for security during the journey, so he went for hours without hearing an update.
“I am really very concerned,” said Mohammed, who didn’t want to use his real name. “This is my big sister.”
He’s worried that his sister, who can’t swim, could drown during the crossing. Many refugee boats have sunk in recent weeks, the bodies of their desperate passengers eventually washing ashore and buried in shallow graves on the beach.
Compounding Mohammed’s fears are the pre-dawn sounds of explosions and rifle fire just across the river – a reminder of why his sister and other Rohingya are fleeing.
On the Bangladesh side, it has become a game of cat and mouse for the coast guard to spot boats emerging from the inky waters before they make it onto land. The full moon casts a silver glow over the river, putting incoming boats in extra danger of being spotted.
A senior border guard who spoke to CNN on the beach said if boats do make it to land on their watch, they usually provide food to the people onboard before sending them back.
Mohammed’s sister never appears that night, and by dawn, his panic starts to rise.
“The world is now dark for me,” he said. “I lost everything … in my life.”
Hours later, he hears that his sister made it to land further up the coast – but was kidnapped by brokers demanding payment for her release. Eventually she was able to reunite with Mohammed in the camps, but the family spent all of their money trying to get her to safety.
‘AA wants to wipe out Rohingyas’
Despite the challenges of getting across, Bangladeshi officials told CNN that more than 5,000 Rohingya have arrived in Bangladesh from Myanmar during recent fighting.
Calls are now growing for Bangladesh to allow humanitarian access for the incoming refugees.
“UNHCR is calling on Bangladesh to provide access to safety for refugees escaping the violence in Northern Rakhine State, most recently in Maungdaw township,” said Shari Nijman, spokesperson for UNHCR Bangladesh. “Among new arrivals are many women and children, including some with critical injuries from gunshots and shelling.”
Doctors Without Borders (MSF) – which operates multiple clinics in Cox’s Bazar – told CNN they treated 54 people who arrived with “war wounds” between August 5-11, 48% of whom were women and children.
Jamila Begum, 45, made it across in a boat with four of her orphaned grandchildren.
She said her family tried to run from their homes on August 5 during a pause in the fighting, but then bombs “fell on the roof of the house,” killing Begum’s daughter, her husband and their 7-year-old daughter. Begum managed to grab the youngest child – a 6-month-old baby – from her daughter’s arms.
Begum fled with the grandchildren and they hid for five days before boarding a boat to Bangladesh. But her eldest grandchild didn’t make it – he died from his injuries before they were able to find a boat, and she was forced to leave him on the beach.
After they left, she heard the AA had set fire to her village.
“AA wants to wipe out Rohingyas from Rakhine State,” Begum says, echoing the feelings of the dozen other refugees CNN spoke to.
Now, Begum is safe in the camps but fears for the future of her grandchildren, as their only guardian.
“Sadness will not go from our lives,” she says..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"COX’s BAZAR—The persecuted and stateless Rohingya minority is caught in a new violent crackdown in Myanmar, with children among those killed, two reports from influential expert groups warned Tuesday.
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled Myanmar for neighboring Bangladesh in 2017 during a crackdown by the military that is now the subject of a United Nations genocide court case.
But around 600,000 remain in the country’s western state of Rakhine, where they have found themselves in the middle of an escalating conflict between junta-run Myanmar’s armed forces and the rebel Arakan Army.
The situation has been inflamed further by the Myanmar military’s forced recruitment of Rohingya to battle the rebel group, including reportedly more than 2,000 from Bangladeshi refugee camps.
Watchdog Fortify Rights said its interviews with eyewitnesses established that the Arakan Army had this month launched a drone and mortar attack on Rohingya civilians.
The bombardment killed more than 100 Rohingya men, women and children on the border with Bangladesh, Fortify Rights said.
“The fact that the AA first sent a surveillance drone before launching the massive attack shows clearly that the group intentionally attacked a civilian crowd,” the group said.
The Arakan Army denied responsibility for the assault in an Aug. 7 statement and again through its political wing 10 days later.
The International Crisis Group think tank said that many Rohingya on the ground blamed the rebel group for the attack, along with other acts of violence and persecution.
“The combination of words and alleged deeds have fueled polarization and driven greater numbers of Rohingya to volunteer for the military or armed groups,” it said.
‘Moral duty’
The reports come days after the UN Human Rights Office said it had information showing the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army had both committed serious abuses against the Rohingya.
They included extrajudicial killings, abductions, forced recruitment, indiscriminate bombardments of villages and arson attacks.
“Recurrence of the crimes and horrors of the past must be prevented as a moral duty,” UN rights chief Volker Turk said.
The Arakan Army, which says it is fighting for more autonomy for the ethnic Rakhine population in Myanmar, has made steady territorial advances this year near the Bangladeshi border.
Bangladesh is home to around 1 million Rohingya refugees, most of whom fled the 2017 crackdown.
Further complicating the security situation for Rohingya there was the ousting this month of autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina, who fled to India.
Hasina was replaced by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, who is leading an interim government ahead of expected elections..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"This month marks seven years since the 2017 “clearance operation” when Myanmar’s military forces, the Tatmadaw, unleashed waves of violence against Rohingya ethnic minorities in Rakhine State, Myanmar.
The conflict triggered the expulsion of over 700,000 Rohingya into neighboring Bangladesh, marking the largest and fastest influx into the country. The U.S. government later determined that these attacks constituted genocide and crimes against humanity.
Rohingya in Myanmar
Rohingya who stayed in Myanmar following the genocidal attacks continue to face violence at the hands of the Tatmadaw. Conditions are dire, marked by severe deprivations of rights, discrimination, and exposure to armed conflict. In Rakhine State, where the majority of Rohingya reside, they face severe restrictions on their movement, limited access to essential services, and deep-seated prejudice based on their ethnicity and religion.
Many Rohingya live in impoverished conditions, often in makeshift shelters that have inadequate sanitation and are unable to withstand extreme weather events. Rohingya have limited access to healthcare, and even to seek medical treatment, they must obtain permission to leave their communities. Rohingya are also denied access to education, employment, and livelihood opportunities, which exacerbates their hardship and prevents them from moving out of poverty. Intensifying armed conflict in Rakhine State has further eroded their security.
While the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army (AA)—a powerful ethnic armed group seeking sovereignty for Rakhine State—fight to maintain or secure control of territory, Rohingya and other civilians are caught between these warring parties with devastating consequences. Indiscriminate attacks against civilians, arson and looting of civilian property, killings, and forced recruitment by both sides of the conflict continue to occur.
In early August of 2024, the AA launched attacks on Rohingya civilians in Rakhine State, which are part of a larger trend of intensifying conflict that does not distinguish between civilians and combatants. The U.N. Children’s Fund has called on all parties to uphold their obligations under international law to protect civilians, especially children and families.
Rohingya in Bangladesh
Rohingya living in Bangladesh also face significant protection and humanitarian concerns. Since 2017, Rohingya refugees have been living in sprawling, overcrowded camps where necessities are scarce. Small temporary shelters, often made from bamboo and plastic tarps, leave residents vulnerable to extreme weather conditions, such as heavy monsoon rains, landslides, and intense heat. These shelters are also susceptible to fire and arson. Fencing around the camps with limited exits make it difficult for people to evacuate during emergencies.
While primary education has improved, educational opportunities for Rohingya youth and young adults needs to be ensured. This education gap not only hinders immediate development for youth but also undermines prospects and livelihoods, perpetuating a cycle of poverty and marginalization.
Adults also face barriers to earning livelihoods as current policies prohibit Rohingya from working, forcing them to depend on humanitarian aid that is often unreliable. Due to ongoing cuts in support from international donors, the U.N. World Food Programme significantly reduced food assistance to Rohingya in Cox’s Bazar. While partially restored, the assistance remains inadequate.
The reality for Rohingya plays out in the larger context of political unrest in Bangladesh. Several tumultuous weeks marked by violent protests and numerous deaths have led to the ousting of Bangladesh’s Prime Minister and economic turmoil. Amidst the crisis, Rohingya refugees face heightened vulnerabilities and protection concerns. It remains to be seen how the interim government will address Rohingya refugees who have been referred to as a burden on the economy in previous political debates.
Moving Forward
As we commemorate this somber date, it is important to reflect on the current realities facing the Rohingya in Myanmar and Bangladesh and consider what needs to change so they can move forward.
The international community and donor governments should:
At a minimum, fully fund the Rohingya Joint Response Plan and the Myanmar Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan.
Funding for food vouchers should be prioritized.
Support local non-governmental organizations and groups on the front lines of delivering humanitarian assistance, especially those operating in Rakhine State, Myanmar.
Work with the government of Bangladesh to allow livelihood opportunities for Rohingya.
The government of Bangladesh should:
Allow Rohingya to pursue livelihoods and entrepreneurial opportunities within camps.
Work with local partners to ensure educational opportunities for Rohingya youth and young adults.
The U.S. government should:
Work with the U.N. to mitigate protection concerns for Rohingya refugees given the changing circumstances on the ground in Bangladesh.
Expedite processing times for Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar and immediately resume departures for Rohingya in Bangladesh.
The U.S. Congress should pass the Rohingya Genocide, Accountability, and Protection (GAP) Act (H.R.8936) to provide protection, support, and humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons..."
Source/publisher:
InterAction
Date of publication:
2024-08-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Crimes Against Humanity, Genocide, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
US State Department envoy Beth Van Schaack describes challenges providing aid and justice to the minority group.
Description:
"The U.S. and other countries are in need of “creative solutions” to assist tens of thousands of Muslim Rohingyas displaced by conflict in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, where the ruling junta has restricted access to aid providers, according to a State Department envoy who monitors international crime.
In the meantime, U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice Beth Van Schaack told RFA Burmese, Washington is working with authorities in neighboring Bangladesh to support the nearly 1 million Rohingyas sheltering across the border at camps in Cox’s Bazar and helping to document persecution of the group for potential referral to international criminal courts.
“Providing humanitarian assistance inside Myanmar is much more of a challenge,” said Van Schaack. “We don't necessarily have access to cross border points where that assistance can come in, so it's just much more difficult to do that work. But I want to acknowledge how dire the situation is, and we need to look for creative solutions.”
Van Schaack spoke to RFA as Rohingyas marked the seventh anniversary of a 2017 military crackdown on Rohingya militants in Rakhine state that triggered an exodus of some 740,000 people to Bangladesh.
Since then, the number of displaced Rohingyas in camps across the border has swelled to nearly 1 million, by United Nations estimates, with more attempting to cross daily. The group has found itself caught in the crossfire between the junta, which seized power in a 2021 coup d’etat and the ethnic Arakan Army, or AA, which is fighting for self-determination in Rakhine state.
Both sides have been accused of killing Rohingya, with the AA fighters blamed for attacking people accused of supporting junta forces.
On Aug. 5, dozens of Rohingya people were killed by fire from heavy weapons as they waited for boats to cross to Bangladesh, survivors told Radio Free Asia. Some survivors said the AA was responsible though the insurgents denied that.
Civilian minorities ‘ultimate sufferers’ in conflict
Van Schaack categorized the need for assistance for the Rohingya community within Myanmar as “enormous,” but said that with junta restrictions to access and the chaotic nature of the civil war, delivering it is impossible.
“There are a number of different groups that are ascendant, and they're having conversations amongst themselves about what a future, inclusive, democratic Myanmar looks like,” she said. “But because that's the case, we can't. There's only so much we can do with respect to the territory.”
The Ambassador-at-Large said that with a new government in place in Bangladesh, after student-led protests earlier this month turned deadly and touched off a mass movement that forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign, the hope is that the U.S. can provide greater humanitarian assistance to the Rohingya in Cox’s Bazar, with the goal of allowing them to return home to Myanmar.
“But they cannot do so until it is safe, until they are returning home voluntarily and until there is a sustainable plan for them to restart their lives in their ancestral homelands,” she said.
Amid the fighting in Rakhine state, it’s difficult to determine the extent of the crimes against Rohingyas, Van Schaak said.
“We do know that atrocities are being committed and that because the violence has risen, it's inevitably the civilian population – civilian communities of multiple ethnic groups – that are the ultimate sufferers of this situation,” she said.
“So we have called upon the parties to commit to more comprehensive efforts at a ceasefire,” she said. “But this government is unwilling to relinquish power at this point, and so we see these continual acts of violence and atrocities.”
‘Pages and pages of documentation’
Van Schaak said that in addition to providing humanitarian assistance to Rohingyas in Cox’s Bazar and other areas where they have sought refuge, the U.S. government is also helping to bring justice to their community, by conducting investigations and operating as a clearinghouse of evidence for courts around the world to bring cases.
In August 2022, the U.S. State Department determined that members of the Burmese military committed genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya during the crackdown in 2017, but information gathering is still underway to classify the latest crimes against the ethnic minority.
She acknowledged that even with clear evidence to proceed to trial, some courts, like the International Criminal Court in The Hague, can do little more than issue an arrest warrant without the perpetrator in custody. So while senior members of the junta remain within Myanmar, it will be difficult for those cases to proceed.
“But those prosecutors and investigators are ready – they have dossiers on responsible individuals, they have pages and pages of documentation ... [not only] with respect to the genocide against the Rohingya, but also crimes committed since the since the coup in 2021,” she said.
While the conflict in Myanmar continues, Van Schaak urged ethnic armies such as the AA to “distinguish themselves from the Tatmadaw,” using the official name for the country’s military, which “throughout its history has been characterized by violence, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.”
“The ethnic armed groups, if they want to build legitimacy in the eyes of the international community, if they want to be a part of the solution, they need to strictly adhere to the laws of war,” she said.
“Treat civilian communities with respect and dignity, treat individuals in their custody humanely – even members of the Tatmadaw – and ultimately, work towards a democratic future for Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"GENEVA – UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk today expressed grave alarm and raised profound concerns about the sharply deteriorating situation across Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine State where hundreds of civilians have reportedly been killed while trying to flee the fighting.
Over the past four months, tens of thousands of people, many of whom are Rohingya, have fled a major offensive by the Arakan Army to take control of Buthidaung and Maungdaw towns from the military. In one of the deadliest attacks along the Naf River bordering Bangladesh on 5 August, dozens were reportedly killed, including by armed drones. It remains unclear which party to the conflict was responsible.
“Thousands of Rohingya have been forced to flee on foot, with the Arakan Army herding them repeatedly into locations that offer scant safe haven,” Türk said. “As the border crossings to Bangladesh remain closed, members of the Rohingya community are finding themselves trapped between the military and its allies and the Arakan Army, with no path to safety.”
Despite repeated warnings and calls for action, the ongoing violence underscores the prevailing sense of impunity and the persistent challenges in ensuring protection of civilians in accordance with international law, the High Commissioner said.
“This month marks seven years since the military operations which drove 700,000 across the border into Bangladesh. Despite the world saying “never again” we are once more witnessing killings, destruction and displacement in Rakhine. Parties to the armed conflict are issuing statements denying responsibility for attacks against the Rohingya and others, acting as though they are powerless to protect them. This stretches the bounds of credulity,” said Türk.
According to information documented by the UN Human Rights Office, both the military and the Arakan Army, which now controls most of the townships in Rakhine, have committed serious human rights violations and abuses against the Rohingya, including extrajudicial killings, some involving beheadings, abductions, forced recruitment, indiscriminate bombardments of towns and villages using drones and artillery, and arson attacks. Such attacks stand in sharp contrast to obligations of all parties under international humanitarian law and to the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice to protect the Rohingya against risk of further harm.
Credible sources have described increasing numbers of Rohingya, nearly half of whom are children, seeking assistance for conflict-related injuries. There have also been reports of people dying of diarrhoea, due to lack of access to clean water and grossly inadequate living conditions. Food warehouses holding vitally important supplies for civilians have been attacked, ransacked and burnt. Buthidaung and Maungdaw hospitals have been closed due to the violence, further aggravating an already disastrous humanitarian crisis compounded by an extensive telecommunications shutdown.
“Both the military and the Arakan Army bear direct responsibility for the human tragedy that is unfolding in Rakhine,” said Turk. “Both parties must immediately cease attacks against civilians, protect those fleeing the conflict, and ensure their unimpeded access to life-saving humanitarian assistance.”
“These atrocities demand an unequivocal response - those responsible must be held accountable, and justice must be pursued relentlessly,” said Türk. “Recurrence of the crimes and horrors of the past must be prevented as a moral duty and a legal necessity. It is the responsibility of the international community, with ASEAN at the forefront, to take all necessary measures to protect the Rohingya and other civilian victims of this cruel conflict.”..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2024-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Escalating Fighting amid 7 Years of Desperation
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar are facing the gravest threats since 2017, when the Myanmar military carried out a sweeping campaign of massacres, rape, and arson in northern Rakhine State, Human Rights Watch said today. August 25, 2024, marks the seventh anniversary since the start of the military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide that forced more than 750,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.
In recent months, the Myanmar military and the ethnic Arakan Army have committed mass killings, arson, and unlawful recruitment against Rohingya communities in Rakhine State. On August 5, nearly 200 people were reportedly killed following drone strikes and shelling on civilians fleeing fighting in Maungdaw town near the Bangladesh border, according to Rohingya witnesses. About 630,000 Rohingya remain in Myanmar under a system of apartheid that leaves them exceptionally vulnerable to renewed fighting.
“Rohingya in Rakhine State are enduring abuses tragically reminiscent of the military’s atrocities in 2017,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Once again, armed forces are driving thousands of Rohingya from their homes with killings and arson, leaving them nowhere safe to turn.”
Rohingya have been caught in the middle of the fighting since hostilities resumed in November 2023, ending a year-long unofficial ceasefire. As the Arakan Army has rapidly expanded its control across Rakhine State, the military has responded with indiscriminate attacks on civilians using helicopter gunships, artillery, and ground assaults. In late April, Arakan Army forces began attacking Rohingya villages in Buthidaung, culminating in their May 17 capture of the town, during which they shelled, looted, and burned Rohingya neighborhoods.
Armed clashes have since moved west to Maungdaw, spurring further abuses and displacement, including arson and looting. Four videos from the August 5 attacks shared on X, formerly Twitter, on August 6 show dozens of bodies of men, women, and children. Geoconfirmed identified the location, which Human Rights Watch corroborated, at the western edge of Maungdaw town. Rohingya witnesses told Human Rights Watch they believed the Arakan Army was responsible. The junta and Arakan Army have blamed each other for the attacks.
“Over the last two months, there was serious fighting between the Arakan Army and Myanmar military, with artillery shells and drones,” said a 24-year-old Rohingya man from Myo Ma Ka Nyin Tan, Maungdaw, in August. “Many Rohingya villagers were killed and injured every day. I went to several funerals.” He fled on August 5 when fighting descended on his neighborhood. “We made our way to the riverbank to cross, where thousands of people were making the journey. Suddenly, drones appeared and started dropping bombs on the crowd. In our group of 70 to 80, close to 20 were killed, and 10 others, including myself, were injured.”
“The Naf River was full of dead Rohingya bodies as we fled,” said another villager, 18, who told Human Rights Watch that his father was killed in a drone attack. “I saw many dead bodies in the paddy fields and on the riverbank.” His boat capsized in the river while crossing into Bangladesh, drowning two dozen people. He and his brother found a plastic barrel which they floated on to the shore. The Border Guard Bangladesh arrested his mother while she attempted to cross the border and have detained her since, he said. Border guards have increased pushbacks of asylum seekers along the Rakhine border since January.
The conflict has displaced more than 320,000 people in Rakhine State and southern Chin State since November 2023. Meanwhile, the junta has ramped up its deadly blockages of humanitarian aid as a form of collective punishment, which is in violation of international humanitarian law and contrary to the 2022 United Nations Security Council resolution and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) five-point consensus.
Rohingya are being pressured from all sides in Myanmar and Bangladesh, Human Rights Watch said. In recent months, the junta has unlawfully recruited thousands of Rohingya men and boys from Rakhine State and the refugee camps in Bangladesh, with support from Rohingya armed groups, inflaming tensions between the Rohingya Muslim and Rakhine Buddhist communities.
In Bangladesh, about one million Rohingya refugees are facing increasingly dire conditions in the Cox’s Bazar camps amid surging violence by armed groups and criminal gangs. In August alone, there have been reports of members of the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army carrying out killings, abductions, forced recruitment, extortion, and robbery. Bangladesh authorities have failed to ensure refugees access to protection, education, livelihoods, and movement.
“My heart aches for the safety of our Rohingya students and the entire community in the area,” a Rohingya teacher in the camps wrote in a note to Human Rights Watch. His students have been increasingly absent from classes, he said, either abducted for ransom, unlawfully recruited, or kept home by their parents out of fear. “Brutal gang activity has created a climate of terror. The fear is palpable, a suffocating weight.”
Bangladesh’s interim prime minister, Muhammad Yunus, said he will “continue to support the million-plus Rohingya people sheltered in Bangladesh,” although his foreign adviser told Reuters that they are not in a position to accept more refugees. Bangladesh is bound by the customary international law prohibition on refoulement, not to forcibly return anyone to a place where they would face a threat to life or a real risk of persecution, torture, or other ill-treatment.
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have consistently said they want to go home but only when their safety, access to land and livelihoods, freedom of movement, and citizenship rights can be ensured. Since January 2023, more than 5,000 Rohingya have attempted dangerous boat journeys to Indonesia and Malaysia in the hope of a better life. An estimated 520 of them have died or gone missing.
While the international response to the 2017 violence was meager and no one has yet been held to account for the crimes against the Rohingya, there have been some important steps toward justice, Human Rights Watch said. In June, an Argentine prosecutor requested arrest warrants for 25 individuals within the Myanmar political and military authorities. The case was filed under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows national authorities to prosecute suspects of grave crimes regardless of nationality or where the crimes were committed.
In July, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) accepted the interventions of seven governments in Gambia’s case against Myanmar under the Genocide Convention. Hearings on the merits of the case will most likely take place in 2025. At the same time, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has an ongoing investigation into the situation, although its jurisdiction is limited to alleged crimes committed at least in part in Bangladesh, an ICC member country.
The UN Security Council should expand the ICC’s jurisdiction in the case by referring the situation in Myanmar to the court, Human Rights Watch said. Council members have so far not followed up on the December 2022 resolution with tangible measures, fearing vetoes by China and Russia.
Security Council members should support holding an open meeting to address the deteriorating situation in Rakhine State and build momentum for a follow-up resolution under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The council should also play a role in enforcing the binding provisional measures ordered by the ICJ in the genocide case, which the military has blatantly disregarded.
“Over the past seven years, UN bodies and governments haven’t done enough to end the system of apartheid and persecution that has exposed Rohingya to further suffering,” Pearson said. “Ending the ongoing cycles of abuses, destruction, and displacement requires international efforts to hold those responsible to account.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Increasing deadly attacks against Rohingya people in Myanmar’s Rakhine State bear a terrifying resemblance to the atrocities of August 2017, Amnesty International said ahead of the seventh anniversary of the crisis.
“As the seven-year anniversary of the Rohingya crisis nears, the horrific situation in Rakhine State looks disturbingly familiar. Rohingya men, women and children are being killed, towns are emptying out, and vestiges of Rohingya history and identity are being eroded. Many are once again seeking shelter in refugee camps across the border in Bangladesh, where economic, security and livelihood conditions have deteriorated,” Amnesty International’s Myanmar Researcher Joe Freeman said.
“After being subjected to a brutal and systematic campaign of violence in August 2017 following decades of state-backed persecution, Rohingya civilians are now caught in the middle of intensifying conflict in Rakhine State between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military, which has forcefully conscripted Rohingya to fight on its side.”
The military has responded to battlefield losses with devastating aerial attacks that have killed Rohingya as well as ethnic Rakhine civilians. They have targeted civilian areas, destroying homes, marketplaces and other civilian infrastructure.
“The Myanmar military must immediately end their renewed campaign of violence and refrain from unlawful attacks on civilians, who are bearing the brunt of the conflict not only in Rakhine State but across the country, with millions displaced,” Freeman said.
As they advance through Rakhine State and capture more territory, the Arakan Army has also faced mounting allegations of atrocities.
“In addition, the international community must apply more pressure on the Arakan Army to abide by international humanitarian law. All allegations of war crimes perpetrated by the Myanmar military or by any armed groups in the country should be effectively investigated,” Freeman said.
Arakan Army advances on the northern Rakhine town of Buthidaung reportedly resulted in large-scale arson on 17 May of this year, displacing thousands of Rohingya residents. And on 5 August, an attack that survivors blamed on the Arakan Army killed an unknown number of Rohingya civilians fleeing the town of Maungdaw near the border with Bangladesh. The Arakan Army has denied attacking Rohingya.
“The rapidly escalating conflict in Myanmar is all the more reason for the United Nations Security Council to finally refer the situation in the country to the International Criminal Court. There can be no progress without accountability. The future of Myanmar hinges on protecting, promoting and upholding the human rights of all people in the country,” Freeman said.
“This includes scrapping discriminatory laws or policies that are used to cement the apartheid system against hundreds of thousands of Rohingya men, women and children in Rakhine and restoring their rights to health, education and freedom of movement.”
Meanwhile, Bangladesh continues to host nearly one million Rohingya refugees in camps in poor conditions for the seventh consecutive year. Last year, at least 12,000 refugees in the camps were rendered homeless due to devastating fires and the impact of cyclone Mocha. Acute funding shortfalls led to food insecurity in the camps, as well as shortcomings in healthcare and education.
“Bangladesh’s new interim government should prioritize the protection of Rohingya refugees’ human rights and their safety in camps, uphold the principle of non-refoulment, and adopt a rights-respecting policy towards the Rohingya,” Freeman said.
Background
On 25 August 2017 Myanmar security forces launched a widespread and systematic assault on Rohingya villages after an armed group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army carried out deadly attacks on police posts. Arakan is another name used for Rakhine State.
The military response included extrajudicial killings, destruction of properties and sexual assault. As a result of the military’s so-called “clearance operations”, more than 740,000 Rohingya women, men and children fled northern Rakhine State to neighbouring Bangladesh. Taking into account previous waves of violence against them, an estimated one million Rohingya refugees now live in Bangladesh.
Amnesty International has said the 2017 attacks against the Rohingya amounted to crimes against humanity, recommending that at least a dozen senior officials be investigated for their roles in the violence, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is investigating alleged crimes committed in 2016 and 2017 against the Rohingya population, but only those committed partly in the territory of Bangladesh or other states, because Myanmar has not ratified the ICC’s Statute. Amnesty International has called for the United Nations Security Council to refer the full situation in Myanmar to the ICC, so that an investigation of all crimes committed in Myanmar can be conducted.
Min Aung Hlaing has never been held accountable and on 1 February 2021, the military seized power in a coup, with Min Aung Hlaing chairing the newly created State Administration Council (SAC). SAC-backed soldiers, police and militias have killed more than 5,000 civilians in Myanmar since the 2021 coup.
Amnesty International has documented torture, arbitrary detention and unlawful air strikes by the Myanmar military following the coup. In November 2022, the organization called for the suspension of aviation fuel imports, which the Myanmar military uses to bomb civilians. While many companies have withdrawn from the supply chain after being made aware of the risks, shipments have continued..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The Muslim community has been caught in crossfire between ethnic minority insurgents and junta forces.
Description:
"Twenty-six members of Myanmar’s persecuted Rohingya minority drowned when their boat capsized as they were trying to flee to Bangladesh, witnesses said, an accident likely to compound fears that the largely Muslim community is facing a new round of genocide.
Rohingya living in Rakhine state in western Myanmar have been caught in crossfire between ethnic minority insurgents fighting for self-determination against Myanmar’s military, with both sides accused of killing them.
Some analysts have warned that the latest attacks are worse than those inflicted on the community in 2017, when a Myanmar military crackdown against Rohingya militants triggered an exodus of some 700,000 people to Bangladesh.
As then, Rohingya are again fleeing the violence to Bangladesh, many crossing a border river in small boats.
On Monday, a crowded boat crossing the Naf River to Bangladesh sank killing 26 of those onboard, witnesses said, the latest in a spate of deadly accidents on the river.
"There were 30 people on the boat including 18 children. Only four survived. The rest died,” said one of the witnesses who declined to be identified because of security fears.
Rescue workers searching for bodies had found seven victims, including four children and a pregnant woman, he added.
Aung Kyaw Moe, deputy minister of human rights for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, said the boat was heading to Bangladesh because of intense fighting in Maungdaw township on the border between junta troops and the Arakan Army, or AA, insurgent group.
"They fled for their lives. They were worried about where the heavy artillery would fall,” he said. “The Naf River is dangerous because of the ebb and flow of the tide. They had to risk their lives."
Aung Kyaw Moe said the situation in Rakhine state was confusing because some areas were controlled by junta forces while others were in the hands of the AA, with tens of thousands of Rohingya caught up in the conflict.
The AA draws its support from the largely Buddhist ethnic Rakhine community, the majority in the state. The rebels are fighting Myanmar’s military for greater autonomy, in alliance with ethnic minority forces from other areas and democracy activists who took up arms after the army overthrew an elected government in 2021.
Both sides have been accused of killing Rohingya, with AA fighters blamed for attacking people believed to be supporting junta forces.
On Aug. 5, dozens of Rohingya people were killed by fire from heavy weapons as they waited for boats to cross to Bangladesh, survivors told Radio Free Asia. Some survivors said the AA was responsible though the insurgents denied that.
Torched homes
On Aug. 12, Human Rights Watch said both the junta and the AA had committed extrajudicial killings and widespread arson against Rohingya, Rakhine and other civilians in Rakhine state.
“Ethnic Rohingya and Rakhine civilians are bearing the brunt of the atrocities that the Myanmar military and opposition Arakan Army are committing,” said the group’s Asia director Elaine Pearson. “Both sides are using hate speech, attacks on civilians, and massive arson to drive people from their homes and villages, raising the specter of ethnic cleansing.”
The recent attacks on Rohingya were “worse than in 2017” and represents a “second wave of genocide”, two experts told a press briefing in the United States this month.
There were about 60,000 displaced people in Rakhine state before the latest round of fighting resumed late last year but now there are more than 500,000, aid groups there say.
Echoing growing concerns about the Rohingya, the U.K.-based Burma Human Rights Network, or BHRN, called on Wednesday for the international community to protect Rohingya, particularly those in Maungdaw.
It cited witnesses as saying many Rohingya had been killed in boat accidents or from bombs on the banks of the Naf River. The group cited witnesses as saying AA fighters had torched Rohingya homes in Maungdaw.
“These problems started when the junta forcibly recruited Rohingya for military service,” Kyaw Win, director of Burma Human Rights Network, told RFA. “If there are violations by AA troops on the ground, the AA needs to be exposed and action needs to be taken.”
The AA, in an Aug. 18 statement, accused “Muslim armed forces” of setting fire to homes and it warned that rights activists making accusations could affect harmony between ethnic groups. The AA said it had evacuated nearly 20,000 people, including Rohingya, from embattled Maungdaw town and would move more to safety.
Kyaw Win said forces opposed to the junta throughout the country, including the National Unity Government and other insurgent groups, had been reluctant to criticize the AA, their anti-junta ally.
But he said the international community should investigate the AA's actions and take measures, including sanctions, if necessary..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human rights issues, UN human rights bodies and mechanisms
Language:
more
Description:
"Warning: This article contains details some readers may find distressing.
Fayaz and his wife believed they were moments from safety when the bombs began to fall: “We were getting on the boat one after another - that’s when they started bombing us.”
Wails and shouts filled the air around 17:00 local time on 5 August, Fayaz* says, as thousands of scared Rohingyas made their way to the banks of the Naf river in the town of Maungdaw.
Attacks on villages earlier in the area meant this was what hundreds of families, including Fayaz’s, saw as their only option - that to get to safety, they had to escape from western Myanmar to Bangladesh’s safer shores.
Fayaz was carrying bags stuffed with whatever they had managed to grab. His wife was carrying their six-year-old daughter, their eldest was running alongside them. His wife’s sister was walking ahead, with the couple’s eight-month-old son in her arms.
The first bomb killed his sister-in-law instantly. The baby was badly injured - but alive.
“I ran and carried him... But he died while we were waiting for the bombing to stop.”
Nisar* had also made it to the riverbank by about 17:00, having decided to escape with his mother, wife, son, daughter and sister. “We heard drones overhead and then the loud sound of an explosion,” he recalls. “We were all thrown to the ground. They dropped bombs on us using drones.”
Nisar was the only one of his family to survive.
Fayaz, his wife and daughters escaped and would eventually make it across the river. Despite his pleas, the boatman refused to allow Fayaz to bring the baby's body with them. “He said there was no point in carrying the dead, so I dug a hole by the river bank and hastily buried him."
Now they’re all in the relative safety of Bangladesh, but if they are caught by authorities here they could be sent back. Nisar clutches a Quran, unable still to process how his world was shattered in a single day.
“If I’d known what would happen, I would never have tried to leave that day,” Nisar says.
It is notoriously difficult to piece together what is happening in Myanmar's civil war. But the BBC has managed to construct a picture of what happened on the evening of 5 August through a series of exclusive interviews with more than a dozen Rohingya survivors who escaped to Bangladesh, and the videos they shared.
All of the survivors - unarmed Rohingya civilians - recount hearing many bombs exploding over a period of two hours. While most described the bombs being dropped by drones, a weapon increasingly being used in Myanmar, some said they were hit by mortars and gunfire. The MSF clinic operating in Bangladesh has said it saw a big surge in wounded Rohingya in the days that followed – half of the injured were women and children.
Survivors’ videos analysed by BBC Verify show the river bank covered in bloodied bodies, many of them women and children. There’s no verified count of the number of people killed, but multiple eyewitnesses have told the BBC they saw scores of bodies.
Survivors told us they were attacked by the Arakan Army, one of the strongest insurgent groups in Myanmar which in recent months has driven the military out of nearly all of Rakhine State. They said they were first attacked in their villages, forcing them to flee, and then were attacked again by the river bank as they sought to escape.
The AA declined to be interviewed but its spokesman Khaing Tukha denied the accusation and responded to the BBC’s questions with a statement which said “the incident did not occur in areas controlled by us”. He also accused Rohingya activists of staging the massacre and falsely accusing the AA.
Nisar stands by his account, however.
“The Arakan Army are lying,” he says. “The attacks were done by them. It was only them in our area on that day. And they have been attacking us for weeks. They don’t want to leave any Muslim alive.”
Most of Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslims live as a minority in Rakhine – a Buddhist-majority state, where the two communities have long had a fraught relationship. In 2017, when the Myanmar military killed thousands of Rohingyas in what the UN described as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”, local Rakhine men also joined the attacks. Now, amid a spiralling conflict between the junta and the AA, which has strong support in the ethnic Rakhine population, Rohingyas once again find themselves trapped.
Despite the risk of being caught and returned to Myanmar by the Bangladeshi authorities, Rohingya survivors told the BBC they wished to share details of the violence they faced so it would not go undocumented, especially as it unfolded in an area that is no longer accessible to rights groups or journalists.
“My heart is broken. Now, I’ve lost everything. I don’t know why I survived,” Nisar says.
A wealthy Rohingya trader, he sold his land and house as the shelling increased near his home in Rakhine. But the conflict intensified faster than he expected, and on the morning of 5 August, the family decided to leave Myanmar.
He is crying as he points to his daughter’s body in one of the videos: “My daughter died in my arms saying Allah’s name. She looks so peaceful, like she’s sleeping. She loved me so much.”
In the same video, he also points to his wife and sister, both severely injured but alive when the video was filmed. He could not carry them out as bombs were still falling, so he made the agonising choice to leave them behind. He found out later they had died.
“There was nowhere left that was safe, so we ran to the river to cross over to Bangladesh,” Fayaz says. The gunfire and bombs had followed them from village to village, and so Fayaz gave all his money to a boatman to carry them across the river.
Devastated and angry, he holds up a photo of his son’s bloodied body.
“If the Arakan Army didn’t fire at us, then who did?” he asks. “The direction that the bombs came from, I know the Arakan Army was there. Or was it thunder falling from the sky?”
These accusations raise serious questions about the Arakan Army, which describes itself as a revolutionary movement representing all the people of Rakhine.
Since late last year, the AA, part of the larger Three Brotherhood Alliance of armed insurgents in Myanmar, has made huge gains against the military.
But the army’s losses have brought new dangers for Rohingyas, who have previously told the BBC they were being forcibly recruited by the junta to fight the AA.
This, together with the decision by the Rohingya militant group ARSA to ally itself with the junta against the Rakhine insurgents, has soured already poor relations between the two communities and left Rohingya civilians vulnerable to retribution.
One survivor of the 5 August attack told the BBC that ARSA militants who had aligned themselves with the junta had been among the fleeing crowd - and that might have provoked the attack.
“Even if there was any military target, there was a disproportionate use of force. There were children, women, the elderly that were killed that day. It was also indiscriminate,” says John Quinley, a director of the human rights group Fortify Rights, which has been investigating the incident.
“So that would leave us to believe that there are reasonable grounds to believe that a war crime did happen on 5 August. The Arakan Army should be investigated for these crimes and Arakan Army senior commanders should be held accountable.”
This is a precarious moment for the Rohingya community. More than a million of them fled to Bangladesh in 2017, where they continue to be restricted to densely-packed, squalid camps.
More have been arriving in recent months as the war in Rakhine reaches them but, it’s no longer 2017, when Bangladesh opened its borders. This time, the government has said it cannot allow any more Rohingyas into the country.
So survivors who can find the money to pay boatmen and traffickers – the BBC was told it costs 600,000 Burmese kyat ($184; £141) per person - then have to slip past Bangladeshi border guards and chance their luck with locals, or hide in Rohingya camps.
When Fayaz and his family arrived in Bangladesh on the 6 August, the border guards gave them a meal but then put them on a boat and sent them back.
“We spent two days afloat with no food or water,” he says. “I gave my daughters water from the river to drink, and pleaded with some of the others on the boat to give them a few biscuits from the packets they had.”
They got into Bangladesh on their second attempt. But at least two boats have capsized because of overcrowding. One woman, a widow with 10 children, said she had managed to hide her family during the bombing, but five of her children drowned when their boat overturned.
“My children were like pieces of my heart. When I think of them, I want to die,” she says, weeping.
Her grandson, a wide-eyed eight-year-old boy, sits beside her. His parents and younger brother also died.
But what of those who were left behind? Phone and internet networks in Maungdaw have been down for weeks but after repeated attempts, the BBC contacted one man, who wished to remain anonymous for his own safety.
“The Arakan Army has forced us out of our homes and are holding us in schools and mosques,” he said. “I am being kept with six other families in a small house.”
The Arakan Army told the BBC that it rescued 20,000 civilians from the town amid fighting against the military. It said it was providing them with food and medical treatment, and add that “these operations are conducted for the safety and security of these individuals, not as forced relocations”.
The man on the phone rejected their claims. “The Arakan Army has told us they will shoot us if we try to leave. We are running out of food and medicines. I am ill, my mother is ill. A lot of people have diarrhoea and are vomiting.”
He broke down, pleading for help: “Tens of thousands of Rohingya are under threat here. If you can, please save us.”
Across the river in Bangladesh, Nisar looks back at Myanmar. He can see the shore where his family was killed.
“I never want to go back.”
Additional reporting by Aamir Peerzada and Sanjay Ganguly
* Names have been changed on request..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2024-08-20
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Title: Urgent International Action Needed to Address Escalating Humanitarian Crisis in Rakhine State
Description:
"The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) calls for immediate international intervention in response to the worsening humanitarian crisis in Rakhine State. The ongoing conflict between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military junta has resulted in devastating attacks on Rohingya civilians, exacerbating an already dire situation. Immediate action is needed to prevent further atrocities and provide life-saving aid to affected communities.
The humanitarian situation in northern Rakhine State has reached catastrophic levels, particularly for the Rohingya people. On August 5, 2024, up to 200 Rohingya men, women, and children fleeing violence in Maungdaw were killed in a brutal attack as they tried to cross the Naf River into Bangladesh. This massacre is the latest in a series of violent incidents, including a deadly assault in Buthidaung on May 17, where the entire town was nearly decimated. Eyewitnesses clearly stated that the Arakan Army was responsible for these brutal assaults.
“The Rohingya in Rakhine State are in imminent danger, and the international community cannot afford to turn a blind eye,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK. “These are not isolated incidents—they are part of a systematic campaign of violence and terror that must be stopped. We need immediate international action to protect civilians and ensure that aid reaches those who need it most.”
Rohingya communities in northern Rakhine State are subjected to strict movement restrictions, internet blackouts, and severely limited access to humanitarian assistance. The International Court of Justice has already recognized the risk of genocide against the Rohingya, and the recent escalation in violence underscores the urgent need for protective measures.
BROUK calls on the United Nations, international humanitarian organizations, and governments worldwide to urgently intervene in Rakhine State. The immediate priorities must include:
Ensuring unimpeded humanitarian access to all affected areas, including Maungdaw and Buthidaung, to provide life-saving aid, including food, medicine, and shelter.
Facilitating safe passage for Rohingya and other civilians to reach designated areas of protection.
Supporting the establishment of a humanitarian corridor from Bangladesh to northern Rakhine State tofacilitate the delivery of essential supplies and services.
Enabling an independent international investigative team to enter Rakhine State to investigate the widespread and systematic violations against the Rohingya and other civilians, and to ensure robust monitoring of ongoing human rights abuses and potential war crimes.
Pressuring all parties to the conflict to adhere strictly to international humanitarian law and to cease all hostilities against civilians.
“The situation in Rakhine State is a humanitarian catastrophe demanding immediate and sustained international intervention. The Rohingya cannot endure another tragedy while the world remains silent,” said Tun Khin. “This is a test of our collective humanity. We must act now to stop this crisis and ensure justice for the Rohingya people. We are calling on governments, the United Nations, and international human rights organizations to act before more innocent lives are lost.”
For more information contact Tun Khin, President of BROUK at +44 788 871 4866..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2024-08-20
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Killings of Civilians, Mass Arson, Unlawful Recruitment in Rakhine State
Description:
"Killings of Civilians, Mass Arson, Unlawful Recruitment in Rakhine State
(Bangkok) – Myanmar junta forces and the opposition Arakan Army have committed extrajudicial killings and widespread arson against Rohingya, Rakhine, and other civilians in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State in recent months, Human Rights Watch said today. The military’s unlawful recruitment of Rohingya men and boys has stoked communal tensions between the Rohingya Muslim and Rakhine Buddhist communities.
In April and May 2024, the junta military and allied Rohingya armed groups as well as the advancing Arakan Army all committed atrocities against civilians. On May 17, as the Arakan Army gained control of the remaining junta military bases in Buthidaung township, its forces shelled, looted, and burned Rohingya neighborhoods in Buthidaung town and nearby villages, causing thousands of Rohingya to flee. The clashes have since moved west to Maungdaw, where fighting has surged over the past week, with reports of killings and other abuses against the Rohingya population, including children, women, and older people. All parties to the conflict should halt unlawful attacks, cease the use of hate speech, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access to those in need.
“Ethnic Rohingya and Rakhine civilians are bearing the brunt of the atrocities that the Myanmar military and opposition Arakan Army are committing,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Both sides are using hate speech, attacks on civilians, and massive arson to drive people from their homes and villages, raising the specter of ethnic cleansing.”
Human Rights Watch interviewed 33 ethnic Rohingya and Rakhine victims and witnesses to abuses and analyzed satellite imagery, open-source material, private videos and photos, and medical records.
The Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine armed group, has engaged in periods of heavy fighting with the Myanmar military for control of Rakhine State since late 2018. Hostilities between junta forces and the Arakan Army have surged since mid-November 2023, ending a year-long unofficial ceasefire. As the Arakan Army has rapidly expanded its control across Rakhine State, the military has responded with indiscriminate attacks using helicopter gunships, artillery, and ground assaults. From November to July, junta forces carried out over 1,100 airstrikes nationwide, more than one-fifth of them in Rakhine State, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED).
By April, fighting had intensified in the predominantly Muslim townships of Buthidaung and Maungdaw, where an estimated 240,000 Rohingya lived. Junta forces and allied Rohingya armed groups carried out arson attacks on ethnic Rakhine villages on the outskirts of Buthidaung town and Rakhine areas within the town in mid-April, according to satellite imagery analysis, witness accounts, and local media reports.
In late April, the Arakan Army began burning Rohingya villages east of Buthidaung town. Satellite imagery and thermal anomaly data analyzed by Human Rights Watch reveal that more than 40 villages and hamlets in Buthidaung township were partially or completely destroyed by fire from April 24 to May 21. Burning destroyed thousands of structures across the township, including predominantly Rohingya areas downtown. Human Rights Watch concluded that the pattern of destruction caused by fire throughout Buthidaung suggests that all these attacks were deliberate.
Residents said Arakan Army fighters began setting fire to Buthidaung town on the evening of May 17, despite having told them to evacuate by 10 a.m. the following day. Thousands of Rohingya displaced from nearby villages were sheltering in schools, homes, and the hospital in downtown Buthidaung. Witnesses said the burning, shelling, and gunfire were not in response to any evident fighting between the forces.
“Without any conflict, the Arakan Army besieged the town,” said a man who fled Buthidaung’s Ward 2. “They started launching heavy weapons and at the same time began setting the houses on fire. People ran, fleeing for their lives, while older people and children were left behind in burning houses. It was a real scene of Qayamat [apocalypse].”
The capture of Buthidaung displaced an estimated 70,000 people, mostly Rohingya, who fled to the west and south amid further attacks. The Arakan Army announced that it had captured all Myanmar junta bases in Buthidaung on May 18. Satellite imagery indicates that the arson attacks continued in the area through May 21, following the paths of people fleeing.
Human Rights Watch also verified videos and photographs posted on social media and shared privately that showed destroyed houses in Buthidaung in April and May and large groups of people fleeing.
Rohingya described being caught between junta and Arakan Army forces, both trying to coerce them to take sides in the conflict. The junta military has unlawfully recruited thousands of Rohingya men and boys from Rakhine State and the refugee camps in Bangladesh, with support from Rohingya armed groups, and has forced Rohingya to participate in sham protests against the Arakan Army. Such efforts have inflamed relations between the Rohingya and Rakhine, triggering the spread of hate speech and misinformation online and offline.
The Arakan Army has denied attacking Rohingya civilians, asserting it issued sufficient warning and that the May 17-18 fires resulted from junta airstrikes and arson committed by Rohingya militia. In an August 5 letter to Human Rights Watch, the Arakan Army stated, “We do not condone or engage in unlawful attacks or arson attacks against civilians.”
The laws of war prohibit deliberate and indiscriminate attacks on civilians and on civilian objects, such as homes, schools, and hospitals. Summary killings, mutilation of bodies, recruitment of children, looting, and arson are all prohibited as war crimes. Warring parties must take all feasible precautions to minimize harm to civilians, must cancel attacks if it becomes evident the target is not a military objective, and must provide effective advance warnings of attacks unless circumstances do not permit.
The Myanmar junta and Arakan Army should urgently allow access to Rakhine State to an independent international inquiry and to humanitarian agencies, Human Rights Watch said.
“The military junta and Arakan Army need to take immediate steps to protect civilians and civilian property during the hostilities,” Pearson said. “Governments with influence over the warring parties should weigh in forcefully or once again face a situation of ethnic cleansing.”
Names have been withheld or replaced with pseudonyms to protect the identities of victims and witnesses.
Crisis in Rakhine State
In 2017, more than 750,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide in the same areas beset by armed conflict today, seven years on. About 630,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State under a system of apartheid that leaves them exceptionally vulnerable to renewed fighting.
Since the February 2021 coup, the Myanmar military has committed crimes against humanity and war crimes across the country. Security forces have continued to persecute the Rohingya, arresting thousands for “unauthorized travel” and imposing new movement restrictions and aid blockages on Rohingya camps and villages.
The conflict has displaced an estimated 310,000 people in Rakhine State and southern Chin State since it resumed in November 2023. Yet the junta has ramped up its deadly blockages of humanitarian aid to civilians across Rakhine, a form of collective punishment that violates international humanitarian law. Security forces have shut down major roads and waterways, banned the transport of medical supplies, and attacked healthcare facilities. Internet and telecommunication outage data and reports from civil society groups demonstrate a total lack of internet services in Rakhine State between January 10 and May 31, 2024. These restrictions sustain the military’s longstanding “four cuts” strategy, designed to exert control over an area by isolating and terrorizing civilians.
Unlawful Forced Recruitment; Rising Hostilities
The military has been stoking communal tensions between the Rohingya and Rakhine communities through forced recruitment and other exploitative tactics, similar to its efforts during the 2012 ethnic cleansing campaign, Human Rights Watch said.
In late March, the military coerced Rohingya to participate in anti-Arakan Army protests in Buthidaung and Sittwe townships, threatening to burn down their homes, launch artillery attacks, or detain them if they refused. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that the military organized the protests “most likely in order to destabilize Rakhine State to its own advantage by inflaming communal tensions.”
The military activated the 2010 People’s Military Service Law in February, enabling conscription of Myanmar citizens. Despite having long been denied citizenship and regarded as foreigners, the Rohingya became the first targets of the conscription campaign.
Security forces have abducted and forcibly recruited thousands of Rohingya men and boys through nighttime raids, coercion, false promises of citizenship, and threats of arrest, abduction, and beatings. The military has been sending forced recruits to abusive two-week military training, then deploying them to the front lines, where some have been killed or injured. Local media reported in late April that the military had conscripted 5,000 Rohingya into military training.
Yusuf, who lived in the village of Htin Shar Pyin, said that junta soldiers forcibly recruited him with about three dozen other Rohingya in a 3 a.m. raid in late March. “The military now wants us to join them in their fight against the Arakan Army almost seven years after they brutalized our mothers and sisters in 2017,” he said. “None of us joined them willingly.” Yusuf said he saw over 1,000 Rohingya conscripts at the cantonment. For two months, he was deployed to the front lines in Buthidaung.
In Bangladesh, where one million Rohingya refugees live in camps, Rohingya armed groups forcibly recruited and smuggled at least 1,800 refugees into Rakhine State on behalf of Myanmar junta forces between mid-March and early June. A camp majhi (community leader) said that the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) armed group had tried to force the majhis to provide lists of 25 young men per camp block.
A Rohingya refugee said that on May 4, RSO members took his 15-year-old son, 17-year-old nephew, and about 20 other young men and boys to Myanmar. “We have stopped eating and drinking due to grief,” he said. “I want to get my son back. He is too young to understand anything about war.”
Rohingya said that the forced recruitment inflamed hostilities with Rakhine communities and made them a target of the Arakan Army. “Five young men were forcibly taken from our village by the military for conscription,” said a resident of Nan Yar Kone, a village attacked in early May. “I think this was why the Arakan Army launched the attack on our village in retaliation.”
In March and April, official Arakan Army social media accounts, including leader Twan Mrat Naing’s, referred to the Muslim Rohingya as “Bengali,” a pejorative term long used by the military to label them as foreigners. Both Rakhine and Rohingya accounts have spread misinformation and hate speech online.
“Before the recent clashes in Buthidaung, our relationship [with the Arakan Army] wasn’t so bad,” said Sadek, 19, from Htin Shar Pyin. “After these clashes, they started looting our houses and took all of our belongings on trucks.”
Another villager from Htin Shar Pyin said that during attacks on his village on May 14, Arakan Army fighters told them: “‘You sent your sons to the military for training to kill us. The military is your father. Is the military coming to protect you now? You don’t have the right to live in this area anymore.’ Afterward, they started burning the houses.”
April-May Violence
Between April 11 and 20, the junta military and Rohingya armed groups looted and set on fire ethnic Rakhine areas in Buthidaung town and villages to the south, according to satellite imagery reviewed by Human Rights Watch, witness accounts, and local media reports. Within the town, property in predominantly Rakhine, Hindu, and Khami areas in Wards 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 were set on fire in arson attacks between April 11 and 17, with Ward 4 most affected. The damage visible in the satellite imagery resulted from numerous fires originating in different parts of the town over several days, suggesting they were deliberately ignited. A Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) office and pharmacy were burned down on April 15.
A 26-year-old Rakhine villager from Buthidaung town said:
[Rohingya] Muslims collaborated with the SAC [State Administration Council junta] to destroy Rakhine villages and loot everything from the houses. The Muslims came in groups. The SAC forces were few, maybe around 10 or 20, but there were over 100 or around 200 Muslims. They destroyed our Buddhist religious buildings. They broke into the houses, took everything they wanted, loaded them onto their trucks, and then finally burned the houses. They also shot at us as we fled.
A 13-minute video made up of five clips was posted on Facebook by the account “Democratic Voice of Arakan” on May 26. The video, recorded from a moving vehicle, starts in Ward 3 and shows destroyed or partially destroyed buildings on both sides of the road in Wards 3 and 6 for the first five minutes. Satellite imagery captured on April 27 shows that most of the buildings filmed in this video were destroyed during the April attacks.
A photograph posted in a series on Facebook by Western News on April 24 shows dark smoke clouds filling the sky. Initially geolocated by Bellingcat and verified by Human Rights Watch, the photograph was taken south of Buthidaung Road in Ward 4 on April 14, according to the image timestamp.
While defeating junta units in Buthidaung, Arakan Army forces also began launching arson attacks on the surrounding Rohingya areas. Predominantly Rohingya villages and hamlets on the eastern bank of the Mayu River show destruction by fire in late April and early May, while smoke plumes and fires were detected on a dozen villages.
Ibrahim, 28, was severely injured in an attack on his village, Da Pyu Chaung:
Many people were killed in our village when the Arakan Army carried out random shootings and drone attacks. I was lying on the porch at our house. Suddenly a bomb fell on my neighbor’s house. Fragments severely damaged my face. The whole family of six next door was killed – two parents and four children – along with five others who were sheltering there. Days after the attack on our village, the Arakan Army captured MOC [Military Operations Command] 15. The Arakan Army also burned our village down.
The Arakan Army announced it captured the junta’s Military Operations Command 15 headquarters on May 2, about six kilometers east of Buthidaung town, after two weeks of fighting. A few days later, junta forces blew up the main bridge entrance to Buthidaung town from the east.
Da Pyu Chaung village is located less than 500 meters from the MOC headquarters. Satellite imagery captured in early May shows the village reduced to ashes along with other settlements nearby.
A Rakhine villager who witnessed Arakan Army fighters burning houses in U Hla Pay and Ywet Nyo Taung said the Arakan Army framed the attacks as “clearance operations” against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).
Rohingya fleeing attacks in late April and early May sought shelter across the river in Buthidaung town. Much of the ethnic Rakhine community had already fled the town, escaping earlier attacks and hostilities or having been evacuated by the Arakan Army.
May 17-18
Rohingya said that Arakan Army fighters warned them to leave Buthidaung town by the morning of May 18 but began setting fire to houses the night before. “Arakan Army fighters gave us an ultimatum to vacate the town by 10 a.m. tomorrow,” a 28-year-old Rohingya man said during a phone interview the night of May 17. “But now they suddenly came and forced us to leave instantly and started setting every house on fire. Now everywhere is in flames.”
An 85-year-old man from Ward 2 said his son had attended a meeting with Arakan Army fighters who told Rohingya to leave their houses by 10 a.m. on May 18. “But they came at around 10 p.m. on May 17 and started firing and setting fire to the houses while villagers were busy preparing food and packing their belongings to leave the next day,” he said.
Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that Arakan Army fighters set fire to buildings across Buthidaung town; fired artillery shells; shot at villagers who were fleeing or not willing or able to leave; and looted houses. “They didn’t hesitate to torch our houses, even with people inside,” said Kabir, who lived in Ward 1. “They started setting fire to our homes around 9 p.m. We were inside when they began. They launched mortar shells at our houses and burned our village mosque.” Satellite imagery reveals fire damage in all seven wards, with Wards 1, 2, 3, and 6 most affected.
Witnesses reported mortar and drone attacks on Buthidaung General Hospital, a mosque in Ward 1, a guest house in Ward 2, government buildings, schools including the high school, and other buildings where thousands of displaced Rohingya were sheltering. New tents and shelters are visible in the courtyard of Basic Education High School in Ward 1 in satellite imagery captured since late April.
Thermal anomalies were detected by an environmental satellite on May 17 in all seven wards. Satellite imagery from May 18 confirmed that the thermal anomalies were caused by fire, and that the destroyed areas were Rohingya neighborhoods that had not been affected during the April attacks. Residential buildings and other infrastructure surrounding the Basic Education High School in Ward 1 and Buthidaung General Hospital in Ward 2 were destroyed, along with Buthidaung market in Ward 6.
Fatema, 22, lived in Ward 4 with 10 family members, 6 of whom were killed on May 17. She fled her house with her husband and two children when it was set on fire at about 8 p.m., but five other family members, including her 70-year-old father-in-law, were trapped on the upper floor: “After we got out of the house, we waited a long time for them, but they never came out.” Arakan Army fighters started shooting at the masses of fleeing villagers, she said. “Without saying anything, they started shooting toward the crowd. My brother-in law was hit and killed by a bullet. We couldn’t pick up his dead body or gather other remains because we were all running to save our own lives.”
Fatema said she saw 10-12 people shot and killed while fleeing, including a young boy. “His mother had to leave him by the road,” she said.
“The Arakan Army didn’t let us retrieve the bodies,” Kabir said.
Witnesses said they identified the Arakan Army fighters by their uniforms and insignia, and heard them speaking Rakhine.
Arson attacks were also carried out in villages south of Buthidaung town. Residents of Htin Shar Pyin said Arakan Army troops had first attacked the village a few days earlier, launching shells and burning houses. Sadek said that the attacks resumed the evening of May 17, reaching his home around 9:30 p.m. He had gone to a nearby shop while his parents were finishing dinner. “Suddenly, countless mortar shells were launched at our houses, and they were set on fire,” he said. “I saw from the shop that my house was burning. I saw it burn to ash.”
Sadek fled with other villagers. “I saw almost 15 dead bodies scattered around as I fled,” he said. “The bodies were covered with cloths so I couldn’t identify anyone. Arakan Army troops were guarding the bodies: no one was allowed to approach them. I don’t know if my family members are still alive.” Another villager from Htin Shar Pyin said his 16-year-old cousin had been killed.
Satellite imagery from May 18 shows at least three impact craters with a diameter of about 2.5 meters located less than 100 meters from the southern part of Htin Shar Pyin village, people visible in the fields next to the village, and large vehicles along the road between Htin Shar Pyin and Done Chaung.
On May 18, the Arakan Army announced it had seized Buthidaung town and overtaken all military bases.
The UN told Reuters that at least 45 Rohingya died during the attack and its immediate aftermath.
Fleeing the Town
Thousands of Rohingya fled Buthidaung town the evening of May 17. With the main bridge providing access from the east side destroyed, people were forced to flee west and south of the town.
Large numbers were trapped in Ward 5, which was only partially burned, or outside the Buthidaung jail. “The Arakan Army is allowing Rohingya to stay in Ward 5, but they aren’t allowing us to flee to Maungdaw,” said a man sheltering at a warehouse. “It’s like a confinement.”
“Arakan Army fighters say those who violate their orders will be punished,” another man said.
Those who escaped the town to the west converged with junta troops retreating from the remaining bases overtaken by the Arakan Army, including the military’s Buthidaung Tactical Operations Command (TOC), which was captured after intense fighting on May 17. Witnesses said that Arakan Army fighters began firing at civilians and setting fire to houses in their efforts to overrun the military troops, some of whom continued fighting along the route.
Ahmad, 21, fled to Tat Min Chaung, near the Tactical Operations Command:
The scene was chaotic, with the military fleeing ahead and us caught in the middle. Many fleeing villagers were killed or arrested by the Arakan Army. I was hit in the shoulder by a bullet. People were killed before our eyes as we ran for our lives in the paddy fields. Some were hit by bullets, others were killed by heavy artillery shells. After arriving in a forest, we looked back and saw the village and the TOC on fire.
Sadek had fled to Tat Min Chaung from Htin Shar Pyin. “That night, a group of Arakan Army fighters were burning houses and launching heavy artillery,” he said. “The next day, they called us and started detaining villagers, accusing them of being recruited by the military or having ties with it.” Sadek was also shot during the attacks: “I was holding the wound with one hand as I ran to the crowd in the rice field.” Human Rights Watch reviewed his medical records from a hospital in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, including x-rays that show a bullet in his chest. His medical chart from May 24 states: “Gunshot 7 days ago over right side of chest. One entry wound; no exit wound.”
Fatema said that when she arrived at the Tactical Operations Command around 2:30 a.m. with other fleeing Rohingya, they were questioned by Arakan Army fighters. “They asked us if any Myanmar military were in the crowd,” she said. “We said no, since there were none. But they selected some young people and accused them of having ties with the military or being military recruits. They kicked and punched them and took them inside the base. They didn’t let us proceed so we stayed there the whole night.”
Two people said that while fleeing west, they saw bodies of people who had been beheaded, including at least two children. “When we arrived in Thar Mai Khali [Tat Min Chaung], we saw a mother and her child on her lap, both beheaded,” Yusuf said. “Then we saw another adolescent girl who had been beheaded. All were lying beside the road to the east of the mosque. We also saw thousands of villagers, including women and children, in the bushes. Children were screaming at the entrance of the village, and we saw four houses being burned down.” The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights confirmed at least four beheadings.
At 1:42 p.m. on May 18, satellite imagery captured a large crowd of people in a rice field, appearing to carry plastic sheltering, around 350 meters east of Tat Min Chaung.
Tat Min Chaung and nearby villages in the area show traces of burning. The image also shows impact craters across the Buthidaung Tactical Operations Command.
Satellite imagery shows that from May 17 to 21, about 17 additional villages south and northwest of Buthidaung town were burned, following patterns where people from downtown and surrounding villages had been trying to flee, including around Tat Min Chaung and Htin Shar Pyin areas.
Thousands who fled south ended up sheltering in schools and makeshift camps in Sein Hnyin Pyar under a curfew, movement restrictions, and limited aid. “I don’t know how my family is surviving without food,” Yusuf said. He fled to Bangladesh, but his wife, children, mother, and brothers remain in Buthidaung. “People are now very helpless and in extreme and dire situations. They are living under the open sky in rain and shine. I cried so much for my family; I have run out of tears.”
Many attempted the arduous journey into Bangladesh; only some succeeded. Border Guard Bangladesh forces have ramped-up pushbacks of asylum seekers along the Rakhine border since January. “On our way to Bangladesh, we suffered a lot: no food, no rest,” Fatema said. “We only survived on tender leaves of trees and water.”
Ibrahim from Da Pyu Chaung floated on the Naf River for two days after the Border Guard Bangladesh pushed his boat back, before finding another area where he could enter. He arrived in Bangladesh a month after his face and jaw were severely injured in the attacks. “During these days, we starved many times,” his father said.
Sadek arrived in Bangladesh after a week in the jungle. “On my way, I didn’t see any village untouched,” he said. “I was always in fear of being found.”
Ahmad traveled for six days through the mountains with his gunshot injury but was unable to cross the border. “I need to go to Bangladesh to get treatment for my bullet wound,” he said. “I’m currently struggling. There are no medical facilities in Maungdaw. The border is sealed, and more border security forces have been deployed. I still don’t know my parents’ whereabouts.”
Blockages of Aid, Telecoms
The junta’s increasing and deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid has endangered millions of people. In Rakhine State, an estimated 1.6 million people have been cut off from hospital access since early 2024, according to the UN.
MSF said on June 27 that it had been forced to suspend all medical activities in northern Rakhine State due to the “extreme escalation of conflict, indiscriminate violence, and severe restrictions on humanitarian access,” leaving people “with zero access to healthcare in the face of huge needs” and contributing to the “total decimation of the healthcare system.” Both Buthidaung and Maungdaw hospitals were shut down.
On June 22, a World Food Programme (WFP) warehouse in Maungdaw storing a month’s worth of lifesaving food and supplies for 64,000 people was looted and burned.
The UN and humanitarian organizations have reported that lack of access to medical care has caused growing malnutrition, waterborne illness, and preventable deaths, including of children due to treatable diarrhea and of pregnant women. “All communities are without proper primary and secondary healthcare and our teams observed pregnant women and unborn babies losing their lives due to the lack of healthcare,” MSF said.
“We do not know what to do or how to survive,” said a Rakhine villager displaced in April. “No food. Our children are sick. We urgently need medicine. We are filled with fears of aerial attacks and artillery.”
For months, the junta has severely restricted internet and phone services, with grave impacts on access to information, the humanitarian response, and the ability to document attacks. According to the Internet Outage Detection and Analysis (IODA) project, Rakhine State experienced a complete internet outage from January 10 until May 31. Human Rights Watch also documented through use of the tool GPSJam multiple instances of likely Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) jamming in and around the Buthidaung area, affecting telecommunication providers.
The Rohingya population remains particularly vulnerable to the junta’s restrictions, which contravene the December 2022 UN Security Council resolution and numerous other international calls.
In January 2020, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed provisional measures ordering Myanmar to prevent all genocidal acts against the Rohingya while it adjudicates alleged violations of the Genocide Convention. In a June report, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights concluded: “Actions taken by all parties that endanger the Rohingya appear inconsistent with the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice.”
On July 10, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on the Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar in which it “strongly condemns the attack in Buthidaung township on 17 May 2024 and the continuous targeting of Rohingya Muslims … and urges all parties to the conflict to fully comply with the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice.”
“For Rohingya people – oppressed, scapegoated, exploited, and stuck between warring parties – the situation carries echoes of the lead-up to genocidal violence in 2016 and 2017,” the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmartold the Human Rights Council on July 3..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-08-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
""The Rohingya crisis in Maungdaw Township in Arakan State is a heartbreaking story of survival amidst constant conflict and violence. The systematic targeting by the Arakan Army and military junta threatens the very existence of the Rohingya. The international community must not stay silent. Immediate action is necessary to protect the Rohingya and ensure their survival."
Khair Ullah, Rohingya Refugee Advocate, Human Rights Defender and Researcher, Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN) member
The Rohingya people of Arakan State are caught in the violent conflict between the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military. Forced into a deadly power struggle, they face recruitment into fighting, displacement, hunger, and senseless violence. They continue to have their basic human rights violated on a daily basis. This crisis demands immediate and urgent global attention and action to prevent the extermination of the Rohingya people.
The conflict has reached a breaking point. Civilian lives are being lost daily, with Rohingya families struggling to find food and shelter amidst the violence. In June, 70 Rohingya were reportedly killed, and hundreds injured; in July, 29 were reportedly killed and 64 injured, and on 5 and 6 August, over 200 Rohingya were reportedly killed near the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. Young Rohingya are being forced into combat, deepening the violence and tearing the Rohingya community apart. The military and the Arakan Army use the youths as shields on the frontlines, exacerbating the already desperate situation.
The Rohingya are a protected ethnic minority group. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2020 mandated Myanmar to protect and safeguard the Rohingya from genocidal attacks and preserve the evidence. The ICJ has ruled that Myanmar must take all the measures to protect Rohingya from further harm. Hence, all the parties involved in the armed conflict in Myanmar or Arakan must refrain from causing further destruction to the community. In this distressing situation, women and children are suffering in innumerable ways, directly violating all the safeguards available in International Human Rights Law. They are the most vulnerable groups in need of urgent support and humanitarian aid.
The consequences of turning a blind eye to the conflict
The world's neglect has worsened the Rohingya's suffering, leaving them isolated and vulnerable. With no internet access in their areas, communication is nearly impossible, deepening the isolation. The Rohingya people are facing the dual burdens of violence from the Arakan Army and neglect from the international community. While international intervention and advocacy could bring much-needed aid and protection, it also faces political backlash and challenges in effectively coordinating efforts in a conflict zone.
The Arakan Army's arbitrary arrests, disappearances, and killings within Rohingya communities create a cycle of fear and despair. The systematic targeting of Rohingya people by the Arakan Army and military junta is a genocidal campaign that threatens their very existence.
Ali Johar, Co-lead, Global Movement Against Statelessness and APRRN member continues: “Under the shadow of what’s happening in Bangladesh, hundreds of Rohingyas have been slaughtered in Arakan during the first week of August. On 6 August alone, locals on the Bangladesh side of the Naf River discovered at least 13 dead bodies of Rohingya women and children who were killed while trying to run for safety. But we continue to witness hesitant international attention. If the international community is already tired of the news of Rohingyas getting slaughtered every day, imagine how hopeless and unseen the Rohingya themselves may feel about this ongoing Genocide.
Sabber Kyaw Min, founder & Director, of Rohingya Human Rights Initiative (ROHRIngya) and APRRN member added:
“It’s heartbreaking to see, yet again, vulnerable Rohingya people being forcefully displaced from Maungdaw and struggling to cross into Bangladesh. The Military Junta and the Rakhine militants’ Arakan Army took advantage of the unfolding situation in Bangladesh to drive out the remaining Rohingya population in Maungdaw, Rakhine State, Myanmar. Hundreds have reportedly been killed.”
Direct experiences from people on the ground
APRRN members spoke to three Rohingya who fled Maungdaw Township in the last two weeks and are now in Bangladesh:
Solim, a 23-year-old from Arakan State, shared his plight: "There are constant clashes between the Arakan Army and the military, and I have no scope to run or hide from the regular fighting in the state."
Mohammed, a 31-year-old, expressed his despair: "We are on the brink of death as we haven't had anything to eat for several days, and the fear of violence is always in our minds. Both the military and the Arakan Army haven't halted fighting in most Rohingya villages."
Alam, a 42-year-old from Arakan State, highlighted his eyewitness account: "I saw that many people have gathered in the coastal area near the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar to escape the clash between the Arakan Army and military juntas. The Arakan Army intentionally fired drones at the Rohingya, and I saw more than 200 dead bodies on the beach, but luckily, I'm safe."
Recommendations by Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN)
APRRN calls for immediate global attention and comprehensive and sustainable action, and have the following recommendations:
The international community must urge the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army to cease fighting and protect all civilians, especially the Rohingya. Those responsible for human rights abuses must be held accountable;
Neighbouring states should allow international agencies, national groups, and camp volunteers to form rescue teams to facilitate aid to Rohingya trapped in Arakan State;
The international community should coordinate rescue teams to the borders [Bangladesh and Thailand] to protect and assist fleeing Rohingya;
APRRN also calls on Bangladesh to open the border and allow for the safe passage of civilians from Northern Rakhine who are seeking protection from the armed conflict;
Restoring internet access and communication channels is essential to aid coordination and support for the Rohingya community;
Sufficient funds should be allocated for critical resources, including food, shelter, and medical care;
Comprehensive support services to address the trauma and psychological needs of the Rohingya should be established.
For further information, please reach out to Hafsar Tameesuddin ([email protected]), and Klaus Dik Nielsen ([email protected]) Co-Secretaries General, Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN).
The Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN) is a network of over 280 civil society organisations and individuals from 30 countries. We are committed to protecting and promoting the rights of refugees and other vulnerable groups on the move in the Asia Pacific..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network"
Date of publication:
2024-08-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Rohingya activists and local media reports say that civilians have been targeted by the Arakan Army in Maungdaw, a town close to the border with Bangladesh.
Description:
"New reports are emerging of atrocities against Rohingya civilians in western Myanmar, as a powerful ethnic armed group approaches the town of Maungdaw in Rakhine State.
Rohingya activists and local media outlets say that an unknown number of Muslim Rohingya civilians have been killed by the Arakan Army (AA) in recent days, as it has extended its control over the mainly Rohingya town close to the country’s border with Bangladesh.
Wai Wai Nu, a well-known Rohingya activist based at the UC Berkeley School of Law’s Human Rights Center, posted on X yesterday that the situation in Maungdaw had evolved into “a deadly catastrophe” and that the town’s Rohingya population had fallen victim to “escalating atrocities.”
Citing local community sources, she said that the Rohingya had been “entirely expelled from the downtown” of Maungdaw and were now trapped along the Naf River, which forms the township’s long border with Bangladesh. She reported that “over a hundred” Rohingya had been killed, and that AA drone strikes near the Naf injured many others. She said that Rohingya were also being killed in the crossfire of the battle between the AA and the remaining Myanmar military forces in and around the town.
Another Rohingya journalist claimed that the AA “killed more than 200 [Rohingya]” in Maungdaw yesterday, and that “thousands” were on their way to cross the Naf River into Bangladesh. His post on X was accompanied by a video appearing to show dead bodies strewn along the ground.
The AA is the armed wing of the United League of Arakan, an ethnic Rakhine organization fighting to establish an independent Rakhine polity in western Myanmar. The AA has made significant gains in Rakhine State since the collapse of a ceasefire with the military junta in November, and now reportedly exercises primary control over more than half of the state’s 17 townships. The AA has been battling for control of Maungdaw for several months, after overrunning the neighboring township of Buthidaung in May. On August 2, The Irrawaddy reported that the AA was concentrating its fire on the last junta battalion defending the town. On the 5th, Narinjara News reported that AA soldiers were reported to have entered the town, where they were engaging in gunfights with the military. The report also stated that the AA was attacking fleeing junta soldiers with drones, while the Myanmar Air Force responded with air strikes.
According to a report in Arakan Express News, the AA has been “in control” of Maungdaw since early yesterday morning. (The AA has not yet announced the seizure of the town.) It, too, stated that “at least 150 Rohingya civilians were killed and over 500 were injured” during the battle for the town, and that the AA “has dropped drone bombs and sank the boats of Rohingya civilians trying to cross towards Bangladesh.” The AFP news agency reported that a boat carrying 29 Rohingya civilians sank in the Naf River yesterday, resulting in at least 10 drownings, but did not state what caused the sinking.
These local reports are unconfirmed and preliminary and vary considerably in terms of their details and the number of casualties claimed. While it may be some time before more details emerge, the reports are worrying in light of the more substantiated atrocities that have taken place in Rakhine State in recent months.
In May, after the AA captured Buthidaung, arson attacks reduced large parts of the town to ash, forcing tens of thousands to flee. Rohingya eyewitnesses claimed that the AA was responsible for the attacks; the group denied it, blaming junta air and artillery strikes. It also accused Rohingya militant groups of collaborating with the regime, which has also forcibly conscripted a large number of Rohingya and deployed them against the AA in Rakhine State.
However, the most thorough independent assessments seem to point to AA responsibility for most of the arson in Buthidaung. According to analysis by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, the AA carried out these attacks in retaliation for earlier arson attacks by the military junta and Rohingya militants on the town’s Buddhist- and Hindu-majority neighborhoods.
In June, the AA announced that it was on the verge of capturing Maungdaw, and “urgently” called on all of its residents to evacuate. Given the events of the previous month, some reasonably interpreted this as a warning that it would treat any civilians remaining as legitimate targets.
It is clear that the Myanmar military has an underlying responsibility for the situation facing the Rohingya. Most of those trapped in and around Maungdaw were survivors of the genocidal “clearance operation” launched by the Myanmar military in August 2017, which ended up driving more than 740,000 Rohingya civilians across the border into Bangladesh and wiped dozens of Rohingya villages off the map.
Now, facing the AA’s onslaught, it has sought to harness the lingering sectarian bitterness in Rakhine State in order to advance its own goals, partnering with Rohingya militant groups and conscripting Rohingya civilians – some of the very same people it sought to ethnically cleanse in 2017 – to fight the AA.
The Irrawaddy reported on August 2 that “Muslim militia groups such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and Rohingya Solidarity Organization, as well as Muslim forced conscripts, are fighting alongside the regime” in Maungdaw. In her posts on X yesterday, Wai Wai Nu stated that the junta is “reportedly collaborating with armed groups,” which she said “falsely claim their #Rohingya representation.” These groups were also “blocking Rohingya civilians from possible escape routes from #Maungdaw,” she added.
However we weigh the responsibility for the situation currently facing the Rohingya, there is nowhere really for these people to go. The most accessible route is across the Naf River into Bangladesh, over which nearly three-quarters of a million Rohingya fled after the military’s “clearance operation” in 2017. By all accounts, this is the route that many are now seeking to take, given the hostility they face from the various political factions within Myanmar. As things stand, the AA’s treatment of the Rohingya of Buthidaung and Maungdaw will form a large black asterisk next to the progress of the Spring Revolution..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2024-08-07
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"More than five years have passed since the atrocities committed against the Rohingyas in the Rakhine State of Myanmar in August 2017 forced nearly a million of them to take refuge in Bangladesh. With the prolongation of the Rohingya crisis, newer challenges are emerging for Bangladesh. The Rohingyas living in the camps in Bangladesh are willing to return to their homeland. The International Court of Justice’s verdict on July 22, 2022, rejecting all four Preliminary Objections of Myanmar, has paved the way to ensure accountability, an essential mechanism for finding a solution to the Rohingya crisis. At the same time, there have been public statements from government officials in Bangladesh, China, and Myanmar that repatriation will start soon. However, critics, both within the country and outside, point out that such repatriation should not compromise the principle of nonrefoulment. In this context, in the last few years, several pathways to the repatriation of the Rohingya have been envisaged and brought to the attention of policymakers and other national and international stakeholders. Eight potential pathways can easily be identified.
1 The Bilateral Approach
Bangladesh engaged with Myanmar bilaterally from the beginning of the crisis. One could list at least eight meetings when the Memorandum of Arrangement (MoA) on the Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State was signed, on November 23, 2017. The last bilateral meeting took place virtually on June 14, 2022. But nothing concrete has materialized so far, although there have been developments between the two countries, with China’s participation – to which I will return below. However, from the beginning, there were specific weaknesses in the bilateral approach. Three could be flagged. One is the signing of an “Arrangement” between Bangladesh and Myanmar, in place of an “Understanding” or “Agreement.” One cannot help but point out that in signing a “Memorandum,” the weakest type is an “Arrangement.” This is because neither “Understanding” nor “Arrangement” has any legally binding force; they only indicate the “willingness” of the parties. Only an “Agreement” is legally binding on the parties. Moreover, there have been few examples of signing an “Arrangement” between two countries globally.
The MoA signed in Nay Pyi Taw stipulated that the return “will commence at the earliest and shall be completed in a time-bound manner agreed [to] by both parties.i It is easy to see that not only did the Rohingya did not return, but also, no period of time was mentioned in the “Arrangement.” The parties only agreed to the “process of return.” Such, “process of return shall commence within two months of the signing of this Arrangement.”ii However, there is a vagueness in how this “process” is to be completed. The signed document only mentions that the “process” shall be “completed within a reasonable time from the date the first batch of returnees is received.” This flexibility allowed Myanmar to flout and delay the process and the period. Second, a Joint Working Group will be established “within three weeks of signing this arrangement.”iii This has occurred – but, so far, without progress on repatriating the Rohingyas residing in Bangladesh. Third, “a specific instrument on the physical arrangement for the repatriation of returnees will be drawn up upon agreement in a speedy manner following the conclusion of this Arrangement.”iv No such “agreement” has been reached in the last five years, or since the signing of the “Arrangement” in 2017, which only shows the limitation of the wording “speedy manner”!
In the bilateral meeting, however, one crucial issue seems to have been ignored. This relates to Myanmar committing “genocide” or “crimes against humanity.” On the contrary, the foreign minister of Bangladesh handed over three ambulances for their use in Rakhine State as a gift from Bangladesh to Myanmar on the day of the signing the MoA. A gesture of this kind does not show that Bangladesh was dealing with a “genocidal regime” or a regime that has committed violent atrocities against its residents, the evidence for which was abundant from the day the Rohingyas were driven out in August 2017. Moreover, the body language of the Bangladesh delegation remained subdued, although Bangladesh could have engaged with Myanmar on a high moral ground, particularly given the fact that the latter had committed mass atrocities against the Rohingyas.
What were the reasons for this? Three factors seem to have played out. The first was Foreign Minister Mahmud Ali’s earlier experience dealing with Myanmar on the Rohingya exodus. Mahmud Ali negotiated the Burmese Refugees Repatriation Agreement in 1992, when he was the country’s additional foreign secretary. This probably gave him the confidence that this time, too, he could pull it off and have the Rohingyas return to Arakan without delay, without realizing that this time the context was markedly different. Not only was there evidence that the Myanmar military had committed mass atrocities, even genocide, but also that Myanmar had entered the global world with key Asian countries – including China, India, and Japan – on its side, with the Western countries having withdrawn sanctions after Aung San Suu Kyi’s release and her assuming governmental power. Second, Bangladesh could have been advised by “friendly countries” to have the MoA signed, with Bangladesh believing that such countries would be able to impress upon or pressure Myanmar for a quick repatriation of the Rohingyas. And third, Bangladesh also wanted a quick solution as part of its civilizational quest of not having conflicts with its neighbors and focusing more on its robust developmental trajectory. This point may sound odd, but it should not be minimized, particularly considering the fact that Bangladesh never saw Myanmar as an “enemy.” Instead, Bangladesh, despite hosting over 1.1 million Rohingya refugees, a population larger than Bhutan’s, continues to have regular trading and other relations with Myanmar. However, whatever the merit of this approach, nothing productive has resulted from Bangladesh engaging with Myanmar bilaterally on the Rohingya issue.
2 The Multilateral Approach
The involvement of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on the Rohingya issue has been critical, with its role mentioned as early as November 2017 in the Memorandum of Arrangement: “UNHCR and other mandated U.N. agencies as well as interested international partners would be invited to take part, as appropriate, in various stages of return and resettlement, and to assist returnees in carrying on life and livelihood as members of Myanmar society.”v It took another six months, until May 2018, for Myanmar to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and UNHCR, which categorically stated that “after the necessary verification, those who have left Myanmar are to return voluntarily and safely to their households and original places of residence or a safe and secure place nearest to it of their choice.vi However, there has not been much headway in the repatriation of the Rohingya. On the contrary, the multilateral approach, particularly as undertaken by UNHCR and other mandated U.N. agencies, has focused more on Bangladesh than Myanmar. Flagging one area – education, for instance – would suffice to provide credence to the contention.
The U.N. agencies have impressed upon Bangladesh that it needs to provide education to the Rohingya refugees, but what kind of education is meant? According to the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, “refugee children need to be included in the national education systems of their host countries.”vii This would suggest that the Rohingya refugees get an education in a “formal curriculum” and in the local language. Understandably, the Rohingyas must be able to communicate with the host community’s members. But given the context that the Rohingyas are not only “refugees” but are also “stateless,” not knowing Burmese and English would add to their plight, as it would further marginalize them from the majority Burman population and jeopardize their future when they return to Myanmar.
However, a balance could be struck on the issue of language. This could be done by pursuing a twofold policy. First, it would entail implementing 100% literacy – indeed, not only for the 73 percent illiterate Rohingya refugees but also for the 60.7% illiterate members of the host community in the Cox’s Bazar district.viii Second, it would mean rendering knowledge of English to Rohingya refugees and children of the host community. At the regional level, knowing English would help the members of both communities communicate and gain employment both within and beyond borders. The protection area, or safety net, needs to be broadened to include the Rohingya refugees and the vulnerable local population residing in the vicinity.
Employment opportunities of this precise kind should also be explored, in fact, of the type that would make the Rohingyas equally, if not more, helpful once they are repatriated to Myanmar. Becoming skilled in as many languages as possible would only add to the opportunities of the job seeker. Indeed, only at their peril could Bangladesh and the international community ignore the education of the refugees and the host community members. But then, when Bangladesh decided to relocate 100,000 Rohingya refugees out of the total 1.1 million to Bhasan Char Island in the Bay of Bengal, 60 kilometers from the mainland, mainly to provide skills development training for agricultural work,ix the international community, including nongovernmental humanitarian agencies, objected to the relocation on the ground that the island is not safe for habitation.
Only in May 2021, after over a year of procrastinating and when some 13,000 Rohingyas had already been moved to the island at Bangladesh’s expense, did the U.N. agencies agree to support the relocated Rohingyas. Still, only 30,000 Rohingyas have been relocated out of the proposed 100,000.x Funds for relocation were flagged repeatedly, more so because the funding for the Rohingyas has been gradually declining since the COVID-19 pandemic hit the economy of donor countries in 2020, followed by the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war since February 2022. One estimate shows that in 2019, Bangladesh and the U.N. agencies raised $636.7 million out of the $920.5 million required for the refugee program. But in 2022, the donors delivered only half the budget of $881 million.xi In the meantime, the entire gaze of the international humanitarian agencies, despite the May 2018 MoU cited above, shifted from Myanmar to Bangladesh, which must have made Myanmar even less interested in pursuing the repatriation of the Rohingyas and resettling them. Yet the multilateral approach, including the involvement of the U.N. and other agencies, remains critical for resolving the plight of the stateless Rohingyas.
3 The Tripartite Pathway
Bangladesh, Myanmar, and China agreed to form a “tripartite joint working mechanism” for Rohingya repatriation in New York on September 24, 2019. Subsequently, several trilateral meetings were held. The most recent meeting took place in Kunming in April 2023, amid news that a pilot project on repatriation would commence before the rainy season. But before assessing the pros and cons of the tripartite meeting in Kunming, it is worth pointing out China’s interests in resolving the Rohingya crisis. Three reasons could be flagged.
The first reason is Chinese investments and the quest for stability. China has been Bangladesh’s largest source of foreign direct investment since 2022. In fiscal year (FY) 2021-22, China invested approximately $940 million in Bangladesh.xii Moreover, China remains Bangladesh’s most influential trading partner. The bilateral trade between the two countries showed robust growth of 58% in FY 2022.xiii However, China’s investment in Myanmar has been more significant than Bangladesh’s. One estimate shows China invested over $25 billion from 1988 to June 2019.xiv Even since the military coup in February 2021, China’s investment in Myanmar has remained as steady as ever. Economic investments in both countries also compel China to seek stability, lest the investments become too risky and costly.
Second, China wants to offset Western influences in Myanmar. This has made China remain at Myanmar’s side, despite Myanmar’s serious human rights violations over the years – including in the postcoup period since February 2021, which saw more than 3,000 civilians killed, nearly 17,000 detained, and more than 1.5 million displaced.xv This has become all the more important since the United States’ declaration of the Burma Act 2023, which allows the Biden administration to interpret the act more liberally, mainly when providing military aid to ethnic armed organizations.xvi The act also gives the Biden administration the discretionary authority to make significant changes.xvii This has undoubtedly compelled China to put pressure on Myanmar for an early resolution of the Rohingya crisis, including initiating a process for their repatriation to the Arakan, lest the region become ripe for conflicts, with the United States getting involved near the Chinese border.
Third, any breakthrough in the tripartite pathway, particularly in making the Rohingyas return to their ancestral lands in the Arakan and making them legal residents of Myanmar, would boost Chinese status in the region and the world. Besides Rohingya refugees returning to Myanmar, the Chinese three-phase plan of November 2017 sought a long-term solution based on poverty alleviation.xviii
However, the tripartite approach has yet to make much headway. In 2018 and 2019, the trilateral initiative failed to repatriate a single Rohingya from Bangladesh. This time, the three countries met in Kunming in April 2023 and planned to initiate a pilot project to repatriate over 1,000 Rohingya refugees. The initiative saw a 20-member Rohingya delegation visiting Arakan on May 5, 2023, to see the two model villages erected for the pilot project.xix Although it is too early to say whether the pilot project will materialize before the onslaught of the rainy season, as envisaged, the complexity cannot be underestimated. One is the mixed reaction among the members of the Rohingya delegation after the visit.xx The extent to which the Rohingyas are eager to compromise on their four-point demands – seeking national identification and citizenship rights, return of their original land or properties, rights to livelihood and movement, and security assurance – remains a core issue.xxi
Moreover, the UNHCR, although aware of the visit, is not involved in the tripartite initiative, which could dampen the enthusiasm among the Rohingyas for the pilot project. But given the international isolation of Myanmar, coupled with the factor of civil unrest at home and various judicial processes being undertaken against Myanmar on the issue of genocide, it is not difficult to see that Myanmar would want to initiate the repatriation in order to make a difference in its dismal position, both at home and abroad. At the same time, Rohingya repatriation, even in a pilot form, would provide an electoral dividend to the ruling party in Bangladesh, with the national election scheduled in two or three months. Initiating a pilot project on the Rohingya repatriation in the remaining months of 2023, possibly discreetly, cannot be ruled out.
However, this project is currently on hold, for three reasons. First, there are disputes between Bangladesh and Myanmar on the list provided by Bangladesh and the identity of the Rohingyas. These disputes have arisen more from the Rohingyas’ demand to resettle their original land, which the Myanmar military is not eager to do. Moreover, the Myanmar military has transformed some Rohingya lands beyond recognition. Second, the MoU reached between Myanmar and the UNDP and UNHCR in May 2018 has lapsed and needs renewal, which has yet to be done. Bangladesh and the international agencies require firm guarantees from the Myanmar military that the repatriated Rohingyas would feel safe and can engage in livelihood-related activities without fear and discrimination, something to which the Myanmar military has yet to commit and provide in writing. Finally, since only a few months are left before the Myanmar military would like to go slowly and wait for the outcome.
4 Accountability
The issue of accountability has seen significant developments in the last five years. The two provisional rulings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) were the most promising ones, particularly for pursuing the crime of genocide committed by the Myanmar military against the Rohingyas and providing legal recognition of the Rohingya identity. This was achieved unanimously with the consent of judges from Myanmar, China, India, Russia, and many more countries. Let me elaborate on this.
The ICJ hearing on the Rohingya genocide was held in The Hague on December 10-12, 2019. This is a unique case. An African country, The Gambia, brought charges against an Asian country, Myanmar, for committing genocide against the Rohingyas in the Arakan. This is something that no one expected. Indeed, if it surprised the world, it surprised Myanmar the most. In less than two months after the hearing on January 23, 2020, the ICJ granted the provisional measures requested by The Gambia.xxii Two things from the provisional measures stand out clearly.
First, the order of the ICJ was unanimous. This Myanmar had never expected. In all probability, Myanmar was looking for a split decision at the ICJ, which would have allowed it to rally at home that not all members had agreed to the provisional measures and, therefore, the order could be ignored. Fortunately for the Rohingyas and those supporting their cause, this did not happen. Second, the ICJ identified the group at the center of the case as “Rohingyas.” This statement by the ICJ is worth noting:
The Court’s references in this Order to the “Rohingya” should be understood as references to the group that self-identifies as the Rohingya group and that claims a longstanding connection to Rakhine State, which forms part of the Union of Myanmar.xxiii
Indeed, this was a significant victory for the Rohingyas, with implications far beyond the provisional measures. In many ways, it was a direct slap on the face of Myanmar for keeping a taboo on the word “Rohingya.” There is no denying the fact that the recognition of the “Rohingya identity” remains critical. If anything, it is the most significant stumbling block and, conversely, a way to resolve the crisis.
The disruptive policy of Myanmar, which has gradually disenfranchised and dehumanized the Rohingyas, comes from an “unspoken racial feeling” of the military and civilian elite of the country. This, unfortunately, found a “legal” expression in the 2008 National Constitution of Myanmar. As Thant Myint-U points out:
The Constitution … included an arcane formula tied to race. Any taing-yintha (or multinational races) “whose population constitutes at least 0.1% of the national populace” (around 50,000 people in 2010) was entitled to representation in local legislative assemblies and ministerial portfolios in local administrations. If a taing-yintha constituted more than half of two contiguous townships, it was entitled to an “autonomous zone.” So, in addition to ethnically-based states for the Shan, Kachin, and five others, there would now be “self-administered zones” for the Nagas, Danus, and a few smaller ethnic groups.
I’ve heard many Burmese warn that giving Muslims in northern Arakan taing-yintha status, as “Rohingya,” would lead automatically to their being entitled to a zone of their own. “A part of Burma would fall under Sharia law,” a university lecturer whispered. To consider the Muslims of northern Arakan as one of the “National Races” fused anxieties around both race and religion. The ethnonym “Rohingya” was particularly toxic for this reason, as it means literally “of Arakan” and therefore implied that those to whom it referred were indigenous. On the other hand, if they were called “Bengalis,” they could be seen … as immigrants and not natives deserving special protection and special rights (Myint-U, 2020:108-109).xxiv
Good sense prevailed during the hearing at the ICJ, where Suu Kyi and her team refrained from using the words “Bengalis” or “illegal migrants” for the Rohingyas. Given the proliferation of research on the Rohingyas in recent times, Myanmar is well aware that labeling the Rohingyas as “Bengalis” or “illegal migrants” would take them nowhere. Instead, this would make them closer to being accused of committing genocide against the Rohingyas. Myanmar also knows that the International Criminal Court has opened an investigation into crimes committed against the Rohingyas in Arakan. Also, there is a lawsuit pending in the Argentinian Supreme Court on the issue of the Myanmar military committing genocide against the Rohingya population. Furthermore, now that the United States has officially declared that the Myanmar military has committed genocide against the Rohingya, the issue of accountability will get an additional boost and pressure the Myanmar military to resolve the issue.
5 Reimposing Sanctions
Economic pressure in the form of sanctions on Myanmar is required. Although sanctions often economically harm the disempowered more than the empowered, the West has utilized sanctions, not always from the standpoint of economic merit but also on moral grounds, which certainly brings pressure on the sanctioned regime to reform and rectify within. The United States withdrew sanctions from Myanmar in 2016, followed by other countries. This is where the Myanmar military cleverly used Aung San Suu Kyi. Her acceptance by the military created space for sanctions to be withdrawn and allowed Myanmar to begin globalization. Many would argue that the Myanmar military created a semblance of democracy and allowed Suu Kyi to come to power precisely because sanctions made it difficult for the military to govern the population and cleverly assessed that the West would fall for the bait and withdraw the sanctions if space were provided to Suu Kyi, even if it was on the military’s terms. However, now, with Suu Kyi’s internment, the time has come to reimpose sanctions, which will make a difference not only to the lives of the Rohingyas but also to the Myanmar people who have been suffering since February of last year.
Sanction politics has come back since the start of Russia’s war with Ukraine. However, it must be quickly pointed out that the international community, particularly the Western countries, did not shy away from imposing sanctions on Iran, North Korea, and even China on various items. There is no reason, therefore, not to reimpose sanctions on Myanmar because of its perceived noneffectiveness. Anything less at this stage will only empower the Myanmar military. In December 2016, U.S. President Barack Obama lifted sanctions against Myanmar, saying “it had made strides in improving human rights.”xxv But a year later, under President Donald Trump, new sanctions were imposed on Myanmar military commanders in 2018 and 2019, as evidence of atrocities by the military came to light.xxvi
Western countries have thus far imposed sanctions only on military personnel and companies in Myanmar. The United States has placed visa and financial sanctions on 9 Myanmar military officers, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and on two military units for their involvement in attacks on Rohingya and Burmese civilians.xxvii The European Union also sanctioned 22 Myanmar military officials and some gas companies,xxviii which has hardly impacted the Myanmar military. Sanctions on a larger scale to put pressure on the military are still absent. Moreover, the current sanctions were imposed in response to Myanmar’s recent military coup and are unrelated to the Rohingya issue.
A beginning on reimposing sanctions could be made by exposing and shaming the companies that have invested in Myanmar, by telling them that since they are profiting from a country that is killing its people and has forcibly displaced 1.1 million of its population and is now under investigation for committing genocide and crimes against humanity, these companies will also be held responsible for their “complicity in crime” if they continue to profit from their investments. It is worth pointing out that foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into Myanmar increased by $259.6 million in the quarter ending in September 2022, compared with an increase of $392.5 million in the previous quarter.xxix Moreover, Myanmar approved $1.45 billion in FDI during the first seven months of 2022-23, mainly from Singapore, a conduit for foreign money into Myanmar and China.xxx In this context, investigative information would be required because the Myanmar military has stopped disclosing the projects it has approved since the coup.
But the sad aspect here is that Myanmar is still eligible for trade benefits from the United States under the General System of Preferences. Even the Burma Act makes an exception for U.S. imports from Myanmar.xxxi This sends the wrong signals to Myanmar and U.S. allies that maintain trade preference programs with Myanmar. At the same time, international financial institutions provide significant development funding to Myanmar. For instance, the World Bank announced $460 million in credits to upgrade electricity power generation and improve health services.xxxii There ought to be sanctions on such projects until the discriminatory laws, policies, and practices are addressed. The international community, particularly the Western countries that campaign for a rule-based international order, must use its collective influence to ensure that sanctions are reimposed, so that the Myanmar military will feel pressure to resolve the Rohingya crisis.
6 A Policy of Decoupling
“Decoupling” refers to a policy, widely practiced by various countries, that means to separate a particular activity from others. The former policy is pursued while contradicting the latter policy, in order to attain critical objectives. This is mainly because countries have varied interests and priorities, which are not always all equally important but are carried out to meet urgent national goals. This creates space for separating one policy from the other without jeopardizing the country’s relationships and core national interests. Some countries, for instance, have strategic and economic interests in Myanmar, and thus policy changes cannot be brought about instantly. This is understandable, but such countries also have the power to impress upon Myanmar the need to change its policy in a different area by taking action related to that area. In situations like this, what is required from such countries is to decouple the Rohingya issue from their strategic and financial interests.
This is where Japan made a difference when it cosponsored a resolution in the United Nations in November 2021 favoring the Rohingya community.xxxiii Although this was done in the context of changes in Myanmar in February 2021, which saw the removal of Suu Kyi and the military takeover of the government, with the U.N. Myanmar seat held by the forces favorable to the former, it is still a good sign that a longtime strategic partner of Myanmar decided to put pressure on the latter by decoupling the Rohingya issue from its strategic interests. Japan formerly used to abstain from such resolutions, but by cosponsoring the resolution, Japan for the first time decoupled the Rohingya issue from its strategic interests in Myanmar. And since Japan cosponsored the resolution, it is bound to put pressure on Myanmar.
Even by recognizing the “Rohingya identity,” pressure is being put on Myanmar to change its decision of not recognizing the Rohingya community as one of the ethnic groups of Myanmar. Myanmar so far recognizes 135 ethnic groups clustered in eight “national races.”xxxiv It may be pointed out that several countries, including Myanmar, refer to the Rohingyas as “Arakanese Muslims” without realizing that there are also Rohingya Hindus,xxxv and even Rohingya Christians.xxxvi More importantly, one should use the word “Rohingya” mainly because the ICJ, to which all U.N. members are legally bound, has recognized the community as Rohingya. Therefore, there is no reason why “Rohingya” should not be used while discussing the latter’s plight vis-à-vis Myanmar. That itself would contribute to decoupling and putting pressure on Myanmar. Similarly, inviting a Rohingya delegation to India or Japan, for instance, would decouple the Rohingya issue from these countries’ core strategic or economic interests and make Myanmar realize that the Rohingya issue will not go away. Instead, the more quickly it is resolved, the more stable and comprehensive these countries’ relationships will be.
But unfortunately, one also sees other kinds of decoupling, which only go on to empower the Myanmar military, to the detriment of the Rohingyas’ lives and of the dissenting forces supportive of the National Unity Government in exile. This relates mainly to the sale and manufacturing of weapons. The following report is noteworthy:
Companies in the United States, Europe and Asia have been helping Myanmar’s military manufacture weapons used in human rights abuses, according to three former United Nations experts. Companies from 13 countries – including France, Germany, China, India, Russia, Singapore and the United States – have been providing supplies that are “critical” to the production of weapons in Myanmar. … It found that high precision machines manufactured by companies based in Austria, Germany, Japan, Taiwan and the U.S. are currently being used by the Myanmar military at its weapons factories. … Software to operate these machines is being provided by companies based in France, Israel and Germany. … Singapore, meanwhile, functions as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items, including certain raw materials, that feed the Myanmar military’s weapons production, and Taiwan is believed to serve as an important route for the military’s purchase of the high precision machines. … The military also regularly sends these machines from KaPaSa factories to Taiwan, where they are serviced by technicians associated with the European manufacturers of the machines, after which they are shipped back to Myanmar.xxxvii
The countries mentioned in the report often emphasize a rule-based international order and the need for democratic principles and human rights to thrive in Myanmar. But at the same time, they have no qualms in decoupling such principles, selling weapons to Myanmar, and profiting from this. The time has come to expose and shame such deals while impressing on their practitioners the need to decouple their arms sales and pressure Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya crisis.
7 Economic Incentives
The idea of offering economic incentives may sound odd, particularly with the backdrop of Myanmar committing genocide against the Rohingyas. But let us take a dispassionate or “realist” look at this approach. It is already known that the Myanmar military is either directly or indirectly involved in the drug trade, particularly for Yaba, a synthetic drug composed of a methamphetamine substance. Historically, Myanmar has always been a significant producer of opium, which has contributed to the country’s gross domestic product. UNODC recently provided data on the opium cultivation in Myanmar, which has seen a declining trend.xxxviii However, the decline in opium cultivation has resulted in a situation where drug lords, albeit with the connivance of the Myanmar military, have shifted their illicit narcotics production from natural to synthetic drugs.
The bulk of the production takes place in Myanmar’s Shan state. Looking at the output, one can easily see its enormity. One recent report revealed that the authorities in Laos, Thailand, and Myanmar seized 90 million methamphetamine tablets and 4.4 tons of crystal methamphetamine in January 2022 alone,xxxix which gives us a sense of the size of the trade. More than 70% of seizures of Yaba occurred in the Cox’s Bazar district,xl mainly because of its geographical location, as it shares a critical border with Myanmar. Not surprisingly, there are indications that the Myanmar military profits from Yaba production and its distribution worldwide, including in Bangladesh.
The seizure of Yaba went up sharply after the Rohingya exodus in 2017 and peaked in 2020. The Rohingyas, however, are not consumers of Yaba; one hardly finds a severe addict among the Rohingyas. However, the Rohingyas became involved in the narcotics trade because of the opportunity to earn quick money, which caused a steep rise in drug-related incidents in Bangladesh, particularly in the Cox’s Bazar area.xli But since 2021, mainly due to the efforts of the Bangladesh Border Guards and other security agencies, there has been a steady decline in the seizure of Yaba.xlii This gives the impression that the flow of Yaba is on the decline. But this is very deceptive, because there has been a steep rise in the seizure of crystal meth ice, which is nothing but concentrated Yaba and is more profitable when drug dealers successfully transport it. It is worth pointing out that Myanmar has long been a leading producer and trafficker of illicit drugs, with drug exports generating $1-2 billion annually.xliii The trafficking and selling of illegally mined jade and gemstones also bring benefits of up to $31 billion annually.xliv During the 1990s, the Myanmar military increased its cooperation with several insurgent groups in the region. In exchange for a cease-fire, the government placed the insurgent groups’ territory beyond the reach of Burmese law. This agreement allowed insurgents and the military junta to create partnerships to increase trade in illegal goods, including drugs, gems, and timber.
The Myanmar military has no qualms about getting involved in the lucrative illicit drug trade. From wildlife and human trafficking to smuggling illegal drugs, jade, and gemstones, Myanmar’s informal economy is expansive and is often facilitated by its military. In fact, over the years, the Myanmar military has transformed itself into a “military-business complex” (MBC), which thrives on the illicit narco-trade, instability, and conflicts. Not surprisingly, as an MBC, the Myanmar military would need economic incentives that are more significant than the illegal drug trade to see benefits from the repatriation of the Rohingyas.
This could come in two ways. The first one is by initiating a mini–Marshall Plan with international support. Many have forgotten that the Marshall Plan made a difference in post–World War II Europe.xlv Europe’s number of refugees after World War II was in the millions. But the Marshall Plan helped reorganize and develop Europe in many ways. The time has come to think of a mini–Marshall Plan in the Arakan, which would be attractive to the Myanmar military, and thus would enable it to shun the illicit drug trade and repatriate the Rohingya refugees residing in Bangladesh and elsewhere.
The second way is an offshoot of the first one. A concerted effort is required to establish special economic zones, employing many marginalized people in the bordering states, including Rohingyas. Public-private partnerships between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Arakan could also benefit the Rohingyas. Such economic engagements are bound to make the Rohingyas’ repatriation more saleable to Myanmar. The international community must work together to create space for legal business to flourish and make the MBC more formal and legal. A mini–Marshall Plan tied to the Rohingyas in the Arakan is otherwise required to interest Myanmar in resolving the Rohingya crisis.
8 Militancy
There is still a mystery regarding the events that exacerbated the Rohingyas’ exodus to Bangladesh in August 2017. Four dates in 2017 are critical. On August 23, the Advisory Commission on the Rakhine State (i.e., the Kofi Annan Commission) submitted its final report to the Myanmar national authorities. On August 24, the media, both at home and abroad, published the report in detail. On August 25, the so-called Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked the Myanmar military forces. The very next day, August 26, the Myanmar military resorted to what came to be referred to as “a textbook case of ethnic cleansing,”xlvi which in the next three months saw more than 750,000 Rohingyas, mostly women and children, flee Myanmar to take refuge in Bangladesh. The mystery lies in the militancy of ARSA: why would it resort to violence and attack the Myanmar military forces when the Annan Commission’s report remains favorable to the cause of the Rohingyas, including the need to provide them with citizenship in Myanmar? As the report stated:
The Commission … notes the need to revisit the [1982 citizenship] law itself and calls on the government to set in motion a process to review the law. Such a review should consider – amongst other issues – aligning the law with international standards, re-examining the current linkage between citizenship and ethnicity, and considering provisions to allow for the possibility of acquiring citizenship by naturalisation, particularly for those who are stateless. The Commission calls for the rights of non-citizens who live in Myanmar to be regulated, and for the clarification of residency rights.xlvii
Does this mean that the Myanmar military created a pretext in the name of ARSA? Or could it be that the Myanmar military, as part of its counterinsurgency strategy, floated an “armed group” called ARSA? Whatever the case, it confirms the intricate relationship between militancy and the Rohingya crisis – one feeds into the other, which is even more the case for the stateless Rohingya refugees. Historically, youth have been the first to rebel against oppressive conditions. Most Rohingyas residing in Bangladesh refugee camps are between 15 and 24 years of age, and they constitute approximately 22.41% (199,431 youth) of the Rohingya population in Cox’s Bazar (899,704).xlviii Naturally, the nonresolution of the Rohingya issue would make youth restless; some of them would not shy away from joining the militant forces and taking up arms against the Myanmar military in order to forcibly impress upon them the need to recognize the Rohingya identity and enable the displaced Rohingyas to return to their native land in the Arakan.
Moreover, suppose the Myanmar military does not settle the Rohingya repatriation issue, even under international pressure? In that case, it will create space for armed militant groups among the Rohingyas and the disaffected youth of Myanmar to rise up against the Myanmar military. Insurgent groups favorable to the Rohingyas’ cause can create alliances with other insurgent groups in the region. The Myanmar government’s inaction on the Rohingya repatriation issue could give it more public support in the future. Fringe militant groups have also emerged among the Rohingyas on both sides of the border. They can become more organized in the future and join the insurgency in Myanmar to ensure Rohingya repatriation.
There is an additional, more sinister, problem. The Bangladeshis who wholeheartedly welcomed the Rohingyas in the early days of the exodus could aid them with arms and ammunitions, given their historical record of empathizing with victims, apart from their constitutional obligation to support “oppressed peoples throughout the world” (Article 25, para. C, of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh). There have been historical instances of militancy paving the way for refugee repatriation. The most remarkable example is the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh, when 10 million Bengali refugees went to India to flee the genocide committed by the Pakistan military. The armed struggle of the Mukti Bahini of Bangladesh, which was supported by India and other external actors, set the path for the country’s independence and the refugees’ subsequent repatriation. The militant approach might be the least desirable but probable one, if the international community fails to reason with the Myanmar military regarding restrictions on repatriating the Rohingyas. However, the militant pathway is bound to destabilize the region, which would only see international and regional actors getting involved in either supporting or quelling the militancy, from the standpoint of their respective national and strategic interests. And therein lies the fear!
In Lieu of a Conclusion
All these eight potential pathways are significant. Collectively, they are like an octopus, and one should be cognizant of all the paths to see how one can resolve the Rohingya crisis. If someone thinks the Rohingya issue will disappear because of other pressing global problems, they are only looking at one or two pathways. Each pathway has its momentum, and once it unrolls, despite limitations and difficulties, there is no way it can be stopped unless and until the crisis, which has given birth to the pathways, is resolved. No ideas and practices that are grounded in reality can be erased. They can sometimes become challenging, but when found relevant to people for determining the course of the crisis, they return and make their presence all the more urgent. Interventions on the part of Bangladesh and the international community, again at three interrelated levels, can make the eight pathways effective.
At the first, national level, Bangladesh’s policymakers need to spend more time resolving the Rohingya crisis. The Government of Bangladesh (GoB) could fall back on one of its success stories, the resolution of maritime boundaries with India and Myanmar, where the GoB had a dedicated expert with the rank of additional secretary and later secretary working full time on the issue. The additional secretary worked in consultation with the foreign minister and foreign secretary, but having a dedicated expert made a difference to this case. Likewise, it is high time to appoint a dedicated expert on the Rohingya issue, with the rank of additional secretary or secretary, who will have a dedicated team with members from all relevant sectors to work on the various options and provide workable suggestions to the government. At the same time, the GoB should activate its foreign missions and members of civil society, including the media, to highlight the plight of the Rohingya refugees nationally, regionally, and internationally. Second, the stakeholders should give more effort to regional initiatives, including engaging countries that are friendly to Myanmar. Tripartite meetings on the Rohingya crisis involving Myanmar, Bangladesh, and a supportive third country, both at Track 1 and 2 levels, should be initiated to put pressure on Myanmar and let the other countries know of the crisis’s urgency. Third and finally, a more significant effort ought to be started at the international level, including supporting the Rohingya diaspora community in forming a Rohingya civil entity, which would then take the responsibility to flag its cause internationally, including at the United Nations, European Union, and other international bodies. The proposed Rohingya civil entity also needs to work on the kind of economic, educational, and even health policies it plans to pursue once the Rohingyas return to their motherland, with the full dignity of the person.
Looking back at the eight pathways, one can easily see that some are more promising. Still, it is too early to say which one or two will have a lasting impact on the outcome of the Rohingya crisis. At this stage, impatience will not help. The Rohingya crisis is a human issue; therefore, one should have faith in humans if one is looking for a resolution to the plight of the Rohingyas in Myanmar.
Endnotes
1 Taw, N.P. (2017, November 23). Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State Between the Government of the People’s Republic of
Bangladesh and the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.
2 Taw, N.P. (2017, November 23). Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State Between the Government of the People’s Republic of
Bangladesh and the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.
3 Taw, N.P. (2017, November 23). Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State Between the Government of the People’s Republic of
Bangladesh and the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.
4 Taw, N.P. (2017, November 23). Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State Between the Government of the People’s Republic of
Bangladesh and the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.
5 Taw, N.P. (2017, November 23). Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State Between the Government of the People’s Republic of
Bangladesh and the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.
6 Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population of the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (GoM), United Nations Development
Programme, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2018, May 30). Memorandum of Understanding Between the Ministry
of Labour, Immigration and Population of the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (GoM) and the United Nations Development
Programme and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
7 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2017). Turn the Tide: Refugee Education in Crisis. UNHCR.
8 The literacy rate of the Cox’s Bazar district stood at 39.3% in 2011. See Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Government of Bangladesh. (2013). District
Statistics 2011: Cox’s Bazar.
9 UNB. (2023, March 2). Dhaka wants foreign funds to relocate 70,000 Rohingyas to Bhasan Char. Dhaka Tribune. https://www.dhakatribune.com/
bangladesh/305975/dhaka-wants-foreign-funds-to-relocate-70-000.
10 UNB. (2023, March 2). Dhaka wants foreign funds to relocate 70,000 Rohingyas to Bhasan Char. Dhaka Tribune. https://www.dhakatribune.com/
bangladesh/305975/dhaka-wants-foreign-funds-to-relocate-70-000.
11 Korobi, S.A. (2023, March 19). Declining Funds, food for Rohingyas. New Age, https://www.newagebd.net/article/197176/declining-funds-food-forrohingyas#:~:text=The%20World%20Food%20Programme%20reports,from%20acute%20malnutrition%20and%20anaemia.
12 The Financial Express. (2022, December 18). China now largest FDI source in BD. https://fairbd.net/chinese-investment-in-bangladesh-explained/#.
13 The Financial Express. (2022, December 18). China now largest FDI source in BD. https://fairbd.net/chinese-investment-in-bangladesh-explained/#.
14 Oinam, A. (2023, April 8). China’s Investments in the Post-Coup Myanmar: An Assessment. CLAWS – Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi.
15 Blinken, A. J. (2023, January 31). Marking Two Years Since the Military Coup in Burma. U.S. Department of State. https://www.state.gov/marking-twoyears-since-the-military-coup-in-burma/.
16 Martin, M. (2023, February 6). What the BURMA Act Does and Doesn’t Mean for U.S. Policy in Myanmar. CSIS. https://www.csis.org/analysis/whatburma-act-does-and-doesnt-mean-us-policy-myanmar.
17 Martin, M. (2023, February 6). What the BURMA Act Does and Doesn’t Mean for U.S. Policy in Myanmar. CSIS. https://www.csis.org/analysis/whatburma-act-does-and-doesnt-mean-us-policy-myanmar.
18 Reuters, Naypyitaw. (2017, November 20). China draws 3-stage path to resolve Rohingya crisis. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/rohingyacrisis/china-draws-3-stage-path-ceasefire-myanmar-rakhine-bangladesh-asem-wang-yi-naypyitaw-1493917.
19 Al Jazeera. (2023, May 5). Rohingya delegation visits Myanmar amid latest repatriation plans. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/5/
rohingya-delegation-visits-myanmar-amid-latest-repatriation-plans#:~:text=A%20Rohingya%20refugee%20delegation%20has,persecuted%20
minority%20to%20their%20homeland.
20 NewAge Bangladesh. (2023, May 25). Repatriation Scheme: Myanmar team visits Rohingya again. NewAge Bangladesh. https://www.newagebd.net/
article/202533/myanmar-team-visits-rohingyas-again.
21 NewAge Bangladesh. (2023, May 25). Repatriation Scheme: Myanmar team visits Rohingya again. NewAge Bangladesh. https://www.newagebd.net/
article/202533/myanmar-team-visits-rohingyas-again.
22 International Court of Justice. (2020). Reports of Judgments, Advisory Opinions and Orders Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment
of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar) Request for the Indication of Provisional Measures, Order of 23 January 2020.
23 International Court of Justice. (2020). Reports of Judgments, Advisory Opinions and Orders Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment
of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar) Request for the Indication of Provisional Measures, Order of 23 January 2020.
24 Myint-U, T. (2020). The Hidden History of Burma: Race, Capitalism, and the Crisis of Democracy in the 21st Century. W.W. Norton.
25 Albert, E., & Maizland, L. (2020, January 23). The Rohingya Crisis. Council on Foreign Relations.
26 Albert, E., & Maizland, L. (2020, January 23). The Rohingya Crisis. Council on Foreign Relations.
27 U.S. Department of State. (2023, March 24). Burma Sanctions; BBC News. (2021, February 11). Myanmar coup: U.S. announces sanctions on leaders. BBC
News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-56015749,
28 AP News. (2022, February 21), EU sanctions 22 Myanmar officials, gas company, over abuses. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/business-europeelections-myanmar-aung-san-suu-kyi-4613d6b2545ea9411dddfa3b58f8bf49.
29 CEIC Data. (1976-2022). Myanmar Foreign Direct Investment: 1976-2022. https://www.ceicdata.com/en/indicator/myanmar/foreign-direct-investment
30 Chau, T. & Oo, D. (2023, February 2). ‘Riding a Rollercoaster’ in Myanmar’s post-coup economy. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/2/2/
riding-a-rollercoaster-in-myanmars-post-coup-economy#:~:text=Deepening%20conflict%2C%20sudden%20changes%20to,in%20the%20country%20
increasingly%20challenging.
31 Martin, M. (2023, February 6). What the BURMA Act Does and Doesn’t Mean for U.S. Policy in Myanmar. CSIS. https://www.csis.org/analysis/whatburma-act-does-and-doesnt-mean-us-policy-myanmar.
32 The Irrawaddy. (2020, June 1). World Bank Approves $460 Million Funding for Power Generation, Health Services in Myanmar. The Irrawaddy. https://
www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/world-bank-approves-460-million-funding-power-generation-health-services-myanmar.html.
33 UNB, Dhaka. (2021, November 18). UN adopts resolution on Rohingyas’ human rights in Myanmar. Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/asia/
south-asia/news/un-adopts-resolution-human-rights-rohingya-muslims-myanmar-2232986.
34 Archives. Myanmar People and Races. https://web.archive.org/web/20100609072939/http://myanmartravelinformation.com/mti-myanmar-people/
index.htm
35 Mithun, M. B., & Arefin, A. (2020, November 26). Minorities among Minorities: The Case of Hindu Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh. International
Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 28(1), 187-200. https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10020.
36 International Christian Concern. (2021, April 2). Myanmar’s Persecuted Rohingya Christians – Minority of Minorities. Persecution.org. https://www.
persecution.org/2021/04/02/myanmars-persecuted-rohingya-christians-minority-minorities/.
37 Al Jazeera. (2023, January 16). Firms in Europe, U.S. helping Myanmar manufacture arms, report says. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.
com/news/2023/1/16/firms-in-europe-us-helping-myanmar-manufacture-arms-report#:~:text=Companies%20from%2013%20countries%20
%E2%80%93%20including,a%20report%20released%20on%20Monday.
38 UNODC Regional Office for Southeast Asia and the Pacific. (2021, February 11). UNODC report: opium production drops again in Myanmar as the
synthetic drug market expands,. UNODC Regional Office for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, United Nations. https://www.unodc.org/roseap/en/2021/02/
myanmar-opium-survey-report-launch/story.html.
39 Strangio, S. (2022, February 2). Illicit Drug Production Has Surged Since Myanmar’s Coup. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2022/02/illicit-drugproduction-has-surged-since-myanmars-coup/..
40 Department of Narcotics Control, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (2020). Annual Drug Report Bangladesh 2020.
41 Ahmed, I., & Biswas, N. R. (2022). Rohingyas in Myanmar and Bangladesh: The Violence-Protection Dialectic and the Narratives of Certain Unsafety /
Uncertain Safety. Centre for Genocide Studies, University of Dhaka and Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London.
42 Ahmed, I. (2022, September). Myanmar, Narco-terrorism, Rohingya, and the World. Diplomats World.
43 Marrero, L. (2018, June 15). Feeding the Beast: The Role of Myanmar’s Illicit Economies in Continued State Instability. International Affairs Review.
44 Levin, D. (2015, October 22). Myanmar’s Jade Trade Is a $31 Billion ‘Heist,’ Report says. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/23/world/
asia/myanmars-jade-trade-is-a-dollar31-billion-heist-report-says.html.
45 Agnew, J., & Entrikin, J. N. (Eds.). (2004). The Marshall Plan Today Model and Metaphor (1st ed.). Routledge.
46 UN News. (2017, September 11). UN human rights chief points to ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing’ in Myanmar. United Nations. https://news.un.org/
en/story/2017/09/564622-un-human-rights-chief-points-textbook-example-ethnic-cleansing-myanmar#:~:text=%E2%80%9CThe%20situation%20
seems%20a%20textbook,access%20to%20human%20rights%20investigators.
47 Advisory Commission on Rakhine State. (2017, August 23). Overview of key points and recommendations. Towards a Peaceful, Fair and Prosperous
Future for the People of Rakhine: Final Report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State.
48 UNFPA. (2021, August 19). Transformative education for adolescent youth in the Rohingya camps, one micro-garden at a time. Reliefweb. https://reliefweb.
int/report/bangladesh/transformative-education-adolescent-youth-rohingya-camps-one-micro-garden-time#:~:text=In%202021%2C%203%2C600%20
adolescent%20youth,activity%20should%20not%20be%20underestimated.
This essay originally appeared in the anthology “The Accountability, Politics, and Humanitarian Toll of the Rohingya Genocide” To download the full anthology, click here.
Dr. Imtiaz Ahmed is a professor of International Relations at the University of Dhaka. He is also a visiting Pprofessor at Taylor’s University, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He has authored, co-authored, and edited 55 books and 20 monographs and published more than 125 research papers and scholarly articles in leading journals and edited volumes. Ahmed heads several national and international projects on mass violence, violent extremism, and the Rohingya crisis. His recent publications are the following books: “Rohingyas in Myanmar and Bangladesh: The Violence-Protection Dialectic and the Narratives of Certain Unsafety/Uncertain Safety,” co-authored with Niloy Ranjan Biswas (Dhaka: 2022); “Imagining Post-Covid Education Futures,” edited (Dhaka: 2023); and “Celebrating 100 Years of the University of Dhaka: Reflections from Alumni – National and International, in 7 Volumes,” edited (Dhaka: 2023). .."
Source/publisher:
New Lines Institute
Date of publication:
2024-08-07
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
750.89 KB
more
Description:
"The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination,
Acting under its early warning and urgent action procedure;
Recalling the Committee’s letter adopted under early warning and urgent action procedure on 14
December 2018 during its 97th session, under which the Committee expressed concerns about
allegations that the Rohingya has been the target of hate speech and violence in India, including
calls for deportation to Myanmar and about the conditions of detention camps for migrants. The
Committee expressed concerns about the manifestations of racial discrimination against the
Rohingya in India and that their return to Myanmar in violation of the principle of nonrefoulement would infringe their rights protected under the International Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (the Convention);
Regrets the lack of response by the State party to its abovementioned letter or information on
measures to ensure sufficient capacity to replace detention camps by reception facilities,
providing adequate shelter, basic services, and humanitarian assistance including effective access
to health care services as well as to comply with the obligation of non-refoulement arising out of
the international norms concerning refugees and human rights;
Reiterates its concerns about the order of the Ministry of Home Affairs, dated 8 August 2017,
which considered Rohingya who fled Myanmar to India (thereafter “Rohingya”) as “illegal
immigrants” and called upon all State Governments to “sensitize all the law enforcement and
intelligence agencies for taking prompt steps in identifying the illegal migrants and initiate the
deportation processes expeditiously and without delay”1
;
Alarmed about reports of racial discrimination and restrictions faced by the Rohingya following
the adoption of the order in August 2017 preventing them from exercising their economic, social
and cultural rights, in particular their rights of access to education, employment and health-care
and reportedly the discontinuation of granting them long term visas;
Deeply concerned about reports on the spread of racist hate speech and the dissemination of
negative stereotypes against Rohingya on the Internet and in social media, reports on the use of racist hate speech by politicians and public figures, and the lack of information on investigations,
prosecutions and convictions of public figures and politicians for hate speech;
Concerned about reports of the prevalence of arbitrary mass detention of the Rohingya, including
children, in inadequate conditions and in some cases without due process or access to legal
representation, following the order of the Ministry of Home Affairs in August 2017;
Alarmed about reports of several cases of forcible deportation and returns of Rohingya to
Myanmar between 2018 and 2022 as well as the ongoing risk of deportation of the remaining
Rohingya in India, in violation of the principle of non-refoulement;
Concerned about reports that human rights defenders, lawyers, members of civil society
organizations, and activists have increasingly become targets of intimidation, harassment and
reprisals as a consequence of their work on the rights of the Rohingya in India;
Taking note that two Rohingya filed a writ petition in 2017 before the Supreme Court of India to
release the detained refugees and halt their deportation from India;
Regrets the delay of the Supreme Court of India in considering the abovementioned petition,
which was submitted six years ago; Also taking note that the Supreme Court of India issued an Interim Order on 8 April 2021 and
decided not to grant an interim measure to prevent the deportation of around 160 Rohingya
detained in Jammu;
2
Takes note of the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar,
submitted for the 78th session of the UN General Assembly, in which he noted that “six years
after the genocidal attacks by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State, the Rohingya continue to
face violence, persecution and neglect, regardless of their location. The situation in Rakhine State
remains fundamentally unchanged since the violence in 2017, except for the additional misery
wrought by Cyclone Mocha. Approximately 600,000 Rohingya remain under an apartheid
regime, with 140,000 confined to de facto internment camps”;3
Also notes the report Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, submitted
for the 52nd session of the UN Human Rights Council, in which he highlighted reports of
Rohingya in India being subjected to pushback at land borders, forcible deportation to Myanmar
and arbitrary detention;4
Notes that persons who had to flee Myanmar due to the currently prevailing situation of
widespread human rights violations in the context of the conflict are likely to be in need of international refugee protection under Article 1 of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of
Refugees (1951 Convention), in accordance with the Guidance Note on the International
Protection Needs of People Fleeing Myanmar by the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR);
5
Recalling the Committee’s general recommendation no. 30 (2004) on discrimination against noncitizens and general recommendation no. 31 (2005) on the prevention of racial discrimination in
the administration and functioning of the criminal justice system;
Calls upon the State party to fully respect its international obligations arising from the
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;
Calls upon India to ensure that legislative guarantees against racial discrimination apply to noncitizens regardless of their immigration status and that laws and policies relating to immigration,
deportation, or other forms of removal of non-citizens do not discriminate—in purpose or
effect—on the basis of race, colour or ethnic or national origin; Further calls upon India to refrain from forcible deportation and returns of the Rohingya to
Myanmar where they would be at risk of being subjected to serious human rights violations and
abuses as well as to provide access to its territory for persons in need of international protection;
Urges the State party to ensure that the Rohingya have access to effective remedies, including
the right to challenge deportation orders, and are allowed effectively to pursue such remedies as
well as to ensure that the system of justice guarantees the victim a court judgement within a
reasonable period, particularly in relation to the petition before the Supreme Court of India;
Calls India to end the arbitrary mass detention of the Rohingya, and ensure that immigration
detention is applied only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest possible period, provide
detained Rohingya with legal safeguards and ensure their access to legal counsel, and ensure that
living conditions in places of detention are adequate and in accordance with international
standards; Urges the State party to end racial discrimination against Rohingya and to remove restrictions
preventing them from enjoying their rights without discrimination, in particular with regard to
access to employment, health and education, especially by ensuring the issuance of long term
visas and other identity documents;
Urges the State party to combat the spread of racist hate speech in the media, on the Internet and
in social media and to firmly condemn any form of hate speech and distance itself from racist
hate speech expressed by politicians and public figures, including members of parliament and
religious leaders, and ensure that such acts are investigated and adequately punished; Also urges India to continue to collaborate with the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the
situation of human rights in Myanmar, including through facilitating a country visit to India from
the Special Rapporteur..."
Source/publisher:
UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
Date of publication:
2024-07-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
104.67 KB
more
Description:
"Re: UN Security Council must take immediate intervention to coordinate protection of Rohingya and other ethnic minorities in Myanmar
Your Excellencies,
We, 89 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations, strongly urge the UN Security Council (UNSC) to immediately convene an emergency meeting and coordinate an intervention to halt surging violence and atrocities, and protect Rohingya and other ethnic minorities in Rakhine State and across Myanmar. We call on the UNSC to urgently adopt a binding resolution with targeted economic sanctions, an arms and aviation fuel embargo against the junta, and a referral of the crisis in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or a creation of a criminal tribunal.
In recent months, the Myanmar military junta’s war of terror against Myanmar people and its fighting with the Arakan Army (AA) have resulted in horrendous human rights violations and international crimes in Rakhine State. Across the country civilian populations from Rohingya, Rakhine, Kaman, Chin, Mro, and other ethnic communities are suffering the constant reality of the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, including airstrikes, artillery shelling, and massacres, with no end in sight. As the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reported to the Human Rights Council on 18 June, “The military has lost control over a considerable amount of territory, so it is resorting to increasingly extreme measures.”
Reports indicate that, on 17 May, Rohingya homes have been targeted, looted, and torched, and four Rohingya civilians were beheaded by AA troops in Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State. Over 200,000 Rohingya civilians in Buthidaung Township—home to Rohingya survivors from 2017 genocide—have been forcbily displaced in consequence of the AA’s arson attacks, abductions, enforced disappearance, and other serious human rights abuses, as well as its intense fighting with the military junta. Amidst reports of blocked roads and extortion by AA soldiers, Rohingya have been displaced in open fields with no access to medicine, clean water, and adequate food. Many have lost direct contact with their families due to telecommunication blackouts imposed by the junta, and some have had their phones taken away by AA soldiers, leaving their families in the dark about their fates.
Atrocities against the Rakhine ethnic group by the Myanmar military junta are also pervasive. On 29 May, the junta brutally tortured and massacred at least 76 men, with knives, gunfire and beatings, and burned most of their bodies to destroy the evidence, during a raid of Byine Phyu Village, Sittwe Township, Rakhine State. Junta soldiers abducted hundreds of villagers, and held women and children captive, denying them food and water and raping them. Over 80 homes and a monastery were burned down. On 4 June, the junta launched a coordinated ground, air, and naval attack on Singaung Village in Thandwe Township, Rakhine State, killing dozens of people. Extreme violence and atrocities are set to continue in Rakhine State as the junta and the AA ordered civilians to evacuate their villages before latest clashes between them.
Since February, the junta has further systematically arrested, abducted, and enlisted by force ethnic youth from Rakhine State and refugee camps in Bangladesh to serve as frontline fighters, human shields, human minesweepers, and porters—including forcing them on frontlines to die. Hundreds of Rakhine youth have been arrested, held incommunicado, and forced to join the Myanmar military. Alongside them, thousands of Rohingya in villages and internment camps in Rakhine State have reportedly been forcibly enlisted or persuaded with offers of potential freedom of movement, money, rice, or national ID cards, to “fight for [their] faith”, or threatened with a humanitarian aid block. On the Bangladesh border, vulnerable Rohingya refugees have been kidnapped from camps and forced into the Myanmar military to fight the AA. Abductions were perpetrated by Rohingya militia groups—the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, and the Arakan Rohingya Army—groups reportedly partnering with the junta and denounced by Rohingya civil society and activists as unrepresentative of their community. Rohingya youth are being relentlessly forcibly recruited by the Myanmar military, the perpetrators of genocide against them.
In particular, the junta’s instigation of anti-AA protests and coercion of Rohingya recruits to participate in burning down Rakhine homes compound the plight of the Rohingya community. The acute vulnerability of the Rohingya continues to be systematically exploited by the Myanmar military and other armed groups to exacerbate inter-ethnic and religious conflict between the Rakhine and Rohingya communities, two major ethnic minorities in Rakhine State.
In addition, during times of heightened tension, hate speech against the Rohingya—including the use of terms such as “Bengali terrorists” and “Muslim terrorists”—and the portrayal of all Rohingya as collaborators of the junta have been rampant in statements by organizations, media, and individuals. Such sweeping descriptions of an entire ethnic group and their most predominant religion exacerbate ethno-religious conflict, and escalate public hatred against a severely persecuted ethnic minority of Myanmar.
Excellencies, the international community bears responsibility for the continuation of mass atrocities—massacres, torture, airstrikes, artillery shelling, sexual violence and other gross international crimes—against the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities by the military junta, the main perpetrator, in Rakhine State and across Myanmar. After nearly one and a half years since the UNSC’s adoption of Resolution 2669, the junta has continued to massacre civilians. In the first four months of 2024 alone, the junta committed 46 massacres, killing 369 people. Furthermore, despite the UN Human Rights Council’s resolution calling on all states to refrain from the export, sale, or transfer of aviation fuel to Myanmar, UN Member States continue to supply the junta with aviation fuel, enabling them to carry out more airstrikes and other aerial attacks across Myanmar, exacerbating immense human suffering and mass displacement during the grave humanitarian crisis.
To uphold its mandate for international peace and security, the UNSC must convene an emergency meeting and coordinate an immediate intervention to protect civilians and stop the horrific violence against the Rohingya and ethnic minorities in Rakhine State and across Myanmar. Once again, we call on the UNSC to urgently adopt a new resolution under Chapter VII of the UN Charter that imposes targeted economic sanctions and a comprehensive arms embargo against the junta, including a complete ban on all sales, transfers, and diversions of aviation fuel to Myanmar. This resolution must also refer the crisis in Myanmar to the ICC or create a criminal tribunal on Myanmar without delay.
Rohingya, Rakhine, and other ethnic minorities in Rakhine State and across Myanmar will continue to suffer unless and until ongoing crimes are halted by the UNSC’s immediate intervention..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2024-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"INTRODUCTION: You’re now listening to “Advocate” by APHR, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights.
Hello, I’m Karina Tehusijarana, Media Manager of APHR. I’ll be your host for today and currently I’m with APHR Board Member U Shwe Maung. Thank you for joining us today.
Hi. You’re welcome. Thank you.
U Shwe Maung is a Rohingya rights activist and former politician who served as a member of parliament in Myanmar’s House of Representatives from 2011 to 2016. As well as being a board member of APHR, he is also a founding member of the International Panel of Parliamentarians for Freedom of religion or belief or IPP Forb, and serves as president of the Arakan Institute for Peace and Development.
Today, we will be talking about the five point consensus, the current situation in Myanmar, as well as the current situation facing the Rohingya in Myanmar, and the role of Myanmar MP’s, as well as Southeast Asian MP’s.....INTERVIEW: Thank you. Before we get started talking about the situation in Myanmar and the situation of Rohingya. We would like to maybe get to know you a little bit better. So can you tell us about your background and how you first entered politics?
Thank you. By training I am a mechanical engineer and a software engineer. But by situation, I joined politics in 2010 because we had a nationwide demonstration in 1988. Then also I was one of the student leaders. I formed a student union and I tried to maintain peace and stability and peaceful coexistence among the Rohingya and Rakhine community. Rather than the demonstration of the Myanmar military regime. Because my mother was an eyewitness of 1942 violence against Rohingya. And before independence my mother always talked about those stories. Horrible story. So I always remember that.
So in 1988 I saw a lot of instability among the community. So some movements, especially Rakhine community people are leaving from the Buthidaung to situate. Because they were scared of some kind of situation. Probably they recall 1942 conflict or violence against our community.
So what I did is I formed a student union together with my Rakhine friends and Rohingya friends. So we really are, we really achieved it, you see. So actually I am the chairman of the student union. I governed the northern Rakhine state force for like four months. Everything was okay. Especially I focus on peaceful coexistence to avoid similar violence that happened in 1942.
To make a long story short, after the military coup in 1988. So there was an organization called the Rakhine Nationality Protection Committee in Maungdaw. They wrote a memorandum to the military hunter chief. Basically those memorandum was saying that they are just writing anti-Rohingya. Not to grant Rohingya citizenship and to restrict movement travel and to ban access to university. And then also to make travel bans from one township to another. And so many things.
So everything the SLORC, which was the State Law and Order Restoration Council formed in 1980, September 18, implemented and harassed prosecution and violence including forced labor against Rohingya. Everything, according to that memorandum. So I have a copy of that.
So from 1988 to 2010, the situation at Rohingya was horrible. The whole community became poor, helpless because of daily persecution. Whenever we talk about persecution against Rohingya, people always think of the Myanmar military and government. As a matter of fact, it was not true. Of course, Governments and their regimes are primarily responsible. At the same time, almost all local authorities are by Rakhine community, Muslims and Rohingyas are very limited.
My father was the last high ranking police officer in Myanmar police. After that my father retired in 1978. After that there was no recruit of any police officer. Just some ordinary police member. So then people are under a lot of human rights violations. Finally there was a crisis between both people. So people are fleeing their violence. So by that time there was a lot of international pressure in the region.
So probably this is one of the reasons the Myanmar military and its political association approached me and a few Rohingya activists or elders, including me, to join. To join and to participate in the 2010 election. So that we could raise our human rights concern to the government through the parliament officer. So what I thought. So whatever it is their intent by that time, since people are suffering a lot. So I decided to join. Although I didn’t believe them fully because we didn’t have any other option.
So it becomes like a sip of water in the middle of the desert. Especially for the Rohingya people for their daily persecution. Then I agreed to join that military backed party. Then I participated in the election. And then I was elected, especially my fellow Rohingyas who were in Buthidaung constituency, like 80% of voters are Rohingya. So they elected me. Although there was a kind of accusation across Myanmar.
I believe in democracy. I did my best to have a free and fair election.
So I was elected by the people. Then I suffered for my Rohingya people. From 2010 to 2016, January.
Joined the APHR
Thank you for that background. Could you also tell us about how you first joined APHR?
I think I joined APHR in 2013. So APHR Executive Director, Mr. Ismail Wolff came to Myanmar. Then he approached me and explained to me the mandate of APHR. So I was quite interested. Then I decided to join.
Challenges in Myanmar’s Parliament
Thank you. As you mentioned, you were a member of parliament from 2011 to 2016. Could you tell us a little bit about what kind of challenges you faced at the time in Myanmar’s parliament?
From day one of my office, I faced criticism and attacks from members of parliament from the Rakhine community. Especially Dr. Aye Maung, who was chairman of the Rakhine Nationality Development Party, from day one. So he started attacking five Rohingya MPs. So there were five Rohingya MPs, including me. They said we should not be in the parliament. And then if we are in the parliament, the Arakan state will be separated. And there are so many nonsense accusations. And then it will be governed by the Muslim. It could be a muslim state. And then also he joined the 969 movement.
Also he has a lot of followers who are extremists. So on social media and then by interviewing with the various local media and then international media, by print media. So they have started attacking me. And also they try to removed from the seats by complaining to the Union Election Commission. But they failed because there was no law by that time. So how to remove an elected member of parliament from the office? But they kept trying. They keep trying to make a problem. But finally, I was appointed by my party to have a local election in Maungdaw district inter party election.
The Maungdaw district means it includes three townships by that time. Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung. So I was like a district election commissioner. So although I was appointed, I did have a very free and fair election in 2012, May, if I remember correctly. It was in my constituency as well as in Maungdaw and Rathedaung. So mostly over there since Rohingyas are the majority.
Although Rohingyas are the majority in some villages, there are Rakhine majority. So from the Rohingya majority village the election winners are Rohingya. From the Rakhine majority villages the Rakhines are the winner.
So by that time I have a lot of information that the Rakhine Nationality Development Party led by Dr. Aye Maung had a meeting in Sittwe. So they are quite upset and uncomfortable. Because according to some reports from my sources who have very close ties, the high ranking officers and party officials of RNDP. They told me that there was some kind of discussion about how to stop that election, and what I have been doing in my region. But finally they took advantage of an incident which happened in Ramree township regarding a drug. So still as of today is although twelve years now nobody know who raped her and who killed her.
But however, the propaganda in the newspaper and then Rakhine politicians and all these Rakhine extremist activists. They are just accusing. They said that Rakhine girl was raped and killed by a Rohingya man. In fact it was not Rohingya. It was a local. So he is not a Rohingya. He’s just a Muslim in that area.
But according to sources, what we received, that the accused, the murderer, he was suicide in prison. Also his wife conducted suicide in prison. And probably therefore nobody knew what was the reality. But by the excuse of that incident, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party led by Dr. Aye Maung and their followers conducted an anti Rohingya movement. According to the term this is an Anti Bengali movement. So they started to create problems in Sittwe and also Maungdaw in other Rathedaung areas in June 2012.
Then the second episode of the violence was in October 2012. So because of that, you see we have as of today more than 120,000 IDPs are still outskirted in the Sittwe. So that’s how Dr. Aye Maung and his followers conspirated for this violence against the Rohingya. But people mostly understand that, so they want to be noted.
So these things are, although there was a police and soldiers, they were only left with a few police forces, a few military. Whenever they went to a village to do an assault and to set fire on Rohingya homes, only a couple of police force. Most of them are the Rakhine extremist youth with a long sword. So they set fire and then they kill the people.
So according to my interview with a lot of local people in my constituency, Sittwe and Maungdaw, after that violence. So they explained to me that they were mostly killed by those extremists. You see that long sword holder who is Rakhines. So also it means they are vigilantes. They are collaborators with the Myanmar police force.
When we talk about the Myanmar police force, one thing to be noted very importantly. In Rakhine state. So 99% of the police force are Rakhine ethnic people. Only a handful of police forces are of other ethnic from other states. So whether they receive orders from the Yangon or Naypyidaw, they themselves are well determined to conduct these kinds of crimes against humanity, atrocity against the Rohingya people. This was 2012.
Even after that, I received a lot of challenges in the parliament when I submitted proposal, questions. So based on my question, the Home Minister and Immigration Minister need to answer in the parliament that they always blame our Rohingya people. They are always highlighting that these Rohingyas are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
So this is why after the 2012 conflict, there was an international convention at the International Convention Center in Naypyidaw in September 2012. So there was a huge gathering together with all ambassadors, head of the UN Missions and most of the prominent international NGOs. But at that meeting, everybody was invited, Rohingya were not invited.
It’s a joke. They were talking about reconciliation and the social harmony between the community. But they invited only the Rakhine community and all government ministers, Vice President, Head of the mission in Myanmar, ambassadors and that’s all.
When I heard about that, I called the Border Affairs Ministry. I said, minister, how is it possible? So the government of Myanmar was doing a conference for reconciliation and social harmony. So how can it be one sided without my community? But finally I said, oh, what a mistake. So I will tell my director general to send 50 invitation cards. Finally I was able to bring 49 more Rohingya, my fellow Rohingyas activists together with me to attend that meeting. Otherwise we’ll never know.
Even in that meeting, the Director General of Immigration was always talking about illegal immigration during the world war, during the colonial period and then blah blah blah. Also, he mentioned that after the colonial period that a million people left, from Myanmar to India. But he mixed up the general colonial system and Rakhine state.
In Rakhine state or Arakan state, we Rohingyas are indigenous people. We never migrate from anywhere. The Arakan state’s official name is Rakhine, but we changed it. He said. Politically it’s Arakan. The Arakan states belong to the Rohingya, Rakhine, and other indigenous people. So we never migrated from anywhere.
But however politically, they always play divided rule policy, and always accuse us blatantly. So for that I also raise my voice over there, which is not true. Even before the 2012 violence, the Home Minister and Immigration Minister even accused our people as if they were illegal immigrants.
This is why finally some extremist people get a chance to create more hate speech against the Rohingya. So when I raised that issue, from that day on, I became a full fledged enemy of the Myanmar quasi civilian government as well as the USDB party. Since then, they have been trying to remove me from the office. But they cannot do that. They are telling me to go under the scrutiny of immigration again if I am a citizen. I said, hey, why? I was already scrutinized by your good office.
In the 2010 election, I was elected officially from the clearance of immigration. Why again I need to go. It is illegal. It’s not including the law. Then I was quite aggressive. And then I stand with my because I am very confrontational because my fathers, my ancestors, everybody were indigenous people of the land. So I didn’t have any concern, any worry. So I kept doing it. But however, when we had another time, the 2015 election, the Election Commission did not allow me to run again from my office.
Even before that, in 2014, November 14, there was a visit by US President Barack Obama. I was invited on behalf of the Rohingya community. On that day in the Myanmar parliament, there was an important proposal. The proposal said there was no Rohingya in Myanmar. And except me, because I was absent on that day as I had a meeting with President Obama, So almost all parliamentarians, 99% of the parliament, voted for that resolution. The resolution was that there were no Rohingya in Myanmar.
But when I went to the office the next day, I was quite shocked. On the same day, November 14, 2014, I was having a meeting with President Obama. But since then I have again become a target of Myanmar, not only the government, but also the Myanmar police department.
But in that situation also there was another problem of Duchiradan fire. The Myanmar foreign minister accused the Rohingya people of setting fire to their own villages. I told that it was not true. Villagers told me that that village was under fire, the fire was set under the supervision of border police in Maungdaw. So when I talk to the media like that and the President thinks in, send an arrest warrant for me to the speaker of the parliament. But I was able to convince the speaker of the parliament not to sign an arrest warrant for the voice of an MP.
So I requested the speaker of the parliament. Sir, if you endorse the arrest warrant, this will be a very ugly history of Myanmar democracy. Because of the voice of an MP on behalf of his constituents. So if an MP is sent to jail and then hanged to the death, that would be a very ugly history. So I know you are a very good speaker. We are trying to build genuine democracy in our country. So I talk. I am an officially elected member of parliament. I have the right to talk on behalf of people, what people told me.
But without doing any proper investigation, how come President Thein Sein sent an arrest warrant blindly for me, which is not fair and which is not legal. Then in front of me, the speaker of parliament called President Thein Sein. He said, Mister president, my representative was accusing you of not conducting any proper investigation. Then you are accusing a member of parliament that he did defame the Myanmar police force. In fact, my father was a police officer. I didn’t have any intention to defame, but to highlight the truth. As foreign minister accused that villager Rohingya themselves set fire, which is a make believe story. I said that was not true. Then finally, President Thein Sein was not able to arrest me.
After that, In September 2015, I came together with the APHR mission to have advocacy with the US Congress State Department. And since then, I interviewed with the Voice of America primary section. So I simply told them that the Myanmar election in 2015 would be unfree and unfair. Because the Myanmar government disenfranchised a million Rohingya people. Because of my death statement to the VoA interview, President tension released another arrest warrant to arrest me upon my return to Myanmar.
So finally, because of that, I remain in the USA. Then I decided to remain in the USA until the situation becomes normal. But as of today, it’s not normal. Even the worst in history. This is why I’m here today in the USA. This is my brief, the story of my parliamentary period from 2010 to 2016.
Five Point Consensus
Thank you very much for sharing your experience. As you mentioned, in 2010-2011, there was a period of an attempt of democratization in Myanmar. And then there was the formation, as you called it, the quasi civilian government, which was nevertheless very flawed, especially in its treatment of Rohingya, as you have shared. But of course, as you know, in February 2011, the Myanmar military junta attempted to stage a coup to take over the government and overthrow the civilian parts of the government. And shortly after, in April 2021, ASEAN signed the Five Point consensus, which was supposed to lead to a peaceful resolution of that conflict. Can you share with us what your view of the current situation in Myanmar is and how you view ASEAN’s role as of now?
After the military coup in 2021, the situation of our country was the worst in the history before. In 2012 and 2017, Myanmar military conducted mass atrocities against humanity only against the Rohingya. By that time, nobody was able to sympathize with us. So as a truth, if I need to tell you, I am one versus 50 million. I am the only person officially in the parliament and the whole Myanmar who was talking about this was a violation of my right.
These atrocities, violent prosecutions were happening against the Rohingya conducted by Myanmar military police and other vigilantes in Sittwe, Mrauk-U, Buthidaung, Maungdaw and the whole Arakan state. But nobody believes us.
But when there was a military coup in February 2021, these same military did the same thing. Even in some areas worse than in the Rohingya, what they did against Rohingya. So I must say there are now 50 million people in Myanmar, except the supporters of the Myanmar military and blah blah. Yes, there’s always the system. But almost all Myanmar population are under the persecution and daily violence of the Myanmar military.
So regarding this Five Point Consensus, when I heard about the Five Point Consensus from the day one, it came to my mind that it could be a total failure. Because I know this Myanmar military junta very well. They are world class liars. They never keep their promise. They are always named seekers.
The reason why the Myanmar junta signed the Five Point Consensus is just to get support from ASEAN. That’s all. So Min Aung Hlaing, he doesn’t have any political willingness to have a Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar.
Although they have been telling all the time through the newspaper and TV, it was a skyful of lies. It’s not true. Their ultimate goal is in their mind, the military must be forever the ruler of Myanmar. This was in their mind. It was painted in their mind. Nobody can remove them. But sometimes politically they said several things. But I never believed them.
So to make a long story short. So this Five Point Consensus is now we can see very clearly it is a total failure. Because the junta doesn’t have political willingness. Even that junta led by Min Aung Hlaing. They become, you say, terrorists. They are terrorizing the whole population. Initially Rohingya, now the whole population of Myanmar. And they will still persecute everywhere. Killing, attacking and war crime. So in my view, these Five Point Consensus is no more meaningful. It’s a total failure. They don’t have any willingness to implement. It will never happen.
What Should ASEAN and the International Community Do?
Given that, your view on the five point consensus. What do you think that ASEAN and maybe the rest of the international community should do instead? About the situation in Myanmar?
Thank you. It’s a very good question.
APHR is the first human rights organization which raised concern for potential genocide of Northern Arakan, for the events of Buthidaung. After that the US government and some European Union and other countries. Even though as of now, as a human organization, Only APHR, not any other human rights organization are raising their voice for the Rohingya, I mean the genuine voice for a lack of potential genocide.
I personally believe that APHR statements, especially our APHR chairperson Mercy comments, hit some kind of level to the US State Department. So I share with them. Also, I submitted a lot of reports to the US State Department. So probably this is a kind of document which could be referred to very concretely and as an evidence. So Thanks again APHR for taking first place to raise concern for the potential genocide against Rohingya.
I was thinking for a long time. What should ASEAN do? I am very familiar with the ASEAN Charter. Which is very inappropriate and illogical. This is the most illogical charter in the world.
So first of all, ASEAN needs to amend their charter. Especially they need to remove the non interference policy. If they don’t interfere, what is the purpose of it? There will always be good interference and bad interference. You should interfere for the betterment of humanity.
If you fail to interfere or intervene in the human rights violation, you are against humanity. There’s no way. So if ASEAN wants to promote human rights. If ASEAN member states want to have a peaceful region, sustainable development in the region and human rights violations, a free region. First of all, they need to amend and remove that non interference policy.
And secondly, especially in this situation in Myanmar. ASEAN should think to set up a peacekeeping mission. Even force is not possible. A peacekeeping mission. Because every block in the world has the right to do that. NATO is a block they have been doing for the security and stability of their region. Also, we have the Quad block.
ASEAN is one of the important blocks on this planet. Also it plays a great role for the peace and stability and security of the region. So ASEAN member states must call a meeting, an emergency meeting. And it is very important to set up a peacekeeping mission to intervene in Myanmar.
Because the Myanmar military junta is no more valid. They lose the majority of their land. Most of the lands are controlled by the revolutionary forces. Especially those led by people defense forces in ERO. Under the guidance of the National Unity Government.
ASEAN members should recognize NUG as a legitimate government of Myanmar. But so far I can see only East Timor is recognizing NUG. No other country. So still they are just dancing with Min Aung Hlaing on international events. It’s a shame for the ASEAN association as well as member states.
So they should have a clear that it is not only Myanmar, but by taking advantage of the situation in Myanmar.
If ASEAN wants to implement or to end persecution and violence against 50 million people, including Rohingya, they must intervene with their power. We have examples of intervention in the case of Cambodia by the Malaysian military. That is for the betterment of humanity. It was okay. Also in East Timor we have some kind of intervention.
So I think that is the only solution now. Otherwise Myanmar military junta leader, he will not listen to anyone on this planet. So that is what ASEAN should do. If ASEAN really wants to help and end violence against Myanmar people and also for the crisis of Rohingya.
Buthidaung
Thank you very much, U Shwe Maung. As you have spoken about, the Rohingya people in Myanmar have faced persecution and violence for years now. I mean like decades. But of course, more recently there has again been an escalation of violence, as you know, against Rohingya in Rakhine state. Last month there were reports of violence in your home township of Buthidaung. And then more recently it has also spread to Maungdaw. Could you maybe tell us a little bit about what’s going on right now there?
Yeah, so let me start with my township. Now. Buthidaung has more than 200,000 of, I will not use the term IDP, they are not Internally Displaced Persons, they are FDP, Forcibly Displaced Persons by the Arakan Army in 2012 and 2017. Myanmar military soldiers, security forces, police forces and some extreme Rakhine youths. They jointly committed this crime against humanity, violences, persecution, atrocity.
But in 2024, although the Arakan Army was outcrying that they are fighting for freedom, fighting against the Myanmar military junta, that is true, I don’t deny. But at the same time, they are also trying to accomplish their unfinished business in terms of the Rohingya, Myanmar military junta and Arakan Army having the same thought.
As I mentioned earlier, the youth, the people, the fighters, vigilantes, who were involved with Myanmar military soldiers in 2012 and 2017. Today they are active forces of the Arakan Army. I have reported several times to Myanmar, but nobody cared.
So being an elected member of parliament from Buthidaung, I reach everywhere. I interview a lot of people. So this is the gentleman. Also, I reminded Arakan Army high ranking officials to be very careful with the recruits in the Northern Rakhine state. Because in northern Rakhine state, majority of Arakan Army forces are the companion and collaborators with Myanmar military police during the genocide and the violence in 2012 and 2017.
But they didn’t listen to me. But this is why this thing is happening. Although they have been raising their voice. That fight was against Myanmar, the southern part of Rakhine state, that’s true, but not for the case of Buthidaung. Maungdaw is also situated because they have two missions. First mission is to occupy the Northern Rakhine state, also to defeat the Myanmar military. Their second mission is to drive out the Rohingya, from the town to the remote area.
So their ultimate policies, they will kill less people. They will create such a situation so that Rohingya will lift themselves with the fear and persecution that the Arakan Army has done. This is their plan. Even a couple of years ago, the elder brother of Arakan Army chief Tun Myat Naing, said through a video, we have a record for them. I watched that video several times. So that is exactly the policy that they implemented in my hometown, Buthidaung township.
On the eve of 17 May 2024. So they started this thing. But when I was talking about a month ago, I had some kind of difficulty because. Because of the Internet outage, telephone lines are not clear. It’s very difficult for us to verify. But today is very clear. A lot of eyewitnesses have now reached the jungle.
Recently I interviewed five eyewitnesses of Buthidaung violence against Rohingya. So they told me very clearly. Now I will start telling you the situation, what the eyewitness told me on the evening of the 17 May. So a lot of people approached some Arakan Army outposts to the south of the Buthidaung, near the Ba Gone Nar bridge.
He said, what shall we do now? He said, you are too late announcing with the loudspeaker. He said to leave the people by 10:00 a.m. on May 18. But now the situation is so bad. A lot of people are now killed. A lot of arson attacks. All the arson attacks, killing drone attacks are committed by the Arakan Army. Nobody else.
Because according to eyewitnesses by that time, with the telephone call as well as eyewitness statement by the 15 May, there were no single Myanmar military soldiers in Buthidaung town. Even you say the airplane attack. Airplane attacks are in Sittwe and Maungdaw, that’s how we know the truth because people never lied to us. Everybody knows that.
But in Buthidaung, there was no single issue of the bombing because they didn’t do that. I don’t know why they didn’t do that. Because if there was a shell. People are very familiar. One of the eyewitnesses told me that they recognize the shell as the Arakan Army shell. Heavy artillery or Myanmar military. Because Myanmar militaries are stationed western part of the city. The Arakan Army stationed the southern part and eastern part of the Buddha town. Even they recognize the sound of gunshot, is the gunshot of the Myanmar military or Arakan Army.
It has been fighting. Fighting was not only in May, it has been happening like two years ago. They are very familiar. So they are very quite sure. All eyewitnesses consistently told me that they are quite sure. Even during the day of 17 May, they started drone attacks on the hospital where a lot of Rohingya forcibly displaced persons. I am not using IDP, they are FDP, forcibly displaced persons caused by the Arakan Army. They are temporarily refuged Buthidaung township hospital and high school.
The Arakan Army launched with heavy weapons from Buthidaung south and east where they were stationed. If there was an attack from the Myanmar military. Because we know our Rohingya people also don’t believe Myanmar military, whenever they attack previously, the shells or weapons come from the eastern side or from the western side. So direction is different.
On 17 May, all the directions of the heavy artillery were from the south and east. It means the place on the east side of Mayu river. And the people called me on that day from the villagers, and also Ka Kyet Bet, which is the border of Ka Kyet Bet village and Buthidaung South. They started. It means they are threatening the people. They are threatening the people.
Before the sunset of 16-17 May, some elders approached the Arakan Army at the bridge. They said, is it possible for us to leave, not to wait until the 18 may. Let us leave by now to a safe place where we should go. He said no. He said not allowed to leave. Even during the night of the 17 May or the 18 may. You all are allowed to leave only at 06:00 a.m. of 18. Maybe by that time they are confused.
My eyewitness number five is a very intelligent man. He has some kind of suspect. The way the Arakan Army soldiers explain to them not to leave the whole night is very risky. If somebody tries to leave the house, they say they will be shot dead. That is very clear. I have a statement from them. So I will share this statement with the US government and EU, the European Union, of course, with APHR, with all stakeholders. Because by that time, we didn’t get a chance to get those eyewitness statements.
And then people are waiting, waiting for the sunrise so that they can leave. But at the same time, the Arakan Army was telling them that they sent the release and noticed it in a timely manner. Because they didn’t leave. They accused that all arson attacks and killings were committed by the Myanmar soldiers. Which is an absolute lie. It’s not true.
Then on the 17 May, starting from 09:00 a.m. according to all my five eyewitnesses, they consistently told me that the Arakan Army entered block by block. If there are four Arakan Army soldiers, a group, some group, they have ten soldiers or ten forces. Five of them have guns. It’s a gun like the AK 47. Other five have a fire stick with the kerosene, with the clothes and at the end of the stick, this kerosene. And then with the fire, they are set on fire.
I asked my witness, did you see if they set fire to your houses? He said, I saw with my own eyes, how can I make fire? This is why I left home. So I asked him, are you sure the person who set the fire was the Arakan Army? He said, Sir, it’s not Myanmar. I asked him, how do you know that? He explained to me that I saw their badge here. Arakan Army badge, also Arakan Army Logo, also speak Rakhine language.
Myanmar soldiers never speak Rakhine. They are not fluent in Rakhine. But the Arakan Army, they never speak in Burmese. Because they are very chauvinist. They mostly speak their Rakhine language. They know them very well. They are 100% sure.
So to make a long story short, all of my five witnesses are very consistent. Starting from that, they do assault attacks and people are leaving. Then they are also shooting who are leaving their home. They are killing also. Whenever people try to take pictures, they shoot them. Because they know when the people took the pictures, it may reach the outside world. They’re trying to destroy evidence which is also a violation of ICJ provisional measures.
And then also my own sister, my own sister in law who is living at my home, they are forced to leave. My house was set on fire. Also my aunt, a lot of my relatives, my friends, almost everyone, they are forced to leave. And then they are told to leave the town immediately. Then they set fire.
Also they confirm there was no single Hindu’s house burned. Although they are doing propaganda. They say even there were no 1,600 Hindu families. I know. I am a member of parliament from my constitution. All of the hindu people live in my ward too. They are very peaceful people. They are very friendly to the Rohingya. Rohingya never provoked them. We never have any problems. They are just trying to get the attention of the media, probably by the government of India. Because recently the government of India and the Arakan Army have had some kind of relationship. Yeah, I read some media.
Probably for that reason. Arakan Army Chief Tun Myat Naing himself shared this nonsense article of the hostage of 1,600 Hindu family and Buddhist families. It was not true. Even there were no 5,000 Rakhine houses. Because I am a member of parliament for the Buthidaung. There were no 5,000 Rakhine in the downtown. There were only a few houses. My eyewitness told me that not more than 500 maximum. But most of them are Rohingyas.
On the night of the 17 May and night of the 18 May they set fire to the whole town. Also they forcibly deported all the people. Southern part of the Buthidaung which is at the mouth of Bay of Bengal. This is their policy. So they could leave. This is why a lot of people have already left for Maungdaw. A lot of people left for Sittwe. According to my source, now more than 1,000 families are in Ramree. It means they are kind of implemented. Implementing unfinished business of mayonnaise as well as unfinished business of the Arakan Army to annihilate Rohingya from the town as well as from the area. And the same thing they are implementing now in Maungdaw.
Same thing they are doing. They are shooting. They are killing. As of now according to my report, more than two dozen innocent Rohingya civilians are killed by their heavy weapon and drone attack. Maung Hna village of Maungdaw. And then in Aye Tar Li Yar village of Maungdaw there were no Myanmar military forces. Only civilian people.
Myanmar military and police are four miles away from Maungdaw Town. The eastern side of Maungdaw Town. There was a border police battalion fighting around that area. There was no reason for the Arakan Army to launch heavy artillery into the Maungdaw town. So you can ask me why they are doing they are doing. They are implementing their plan.
According to a secret report, they have a plan to create Buthidaung and Maungdaw Rohingya-Free City. And then they will bring the Rakhine people from other areas. So Maungdaw and Buthidaung became a Rakhine majority area. So we can conclude that this is a kind of annihilation of Rohingya.
And then also it is another method of genocide. Genocide without killing a lot of people. Genocide not necessarily required to kill everyone. If there was nobody on the land of, soil of Arakan that is genocide according to Genocide Prevention Convention. So they are doing the same thing they have already done in Maungdaw North and Maungdaw South. So they always force all villagers to leave. Even they are not allowed.
There was no fighting between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army. Even those villages are not allowed to return their villages in Maungdaw north and south. Therefore they sought refuge in the Maungdaw town. So when they are attacking Maungdaw town, they are attacking the whole population of Maungdaw township.
So they are not allowed to go back to their villages and home. Even if they are supposed to leave Maungdaw Town, where will they go? Bangladesh government to close their border. I wrote in my tweet, there was nowhere except jumping into the Naf river. If they jump under the Naf river, there was no other thing except you see dying in the river because Bangladesh crossed the border. Even somebody was swimming in the Naf river. Also Myanmar military, of course Myanmar military jet fighters bombed. They bombed some of the Rohingya villagers because the Arakan Army was never stationed in Rakhine villages.
So one thing we learned in Buthidaung and Maungdaw, although Rohingyas are the majority, there’s also some Rakhine and others. Because in 2012-2017, a lot of people left even though the majority said they were Rohingya. But in Maungdaw also some are Rakhine, some villages are in Rakhine.
The Arakan Army never made a launchpad in the Rakhine village. They always make a launchpad for the Rohingya village. This is why Myanmar military bomb is to that area. In this time, all this began. Rohingyas is not target of Myanmar military in this only. But Rohingyas are their main target in 2012 and 2017. That is true, but not at this time. Because at this time they are struggling. They are fighting against the Arakan Army, so they are more focused on the Arakan Army. However, both are against the Rohingya. Nobody has sympathy. No Myanmar military or Arakan Army has sympathy.
If the Rohingya are killed by any attack by the Arakan Army or Myanmar military, they don’t care. So there is the situation in Maungdaw. But also I could foresee a similar situation in Sittwe. As per the statement of the Arakan Army and the recent press conference made by a spokesperson of the Arakan Army, they will do the same thing in Sittwe.
Also in Sittwe, the Rohingya population, Buthidaung and Maungdaw, are creating Forcibly Displaced Person when people need to leave the rural area. But now the problem is I received several calls from my constituency in Buthidaung. They said last week they told me that they have only a little food left only for a couple of days. By now, probably they may have died.
Because for the last three days, I didn’t receive any. Any call. Probably my own sister, probably my own relative, probably my own niece and sister in law. They could have died now because they don’t have food. So the Arakan Army says, we have requested the international community. International community didn’t send the Russian. Therefore they died.
But there is no excuse that because of the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, the Myanmar military did not force Rohingya out of the town. They fight with the Arakan Army. The Arakan army is responsible for creating this FDP. So if these people are dying from starvation, the Arakan Army is fully responsible. International community must make the Arakan Army responsible, accountable for that. This is the situation.
But in Rangoon, we have a lot of Rohingya. But we have three kind of, actually four different situations. Buthidaung is now the worst. Maungdaw is almost approaching the situation of Buthidaung. After that, Sittwe will become the same thing. I hope it does not happen. But also I request the international community to prevent those kinds of atrocities.
But in Rangoon, who are originally living there and who have already reached there, are still at a safe place. Because the Myanmar military government is not doing anything against the Rohingya living in Yangon and other areas. But, all of their relatives, their own parents, siblings in those townships Sittwe, Buthidaung, and Maungdaw, they’re suffering. So suffering is the same.
What can ASEAN do?
Thank you very much, U Shwe Maung, for giving us that detailed explanation of what is going on in Rakhine state against the Rohingya and between the Arakan Army and also the Myanmar military junta, as you mentioned. Of course, this kind of violence has created many forcibly displaced persons. And a lot of these forcibly displaced rohingya have also been forced to seek refuge in neighboring countries such as Bangladesh. From there, thousands of rohingya have also, due to the desperate conditions that they face, put themselves in the hands of human smugglers. Sometimes to seek a better life in other countries by getting on boats that are very unsafe in countries like trying to reach countries like Malaysia. But then they get stranded and some have been stranded in Indonesian waters, for example. And this has been happening over the years, as you mentioned, 2012, 2017. And also more recently, there have been a few boats that have become stranded. Again, how do you see the situation? And how do you think that ASEAN and ASEAN member states should respond to this refugee crisis?
I must say it is very crucial now for the ASEAN as well as the international community to prevent mass atrocities and violence and persecution against Rohingya. According to pillar three of the Responsibility to Protect. Because the Myanmar military junta is, although it’s a defective government, still it was a government. So the Myanmar military junta is clearly failing to protect the Rohingya. On top of that, the Rohingya were under the persecution and genocide in 2012 and 2017 at this time by the Arakan Army.
So it is very important for the international community, especially the United Nations Security Council, to implement pillar three. The pillar three clearly mentioned if a state failed to protect its own people, it becomes responsible to the international community.
So instead of doing that, if we keep waiting, that will be the ugly history of our period. So at the same time, ASEAN also should cooperate or initiate sending or creating a peacekeeping postal mission. In collaboration with the United Nations General Assembly, United Nations Security Council, in close cooperation with regional stakeholders, including Bangladesh, to create a safe place or a safe zone for the Rohingya. So that Rohingya people could live peacefully, peacefully side by side with other communities on their homeland forever.
Otherwise, we will not be able to. Nobody will be able to end this thing. So there will be a question. But to implement pillar three of R2P. that the United Nations Security Council must approve it. Suppose if it is approved by the UN Security Council, it is very highly likely that either China or Russia will be too. We know that. So even in that situation we should not give up.
And in that situation, I would like to request the international community, especially NATO led by the United States government in cooperation with ASEAN and regional stakeholders and close cooperation with the prime minister of Bangladesh who initiated and proposed the General assembly for a safe zone for Rohingya.
So the US government, especially NATO, is led by the US government. Because NATO is, I understand it is their primary responsibility for the peace and security of 30 countries in the NATO region. But however, this Rohingya issue has become not only a regional issue, but also a global issue. All donor countries, including the EU, are tired of supporting the Rohingya. They are tired of tackling this issue. So this is not only regional for me, this is also global.
So therefore, my last call to end this crisis is regionally and then globally. If the UN Security Council fails or is unable because of a veto from China or Russia, NATO must take initiative under the leadership of the US government and in the cooperation of ASEAN.
Also, I would like to request ASEAN to cooperate with either UN Security Council resolution or the United States government initiative. This is, in my opinion, the only solution. Otherwise Rohingya will face a full fledged genocide. Like Rwanda, like Cambodia. We should not wait for such a situation to happen.
We need to prevent this potential, very highly likely genocide of the Rohingya. So at the same time, I’m not talking about the Rohingya. When the international community will intervene for the Rohingya, at the same time they can implement or as a peacekeeping mission for the 50 million people of Myanmar. Out of 50 million people, their highest risk is now for the Rohingya, because others have only one enemy. Only Myanmar military junta. Myanmar military junta as well as the Arakan Army. So this is why this is the only option or only endeavor I could see to end the Rohingya crisis.
The Role of MPs and Regional Solidarity
Thank you very much, U Shwe Maung. Maybe just for the last question for this podcast. As you know, since the coup in 2021, many Myanmar members of parliament are now in exile. What do you think that Myanmar MP’s in exile can do? To what role can they play to help bring about a resolution to both the Rohingya situation as well as the Myanmar conflict as a whole? And what do you think other MP’s from other Southeast Asian countries can do in solidarity with the Myanmar people?
That is a very good question. Actually, we APHR, are also an association of members of parliament. It’s also a kind of solidarity, although I understand it’s incomplete or not perfect. So we need a perfect one. So it would create a perfect task force incorporating the main major, the parliamentarian from all ASEAN countries, let’s say United Parliamentarian for Ending Human Rights Persecution Task force.
So if we could do that, if APHR could initiate that, it would be good. But I understand it is very challenging. This is one part of the solidarity, because relatively speaking, in every country, members of parliament’s voices are relatively stronger than any other individual or human rights organization. Most of the governments listen to, not only respected members of parliament, but also regional parliamentarians.
So this is why the task force was made by the regional lawmakers from ASEAN member states. So that will help a lot to promote peace and stability and to end violence and persecution in the region. So regarding Myanmar MPs who are in exile, I also, I have great sympathy for that. Because I was an exile MP, I was even worse than their situation. I was forced, by violation of law in 2015, then I have been staying in the US. But after that, our fellow member of parliament became our MP’s in exile. But they are doing a very good job to create a future Federal Democratic Union in cooperation with the National Unity Consultative Council and National Unity Government. They play a great role.
And also at the same time so they have some kind of thing. I have been also advocating for the CRPH and I’m in exile. So in cooperation with NUCC and NUG to create a legislation to recognize the Rohingya ethnic as an official ethnic of Myanmar.
Because we are although indigenous people, 1982 Citizenship Law and a lot of military instruction led to some kinds of acts. You see they have something that makes them Rohingyas like aliens. So although we are indigenous people since there was a lot of criticism and attack, it is very important to make legislation. It’s a small resolution. Only one sentence says “We recognize the Rohingya as a legitimate and indigenous people of Myanmar.” That’s it. Period.
But although I have been calling for more than three years, it still hasn’t happened yet. But the NUG minister as well as the MP in exile gave me a lot of positive thoughts. It could happen in the future when they are in power. But I said, without reaching power it is better to do it now. Because in the future all stakeholders can not deny it.
But recently I learned that I even heard with my own ears during this public assembly hosted by NUCC, some Rakhine community. There are NGO who are supporters of the Arakan Army and United Liberal Arakan. Even they disagree with the amendment of the 1982 Citizenship Law, point to be noted. ULA has been telling their opposing military junta, how come they like the 1982 Citizenship Law.
Whenever the media asked the question about citizenship they said according to law. They are opposing the whole Myanmar military junta which law they are referring to. It’s a joke. They are referring to 1982 Law indirectly. But during the people’s assembly conducted by NUCC, I heard they were like the Arakan National Congress or something. When I checked their profile in the website at Wikipedia, they are a strong supporter of, It’s like a branch of the Arakan Army.
Also the Arakan Army being an Ethnic Revolutionary Organization. They are member of NUCC. So I learned from several sources that in the NUCC because of objections by ULA, NUCC and/ NUG or CRPH is unable to make legislation for the Rohingya.
Even now. Even during the recent interview with the Arakan Army Chief and also at a press conference made by the Arakan Army. When we analyzed that even they are like super powers in Myanmar. This is their strongest ERO among the ERP. Even they don’t care. It looks like they don’t care. They will not care if NUG asks them to or accept Rohingya to make a dialog with Rohingya, etcetera.
So although we appreciate and we feel their Myanmar MP’s exile are like colleagues, also Rohingya are in line with 50 million people. We stand with NUG and 50 million people for a future Federal Democratic Myanmar. But according to my 30 years experience in the region and then my political career, I am quite confident that the ULA and the Arakan Army will not allow that to happen. Because the home of the Rohingya is inside the Arakan, not in the other part of Myanmar. In Yangon it’s like a handful among the people in other areas.
So therefore, although there will be a further democratization union. But in a situation where NUG will be able to govern physically, even at that time, the Rohingya issue will be a big challenge. So therefore, we should not only wait for the restoration of human rights by the fall of the Myanmar military only for the rise of the energy government. But because now the Arakan Army is a very bully to the Rohingya. The more powerful they become, the more they become sort of, you see more and more now they’re bullied. So in that situation the only solution will be a safe zone and the implementation of pillar three of R2P.
Thank you very much, U Shwe Maung. And thank you very much again for taking the time to speak with us for this podcast today..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2024-06-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Media Release From Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
For four and a half years, the United Nations Security Council, with the UK as penholder on Myanmar, has failed to uphold provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice on Myanmar to prevent acts of genocide against the Rohingya.
As a result of this failure, in the past six months alone, hundreds if not several thousands more Rohingya have been killed. A new report from the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK sets out how Rohingya have been targeted as part of the Myanmar military’s intensifying genocidal campaign, against the backdrop of a brutal and increasingly complex war in Rakhine State between the Myanmar military and its proxies, and the Arakan Army.
The Myanmar military has forcibly recruited Rohingya men and youth – including minors – by abducting them from their homes, villages, markets, some during night raids and often at gunpoint. Once conscripted, Rohingya have been subjected to forced labour and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, then sent to the frontlines in Rakhine State to be used as cannon fodder. The regime’s treatment of forcibly recruited Rohingya may constitute the genocidal act of causing serious bodily or mental harm to the members of the group, says the new report.
All 600,000 Rohingya left in Rakhine State continue to live under wide-ranging repressive laws and policies. This includes 140,000 Rohingya who have been confined to camps since 2012 and are living under a state of indefinite arbitrary detention. According to the report’s analysis, the Myanmar military is perpetrating the genocidal act known as ‘slow death’, which involves deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction in whole or in part of the Rohingya group. This includes the deliberate deprivation of resources indispensable for survival – namely adequate food, water, shelter, sanitation and medical care – by the military regime. The severe restrictions on freedom of movement imposed on the Rohingya underpin this act. They also leave Rohingya extremely vulnerable during times of armed conflict.
During the period covered by this report, 13 November 2023 – 23 May 2024, the Myanmar military, its proxies, and the Arakan Army are also alleged to have committed war crimes against Rohingya communities, including murder, torture, cruel treatment, extrajudicial executions, sexual violence, rape, taking hostages, conscripting and using children, pillaging, and deliberately attacking civilians.
“Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State face either a fast death being killed by the Myanmar military or Arakan Army, or a slow death as a result of being systematically deprived of the basic necessities of life,” said Tun Khin, President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. “We are witnessing another significant increase in violence against the Rohingya and once again the UN Security Council looks on and does nothing.”
This new report provides detailed research and new information on the situation on the ground in Rakhine State, including a timeline of events. It also sounds the alarm about the abrupt escalation of the human rights and humanitarian crisis.
200,000 Rohingya internally displaced in northern Rakhine State are now in dire need of international humanitarian aid to prevent further loss of life. In addition, 110,000 Rohingya – half of them children – are currently trapped in Sittwe township, surrounded by landmines and unable to flee as the conflict edges closer to the city.
The report warns that the international community cannot afford to fail the Rohingya yet again. There must be concerted international public pressure for an open meeting of the UN Security Council to frankly discuss the regime’s repeated breaches of the ICJ’s provisional measures order over the past four-and-a-half years. All relevant organs of the United Nations must make consistent efforts to leverage the ICJ’s provisional measures order within their own mandates, to seek urgent protection for the Rohingya and end the cycle of impunity in Myanmar, including support for the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or the creation of an ad hoc international tribunal.
“For the past 12 years, by repeatedly failing to take action to prevent violations of international law against the Rohingya, the UN Security Council has been sending a message to authoritarian regimes worldwide that they can get away with attempting to wipe out minorities they don’t like,” said Tun Khin. “The Rohingya genocide was not inevitable, it was allowed to happen and is still being allowed to happen.”
Background
The International Court of Justice issued its provisional measures order on Myanmar to ‘take all measures within its power’ to protect the Rohingya as part of the ongoing genocide case brought by The Gambia against Myanmar in January 2020. The United Kingdom, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and the Maldives have filed declarations of intervention in support of The Gambia in the case. The case has moved to a second round of written pleadings as part of the merits phase of the case. Oral hearings are unlikely to take place until 2025 at the earliest, after which the Court will issue its judgment following a period of deliberation.
This latest report from the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK is the ninth in its series detailing both the continual breaches of the order over the past four and a half years, and the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2024-06-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
629.77 KB
more
Sub-title:
Rohingya youth in refugee camps in Bangladesh face intimidation and forced recruitment by gangs, coercing them to join the very army that uprooted them.
Description:
"After the midday prayers on a hot Wednesday, Hussain* was summoned by an armed group to a “community meeting” in his block within the world’s largest refugee settlement.
“They want us to go and fight in Myanmar,” Hussain said. “They are gathering all the young men in the Rohingya community and forcing them to join the Myanmar military against the Arakan Army.”
“We don’t want to go, but they are threatening us daily. It is more terrifying than ever to be in camp right now.”
Since May 15, armed Rohingya nationalist groups have been holding community meetings throughout the 33-camp refugee settlement in Bangladesh, intensifying efforts to recruit young Rohingya males for military service in Myanmar, targeting boys as young as 14.
“The situation deteriorates by the day,” said Mahmudul*, a Rohingya humanitarian worker living in Kutupalong Camp.
“The gang conducts arrests around the clock, targeting anyone, particularly volunteer workers from our community, such as teachers and humanitarian aid workers. They have been organizing meetings in every camp for this purpose.”
Since 2021, following the military’s seizure of power through a coup, Myanmar has been embroiled in a brutal civil war, resulting in the loss of thousands of civilian lives. As 2023 saw a steady increase in fighting between the military junta and ethnic armed groups and resistance forces, the Myanmar junta has sought recruits from the Rohingya population it has persecuted and denied citizenship to for decades.
“Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, already facing immense hardship, are now targeted for forced recruitment by the military through their proxies,” said Htway Lwin, a Rohingya human rights activist and community leader based in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.
Several young men have fled the camp to evade recruitment, while others have relocated to the shelters of family and friends located in the Registered Refugee Camp settlement, which is purportedly facing fewer gang-related activities.
“Women and men stay awake at night, remaining alert as they fear their sons will be taken and forced to fight in Myanmar,” said Mohammed Younus* of Camp 4.
The Diplomat documented four cases of forced recruitment and interviewed 19 Rohingya residents of Kutupalong Camp in Bangladesh. Family members of those recruited reported that their loved ones were taken from the camp and transported to Rakhine State. Similar accounts of forced recruitment have been documented by AFP.
One brother of a recruited young male shared that he has been in contact with his brother, who says he has started military training in Rakhine State to fight against the Arakan Army.
“There are many people whose family members were taken forcibly and still there is no news of them. Their parents have been looking for them everywhere but there is no news,” said Kyaw Myint Aung* of Camp 4.
“Some say that they are now in Myanmar and undergoing military training. Others say they are in the Bandarban district of Bangladesh, near the border with Myanmar.”
Over 500 Rohingya refugees have reportedly been pressured by armed groups to join the ongoing war in Myanmar since May, according to Radio Free Asia, a regional news service.
Those who refuse recruitment and assistance to the junta in Rakhine State face beatings and, in some instances, fatal consequences. Other sources share accounts of family members who refused recruitment attempts being detained and then forcefully taken to Myanmar to fight.
Forced recruitment has profoundly affected the lives of Rohingya in Kutupalong Camp, exacerbating their already dire circumstances.
Many Rohingya working with humanitarian organizations cannot go to work due to the high risk, shared Samina Islam*, a humanitarian worker living in the Rohingya Registered Refugee Camp. Samina said the armed groups have also been setting fires in some camps to intimidate the community.
“People are now afraid to leave home,” says Samina Islam, “We can’t sleep well and there are often gunshots heard after dark… The gangs take people mostly at night, but sometimes during the daytime too, so we can never feel safe.”
The armed groups are pitching recruitment to fight the Arakan Army using promises of citizenship and coercion through threats of abduction, beatings, and repercussions on one’s family.
In Rakhine State, where coerced recruitment of Rohingya men has been ongoing since February, the junta government has failed to provide citizenship cards to any Rohingya military recruits, despite their earlier promises to do so.
The factions driving recruitment in the camp say that the Rohingya must forge alliances with the Myanmar army, an old enemy, to confront the new threat of the Arakan Army.
Nearly 1 million people live in the Cox’s Bazar camps, according to the United Nations. Recent accounts from the Kutupalong Refugee Camp in Cox’s Bazar echo reports of coerced recruitment akin to those witnessed this year in Rakhine State, perpetrated by Rohingya nationalist groups.
Over 1,000 Rohingya men in Rakhine State, Myanmar have been abducted and forcibly recruited by the Myanmar military to fight on its behalf against the Arakan Army (AA), an insurgent force. Rohingya men and their family members have faced beatings and arrest after refusing to comply with conscription and undertake military training to support the junta’s conflict in Rakhine State. To evade recruitment efforts, over 100,000 young men have fled their homes.
The junta is applying a conscription law to recruit Rohingya young men to assist with their internal conflicts with other ethnic groups. However the law only applies to citizens of Myanmar, and is therefore violating international human rights law when applied to the Rohingya population – as the Rohingya have been denied citizenship in the country since the 1982 Citizenship Law was enacted.
“Myanmar’s military, which has committed atrocities against the Rohingya for decades while denying them citizenship, is now forcing them to fight on its behalf,” said Shayna Bauchner of Human Rights Watch.
Noor Kolima, a human rights defender residing in Kutupalong Camp, said the forced recruitment of youth for the Myanmar military is impacting all Rohingya residing in the camps in Bangladesh. Noor reports that the deteriorating situation is leaving Rohingya youth feeling increasingly unsafe.
Rohingya refugees interviewed for this story and reports from other news outlets accuse three armed groups – the Rohingya Salvation Organization (RSO), the Arakan Rohingya Army (ARA), and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) – of coordinating recruitment efforts through widespread intimidation, threats of violence, and abduction.
Gangs lack broad support among Rohingya in the camps, leading to escalating conflict between residents and gang members.
Mahmudul said that in many instances, residents of entire blocks, including women and children, have confronted armed RSO members in an effort to protect the young men in their families.
Fires involving shelters and offices within Kutupalong Camp have been reported and verified. Many in Kutupalong allege that the fire outbreaks are a deliberate response to the unrest within camp, as the situation is pitting the armed groups against the wider Rohingya community, resulting in retribution and retaliation efforts.
Suspicions and allegations that Bangladesh’s Armed Police Battalion is complicit in gang recruitment activities were widespread among interviewed Rohingya refugees. Rumors allege the Bangladeshi police are turning a blind eye to the violent and intimidating activities of the groups, failing to arrest the perpetrators, and even facilitating movement of Rohingya youth to the Myanmar border.
Gang violence between the RSO, ARA, and ARSA is also increasing, adding to insecurity. The groups are in conflict, battling for control over different camps within the settlement.
On June 10, a violent conflict erupted in Camp 4, resulting in the death of three RSO members at the hands of ARSA members.
The constant threat of abduction or violence has created a climate of fear and insecurity within the camps. The highly stressful environment is taking a significant toll on the community’s daily life, and physical and mental wellbeing.
Families are often compelled to act as unofficial security in their own blocks, staying vigilant to protect their loved ones. Guards have been hired in some blocks to maintain watch for threats to young men and adolescent boys in the camp.
MHM Kolim Ullah* from Camp 14 expressed, “The feeling of extreme stress and tension within the camp now makes it impossible for us to feel safe or envision a future.”
“I am always in danger,” said Kyaw Myint Aung, “There is no safety, no security… Now the refugee camp is like hell for innocent refugees.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2024-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"In the late evening of Friday 17 May 2024, Rohingya neighbourhoods in the town of Buthidaung in Myanmar’s Rakhine State were disturbed by an ominously familiar sight. Armed gunmen had come to their doors and ordered them to leave before the gunmen set their houses alight. If they refused, they were told, they would be burnt with their house.
As the Rohingya community fled to fields to the west, the gunmen torched their houses. By morning, most of what remained of Buthidaung had burnt to the ground. Buthidaung was the largest town to be burnt in a cycle of arson attacks throughout April and May, in which the junta and affiliated militants burnt approximately 2,400 structures, and the resistance-aligned Arakan Army retaliated by burning a further 8,500 structures across around 50 villages.
With communications in this area of Myanmar effectively cut off, with no independent media presence and with a desperate lack of supplies and food reaching the area, it is challenging to pin down specifics of what happened on 17 May. Using detailed analysis of satellite imagery, news reports, statements and open-source analysis of incidents on the ground, it is possible to provide crucial context to the violence that has occurred over the past weeks—enough to begin to verify the perpetrators.
This Strategist special report explains what happened that night and presents new satellite imagery analysis that reveals a systematic campaign of retaliatory arson that has occurred in the township since 24 April and continued until at least 21 May.
The majority of these arson attacks occurred in uncontested Arakan Army territory with attacks on rural villages reportedly forcing many Rohingyas to flee from their burnt village to Buthidaung town itself prior to the arson attack there.
Following the genocidal anti-Rohingya violence of 2017, when the majority of Maungdaw Township’s Rohingya community was expelled or killed in a series of violent campaigns by the military, the township of Buthidaung in the Mayu River valley became home to the largest Rohingya community remaining in Myanmar, with over 150,000 Rohingya living in the township. Although the Rohingya community in Buthidaung is not as controlled or restricted as those living in internally displaced person camps across the rest of the state, the area is still subject to significant human rights abuses, including unreasonable restrictions on movement and access to services, along with a complete impunity for government forces in the area.
Following the outbreak of clashes between the Arakan Army and Burmese state forces in 2019, the township became more isolated and cut off from services and supplies. The township has been effectively under siege since the latest outbreak of violence during which the Arakan Army has captured much of Rakhine state from the junta.
With an increasingly dispossessed community, the junta has leveraged people’s desperation into actions deliberately calibrated to stoke communal tensions. In February and March 2024, junta authorities in Buthidaung town coerced and co-opted Rohingya residents to hold anti-Arakan Army demonstrations that were widely publicised in pro-junta media. These efforts were generally disregarded as a ploy to inflame communal tensions. However, the situation became more critical in March and April, as the junta started to enforce widespread conscription in an attempt to address its staggering losses on the battlefield over the preceding five months. Despite the Rohingya community long being denied citizenship or residency permits by government authorities, the junta sought conscripts from the Rohingya community using a mixture of false promises of citizenship along with threats and intimidation.
Despite having previously fought against the Burmese army, some Rohingya armed groups carried out forced recruitment into junta-aligned militias, including by abducting boys (reportedly some as young as 14) from Bangladesh refugee camps to return to Myanmar and fight.
Starting on 11 April, the military junta and Rohingya militants began burning down predominantly Buddhist and Hindu neighbourhoods of Buthidaung town to stoke further sectarian tensions. Over the following week, these attacks destroyed roughly 2,400 structures across 150 acres of Buthidaung town, with several of Buthidaung’s most densely populated neighbourhoods being entirely destroyed, including an office and pharmacy of the medical charity Doctors Without Borders.
While these attacks were taking place in Buthidaung town through April, the Arakan Army was gaining full control on the other side of the Mayu River. It besieged and captured remaining junta military bases one-by-one.
And from 24 April, the Arakan Army began an arson campaign against Rohingya villages, retaliating against the whole Rohingya community for arson attacks in Buthidaung town. Over the following 10 days, it burnt 27 villages and hamlets on the eastern bank of the Mayu River, according to our analysis of satellite imagery.
Buthidaung town was, by all accounts, a chaotic place on 17 May, as conflict in the township was reaching its nadir. The Arakan Army had told residents that they would assault the town at 10am the next day, and ordered a general evacuation. However, by around 6pm on Friday afternoon, the group was overrunning four junta battalions on the western edge of town. According to statements by the Arakan Army, the remnants of these units then fled into the town, with local media reporting clashes at the entrance to Buthidaung town throughout Friday. This hastened the Arakan Army’s advance, and by 9:30pm much of the town was under their control, according to eyewitnesses. On the night of the arson attack, there was significant movement of Arakan Army and Burmese junta troops through the town, along with continued and hasty displacement of civilians.
Given the chaotic scene on the ground, and the immense communication restrictions in the area, independently and firmly establishing the perpetrator of this attack is challenging. However, satellite imagery analysis of arson attacks enables us to establish a clear pattern of retaliatory violence by the Arakan Army against Rohingya villages and neighbourhoods. The images show that as Arakan Army forces advanced across rural Buthidaung township in late April and May, they left a trail of rubble and ash as they burnt down Rohingya villages, seemingly indiscriminately.
That trail started on 24 April, around a week after the initial bout of junta-directed and Rohingya-committed arson in Buthidaung town ended. On that day, the village of Raza Berha (Nan Yar Kone), with around 100 homes, became the first Rohingya village torched on the Mayu River’s eastern bank. Satellite imagery from the next morning shows much of the northern part of the village destroyed. Over the next week, around a dozen villages would be burnt, including the large settlements of Kun Taing Ywar Gyi and Taung (Pale Taung).
The comprehensive destruction, completely burning all villages in this area of the township, strongly suggests that this has been a deliberate campaign of arson and that these towns were not merely damaged by airstrikes, artillery fire or columns of fleeing troops.
In a 4 May statement announcing their control over the entire eastern bank of the Mayu River, the Arakan Army provided some clarification regarding their territorial control over the area in the preceding months. They state that for much of 2024, Arakan Army troops had surrounded and blocked the 15th Military Operations Command HQ in the area, and that since around 20 April, there had been heavy clashes within the base itself before the Arakan Army seized it on 2 May. As early as the start of April, local media was reporting that every battalion in Buthidaung was besieged by the Arakan Army.
Accordingly, 4km away from the nearest battalion base, when Raza Berha village burnt in the last week of April, the only armed group with presence in this part of the countryside was the Arakan Army. Similarly, other villages burnt in the early days of this arson campaign were some distance from besieged junta bases.
Over the following weeks, as the Arakan Army captured the remaining besieged junta battalions one-by-one, a disturbing pattern emerged of nearby villages being burnt immediately following their capture.
On 25 April, the 565th Light Infantry Battalion was captured and, within a week, the neighbouring Rohingya villages of Shawdawr Para and Hadimma Para were burnt.
On 2 May, the 15th Military Operations Command HQ was captured, and that night the neighbouring Rohingya village of Da Bru Yaung was burnt.
On 3 May, the 551st Light Infantry Battalion was captured and within three days the neighbouring Rohingya village of Setawr Para was burnt.
On 13 May, the 353rd Light Infantry Battalion was captured and, the following night, the neighbouring Rohingya village of Na Khine Daung was burnt.
On 18 May, the final Junta battalions with the Buthidaung Tactical Operations Command were captured, with the neighbouring villages of Thar Mai Khali, Myaung, Daing Net Ywar, Kyauk Hpyu Taung and Let Wea Det Pyin Shey all burnt over the next two days, along with nearby town of Buthidaung itself.
This pattern was not repeated, however, in villages near military bases that were captured prior to the junta-directed arson attacks in Buthidaung town in mid-April. The 564th Light Infantry Battalion HQ was the first in the township to fall to the Arakan Army, being captured on 5 April. None of the villages surrounding this military base were burnt following its capture. This provides further evidence that the recent spate of arson attacks was in direct retaliation to junta-orchestrated provocations of communal tension.
The village of Na Khing Daung serves as a useful case study providing insight into the timeline on the Arakan Army’s control of the area. Following the arson attack on Buthidaung town and its widespread condemnation, official propaganda channels from the Arakan Army released photos showing their troops caring for injured Rohingya civilians in Na Khing Daung on 14 May. As Arakan Army troops were capturing the neighbouring 353rd Light Infantry Battalion the previous day, fleeing junta troops opened fire at the village as they passed through, causing injuries among civilians, according to local media reporting. A video from the same date and previously released through official Arakan Army channels shows scores of Rohingya from Na Khing Daung who were detained by junta forces being released by Arakan Army troops.
These two videos show the Arakan Army in firm control of the village on 14 May, with junta forces that were previously nearby rapidly disintegrating and fleeing across the countryside. Satellite imagery from the early afternoon of that day shows fire beginning to consume the village, with houses along the main road through the village having already been burnt. These fires would continue overnight and into the next day until, by the next satellite pass, the entire Rohingya hamlet within the village was burnt to the ground.
Tellingly, the ethnically Daingnet (a predominantly buddhist ethnicity from northern Rakhine state numbering around 80,000 people) hamlet of the same village remained completely undamaged. A mosque in the Rohingya hamlet was burnt, while the monastery 200m away was spared.
The burning also continued in many villages following the complete capture of Buthidaung township by the Arakan Army, with around a dozen villages, mostly to the west and southwest of Buthidaung town being burnt down following the expulsion of all junta positions in the area.
Together, the satellite evidence clearly demonstrates a systematic pattern of arson attacks across much of Buthidaung township, both in areas under complete Arakan Army control, and in a manner suggestive of on-the-ground arson attacks as compared to damage from airstrikes or artillery.
Thankfully, it appears that there have been no reports of continued arson attacks in the area beyond 21 May. It is possible or even likely that the Arakan Army command has reacted to the attention the atrocities generated, and prevented their troops on the ground from committing further arson. However, this is not enough. The already vulnerable and dispossessed Rohingya community of Buthidaung is now languishing in even worse conditions than before, with some reports suggesting that up to 60 displaced people have died, largely as a result of a lack of clean drinking water.
The Arakan Army urgently needs to restore community relations in the Rohingya heartland of which it is rapidly seizing control. It faces an uphill climb given the extent of the recent violence in which it has played a significant part, but there is room for reconciliation, especially as Rakhine and Rohingya communities can point to a common enemy as the actor responsible for provoking sectarian tension and as a springboard for common reconciliation.
The Arakan Army must act with initiative and urgency by providing immediate aid and assistance to displaced and desperate communities. It should reach out to key Rohingya leaders in areas under its control and commit to treating the Rohingya community as brothers just like all other members of the Arakanese nation, and demonstrate this commitment. It should recognise that at the individual level, Rohingya militants coerced into fighting alongside the junta are victims of the junta and not targets for reprisals. It should call them ‘Rohingya’ instead of the variety of slurs it has used and that immediately demonstrates the Arakan Army’s hostility. It should also recognise the opportunity in both human capital and economic development that could be realised if the Arakan Army is able to reverse its course and foster community relations in northern Rakhine state that facilitates widespread repatriation of Rohingya citizens.
The national resistance organisations must make it clear, both privately and publicly, that such atrocities are unacceptable, and that if the Arakan Army wants a seat at the table in a future federalised and democratic Myanmar, it must treat all civilians under its control with dignity and respect. It should publicly name the Arakan Army as the perpetrator of these atrocities that it condemned. It should facilitate dialogue and reconciliation efforts between the Arakan Army and Rohingya community leaders both inside and outside of Burma.
International actors should continue to recognise that the military junta remains the biggest impediment to peace and stability in both Rakhine and Myanmar more broadly, and that this communal violence has been directly and deliberately provoked by them. Even over the last week, junta forces and affiliated militias cordoned off a village in Rakhine state before executing over 70 civilians and burning scores of houses. Any policy that seeks to restore a pre-coup status quo is misguided and counterproductive. Despite this outbreak of violence, the Arakan Army—should it reflect and evolve from these atrocities—is far more likely to transform into a responsible and reliable partner in the region than the military junta.
AUTHOR
Nathan Ruser is an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. All maps and imagery created by Nathan Ruser, using Planet satellite imagery.
Methodology
Identification of burnt areas.
Burnt areas were initially developed in a ‘point’ manner, by comparing areas of FIRMS hotspot detections with urban land use and through visual interpretation of post-fire Planet imagery (3m resolution) of the township.
These points were refined and expanded into polygons of burnt area through more detailed comparison of pre and post-fire imagery examined through the web-based Planet Explorer tool. The dates of these comparisons were variable based on local dates of burning and cloud-cover conditions. Areas with FIRMS hotspot detections in urban areas, but where satellite imagery revealed only scattered burning of individual houses and not significant parts of the urban area, these points were removed. The detailed delineation of burnt areas was developed by ‘tracing’ burnt areas in the Planet Explorer tool with direct comparisons to pre-burn imagery, then exported to geojson files and combined within QGIS.
To ensure that no villages were missed, Sentinel-2 imagery (10m resolution) across the township was accessed through Google Earth Engine and analysed using the differenced Normalized Burn Ratio (dNBR) formula. This highlighted burnt areas across the township and these were then individually examined with Planet Imagery.
Metadata.
Metadata for the burnt area is split into two categories: metadata surrounding the village and metadata surrounding the arson.
Metadata for village information was obtained by joining the burnt-area polygons to the nearest settlement from Myanmar Information Management Unit’s (MIMU) national and geocoded database of settlements. The Rohingya name of villages (where available) was manually extracted from the field “Commonly_Used_Local_Vlg_Name_Eng” when the name in that field appeared to be of Rohingya origin. The MIMU dataset is not perfect – especially in areas of ethnic named villages – and may miss settlements or name them incorrectly, therefore this metadata should be considered as a guide and not a replacement for detailed on-the-ground knowledge.
Metadata for burn date was primarily detected from FIRMS data. For cases where FIRMS did not detect a fire hotspot (often due to timing of the burns and cloud cover) the date was estimated by establishing the ‘last unburnt’ and ‘first burnt’ dates from Planet imagery. This is why in the text of the report some references are made to burning happening “within x days”, for cases when an exact burn date is unavailable and the ‘first burnt’ data was used instead.
Estimating the impact of the burnt area.
For all this analysis it was replicated twice, once for the area burnt in Buthidaung town between April 11-17, and separately for areas burnt by the Arakan Army between April 24 and May 21.
The burnt polygons were reprojected into the local UTM grid and then the area was calculated for each polygon. These areas were summed across the polygons to calculate the total area burnt.
The estimate of burnt structures was derived from splitting the burnt area into a grid of 50x50m cells, a random subset of these was picked (25 cells for the mid-April burning and 50 cells for the Arakan Army burning) and the number of structures was counted using pre-burn, very-high-resolution (
Source/publisher:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute
Date of publication:
2024-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Introduction:
The plight of the Rohingya people represents one of the most urgent humanitarian crises of our time. Decades of persecution and systemic discrimination have rendered them stateless and vulnerable, with successive governments in Myanmar perpetuating egregious human rights violations. In the wake of the 2021 coup, their suffering has only intensified, necessitating immediate and concerted international intervention.
Despite broad humanitarian assistance and widespread condemnation of the actions against them, the Rohingya continue to endure unimaginable hardships, exacerbated by regional neglect and a lack of organized representation on the global stage.
The Global Rohingya Initiative, spearheaded by the New Lines Institute, represents a landmark initiative designed to ensure the voices of the Rohingya community are heard in all discussions with international entities, are leading efforts to build enduring frameworks, and are at the center of any path forward. Our comprehensive approach encompasses a range of activities, from advocacy and capacity-building to policy development and international engagement, with a steadfast commitment to centering Rohingya perspectives and experiences with an aim to equip Rohingya leaders to develop a new global Rohingya representative body with offices in the U.S., Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.
The Global Rohingya Initiative stands as a beacon of hope and solidarity in the face of adversity. It is imperative that we heed the Rohingya call for justice and solidarity, recognizing the pressing need to empower them with a unified voice and agency in shaping their own future..."
Source/publisher:
New Lines Institute
Date of publication:
2024-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.94 MB (110 pages) - Original version
more
Sub-title:
What we are seeing now is worse than any other period of violence in the state since 2017.
Description:
"Since the day conflict resumed in Myanmar’s Rakhine state on 13 November 2023, a continued disruption of basic services and blockage of supply routes has led to severe challenges for people in accessing necessities such as food, essential healthcare, and a safe place to shelter.
What we are seeing now, as expressed by some of our staff, is worse than any other period of violence in the state since 2017, when hundreds of thousands of people from Myanmar’s minority Muslim Rohingya community were forced to flee to Bangladesh.
Conflict has resulted in the destruction of infrastructure, including homes, schools, and healthcare facilities, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Fuel, electricity, and phone connection are scarce, isolating people and reducing their ability to seek help.
While this is affecting all communities in Rakhine, we are concerned about the escalating ethnic dynamics and divisive language being used, with armed groups pushing Rohingya men to fight alongside them and forcing Rohingya communities to protest against the opposing side.
Yet, in the face of this crisis, humanitarian organisations are left powerless to respond.
Unable to deliver healthcare
MSF has been in Rakhine state since 1994 providing medical assistance for people with diseases like malaria, HIV/TB, diabetes, hypertension, care for children under-five, and care for pregnant and breastfeeding women. Every time the stability of the state has wavered, our medical programmes are constrained and people’s access to healthcare has suffered.
Humanitarian access in the state has been heavily controlled through administrative procedures. All humanitarian organisations depend on travel authorisations to run their activities, and when conflict ignites, travel restrictions hinder humanitarian activities, rendering it difficult to provide lifesaving services.
Emergency referrals are at times life-saving for patients, particularly for Rohingya people who face severe restrictions imposed on all aspects of their lives.
With the resumption of the latest conflict in November 2023, travel authorisations were revoked and most of our clinics were forced to close. Six months on, none of the 25 mobile clinics MSF was running in Rakhine are operational. As a consequence, MSF’s outpatient consultations have significantly dropped from 6,696 in September 2023 to 236 in April 2024.
We have seen a drastic reduction in the numbers of emergency referrals we are able to support in Rakhine state. MSF teams referred 264 patients in need of emergency care to hospitals in October 2023, but this number decreased to only 28 patients in March 2024 because of lack of authorisation to run services and because of lack of functioning hospitals to refer patients to.
These emergency referrals are at times life-saving for patients, particularly for Rohingya people who face severe restrictions imposed on all aspects of their lives, including their freedom of movement, making travelling to access available secondary healthcare a huge challenge.
Scarcity of medical supplies
Not only are people blocked from reaching the remaining health facilities, essential drugs can’t reach them either. Both the transportation of people and of supplies is extremely challenging within Rakhine (between townships under control of different armed groups) and from outside the state (Yangon to Sittwe), leading to scarcity in essential medication, including antibiotics and drugs for HIV, pregnancies, non-communicable diseases, mental healthcare and injuries.
Any medical supplies between townships that could be used for care of wounded soldiers are banned. This includes sanitary pads and diapers, as these could hypothetically be used to apply pressure to a wound to stop the bleeding.
Decimation of available healthcare
Lack of authorisation notwithstanding, the increasing intensity of the violence, with airstrikes and armed clashes leading to heightened insecurity, has also made the functioning of humanitarian organisations almost impossible.
The conflict affected MSF’s structures as well – a shell landed in the Mrauk-U office compound in the beginning of 2024, and the MSF’s office and pharmacy in Buthidaung was burnt down on 15 April – leading to a decimation of available healthcare options for people in Rakhine state.
The availability of public healthcare has reduced rapidly. Healthcare structures have been damaged by artillery, airstrikes, or caught in the centre of active conflict, forcing staff to leave hospitals and health centres. In central Rakhine, Mrauk-U and Pauktaw hospitals are no longer functioning, and Min Bya hospital was already damaged by artillery at the end of last year. In northern Rakhine, the township hospitals of Maungdaw and Buthidaung are not functioning, leaving people with no secondary healthcare options.
The way the dynamics of the conflict have played out over the last six months has significantly impacted every aspect of daily life for communities in Rakhine and hugely increased the demand for humanitarian assistance.
In Pauktaw, where MSF ran clinics for both Rohingya people living in displacement camps and Rakhine communities, the disruption of MSF activities have had serious consequences. People in these areas no longer have access to healthcare, as MSF’s clinics are closed and access routes – mostly by water - are heavily controlled by checkpoints. Pregnant women in Pauktaw can no longer access Sittwe General Hospital, including for emergency care. As a consequence, at least one Rohingya woman and her baby died after they were denied access to Sittwe. Two other patients who were on their way back after receiving care drowned in the sea, as people are forced to find alternative ways to travel – if they can travel at all.
Between November 2023 and March 2024, MSF teams have recorded nine maternal deaths or stillbirth cases, likely a fraction of the deaths arising due to lack of available healthcare.
Disease outbreaks will go unattended
The end of the dry season is also approaching fast. Usually, water scarcity leads to an increase in cases of acute watery diarrhoea (AWD) and skin diseases. Every year, MSF and other organisations aim to respond to both prevent and treat these diseases, but in many townships in Rakhine this is currently impossible.
In many other townships, it is challenging for humanitarian and health organisations to have any visibility on outbreaks and illness at all.
Last November, there were more than 100 cases of AWD in Maungdaw. MSF, in collaboration with the local health authority, supported 80 emergency referrals of patients in need of hospitalisation from this cohort. This year, these emergency services are not available, and MSF is already seeing the dire consequences.
In Aung Mingalar in Sittwe, where 98 cases of AWD were reported in children under-five and pregnant women alone in April and May this year, two patients passed away. In that same period, 222 cases were reported in just one Rohingya IDP camp in Pauktaw, of which 201 were in one week, and 7 children died. In many other townships, it is challenging for humanitarian and health organisations to have any visibility on outbreaks and illness at all, as the access restrictions and challenges make it impossible to carry out assessments.
Nowhere to go
Now, all communities across the entire state are confronted with movement restrictions and challenges in accessing healthcare that Rohingya people have endured for years. Rohingya people were stripped of their citizenship at home in Myanmar in 1982, denying them their fundamental rights and freedom. Many cannot move from one village or state to another, as they lack the relevant identity documents, leaving them with nowhere to escape to.
Despite being denied citizenship, Rohingya men are – often forcibly – included in the rounds of recruitment by the Myanmar military, due to the announcement of a conscription law in February that applies to Myanmar citizens. At the same time, many other armed groups in Rakhine, including the Arakan Army, are also actively recruiting Rohingya. People from different communities expressed their fears of reprisal if they did not support one of the two opposing parties to the conflict.
Fighting for survival
It has now been over six months since MSF was last able to carry out its regular mobile clinics. Until recently, we were still trying to find ways to support communities by helping township hospitals with medical donations and assigning our medical staff. But then the township hospitals had to shut as they started running out of essential supplies of medicines and fuel to even have the hospital run, or to have the operating theatres’ run.
We are witnessing a near-total absence of humanitarian assistance in Rakhine state as people face relentless obstacles for their survival. Without any support, battling these is getting harder and harder.
The forced closure and targeting of health facilities, and the blocking of people’s access to health facilities, is unacceptable. Healthcare must be depoliticised and kept out of any political or military conflict.
In order to guarantee access to critical care and to reduce the risks of disease outbreaks in Rakhine, it is crucial that all parties to the conflict ensure healthcare structures can operate and that people can reach these facilities. Essential drugs must be allowed to be transported to save lives and respond to outbreaks and emergencies – including when it means crossing townships in Rakhine..."
Source/publisher:
"The New Humanitarian" (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2024-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
more
Description:
"Over the past two decades of listening to survivors of atrocity crimes – including the perspectives shared in a recent survey of Rohingya survivors of genocidal violence in Myanmar – I have seen time and again that while the desire for justice is universal, the question of what justice means in any given community (and for different individuals within any given community) is often very particular and highly influenced by local context. There is nothing terribly surprising in this observation. What is striking, however, is the degree to which the professional community working on and around international criminal law (ICL) (and I include myself in this) often fails to absorb the full implications of this reality.
I don’t want to overstate the claim. There are plenty of examples of work being done to vernacularize or transform international criminal law for a local context. And, of course, there are different constituencies for international courts to consider (would-be perpetrators and their future victims, current victims of different conflicts, and ultimately, perhaps, humanity at large), each with different accounts of what international prosecutions can achieve (deterrence, historical record, expressivism, etc.).
By the same token, it remains true that so much activity in and around ICL rests on the assumption – implicit, but also often explicit – that international courts are working to serve the victims’ quest for justice. “We hope that through our work, we can bring justice to the victims,” then-ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda explained, upon opening an investigation into the 2017 atrocities in Myanmar.
In some cases the claim, or hope, of serving victims aligns with reality. There are plenty of survivors of atrocities for whom justice means seeing the perpetrators most responsible for the violence prosecuted in a legitimate criminal trial and sentenced to a lengthy term of imprisonment. And that is exactly what the International Criminal Court (ICC) can offer.
But what of the many counter-examples that also exist? What are the obligations of international courts (or domestic courts exercising universal jurisdiction) that rely on the testimony of victims to achieve the type of justice that falls within these courts’ mandates, but can never achieve the type of justice that these same victims themselves seek?
The Slow Growth of Victim Participation
Normative work on the rights of victims began gaining traction at the international level over four decades ago with the 1985 U.N. Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, and work has continued in this space ever since. Yet this move towards a victim-centered approach was not part of the establishment of the ad hoc international tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia.
Critical scholarship by Binnaifer Norowjee, Diane Orentlicher, and others helped make the case for this lacuna to be addressed by the time the ICC was established. The inclusion of a victim participation mechanism and a Trust Fund for Victims within the Rome Statute was heralded as a ground-breaking development. Yet translating the ideal of victim-centered criminal proceedings into reality in international prosecutions has been challenging, with constraints of distance, cultural competency, and differential resource allocation, among other factors, hampering success.
The example of the Rohingya survivors of the 2017 atrocities in Myanmar provides a telling illustration. In late 2019, following the Victim Participation Unit’s first four visits to Cox’s Bazaar (the refugee camp in Bangladesh where many Rohingya survivors fled), the Registry reported “massive confusion … the overwhelming majority of people have very little information and understanding, if any, of these various justice initiatives and, importantly, their different mandates and functions.” Four years later, the Registry’s Eighth Report on its outreach activities recounted that there was still “massive confusion among the Rohingya between the various international justice mechanisms available, their mandates, activities and roles…”
As civil society actors have repeatedly insisted, the ICC must work, with urgency, on strengthening the connection between victims and the Court. At the same time, this entire sphere of activity remains wedded to the assumption that the ICC can, in theory, offer justice to victims. This will be true for some of the victims whose experiences are central to the Court’s work, but not for all of them. So again the question arises: What obligations does the ICC, or any court dealing with international crimes, have towards those victims whose testimony and experiences of harm are used to deliver a type of justice that those same victims do not see as meaningful or, perhaps, not even recognize as justice?
“What Kind of Court Is This?”
The question of what international courts owe to those who participate, directly or indirectly, in their proceedings, yet feel no connection to the type of justice the court offers, is raised – unavoidably – in survey results from over 400 Rohingya survivors of the 2017 genocidal violence in Myanmar described in “What Kind of Court Is This?”: Perceptions of International Justice Among Rohingya Refugees, recently published in Human Rights Quarterly (I am a co-author).
By way of background: The Muslim minority Rohingya population in Myanmar faced decades of violent persecution and forced displacement before the 2017 attacks. A 1982 Citizenship Law in Myanmar excluded Rohingya from the list of officially recognized national ethnic groups, rendering them ineligible for full citizenship. More recently, Rohingya were forced to accept National Verification Cards designating them as “Bengali,” and successive Burmese leaders (including Nobel Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi) have refused to even utter the term “Rohingya” on the grounds that no such people exist.
Although Myanmar is not a Party to the Rome Statute, in 2019 the ICC granted the Prosecutor’s request to investigate crimes against the Rohingya that were completed on the territory of Bangladesh (which has joined the Court). Around the same time, The Gambia brought a claim against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) under the Genocide Convention for the 2017 attacks on the Rohingya.
It is against this backdrop that, through a mix of semi-structured focus group discussions and in-depth individual interviews conducted in Cox’s Bazaar in late 2022, a team of 32 Rohingya researchers (who cannot be named for their own security), Payam Akhavan, Daniel Coyle, Abdullah Jainul, Ishita Kumar, Antonia Mulvey, Yuvraj Rathore ,and myself sought Rohingya views on justice. Central to our decision-making around the survey design was a commitment to avoid any preconceptions about what justice would mean to those who agreed to speak with us, as well as to ensure that we situated their responses within the context that those who spoke with us inhabit.
Survey data should always be interpreted cautiously, and it is important to emphasize that while my co-authors and I believe the data from this survey accurately captures the sentiments of a cross-section of Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazaar at the moment in time that they were interviewed, it cannot be used to make any generalizations about the views of Rohingya diaspora more broadly, nor about Rohingya populations still inside Myanmar. And just as the views of many Rohingya refugees are different today than what they were when the international legal proceedings began, so too may their views evolve in the future.
With those important caveats in place, however, the consistency of views elicited was notable. Asked, as an open-ended question, to identify one or two concrete things they needed to see happen to feel they personally had received justice, 86 percent of respondents volunteered that they needed citizenship (including the right to identify as Rohingya) in Myanmar.
Meanwhile, just 16 percent of respondents volunteered that punishment of perpetrators would give them a feeling of justice. As one respondent explained: “[There is a] proverb saying that, if a dog bites me, I shouldn’t bite it back. If [they are] to be punished for what was done to us, they will have more hatred and anger towards us. It can be enough for us if they don’t torture us again and we can live there peacefully.”
By contrast, respondents often used justice and citizenship interchangeably and viewed citizenship as the gateway through which all their other goals could be realized. One respondent, describing why justice means citizenship, explained: “We need to fix the root cause. If we want compensation, their punishment, and such things, I don’t think we get ou[r] justice. The best justice for us is to fix the root cause of the problem.”
Citizenship in Myanmar is a kind of justice that no international court can deliver. Despite this, the level of confusion about the mandates of the international courts means that many Rohingya attach their hopes for this type of justice to these courts: “Except citizenship, we don’t want anything else [from the ICC or ICJ],” one respondent concluded.
Situated within the Rohingya cultural context, these expectations regarding what a court can deliver are readily explicable. The lived experience of a justice process among most Rohingya surveyed has involved local communal mechanisms, with all sides of a dispute gathering together, and where the adjudicator is vested with absolute discretion to determine a wide range of outcomes to deliver a just result. Against this backdrop, it makes sense for those Rohingya we surveyed to assume that the ICC, ICJ, or any court tasked with adjudicating the violence they faced, would have the ability to deliver citizenship if that is what justice requires.
Pluralizing Our Understanding of Justice
There are no simple answers to address the gaping disconnect between the narrow type of justice that institutions like the ICC can provide, and the varied forms of justice that different survivor communities (and different survivors within those communities) seek. The starting point, though, must surely be to surface and acknowledge the diversity of views that exist.
Historically, much of the empirical work with survivor communities on the topic of justice has come from the field of transitional justice. The relative dearth of such studies by those with specialist ICL expertise could be cast as the consequence of being wedded to one of the foundational assumptions of our discipline – justice means accountability for perpetrators. Yet I suspect there is also a more practical element in play.
Conducting this kind of research typically requires interdisciplinary collaboration with data scientists, anthropologists, psychologists, and others. And, like all field work, it is expensive, which means seeking funding. These logistical and financial barriers mean it is much easier to think, write, and speak about justice in abstract terms, than to engage in extended discussions with those who have survived the kinds of violence that generates the demand for justice in the first place.
One underappreciated implication that arises from this constellation of factors is that, even when we acknowledge that ICL offers only a narrow form of justice, few of us are ever forced to reckon with interviews or transcripts where individual survivors tell us, directly and unequivocally, that the type of justice we can offer does not mean justice to them at all..."
Source/publisher:
Just Security
Date of publication:
2024-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description:
"In August 2017, the world witnessed a massive influx of Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh, fleeing violence and persecution in Myanmar. As of now, Bangladesh hosts more than 1.3 million Rohingyas, predominantly in Cox’s Bazar district, which has become the largest refugee settlement in the world. While the Bangladesh government and international aid organizations have made commendable efforts to provide for these displaced people, the situation has reached a breaking point, especially due to the political instability in Myanmar.
Recently, another 45,000 Rohingyas fled to an area on the Naf River near the border with Bangladesh due to the escalating violence in conflict-torn Myanmar’s Rakhine State. UN rights chief Volker Turk and UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Thomas Andrews has already urged to open the border again and take these Rohingyas. But Bangladesh cannot and should not bear the burden of taking in more Rohingya refugees. This stance is not rooted in a lack of empathy but rather in the harsh realities confronting the nation and its capacity to sustain such a large population.
Firstly, the economic strain on Bangladesh is considerable. Cox’s Bazar, one of the poorest districts in Bangladesh, has seen its resources stretched to their limits. The sudden influx of refugees has dramatically increased the demand for basic services such as healthcare, education, and sanitation. According to the World Bank, the annual cost of hosting the Rohingyas is around $1.21 billion. This figure is staggering for a developing nation like Bangladesh, which has its own challenges in eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable development. The resources allocated to the refugees could have been utilized to improve the living standards of Bangladeshi citizens. The prolonged economic burden is unsustainable and unfair to the local population, who have shown remarkable hospitality despite their own hardships.
The environmental impact is another pressing concern. The Rohingya camps have caused significant deforestation in the region, as trees are cut down to make space for shelters and to provide firewood for cooking. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) has reported that around 8,000 acres of forest land have been razed in Cox’s Bazar since the arrival of the Rohingyas. This deforestation has led to soil erosion, loss of biodiversity, and increased vulnerability to natural disasters such as landslides and floods. Environmental degradation is a local issue and contributes to broader ecological challenges that affect the entire nation.
Social tensions have also escalated as a result of the refugee crisis. The massive presence of Rohingyas has disrupted the local economy and labor market, leading to increased competition for jobs and resources. This has bred resentment among local Bangladeshis, who feel that their needs and opportunities are being overshadowed by the international focus on the refugee crisis. Additionally, there have been reported increases in crime rates and social unrest in the areas surrounding the refugee camps. The rise in criminal activities, including drug trafficking and human trafficking, has further strained the already limited law enforcement capabilities.
The education of Rohingya children poses another complex challenge. With limited access to formal education and a lack of proper educational infrastructure, a whole generation of Rohingya children risks growing up without basic literacy and numeracy skills. This educational deficit not only affects their future prospects but also hinders the overall development of the refugee community. The international community has provided some support, but the efforts have been insufficient to meet the overwhelming demand. Meanwhile, the local Bangladeshi children in Cox’s Bazar face disruptions in their own education as resources and attention are diverted to address the needs of the refugees.
Health concerns are equally dire. The overcrowded and unsanitary conditions in the refugee camps have led to outbreaks of diseases such as cholera, diphtheria, and measles. The healthcare facilities, already inadequate to serve the local population, are now overwhelmed. The health crisis extends beyond the camps, as infectious diseases do not recognize borders and can easily spread to the surrounding communities. The strain on the healthcare system indicates that Bangladesh’s capacity to manage such a large influx of refugees is being tested to its limits.
Furthermore, the international response has been far from adequate. While numerous countries and organizations have pledged financial support and aid, the actual disbursement of funds has continuously fallen short of the commitments. For example, in the 2024 joint response plan (JRP), only 72.9% was funded halfway through this year. The fund shortage in the 2021, 2022, and 2023 JRP is 26.9%, 30.6%, and 34.8%, respectively. At the same time, the international community’s response has been more reactive than proactive, failing to address the root causes of the crisis or provide a long-term solution. Bangladesh has been left to shoulder the burden with insufficient global support, highlighting a stark disparity between promises and actions.
It is crucial to acknowledge that the Rohingya crisis is fundamentally a political issue that requires a political solution. The root of the problem lies in Myanmar, where the Rohingyas have been systematically marginalized and persecuted. The international community must exert pressure on Myanmar to ensure the safe and dignified return of the Rohingyas to their homeland. Diplomatic efforts, economic sanctions, and international legal actions should be pursued vigorously to compel Myanmar to address human rights violations and create conditions conducive to the voluntary repatriation of the Rohingyas.
While the humanitarian impulse to aid the Rohingyas is commendable, it must be balanced with the pragmatic limitations faced by Bangladesh. The country has done more than its fair share in providing refuge and support to the Rohingyas, often at great cost to its own citizens and environment. It is time for the international community to step up and share the responsibility. Bangladesh cannot continue to bear this burden alone. The focus must shift to sustainable solutions that address the root causes of the crisis and ensure a fair distribution of responsibilities among nations. Only through such concerted efforts can we hope to resolve the Rohingya crisis in a manner that is just and sustainable for all parties involved..."
Source/publisher:
"Eurasia Review"
Date of publication:
2024-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Exposing the underreported involvement of Burmese Authoritarian left on Rohingya Genocide as an activist who is a descendant of Bengali ethnicity and who also has the distance relatives from Rohingya ethnicity. However, I'm not a ethno-nationalist in any sense. I am only writing this for accountability, responsibility and universal human rights.
Rohingya Genocide was indeed a commonly known incident even for those who don’t really know much about Burma. Before the Rohingya Genocide, Burma was only well known for Aung San Suu Kyi and democracy, even for the activist circles. Later, Rohingya Genocide is something that made Burma famous again, not in the good way.
Everyone well aware that Rohingya Genocide is committed by the Myanmar Military Army and Aung San Suu Kyi defended them at ICJ. There are some interpretations that since ICJ sued the whole nation instead of the Myanmar Military Army as the sole entity, Aung San Suu Kyi had to defend the nation. Regardless, if it’s the case, she could simply say the Myanmar Military Army did it and the state has nothing to do with it. She didn’t do as such. Rohingya Genocide has its root in 2012 Rakhine-Rohingya riots and the 969 grassroot movements which in turn has their roots in far-right islamist Pakistan separationist movement from Burma of 1946 and Arakan massacres by Rohingya in 1942 (during colonial era of divide and rule politics of British colonialism).
The main underreported information of the whole Rohingya Genocide was the passive involvement of Burmese Authoritarian Left. Venerable Wirathu, the xenophobic and racist monk whom Time magazine called “The Face of Buddhist Terror” used to be active among the far-left circles. One of his first books from around 2000s, named “The Criminals of History”. In that book, Venerable Wirathu wrote about how the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee was reactionary and tool of the military dictatorship at the expense of the grassroot monk community. After his release of prison at 2012, he was seen preaching anti-military and pro-NLD messages at the local branches of NLD party. In 2012, Venerable Wirathu was invited by the chairman of the Kayan New Land Party, Than Soe Naing, to discuss and deliver knowledges on nationalism, self-determinism, federalism and democracy. Here, it’s important to know that federalism used to a word of kryptonite for the military junta until 2015. The military junta believed in one state solution for Burma. The opposition, including those from the far-left, believed in federalism and self-determinism. So, the military interpreted federalism as an enemy of their one state solution (unitary union). Communist Party of Burma always believed in the one state solution (unitary union). However, since it was too weak around 2010s, it endorses the united front against the military junta. Here, it’s important to know the history and ideological development of the political party that invited Venerable Wirathu to deliver the speech. Since 1979, Kayan New Land Party (KNLP) was a close ally of Communist Party of Burma. It even adopted the Maoist "people's war" strategy upheld by the CPB since 1979. In 1983, under CPB's leadership, KNLP alongside Karenni National People's Liberation Front and Shan State National Liberation Organization formed the central regional command which lasted until CPB was forced underground due to internal mutiny from its Wa and Kokang cadres. The video of Venerable Wirathu delivering speech about nationalism, self-determinism, federalism and democracy at Kayan New Land Party can be seen in the following YouTube link.
YouTube Video - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wFFTzRR2RyQ
Also, All Burma Federation of Student Union, the historical pro-CPB student union, was resurrected by a far-left student union leader called Kyaw Ko Ko in 2007. In 2014, which is after 2012 Rakhine-Rohingya riots, the success of 969 movement led by Venerable Wirathu, All Burma Federation of Student Union invited Venerable Wirathu and fellow monks to host an event that was organized by All Burma Federation of Student Union (ABFSU) to memorated the student union leaders who were killed by the military in 1988. The image from the event is attached as the featured photo of the whole article. It’s still available at the official Facebook page of a branch of All Burma Federation of Student Union whereas it cannot be found the official Facebook page of the All-Burma Federation of Student Union (ABFSU) anymore.
Also, current All Burma Federation of Student Union (ABFSU) which was refounded back in 2007 by Kyaw Ko Ko had some members who became ultra-nationalist right-winger. All Burma Federation of Student Union was refounded with Kyaw Ko Ko as its chairman. Back then, the organising committee contained 12 members. One of the senior members (secretary of student committee) was Ye Min Oo, who later became popular as Wira Ye Min Oo for his close relation with the racist monk Venerable Wirathu.
Some references about him can be seen here:
https://english.dvb.no/charges-against-arakanese-nationalist-baseless-lawyer/
https://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2012/01/24/all-burma-students-unionabfsu-has-been-reformed/
In 2013, Ye Min Oo was arrested for with the two charges, one of them for anti-Muslim riots. Later, the leaders of 969 movements (mostly monks) launched a nation-wide campaign called "Free Ye Min Oo".
Reference: https://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2013/04/06/alert-chit-ko-lin-former-pp-ye-myat-hein-former-pp-new-hnin-ye-aka-noe-noeformer-pp-and-ye-min-aung-younger-brother-of-ye-min-oo-were-sued-under-penal-code-353506/
The campaign was led by "U Pammokha", one of the future leader of Patriotic Association of Myanmar (MaBaTha), the far-right ultranationalist monk led pro-military and anti-NLD association.
Again in 2024, there are several reports from international humanist communities about the war crimes committed against Rohingya community by both the Myanmar military junta and the Arakan Army. The Arakan Army and their allied brotherhood are considered the strongest ethnic armed organization and played the imperialistic type of influence on the whole revolution against the military junta. Their operation 1027 was indeed effective against the Myanmar military junta. However, it doesn't give them the license to commit genocide or war crimes.
As of now, given all these reports of international humanist communities about the war crimes committed against Rohingya community by Arakan Army, around 100 non-government civil society organizations published statements and call for an investigation of Arakan Army. Among them, GSC (General Strike Committee) and so other left-wing groups such as Alliance of Students’ Unions Yangon and so on. However, Kyaw Ko Ko, an influential student leader from 2007 generation who also is the founder of “Social Democratic Party”, took the pro-AA position on the on-going Rohingya genocide of Arakan Army. GSC (General Strike Committee), Alliance of Students’ Unions Yangon and several far-left or left-leaned left-wing groups retracted from the statement.
Anti-Junta Mass Movement – AJMM was one of the few groups among the far-left or left-leaned left-wing groups that didn’t retract their statement. The argument given by all of these individuals and these groups for retracting their statement calling for “formal investigation into Arakan Army for genocide or massacre level war crimes committed against Rohingya people” was that they claimed there were no information to back the accusations up. However, a lot of Rohingya refugees and Rohingya activists have been providing audio recordings, video recordings, and photographic documentations of the situations. A Rohingya left-wing activist named Arafat Jamil can been seen confronting Kyaw Ko Ko for his silence on his official Facebook page about the current Rohingya genocide by Arakan Army. Kyaw Ko Ko replied (in briefly translated version) that “Arakan Army despite being ethno-nationalist right-wing group is more left-wing than most of the so-called left-wingers in Burma. I'm dealing with them, so, I know they're more left-wing than you”.
The interaction can be founded under this post: https://www.facebook.com/share/p/Z27QnKGrjwWyNw3R/?mibextid=WC7FNe
In the meantime, United League of Arakan (Arakan Army) publicly stated via “The New Humanitarian” that “from the perspective of the local native indigenous population, ‘Rohingya’ is a political movement to separate a part of Arakan, our fatherland, by destroying the integrity of our ancestral history. We see it as a very unfaithful and dishonest act. However, it does not mean that we will never recognize the term ‘Rohingya’. We want them to admit the historical facts of colonial migration in addition to the removal of politically motivated distorted historical claims harmful to other communities in the region.”
This whole narrative of Arakanese Buddhists being the local native indigenous population and ‘Rohingya people’, the political movement name of “Bengali settlers living in Arakan” was not a new one. The former General of the Myanmar military army and the former president of Myanmar’s quasi-military regime, U Thein Sein, also said the similar thing. He said and I quote “These are no Rohingya among the races in Burma. We only have Bengalis who were brought for farming during British rules”.
A satellite army which is helped and nurtured by Arakan Army called "Bamar People's Liberation Army" which use the classical right-wing ethno-nationalist representation of Bamar ethnicity is in total silence of the whole war crimes committed by Arakan Army. Their founder "Maung Saung Kha" who was a ex-NLD member, who identified himself as a left-wing, despite his active presence on Social Media, refused to offer comments on the war crimes and accused genocide of Arakan Army committed against the Rohingya community. Let alone the genocide, they don't even warn the ULA/AA for their same wavelength racist remarks of "Rohingya" people as post-colonial settlers.
Both the Myanmar military and Arakan Army always conflated Bengali people with Rohingya people. Indeed, they're unique ethnicity with unique language and culture. Among Chittagong Hill Tracts, there are a lot of genocides happening. Myanmar military junta and Arakan Army are committing war crimes against Bengali and Rohingya. On the other hand, the Bangladesh Army is committing war crimes against Chakma people and other Buddhist ethnic minorities for almost a century too. The world has woke up to the sufferings of Rohingya people, yet the Burmese left-wingers are selectively woke only when the Myanmar military junta is the oppressor, not when their ally. Here, I urged everyone to learn more about the sufferings of Rohingya people, Bengali people when it comes to the state of Myanmar and Chakma people when it comes to the state of Bangladesh.
Summing up, it’s not new for Burma to witness the left infightings for interests-based politics and so-called authoritarian far-left movements uniting with far-right movements for political gains. Burma has this curse of authoritarian far-left movements messing up people's lives since independence. Since independence, the CPB have been following Stalin’s Third International lead and tried to establish a one-party rule against the democratic socialism regime of AFPFL led by a popular third camp socialist Kyaw Nyein. Due to the hostility between socialists and communists within AFPFL, General Ne Win conducted a coup in 1962 and founded a NazBol alike ideology called “Burmese Way to Socialism”..."
Source/publisher:
libcom.org
Date of publication:
2024-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"GENEVA (23 May 2024) – Thousands of innocent lives will be lost if the international community fails to respond to ominous signs of another Rohingya bloodbath in Rakhine State, a UN expert said today.
“Once again, the world seems to be failing a desperate people in their hour of peril while a hate-driven unnatural disaster unfolds in real time in Myanmar’s Rakhine State,” said Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar.
“While the military-imposed internet shutdown makes it challenging to get information from Northern Rakhine, alarming and credible reports of killings, enforced disappearances, and widespread arson are emerging,” Andrews said.
Satellite imagery reveals the burning of large parts of the Buthidaung town, with reports that tens of thousands of Rohingya are being displaced.
“Information that has already emerged from northern Rakhine State more than warrants an immediate emergency response by the international community,” the Special Rapporteur said.
“With multiple armed groups actors operating in Rakhine, including the Myanmar military, the Arakan Army, and Rohingya groups, including the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, I call on all to adhere to international humanitarian law and take all steps to protect innocent civilian lives, regardless of religion or ethnicity. Mechanisms to provide emergency humanitarian aid must be immediately established and all parties must support the robust infusion of aid into Rakhine,” the expert said.
“While an investigation must ultimately uncover the truth and justice must be pursued to hold those responsible fully accountable, the military’s role is clear in fostering toxic conditions in Rakhine State, from propaganda fueling ethnic tensions to the forced recruitment of young Rohingya men into the junta’s military.”
Andrews recalled that by opening its border in 2017, Bangladesh saved the lives of untold numbers of Rohingya who fled in the face of genocidal attacks.
“Once again, Bangladesh’s generosity may be their only hope as large groups of Rohingya are forcibly displaced and move towards the border. I urgently appeal to the Government of Bangladesh to reverse its closed border policy and demonstrate their humanitarian support for the Rohingya once again,” he said.
The Special Rapporteur warned however that Bangladesh does not have the capacity to meet the demands of this crisis without the emergency intervention and support of the international community. Rations cuts, inadequate infrastructure, spiraling violence, and reported forced recruitment by Rohingya militant groups have threatened the lives and wellbeing of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. He urged all States to provide an emergency infusion of funds to help rescue and support desperate families fleeing conflict and address the current conditions in the camps.
“The choice of these States to either step up or step away from this horror could literally be a matter of life and death for countless Rohingya,” Andrews said.
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Human Rights pages on Myanmar, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Geneva / Dhaka, 9 May – The Director General of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Amy Pope has concluded a four-day visit to Bangladesh marking strategic engagements and significant initiatives aimed at addressing the pressing humanitarian needs of Rohingya refugees and advancing global migration discourse. Notably, she also launched IOM’s flagship World Migration Report 2024, the first time away from Geneva.
During the visit, DG Pope met with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, underscoring Bangladesh's commitment to address the Rohingya crisis and broader migration challenges.
Accompanied by representatives from major donor countries and the private sector, DG Pope witnessed firsthand the pressing humanitarian needs for the Rohingya response and raised awareness for the need to urgently raise more funding for the refugees.
"I am deeply grateful to our generous donors for their support and commitment to addressing the urgent humanitarian needs of Rohingya refugees and vulnerable populations in Bangladesh. Their substantial contributions will not only make a tangible difference in the lives of those in need, but they also demonstrate our collective responsibility to uphold the principles of solidarity and compassion on a global scale,” said DG Pope. “Together, we are not only assisting Bangladesh but setting a powerful example for collaborative action in tackling migration challenges worldwide.”
During the visit, donors pledged their support to IOM’s emergency and development projects in the country. This will significantly aid in addressing the pressing challenges faced by Rohingya refugees and other vulnerable communities in Bangladesh.
In March, IOM appealed for USD 119 million to support nearly a million Rohingya refugees in what has been called the world's largest refugee settlement in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, and the vulnerable community generously hosting them.
In a momentous step towards preserving Rohingya cultural heritage, DG Pope inaugurated the World Tour of the Rohingya Cultural Memory Centre (RCMC). This exhibition will showcase, in several global locations, the rich cultural heritage of the Rohingya community and raise awareness about their plight.
Additionally, DG Pope participated in a high-level dialogue on the Future of Migration and Bangladesh, engaging in fruitful discussions with key stakeholders on shaping policies and strategies to address migration challenges in the country and region.
Furthermore, the Director General alongside Masud Bin Momen, Foreign Secretary of Bangladesh, and Gwyn Lewis the UN Resident Coordinator inaugurated the new UN Common Premises in Bangladesh, marking a pivotal moment in advancing the United Nations Secretary-General's Reform Agenda.
This building symbolizes a significant stride towards enhancing the efficiency, coordination, and effectiveness of UN operations in Bangladesh. This would strengthen the UN’s capacity to address pressing issues, uphold human rights, promote sustainable development, and advance peace and security in Bangladesh and beyond.
Through collaboration with donors and partners, IOM remains committed to providing vital support to vulnerable populations and promoting sustainable solutions to migration issues worldwide..."
Source/publisher:
International Organization for Migration ( Switzerland)
Date of publication:
2024-05-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-05-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, IOM Burma/Myanmar, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"The intensification of conflict in Myanmar since October 2023 has led to a lack of humanitarian access to areas where people need urgent assistance, as well as a decimation of the health care system and increasing fears of military conscription or forced recruitment by other armed groups.
The normalization of the prohibition of humanitarian access is alarming. Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) teams in Myanmar have witnessed a near-total absence of humanitarian assistance for communities who rely on it, including the Rohingya people, a persecuted minority trapped by movement restrictions and lack of legal status, which is particularly affected by the conflict.
Since November 2023, all organizations delivering health care in Rakhine state have been denied authorization to operate, while movement across the entire country is heavily restricted and unsafe. In northern Rakhine state, two township hospitals have been forced to close, and there is now virtually no secondary health care available for vulnerable communities.
MSF has been forced to suspend or reduce regular activities, including running 25 mobile clinics in Rakhine state where staff typically provide 1,500 patient consultations per week. During March 2024, MSF provided only 81 consultations. This severe disruption to the emergency referral process has caused numerous fatalities, particularly among pregnant mothers and babies.
Nimrat Kaur began working as a project coordinator for MSF in Maungdaw, Myanmar in mid-April 2023, just before Cyclone Mocha hit last year. She has seen firsthand the challenges faced by people living there. Upon leaving Myanmar, Nimrat shared her experience and that of her colleagues, reflecting on the events she witnessed and the impact the project has had on people’s lives.
What did you witness in northern Rakhine state?
Since November 13, 2023, we have seen an escalation of conflict in Rakhine state and the townships of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung have been cut off from the rest of the state. People were locked out and blocked in. Communities were not able to move across the state, and supplies could not [pass]. I don’t just mean health care supplies, but basic life-supporting supplies like food, fuel, and water. These kinds of things have been restricted, which led to whatever supplies were available becoming inflated in price. There were some fearful days, and we had to move the team to the safe room almost three or four times one day.
"I am fortunate I had the opportunity to leave the violence, but there are many who don’t have the opportunity to even move. I really feel for that. That thought really consumes me."
How has MSF been supporting communities in this area?
Usually, in northern Rakhine, we provide [care through] mobile clinics. This is where a mobile team of doctors, nurses, and other staff go to rural areas far off from the main town. Since the conflict started, we haven’t been able to run these clinics. This is because of the increased insecurity and because we did not receive authorization. People in the areas we usually visit already have very limited access to health care. We’re extremely concerned about the impact of having no access to essential health care for people who usually rely on our mobile clinics for medical services.
How has the conscription law affected people in northern Rakhine?
Three months into the latest eruption of conflict, the conscription law was announced in the country. The law states citizens are expected to serve in the armed forces for anything from two to five years. I’ve seen how this has affected everyone. Rakhine communities have been trying to leave the state and go to Sittwe or Yangon and find refuge somewhere. Unfortunately, my Rohingya colleagues and the wider Rohingya community do not have the paperwork to move outside of their own village, so I really wonder what is going to happen to them and I am really worried about their safety. I could see the change in the staff’s understanding of what is happening in the country—that the conflict is now at another level.
Why is the Rohingya community particularly vulnerable?
In Rakhine state, it’s a mix of ethnicities. There are Rakhine, Rohingya, and Hindis. Arakanese are citizens of Rakhine, but the Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship in 1982.
Generations of Rohingya people have really struggled for what they have now. You cannot understand how challenging and limited life is for them.
In our team, we have Rohingya staff, some of whom have been able to get a citizenship card, but this is an exception and not the case for most. Other Rohingya staff [from the] same team, same age group, and same village, do not even have a national identification card or a basic yellow card, which is needed to move even just within their own village.
For Rohingya staff working in Maungdaw, it takes months to be authorized to travel from Maungdaw to Sittwe, where the other MSF project is based. It is even longer for the authorization to travel to Yangon because of the paperwork required. For Rohingya staff to travel they need to receive a village administration verification, ward administration verification, police administration verification, and then often other authorizations from other authorities. And then of course, on top of this, you must pay fees, and these fees are not the standard fees people with citizenship cards pay.
Many Rohingya staff in Maungdaw have not seen the other township that they’re working for. The whole time they have been in Maungdaw because they are not permitted to travel. This gave me a sense that these circumstances are very different compared to the circumstances in other states we work in.
What are the current health care options for communities in northern Rakhine?
We haven’t been able to run mobile clinics since the conflict started, and already these communities were vulnerable because of the lack of access to safe health care. We tried to provide a few months' worth of medications to our patients who are taking diabetes or hypertension drugs. We have also supported [them] with teleconsultations, which we have tried to maintain for people who need mental health care. But this also unfortunately could not last for more than a few weeks because since January 10, Buthidaung and Maungdaw have not had any electricity, and with no electricity, there hasn’t been any cell coverage.
The latest blow for people has been the closing of Maungdaw and Buthidaung township hospitals. We’re unsure why Maungdaw [closed], but admitted patients had to leave with no alternative option to go to. Buthidaung closed because it ran out of human resources and supplies. These two township hospitals were our only health care stakeholder left with whom we could work and refer emergency patients to. This has a huge impact on communities here. If the township hospitals are closed, where do people go?
With hospitals shut down, people reach out to MSF and other health care organizations on the ground to support them, but we have had limited capacity in terms of resources. We usually stock up for a minimum of four to five months, but those stocks have not lasted very long. We still don’t have any way to bring in our supplies. Staff have not felt safe working in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, or Rathedaung.
"The latest blow for people has been the closing of Maungdaw and Buthidaung township hospitals. This has a huge impact on communities here. If the township hospitals are closed, where do people go?"
Day-to-day activities are becoming more difficult. We need fuel to run an office so we can have internet and be connected to the rest of our team. It has really affected us to not be able to serve the community we are there for.
I am fortunate I’ve had the opportunity to leave the violence, but there are many who don’t have the opportunity to even move. I really feel for that. That thought really consumes me..."
Source/publisher:
Médecins Sans Frontières
Date of publication:
2024-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Over 1,000 Abducted in Violation of Conscription Law, Prohibition on Child Soldiers
Description:
"(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military has abducted and forcibly recruited more than 1,000 Rohingya Muslim men and boys from across Rakhine State since February 2024, Human Rights Watch said today. The junta is using a conscription law that only applies to Myanmar citizens, although the Rohingya have long been denied citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law.
Rohingya described being picked up in nighttime raids, coerced with false promises of citizenship, and threatened with arrest, abduction, and beatings. The military has been sending Rohingya to abusive training for two weeks, then deploying them. Many have been sent to the front lines in the surging fighting between the junta and the Arakan Army armed group, which broke out in Rakhine State in November 2023, and a number have been killed and injured.
“It’s appalling to see Myanmar’s military, which has committed atrocities against the Rohingya for decades while denying them citizenship, now forcing them to fight on its behalf,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The junta should immediately end this forced recruitment and permit Rohingya unlawfully conscripted to return home.”
Human Rights Watch documented 11 cases of forced recruitment, drawing on interviews with 25 Rohingya from Sittwe, Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Pauktaw, and Kyauktaw townships in Rakhine State and in Bangladesh.
On February 10, the military activated the 2010 People’s Military Service Law, enabling the conscription of men ages 18 to 35 and women ages 18 to 27 for up to five years during the current state of emergency. The announcement followed months of increased fighting with ethnic armed groups and resistance forces.
The junta announced that conscription would start in April, with a monthly quota of 5,000, but the authorities in Rakhine State began forcibly recruiting Rohingya in early February.
In late February, the military abducted over 150 Rohingya in raids on villages in Buthidaung township, according to people interviewed, Rohingya activists, and media reports. A 22-year-old Rohingya man said that light infantry battalion soldiers abducted him and 30 other young men and boys at gunpoint at about 11 p.m. on February 25 in Buthidaung town.
“The youngest boy taken away with us was 15 years old,” he said. “There were three recruits under 18 among us. After we were apprehended and taken to the military battalion, we saw the list of Rohingya who were going to be recruited. All the Rohingya youths in the region were included.”
Further raids took place in Maungdaw township in March. A 24-year-old Rohingya man who was abducted with about two dozen others from Ka Nyin Tan village said the officers told them, “Protecting Maungdaw is upon you.”
An estimated 630,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State under a system of apartheid and persecution, including about 150,000 held in open-air detention camps. Since the February 2021 military coup, the junta has imposed severe movement restrictions and aid blockages on the Rohingya, increasing their vulnerability to forced recruitment.
Rohingya camp management committee members said that junta authorities have been tallying “eligible” Rohingya or compelling the committees to make lists. Two members said when they tried to refuse, junta authorities further restricted movement in the camps and threatened mass arrests and ration cuts. “We had no other option,” one committee member said.
At meetings in camps in Sittwe and Kyaukpyu, junta officials promised to issue all forced recruits pink citizenship cards, reserved for “full” citizens. “In the meetings, officers picked up their citizenship cards and told people, ‘We will give you this type of ID card if you join the military service,’” a camp management committee member in Thet Kae Pyin camp said. “People believed them.” Authorities also promised 4,800 kyat (US$2.30) a day and two sacks of rice.
About 300 Rohingya from the Sittwe camps were sent to two weeks of military training in late February. Upon completion, the military gave the forced recruits 50,000 kyats ($24) but no citizenship cards. “When the junta broke their promise to issue citizenship cards to the first 300 Rohingya recruits, people stopped believing them and started avoiding the recruitment campaigns,” a camp management committee member said. Rohingya in the Sittwe camps said that for the second round of forced recruitment, the few hundred Rohingya were taken at gunpoint in raids.
Officials have also threatened to beat Rohingya to death if they refuse to join or to punish their families if they fled.
Many young Rohingya men have tried to escape Rakhine State or gone into hiding in the jungle to escape forced recruitment. The authorities rounded up and beat about 40 Rohingya from Kyauk Ta Lone camp when their family members ran away, according to Radio Free Asia.
The 22-year-old man described the military training as a brutal two-week period under constant harassment, with trainees forced to dig bunkers and split wood, with limited food and water. “We became weak within a few days,” he said. “Some recruits fell unconscious. Three of us were bleeding from our mouths and noses. The military officers used abusive language, called us ‘kalar’ [a slur for Muslims], and degraded our mothers and sisters. Those 12 days felt like 12 years of our lives.”
He witnessed numerous groups of forcibly recruited Rohingya arriving at the cantonment. He was ultimately able to escape, the only one from his ward to do so: “Of us 31, no one else has been released to this day.”
The forcible recruitment campaign has already resulted in casualties. After their training, 100 Rohingya from the Sittwe camps were sent to fight on the front lines in Rathedaung. Five were killed in fighting and 10 were seriously injured, one of whom later died, according to family members and camp leaders. The military authorities promised the families compensation of a million kyat ($476) and two sacks of rice. The five bodies have not been returned.
While 43 forced recruits later returned to the camps, there has been no news from the remainder. “We still don’t know their whereabouts,” a camp leader said. “We don’t know if they’re still alive.”
“They tricked my son into the military,” said the mother of a man who was killed. She said:
They took him to do electrical work, then forced him into the training. Now he’s dead because he was sent to war. They didn’t let us see the bodies. I couldn’t touch my son one last time. When he was taken away, his wife and I followed. He was held at a nearby cantonment for a few hours and we were able to talk to him from outside the fence. Then they were brought to a car. That was the last talk. He was crying.
Conscription without previous legal authorization is a form of arbitrary detention in violation of international human rights law, and the treatment of those forcibly recruited may amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which Myanmar ratified in September 2019, prohibits the forced recruitment, conscription, or use of anyone under 18 in armed conflict.
On March 18, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres expressed his concern about “reports of forcible detention and recruitment of youths, including Rohingya, and the potential impact of forced conscription on human rights and on the social fabric of communities in Myanmar.”
“The Myanmar military’s forced recruitment of Rohingya men and boys is its latest exploitation of a community made vulnerable to abuse by design, over decades of oppression,” Bauchner said. “Concerned governments should be strengthening avenues to justice to hold junta leaders accountable for their abuses, past and present.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-04-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Publication of IIMM Analytical Reports
Reports on Myanmar military’s anti-Rohingya hate speech campaign and Myanmar authorities’ failure to investigate and punish sexual violence committed against Rohingya
Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Geneva, 27 March 2024 – Today the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is publicly releasing two analytical reports. One report details the Myanmar military’s covert Facebook network that systematically distributed hate speech against the Rohingya at the time of the 2017 clearance operations. The second report examines the response of Myanmar state authorities to allegations of sexual and gender-based crimes committed by security forces against the Rohingya. This report concludes that the authorities failed in their duty under international law to investigate and punish these acts.
These reports form a small part of the evidence and analysis that the Mechanism has shared with authorities working on ongoing cases concerning the Rohingya at the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice and in Argentina.
These two reports have been made public on an exceptional basis. The vast majority of the material the Mechanism has collected and analyzed must remain confidential. Confidentiality protects the security and privacy of witnesses and sources. It is also standard procedure to maintain the confidentiality of ongoing criminal investigations before evidence is presented at trial to prevent efforts to hide or destroy evidence, to protect the integrity of witness testimony, and to avoid alerting suspects who could evade arrest or detection.
However, the Mechanism recognizes that there is a significant public interest in our work, and we aim to be transparent whenever possible. Perhaps some of our analysis can be used by others to advance the purpose of creating the Mechanism: ensuring accountability for the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar and contributing to ending the very worst violence inflicted upon Myanmar’s people.
After careful evaluation we have decided to publish these reports. Some redactions have been made in the versions of the reports released today in order to preserve future investigative opportunities, avoid disclosing information that could assist perpetrators’ efforts to destroy or conceal evidence, and protect the safety and privacy of witnesses, sources and other persons. The material that has been redacted includes several annexes to the hate speech report.
Report on hate speech
The hate speech report provides a rigorous analysis of content posted on 43 Facebook Pages between July and December 2017. All of these Pages were removed by Facebook in 2018. Six Pages were removed because they were connected to individuals or organizations that Facebook banned from the platform as international experts had found evidence that they had “committed or enabled serious human rights abuses (in Myanmar)”. The other 37 Pages were removed for engaging in “coordinated inauthentic behaviour” in violation of the company’s misrepresentation policies.1
The Mechanism’s analysis concluded that these seemingly unrelated Pages, some of which were devoted to celebrity news and popular culture, were part of a network with clear ties to the Myanmar military. These Pages often shared creators, administrators, and editors and regularly posted material using the same IP addresses used by the Myanmar military. Identical material was often posted on multiple Pages in this network, sometimes within minutes. The report identifies more than 10,000 posts on these Pages that the Mechanism considered hate speech. One such post received more than 200 comments calling for Rohingya to be shot, killed, or permanently removed from Myanmar.
The report concludes that at the very time of mass violence against the Rohingya, the Myanmar military was carrying out a coordinated hate speech campaign against the group.
Report on failure to investigate and punish sexual and gender-based crimes
The report analyzes how state authorities in Myanmar responded to multiple allegations of sexual and gender-based crimes against the Rohingya during the 2016 and 2017 clearance operations.
Under international law, military and civilian leaders are obliged to investigate and, where appropriate, punish acts of those under their command that could amount to serious international crimes, including acts of sexual violence. Furthermore, rape can constitute an underlying act of genocide if committed with the intent to destroy a group. Therefore, the failure to investigate and punish these crimes could amount to a violation of Myanmar’s obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
The report summarizes a variety of material that was publicly available about sexual and gender-based crimes against the Rohingya during the clearance operations, including information published by the media, NGOs and various UN bodies, as well as discussions in the UN Security Council and findings of the International Criminal Court Pre-Trial Chamber and demonstrates that Myanmar state authorities would have been aware of these very serious allegations. The report then examines the response of Myanmar state authorities, including several investigations and inquiries, and explains why these were grossly inadequate both in the process and the results. The report notes that there is no evidence that any soldier or police officer was charged or prosecuted for sexual and gender-based crimes, nor any commander dismissed, demoted, or sanctioned for failing to stop or punish those committing these crimes.
The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files that can be used by authorities to prosecute individuals in national, regional, and international courts..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Human Rights pages on Myanmar, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
16.89 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"A month after the prime minister of Bangladesh raised concerns about the possibility of Rohingya repatriation, UNHCR representatives in Myanmar met with the junta’s education minister on February 7 to discuss repatriation. Meanwhile, Bangladeshi officials are reluctant to act in any way that might be perceived as taking sides between the junta and the ethnic Arakan Army; Bangladesh has perhaps started to understand there is a new sheriff in Rakhine, just across the Naf River.
But what do AA victories mean for the Rohingya repatriation promoted by the UNHCR and the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh? Our answer is that after 45 years of persecution of the Rohingya: Not much. The Rohingya also know that safety conditions have actually become worse in Rakhine since they fled.
The million stateless Rohingya refugees living in Cox’s Bazar is still one of the world’s most intractable refugee situations. Their Myanmar homeland insists they are foreigners from Bangladesh; their Bangladeshi hosts insist that they belong in the land of their birth, Myanmar. The rebellious AA insist that they can be part of a new Rakhine, but only if they meet AA conditions, and not as equals. And to top it off, the junta’s military has started to conscript the few Rohingya still in Myanmar to fight against the AA.
Humanitarians from the UN, meanwhile, have tired of an impoverished population that has poor English, few urban skills, and is easily dismissed as different and even primitive. Thus, even as hundreds of Rohingya are drowning at sea, the border post to Bangladesh has been captured by AA forces, and Sittwe itself may come under siege, Myanmar, Bangladesh and the UNHCR avoid the subject of resettlement in third countries, claiming simply that “Rohingya refugees require sustained, predictable and adequate financial support to live safely and decently, and to prepare for a sustainable return.”
This would perhaps be promising, except that of course the voluntary repatriation policy was tried before, beginning in 1978, the first time UNHCR became involved in a Rohingya refugee movement. The Tatmadaw has repeatedly expelled the Rohingya as a way to reinforce Burmanization policies adopted after the military coup in 1962.
Persecuted by Tatmadaw; viewed as primitive by global community?
For centuries, Rohingyas lived in Rakhine, predating the British East India Company in 1824, and more were brought in by British colonizers to farm between 1824 and 1938. Many were Muslim but engaged in a range of religious practices also seen in neighboring British Bengal.
In 1962, the hyper-nationalist Burmese Buddhist forces of the Ne Win regime seized control, and defined the Rohingya as ineligible for citizenship unless they could prove their ancestors were in Rakhine before the 1824 British conquest. General Ne Win’s military insisted that the Rohingya were foreign citizens and initiated mass deportation of 200,000 in 1978. A quick repatriation occurred with the help of UNHCR. Most were pushed back to Myanmar after an experienced UN observer remarked that the lack of food and basic sanitation in the camps led to them becoming “death traps.”
A similar episode happened in 1990 when the military deported 250,000 Rohingya, using Islamophobia to divert attention of the ethnic Bamar from the developments of 1988 pro-democracy movements. And just as in 1978, a quick repatriation was arranged with UNHCR help.
History repeated in 2012 when Rakhine was again cleared of Rohingya. The repatriation back to Myanmar was not as aggressive but the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar just grew larger. Then finally in 2017, the greatest expulsion of all was undertaken by the Burmese military, and perhaps another 800,000 Rohingya fled after the Tatmadaw burned villages, committed massacres, and ethnically cleansed Rakhine of its Rohingya population. And still, now seven years later, the international response is ambivalent, even as some 30,000 Rohingya babies are born each year, and hundreds of thousands of young children grow up in refugee camps where radicalization is a predictable by-product.
Trapped by righteousness of historical narratives
The Rohingya ultimately are trapped between competing and complex historical narratives.
Myanmar’s nationalist Burmanization narrative continues to insist that the Myanmar people are defined by government-determined nationalities called Taingyingtha, which are considered sub-groups of the dominant Burmese Buddhist majority. By such definitions, Rohingya were foreigners and intruders from British Bengal; righteousness by this logic demands that they return to its successor state, Bangladesh. And of course, Bangladesh’s own citizenship definition excludes Rohingya because the British in 1824 classified Rohingya as Burmese.
To complicate matters further, the Buddhists of Rakhine themselves are in revolt against the Burmese military and have occupied border posts between Myanmar and Bangladesh. The AA’s General Twan Mrat Naing recently told the BBC that, if “Rohingyas or Bengalis or Chittagonian Muslims” would like to enjoy the benefits of equal treatment under [Arakan] law, they must get along with other ethnic groups and abandon contesting “doctored” historical narratives and claims of Rohingyas. In other words, ethnic Rakhine communities, which root their own identity in historical claims of Buddhist Arakan dominance, have attitudes toward the Rohingya that are similar to the heirs of the Konbaung Kingdom ruling from modern Naypyitaw.
For all that, nobody has seriously asked the Rohingya where they fit in a future Myanmar or Rakhine. As a result, the million Rohingya are trapped in Cox’s Bazar as wards of the international humanitarian regime represented by the UNHCR. There they are accused of being freeloaders in the international humanitarian system which created the camps in the first place. There they have been repeatedly excluded from their rights as refugees. Jeff Crisp, formerly of the UNHCR, described the Rohingya as being among the most disadvantaged refugees not only because they are caught between Burma and Bangladesh, but because the Rohingya were assumed by the UNHCR to be primitive, and repatriation to Myanmar considered the only solution. They were excluded from the mass resettlement assistance successfully extended to Indochinese, Yugoslavians, Ukrainians, Europeans and millions of others who moved beyond refugee camps while retaining their right to eventually return.
And then there is the demography problem…
In short, the Rohingya refugee problem cannot be resolved through wishful thinking of the UNHCR, Myanmar or Bangladesh governments about mass repatriation. About 30,000 Rohingya have been born every year in the camps since 2017, a rate that will accelerate soon. Indeed, a 2022 survey showed that 22% of the refugees were under 5 years old, which means they were mostly born in the camps after 2018. Doing nothing is to court a long-term disaster, from the radicalization of the young population, or perhaps a Bay of Bengal typhoon.
What this means is that there are now over 1 million Rohingya trapped in the camps. Without resettlement policies, the number will begin doubling every 20 years or so, meaning 1 million will become 2 million. The basic demographic reality is that the population will be young, energetic, and excluded. The question is only what their energies will be turned toward: engagement with the modern world, or rebellion and dreams of violent return.
Looking forward: Resolution of refugee problems
But the Rohingya situation is not the first seemingly intractable refugee crisis. Indeed, probably the most intractable is the Palestinian refugee crisis which has festered in the Middle East since 1948, and which despite the successful resettlement of millions of Palestinians across the Middle East (2 million in Jordan alone), continues to produce explosions, even in 2024. It is well beyond this article to suggest solutions for the Palestinian refugee situation, except to note that the Palestinian situation is a warning of how badly things can go wrong when there is too much wishful thinking about quick repatriation.
But not all refugee situations turn into the Palestinian situation in Gaza. Also relevant for Rohingya refugees is how the Indochinese refugee situation was resolved after perhaps 3 million fled between 1975 and 1990. Perhaps 250,000 died at sea, but the remainder made it to neighboring countries, especially Thailand, China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and the Philippines. There they were housed in camps like those in Cox’s Bazar today. There was also of course great hope that “all” would return to Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. But most did not. The largest numbers are in the United States, China, and in the case of Cambodians, in Vietnam. More such refugees and their descendants are still in Thailand.
Similarly, the aftermath of the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s saw millions resettled in Europe. Decades earlier, 10 million European refugees from World War II were dispersed across Europe, North America and, in the case of the survivors of the Holocaust, to Israel. Following the Bangladesh Revolution in 1972, India and Bangladesh cooperated to resettle 10 million refugees back in Bangladesh – an exception to the general rule that a good proportion of refugees end up resettled outside the home country. Indeed, the current president of Bangladesh, Sheikha Hasina, was herself a refugee in the 1980s.
Unresolved refugee crises today also include the millions of Syrians who are hosted mostly in the Middle East or Germany, Ukrainians who have taken sanctuary in European countries, and Venezuelans who are being hosted in Colombia, Ecuador, and other neighboring countries.
Refugee problems require regional solutions
All this is a way of saying that the Rohingya situation does not need to end up like Gaza, and will not if there is a concerted international effort to address the needs of the Rohingya from a regional perspective, just like was done with the former Yugoslavians, Europeans, and Ukrainians. Myanmar’s war-torn zones are likely to remain unsettled, and in the short term will offer little potential for refugee return – in fact, a premature return to AA territory is likely to victimize the Rohingya further.
The mid-term solution is of course to integrate Rohingya into the burgeoning cities of South and Southeast Asia, where there are labor shortages. Indeed, this is happening with Venezuelans in Colombia and Ecuador; Ukrainians in Europe; and Syrians in Turkey and the Middle East. This does not mean that the refugees give up their right to return to a homeland. But spreading responsibility means that the generosity of single hosts is not stretched, and radicalized refugee groups seeking violent return are less likely to develop. Prospects for the Rohingya to return to Myanmar in future can be retained, despite the current uncertainty over when a peaceful return may be possible. And indeed the Rohingya will be the best to judge this. The frustrating aspect, from the perspective of the existing nation-state system, is that such a regional solution implies letting the Tatmadaw get away with atrocities, at least in the short term. It also runs the risk of incentivizing further bad behavior by the Tatmadaw or perhaps even the AA. This is a puzzle for the regional and international actors to ponder.
But, to reduce the risk of catastrophe, the UNHCR, ASEAN, and nearby countries need to be more willing to share the burden of hosting Rohingya refugees, which currently falls primarily on Bangladesh, albeit reluctantly.
Tony Waters is a Visiting Professor at Leuphana University, Germany, and formerly at Payap University Chiang Mai. R.J. Aung (a pseudonym) is a former peace and development worker in Yangon and Thailand, and a native of Yangon..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-03-06
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"More than three years since a military coup in Myanmar led to a surge in conflict across the country, the United Nations estimates that almost two million people have been internally displaced by the ongoing violence, while thousands more have fled to neighbouring countries.
In Rakhine State – an area in the west of Myanmar that has seen a particular increase in fighting since November 2023 – the humanitarian crisis created by this conflict comes on top of several other pre-existing emergencies, the most significant of which is the continuing fallout from large-scale and violent attacks against the area’s Rohingya ethnic minority in 2017, which drove hundreds of thousands to flee for their lives across the border into Bangladesh.
More than six years later, close to one million Rohingya remain trapped in miserable conditions in the overcrowded camps of Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, while many of the estimated 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Myanmar are confined to dismal fenced camps or rural villages, are prohibited from moving without approval from the authorities, and face ongoing persecution in their daily lives.
Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has been responding to the needs of the region’s Rohingya communities for more than three decades. In Myanmar, we operate two humanitarian medical projects in Rakhine State, where we are one of the only providers of essential health services for many Rohingya, who have been stripped of their citizenship by the ruling authorities. As a direct result of this imposed statelessness, the Rohingya endure discrimination and exclusion across all aspects of their lives, including restrictions on their freedom of movement, education and livelihoods opportunities, as well as access to healthcare. (Elsewhere in Myanmar, we also operate in the conflict-affected areas of Shan and Kachin.)
MSF is also the largest provider of health services in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh, where we run hospitals and provide critically needed primary and secondary care, including sexual and reproductive healthcare and mental health services for a population with few other options. In Malaysia, MSF runs clinics for Rohingya patients, many of whom endure appalling conditions and indefinite confinement in immigration detention centres.
As a result, MSF has seen first-hand the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Myanmar, and the continued suffering of the Rohingya, whose statelessness leaves them with nowhere to go —facing indefinite encampment in squalid conditions in Bangladesh, unable to return safely to Myanmar, and unwelcome in other parts of the region. We have also borne witness to the failure of the international community to find a solution to this crisis, and to the increasing global indifference to the plight of the Rohingya, as the world’s attention has been drawn to other emergencies.
Stateless and in need of assistance
That indifference is particularly alarming given the dependence of many Rohingya on humanitarian assistance for survival. In Bangladesh, Rohingya refugees do not have the right to leave their camps and are not legally allowed to work. That leaves them trapped and dependent on international support — support that has been reducing year on year, leaving them stuck in increasingly deplorable living conditions.
Meanwhile, the Rohingya still in Rakhine State also depend on international humanitarian agencies for some of their most fundamental needs. And yet, not only have the authorities in Myanmar often deliberately blocked humanitarian activities in Rakhine State (where renewed violence is also currently making it extremely difficult for our teams to operate), but what response exists remains critically under-funded by humanitarian donors.
A crisis where Canada makes a difference
Canada is an important actor in this context. Since the start of the current Rohingya displacement crisis in 2017, when violence drove so many Rohingya from Myanmar into Bangladesh, Canada has played a leading role in the international response, both as a donor and through its humanitarian diplomacy.
Canada’s willingness to take action, starting with the appointment of a Special Envoy to Myanmar in the first months following the August 2017 attacks, through to the launch in 2018 of Canada’s strategy to respond to the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar and Bangladesh, was based on recommendations made in Special Envoy Bob Rae’s report that same year. This highlighted the urgency of the crisis to other member states in the international community at a critical time, as did Canada’s efforts to fund and help facilitate the global humanitarian response in Cox’s Bazar. Through its official strategy, Canada committed to “alleviating the humanitarian crisis; encouraging positive political developments in Myanmar; ensuring accountability for the crimes committed; [and] enhancing international cooperation.”
Canada must renew its Rohingya and Myanmar strategy
In March 2024, however, Canada’s strategy (which was renewed for a second phase in 2021) is set to expire, and these objectives remain mostly unmet. In part that is because the context has changed: since the coup of 2021, for example, the situation for people in Myanmar has deteriorated significantly. At the time of writing, communities in many of the areas where MSF is present remain in grave danger while their villages are used as battlegrounds. Meanwhile, the emergence of a number of other international crises have directed the world’s attention away from Myanmar, Bangladesh and the Rohingya.
But that loss of global attention is precisely why Canada’s continued engagement on this emergency is so crucial. It is also why MSF is calling on Canada to renew its strategy for a third phase – because we are already seeing the impact that reduced donor engagement is having on our Rohingya patients and their communities.
In Cox’s Bazar alone, some of our facilities are becoming increasingly overburdened as other humanitarian actors depart for lack of funding. Our teams are also seeing the consequences of reduced water and sanitation services, increased violence in the camps (including sexual violence), and outbreaks of disease amid deteriorating conditions. In Myanmar, Rohingya and other communities in Rakhine are facing increasingly desperate circumstances as assistance continues to dwindle and conflict further reduces humanitarian activities.
A global humanitarian priority
As an independent humanitarian medical organization, MSF will continue to deliver critically needed care ourselves to displaced Rohingya in Bangladesh, Myanmar and beyond, whatever the commitment by international humanitarian donors may be. But we can’t do it alone.
So it is crucial that Canada and other governments continue to make the Rohingya a priority for humanitarian assistance funding. And since financial support alone will not solve this crisis (nor alleviate the conflict in Myanmar), sustained diplomatic engagement is also essential. Such efforts should focus on ensuring a safe and sustainable future for the Rohingya, and an end to their statelessness.
Through the launch of its strategy in 2018, Canada made an important commitment to these objectives, and to the Rohingya people. As the global response to their suffering continues to wane, and amid the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Myanmar – and in the face of a growing number of other international crises consuming global resources and attention – that commitment is needed now more than ever..."
Source/publisher:
Doctors Without Borders
Date of publication:
2024-02-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, February 23, 2024 — IRC teams on the ground in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, are reporting growing numbers of people arriving at the Myanmar border as conflict continues to push people out of their hometowns. With over 2.7 million people internally displaced in Myanmar - 800,000 of whom have been displaced since October 2023 - the humanitarian crisis in the region is likely to worsen at an alarming pace.
Despite the Bangladesh government refusing to accept any more refugees, citing the large numbers they have been hosting for over six years, the IRC is monitoring the situation and preparing to scale up our refugee response inside Cox’s Bazar refugee camp, should this decision change. Already, Cox’s Bazar is home to one million Rohingya refugees who fled persecution in August 2017. Since then, they have remained trapped in inadequate living conditions, including overcrowding and poorly built shelters prone to flooding or catching fire.
This week, IRC Bangladesh held a two-day exhibition and panel event, “Through the Lens of Hope: Rohingya Crisis Unfolded” calling on world leaders to highlight their growing needs retrain their attention and remember those people who have been living in camps in Cox’s Bazar for years without adequate shelter or support. The overall humanitarian situation in Cox’s Bazar is poised to worsen and, as the conflict in Myanmar continues to escalate close to the border, especially in Rakhine State, Bangladesh urgently requires the support of the international community, including donors, to properly support those who are seeking safety from the conflict.
The IRC began responding to the Rohingya crisis in August 2017 and launched its response officially in March 2018. With over 400 staff in Bangladesh and operating across 27 camps across the district, our teams provide essential healthcare to the host community as well as the Rohingya population in Cox’s Bazar, as well as reproductive and maternal healthcare, child protection, education, prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence, and Emergency Disaster Risk Reduction (EDRR)..."
Source/publisher:
International Rescue Committee
Date of publication:
2024-02-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"On 7 February, Obaidul Quader, Bangladeshi Minister for Road Transport and Bridges, told the media that Rohingya refugees from Myanmar will no longer be allowed to enter his country. “They have already become a burden for us,” Quader curtly opined. The statement came amid reports of the continuing violence between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military which have resulted in the intrusion of Myanmar security force personnel and civilians, including Rohingya, from Rakhine state into neighbouring Bangladesh. While the minister didn’t elaborate on the official steps to prevent such an inevitable influx, the recent developments have yet again underlined the pitiable plight of the Rohingya, whose lives have swung perilously between despair and demise.
De-humanising existence in Bangladesh
It is easy to blame Bangladesh for being unreceptive to the Rohingya. However, it has been the forced host, according to the UNHCR, to nearly one million refugees, 975,350 Rohingya from 202,836 families.[1] on its territory for the past seven years. Fifty-two percent of this population are children. They live in cramped, bamboo-and-plastic camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh’s border district with Myanmar, as well as in Bhasan Char, a nearby island, where more stable facilities were provided to ease the pressure on Cox’s Bazar.
International aid for the upkeep of the refugees has declined steadily over the years, burdening Bangladesh. In February 2023, the World Food Programme announced a reduction in the value of its food assistance to $10 per person from $12.[2] The amount was further reduced to $8 in June, even as the percentage of refugees who did not have adequate food consumption increased from 79 percent to 90 percent. Donor budgets had been stretched by the pandemic, economic downturn, and competing global crises. This meant that families were either having less nutritious food or the parents were forced to eat less or skip some of their meals so that their children could eat. In December 2023, however, a $87 million grant from the United States allowed the amount to return to $10 per person.[3]
Shortage of food and consequent rampant malnutrition, huge issues in themselves, aren’t the only challenge for the Rohingya. In 2023, the camps in Bangladesh witnessed cyclones and landslides. Multiple fires, some of which have been labelled as “planned acts of sabotage” by investigators,[4] have periodically gutted a large number of shanties. Human trafficking has increased significantly, as have crime and gang violence within the camps, resulting in deaths and serious injuries. The inmates aren’t allowed to work, and children don’t have access to education. The widespread vulnerabilities have been exploited by alternative agendas. These include those who exploit the desperate desire to escape.
Over the years, Rohingya, both those from Myanmar and the camps in Bangladesh, have sought to flee from despair by undertaking perilous journeys on rickety and leaky wooden boats in the Andaman Sea and Bay of Bengal, hoping to reach Malaysia and Indonesia. Over time, more women and children are undertaking such journeys. Total numbers have grown dramatically, picking up between November and April, when the seas are calmer. According to the UNHCR, in 2023, nearly 4,500 Rohingya embarked on deadly sea journeys in Southeast Asian waters, of whom some 569 perished or went missing.[5] This number of reported missing or dead persons is the highest since 2014.
Compelling such desperation is the stark reality that the prospect of ever returning to their homes in Myanmar has dwindled. Always bleak, given the hostile attitude of the Myanmar military, who have refused to give the Rohingya citizenship and protect them on their return, the possibility of return is now negligible. The ongoing violence between the AA and the Myanmar military has dashed those hopes even further.
Shattered Malaysian Dreams
As of the end of January 2024, there were 108,310 Rohingya refugees in Malaysia registered with the UNHCR.[6] UNHCR says its statistics “do not map or reflect new arrivals into the country.” The attraction of Malaysia as a land for a better life and opportunities notwithstanding, recent incidents involving the Rohingya point to the opposite.
In Malaysia, most refugees, especially those who enter the country illegally after arriving by sea, are considered undocumented migrants. Malaysia is not a signatory to the United Nations’ Refugee Convention of 1951. It does not have any laws to recognize and provide for those fleeing persecution and conflict. The country has no system to process asylum applications. The refugees have no right to work, receive education or healthcare. They can only register with the local UNHCR office, and get a recognition card that provides them some measure of protection and support, including limited access to healthcare, education, and other services provided by the UN and its partners. However the UNHCR card is only an identity document and has no formal legal value in Malaysia.
The refugees, therefore, live a precarious existence as “illegal migrants,” doing odd low-paid jobs in restaurants, retail, and other service sectors, as well as agriculture and construction, but are always at risk of arrest. The fact that they are mostly semi-literates or illiterates has exacerbated the situation. Without legal protection and proper contracts, they are not entitled to receive Malaysia’s national minimum pay of Ringgit 1,500 (US$329) per month or Ringgit 7.21 ($1.64) an hour. Worse still, in recent times, the country’s immigration department has accelerated a crackdown on undocumented migrants, arresting them and sending them to immigration detention centres, which since 2019 have been beyond the reach of the UNHCR.[7]
Frequent riots have broken out in these poorly managed centres, leading to, on at least two occasions, inmates escaping and subsequently getting rearrested after a manhunt. In early February 2024, 131 Myanmar men, including 115 Rohingya, escaped such a facility in Perak state. One of them was hit by a vehicle on the highway and killed.[8] Earlier, in April 2022, more than 528 Rohingya refugees, including children, fled a temporary detention centre in Penang state, and six were killed trying to cross the highway. Most of the others were rearrested.
Media reports have highlighted the plight of underage Rohingya girls, travelling from Myanmar and Bangladesh, being forced into abusive marriages with Rohingya men already in Malaysia.[9] Traditionally, parents of Rohingya brides are expected to pay grooms a dowry amount, which can be high, depending upon the suitability and demand of the groom. The journeys from Bangladesh and Myanmar to Malaysia often add to the spiral of exploitation. Boats have sunk, killing all on board. On many occasions, traffickers themselves have sexually abused the girls. Living on the fringes of the fringe, such girls, are not part of any statistics on Rohingya who live in Malaysia.
The Indonesian Pushback
Compared to Malaysia, Indonesia has received fewer Rohingya arrivals, although there has been a steady increase in arrivals to the two western islands of the country. Between November and December 2023, an estimated 1,500 Rohingya landed in north Sumatra. Another approximately 1,500 Rohingya have arrived in Aceh, the westernmost province of Indonesia. Around 70 percent of these refugees are women and children. Most of them are housed in temporary shelters, which have become overcrowded with fresh arrivals.
Life of refugees, especially the children, in overcrowded shelters is far from ideal. They do not have the freedom to go out of the cramped shelters. Like Malaysia, Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, is not a signatory to the UN Convention on Refugees. Though it has a record of taking in refugees if they arrive, it has become far less receptive to refugee arrivals. While some Indonesians sympathise with fellow Muslim Rohingya, others blame them for consuming scant resources and coming into conflict with the locals.
Consequently, the Rohingya have faced the ire of the residents who don’t want them in their communities and have frequently protested such arrivals. In December 2023, for instance, a mob of Indonesian university students attacked the basement of a local community hall in Banda Aceh, the capital of Aceh province, where 137 Rohingya were taking shelter. Videos of the incident showed the students, many wearing jackets with different universities’ insignias, running into the convention centre’s basement, chanting, “Kick them out” and “Reject Rohingya in Aceh.”[10] Elsewhere in Aceh, residents have tried to prevent Rohingya boats from reaching the shore and surrounded the tents of Rohingya on beaches and other temporary locations, demanding that they be relocated.[11] The Indonesian navy, too, in December 2023 forcibly pushed a boat packed with refugees back to international waters after it approached Aceh’s shores.[12]
Those in the temporary shelters have faced an organized online misinformation campaign, which also targets the local UNHCR staff. Anonymous accounts on Instagram, TikTok, and X have spread false information and have also identified UNHCR staff in Aceh, publishing personal information (“doxing”), leading to numerous online threats.
Then-President Joko Widodo blamed the surge in the arrivals of Rohingya on human trafficking and pledged to work with international organisations to offer temporary shelter. He appealed to the international community for help and intensified patrols of its waters due to a sharp rise in Rohingya refugees.
Plan of Action
Although inadequate amounts of humanitarian funds do keep coming to the agencies working with the Rohingya, amidst other ongoing humanitarian catastrophes, this crisis is clearly at risk of sliding off the global, and certainly regional, priority list. While the world, as well as the most prominent regional organization, ASEAN, has been shown to have little leverage with the military junta in Myanmar, there is no other country that can (or will) step forward to deal with the basis for the crisis. Since Myanmar will not, Rohingya options are limited— either to survive in the dehumanizing environment the Bangladeshi refugee camps provide or to attempt high-risk sea journeys that, even when ending with a successful landing either in Indonesia or Malaysia, provide little hope of upliftment.
The UN agencies are desperately working with impacted states and other stakeholders, including refugees, to develop a comprehensive regional response to address these dangerous journeys. However, there are few signs of progress.
This regional and global amnesia to the crisis has to end. The root causes of these dangerous maritime movements must be addressed. The international community must step up to make good on pledges made at the Global Refugee Forum in Geneva in December 2023, which included “advancing solutions and enhancing self-reliance for Rohingya refugees to provide hope and reduce the compulsion to take dangerous boat journeys.”[13]
Meantime, conditions in Bangladesh need to be drastically improved. And those already in countries like Indonesia and Malaysia must be allowed to live a life of dignity, with the right to movement and employment.
Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray is the Director of Mantraya. This analysis has been published as part of Mantraya’s ongoing “Fragility, Conflict, and Peace Building” project. All Mantraya publications are peer-reviewed.
END NOTES
[1] UNHCR, “Rohingya Refugee Response/Bangladesh: Joint Government of Bangladesh – UNHCR Population Factsheet”, 31 January 2024.
[2] “U.N. to cut food aid for Rohingya refugees, citing fund shortfall”, Reuters, 17 February 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/un-cut-food-aid-rohingya-refugees-citing-fund-shortfall-2023-02-17/.
[3] World Food Programme, “WFP’s Rohingya Refugee Operation in Bangladesh Receives Major Funding Boost of US$ 87 Million from the United States”,13 December 2023, https://www.wfp.org/news/wfps-rohingya-refugee-operation-bangladesh-receives-major-funding-boost-us-87-million-united
[4] Ruma Paul, “Bangladesh panel says fire at Rohingya camps ‘planned sabotage’”, Reuters, 12 March 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/bangladesh-panel-says-fire-rohingya-camps-planned-sabotage-2023-03-12/.
[5] UNHCR, “Urgent action needed to address dramatic rise in Rohingya deaths at sea”, 23 January 2024, https://www.unhcr.org/us/news/briefing-notes/unhcr-urgent-action-needed-address-dramatic-rise-rohingya-deaths-sea.
[6] UNHCR, “Figures at a glance in Malaysia”, https://www.unhcr.org/my/what-we-do/figures-glance-malaysia.
[7] “Dozens of Rohingya refugees flee Malaysian immigration detention centre”, Al Jazeera, 2 February 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/2/dozens-of-rohingya-refugees-flee-malaysian-immigration-detention-centre.
[8] “More Than 100 Rohingya Flee Malaysian Detention Center”, Voice of America, 2 February, 2024, https://www.voanews.com/a/more-than-100-rohingya-flee-malaysian-detention-center-/7467813.html.
[9] Kristen Gelieneau, “‘I feel trapped’: Scores of underage Rohingya girls forced into abusive marriages in Malaysia”, Associated Press, 13 December 2023, https://apnews.com/article/rohingya-refugees-bangladesh-myanmar-malaysia-migration-f481e725f97d1b004a474e5facb10144.
[10] “Indonesian students evict Rohingya from shelter demanding deportation”, Al Jazeera, 27 December 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/12/27/indonesian-students-evict-rohingya-from-shelter-demanding-deportation.
[11] Human Rights Watch, “Indonesia: Protect Newly Arrived Rohingya Refugees”, 16 January 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/16/indonesia-protect-newly-arrived-rohingya-refugees.
[12] “More Rohingya refugees arrive in Indonesia despite rejection from locals”, Associated Press, 31 December 2023, https://apnews.com/article/indonesia-myanmar-rohingya-refugees-202c304c3a1a9c447511960063e4e822.
[13] UNHCR, “Urgent action needed to address dramatic rise in Rohingya deaths at sea”, op.cit.
Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray
Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray served as a Deputy Director in the National Security Council Secretariat, Government of India and Director of the Institute for Conflict Management (ICM)’s Database & Documentation Centre, Guwahati, Assam. He was a Visiting Research Fellow at the South Asia programme of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore between 2010 and 2012. Routray specialises in decision-making, governance, counter-terrorism, force modernisation, intelligence reforms, foreign policy and dissent articulation issues in South and South East Asia. His writings, based on his projects and extensive field based research in Indian conflict theatres of the Northeastern states and the left-wing extremism affected areas, have appeared in a wide range of academic as well policy journals, websites and magazines..."
Source/publisher:
"Eurasia Review"
Date of publication:
2024-02-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Human Rights Council
Fifty-fifth session
26 February–5 April 2024
Agenda item 2
Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General
Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Summary
The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 50/3, in which the Council decided to hold, during its fifty-third session, a panel discussion on the measures necessary to find durable solutions to the Rohingya crisis and to end all forms of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Also in that resolution, the Council requested the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to submit a report on the panel discussion to the Council at its fifty-fifth session. The present report contains a summary of the panel discussion, which was held on 21 June 2023.
I. Introduction
Pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 50/3, the Council, during its fifty-third session, convened a panel discussion on the measures necessary to find durable solutions to the Rohingya crisis and to end all forms of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar.
The panel discussion, held on 21 June 2023, provided an opportunity for members and observers of the Human Rights Council, experts and other stakeholders, including representatives of the Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar, to discuss the situation of human rights of Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar, and to identify potential measures and durable solutions to the Rohingya crisis, with a particular emphasis on ways to work towards the sustainable return of refugees in safety and dignity.
The discussion was opened by the United Nations Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights. The panellists were Yasmin Ullah, Chair of the Board of the Alternative Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Network on Burma; Chris Lewa, Founder of the Arakan Project; Kyaw Win, Executive Director of Burma Human Rights Network; and Mohshin Habib, Adjunct Professor at Laurentian University (Ontario, Canada).
II. Background
Violations against ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar affect the entire spectrum of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights. The Rohingya minority of Myanmar has, over generations, been subjected to institutionalized persecution, denial of identity and extreme discrimination that together have created a cycle of marginalization and led to serious violations of their human rights, which may amount to international crimes, including mass forced displacement. It continues to be deprived of citizenship and civil documentation, faces extreme restrictions on freedom of movement, has very limited access to health and education services, and to livelihood opportunities. Long-standing armed conflicts have also led to gross violations of the human rights of ethnic minorities in other States, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, forced labour, sexual and gender-based violence, and extensive forced displacement.
Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, Myanmar has been caught in a downward spiral of violence, characterized by the widespread violations committed by the Myanmar military of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including the widespread use of indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery attacks in populated areas, the raiding and burning of villages, arbitrary arrests, the use of torture, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence. This catastrophic situation of human rights has also further affected the Rohingya and other minorities, causing further refugee movements to neighbouring countries and unprecedented internal displacement within Myanmar.
The situation of human rights of the Rohingya and of other minorities in Myanmar has been extensively documented by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in several recent reports submitted to the Human Rights Council2 as well as in the reports of successive holders of the mandate of Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar3 and of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar.4 More recently, in June 2022, pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 47/1, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) organized a panel discussion at the fiftieth session of the Council on the root causes of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Participants in the panel discussion identified the lack of accountability for the human rights violations of the Rohingya and other minorities and the continuing impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military as the root causes of the current crisis.5 Addressing root causes of discrimination and human rights violations against ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar and ensuring accountability for serious crimes committed were essential to achieve durable peace and to build a society on the basis of the principles of equality and non-discrimination. Supporting long-term grass-roots initiatives aimed at strengthening intercommunity and interreligious dialogues, addressing hate speech and providing human rights education to young people were also essential.
At the international level, efforts to ensure legal accountability are ongoing at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Meanwhile, steps to that end have also been taken at the national level in third States with relevant jurisdiction. The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar has been providing key support to such efforts.
From August to November 2022, fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army in Rakhine State further exposed the Rohingya community to grave risks and violations. Battles were fought in and around Rohingya villages, resulting in casualties and displacement. OHCHR had also received credible reports of the use of sexual violence against Rohingya women and girls by both parties. The Myanmar military had also imposed further restrictions on humanitarian access and on movement. Rohingyas were required to obtain temporary travel authorization for movement between townships in Rakhine State. Anyone – including children – caught undertaking unauthorized travel faced arrest and imprisonment. These had significantly affected the Rohingya community and exacerbated their protection risks and vulnerabilities.
Since 2017, more than one million Rohingya in refugee camps in Bangladesh had been living in difficult conditions, facing serious security, economic and human rights challenges. Lack of adequate security in the camps had led to threats, beatings, kidnappings and numerous killings of Rohingya refugees. Owing to dwindling funding, food assistance had been reduced by 30 per cent, making life in the camps even more difficult. Gender-based violence remains high, with high rates of domestic violence and risks of trafficking in women and girls.
As a result of the systemic discrimination, crippling restrictions and rising hardships, an increasing number of Rohingya had been taking immense risks to flee Myanmar and Bangladesh. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in 2022 alone, 3,545 Rohingya — a 360 per cent increase over the number in 2021 — attempted dangerous sea journeys to other countries in order to seek protection, security, family reunification and livelihoods, with 348 people believed to have died or gone missing at sea.6 Those intercepted at sea and returned to Myanmar faced imprisonment. The number of Rohingya arrested for unauthorized travel within Myanmar, namely seeking to travel outside Rakhine State, doubled in 2022 to around 2,000 cases.
The gravity of the situation had also drawn the attention of the Security Council. At the end of 2022, while expressing concern at the recent developments in Myanmar and underlining the risks that the Rohingya situation poses for the wider region, the Council adopted resolution 2269 (2022), its first resolution on the situation in Myanmar, in which it underscored, among other things, the need to address the root causes of the crisis in Rakhine State and to create the conditions necessary for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons.
On 14 May 2023, Cyclone Mocha devastated Rakhine State, disproportionately affecting Rohingya communities, especially those who had been displaced. There were reports of disproportionate numbers of deaths of Rohingya and extensive damage to their dwellings. The dire consequences of the cyclone had been exacerbated by the actions of the Myanmar military directed at preventing humanitarian access to the affected areas and its failure, over the years, to create conditions conducive for sustainable returns. The military had suspended travel authorizations for all relief operations for several weeks and ordered that all disaster relief responses and supplies be directly managed by its own personnel. The military had not allowed the Rohingya to freely move to seek assistance, and also obstructed the relief efforts of local civil society groups through threats and arrests of those delivering aid or raising funds for relief efforts..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
238.64 KB 341.73 KB 322.81 KB 565.71 KB
more
Sub-title:
Dozens of Civilians Killed in Village Battlegrounds, Over 100,000 Displaced
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Fighting in Myanmar’s Rakhine State has surged in recent weeks, causing civilian casualties and large-scale displacement, Human Rights Watch said today. Myanmar’s junta and the Arakan Army ethnic armed group should take immediate measures to minimize harm to ethnic Rohingya and other civilians caught up in the hostilities.
On November 13, 2023, renewed fighting between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army ended a year-long unofficial ceasefire in Rakhine State. Since January, 2024, Myanmar military forces have attacked Arakan Army fighters deployed in Rohingya villages particularly in south Buthidaung township, which has resulted in civilian casualties and destruction of property, according to local residents, Rohingya groups, and the media. Over 100,000 people in Rakhine State, many displaced by previous violence, have again had to relocate.
“Myanmar military and opposition forces need to do all they can to minimize civilian casualties and destruction of homes and property,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Rohingya villages that were devastated by military atrocities in 2017 are again at grave risk of attack.”
Nine witnesses from Hpon Nyo Leik, a predominantly Rohingya village tract in Buthidaung township with over a dozen hamlets, said that Arakan Army fighters entered the area in late January in an apparent effort to gain control over a nearby Myanmar military command. The military soon responded with helicopter gunship attacks, artillery shelling, and ground assaults.
“The Arakan Army suddenly entered our area and started deploying all around the village,” a 30-year-old villager said. “Soon after, three artillery shells fell in our area. One of the shells exploded in the local market, critically injuring four people. The explosion of another shell injured six people, and the third one injured three.” When the villagers told the Arakan Army that their presence was making them unsafe, the fighters said they would leave when they received orders to do so. “We Rohingya are dying, caught between the two parties,” the villager said.
Residents and rights groups have reported that during the fighting in late January, between 12 and 24 Rohingya civilians were killed, while as many as 100 more may have been injured. More than 100 homes are believed to have been damaged or destroyed, according to Rohingya groups. “On Friday morning [January 26] the military intensified its offensive,” the villager said. “One of my cousins died on the spot. Almost all of my family members were injured and admitted to the hospital. My brother is still struggling to recover as one of the bomb fragments in his body hasn’t been removed.”
A 66-year-old villager said: “An artillery shell hit and killed my son. There were dozens of funerals all around, but I only dared to attend my son’s funeral. He was 42 and the father of five children.”
Another villager, 42, said: “During the attack, we had to leave the village, wrapping the dead bodies in blankets. After about five or six hours, we returned to the village to complete the burials.”
Rohingya villagers said that all the beds in the hospital in Buthidaung and local clinics were filled and that the facilities had stopped admitting people. Clinics were running low on supplies and charging injured patients exorbitant prices.
Some residents described the Myanmar military’s airstrikes on their village as indiscriminate bombardments. “The military is not just targeting the Arakan Army,” said a 47-year-old Rohingya villager. “They are using their helicopters to shoot all over the village.”
Many people fled for shelter in nearby villages but have had little to no access to food or medical supplies, and received no humanitarian support. “My family of 25 people is now displaced and scattered,” a villager said. “We spend our days uncertain about food and shelter.” Rohingya families expressed concerns about food stocks dwindling and unharvested crops rotting in the fields.
Fighting was continuing into early February. During two phone interviews on February 1 with villagers who had remained in Hpon Nyo Leik, gunshots and explosions could be heard in the background.
“No one can enter the village,” a 35-year-old villager said. “It’s not yet safe to go back since the fighting is still going on. The internet is completely down in Buthidaung township. Maybe for two hours a day we can make phone calls, but after that no more calls, as the network is down. No shops are open, everything remains closed. No one is coming to help us, not the authorities or the UN or any international agency.”
The junta has continued to block urgently needed humanitarian aid to civilians in conflict areas, a form of collective punishment that is a war crime. The military is blocking major roads and waterways, destroying nonmilitary supplies, imposing severe restrictions on aid workers, and shutting down telecommunications services. The humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said on January 16 that the authorities were preventing the operation of its 25 mobile clinics in Rakhine State and warned of a “catastrophic impact on people’s health.”
Since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, the junta has driven the country further into a humanitarian and human rights catastrophe. The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
More than 700,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide in 2017. About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, confined to squalid camps and villages under a system of apartheid in which security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya for “unauthorized travel” and imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages. This has left the Rohingya particularly vulnerable to armed conflict.
Since December, civilian casualties have been reported in a number of other Rohingya villages in northern Rakhine State.
The laws of war prohibit attacks that do not or cannot discriminate between civilians and combatants. Bombardments that treat a populated town or village as a single military objective are prohibited as indiscriminate. Parties to a conflict are required to take constant care to spare the civilian population and to take all feasible precautions to avoid or minimize the incidental loss of civilian life and damage to civilian objects. Warring parties, to the extent feasible, should avoid deploying their forces in heavily populated areas.
Several Rohingya said they felt caught between both sides. “If we talk to the military, the Arakan Army will suspect us,” a villager said. “But if the military or the government find any connection between us and the Arakan Army, I’m sure the military would kill the Rohingya.” He said that the Arakan Army has promised security to the Rohingya once they have fully captured the territory, but for the present they have sought to confiscate food and other support.
Fighting near the border has spilled over into Bangladesh, including casualties from mortar fire. Influential foreign governments should respond urgently to the worsening crisis in Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said.
“Foreign governments should loudly express their concerns about the spiraling risks to the Rohingya population from the fighting in Rakhine State,” Bauchner said. “The junta needs to immediately lift the blockage on communications and humanitarian aid and stop their forces from violating international humanitarian law.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-02-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Asylum Seekers Still Risk Being Returned Home to Harm
Description:
"The Nagoya High Court last month ordered the Japanese government to grant refugee status to an ethnic Rohingya asylum seeker from Myanmar. A lower court had previously ruled that 44-year-old Khin Maung Soe was a Rohingya, but that his ethnicity was an insufficient basis for considering him a refugee. The high court found that because the Myanmar military had “committed ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya” since the February 2021 military coup, there “exists objective fact to feel fear of persecution.”
The ruling is unprecedented as Japan’s refugee determination system puts more weight on asylum seekers’ individual circumstances than their status as a member of a particular group. The Japanese government had rejected Khin Maung Soe’s refugee application four times before he filed the lawsuit in 2020. In 2017, the Myanmar military’s campaign of mass atrocities drove more than 730,000 Rohingya abroad, most to Bangladesh. Those remaining in Myanmar face systematic abuses, including the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. Since the coup, restrictions have increased and conditions have deteriorated.
Japan has highly restrictive policies on asylum requests. In 2022, only 202 people out of 3,772 applicants were given refugee status, and 1,202 people had to apply for refugee status more than once, including 83 from Myanmar.
Khin Maung Soe’s case also exemplifies the heightened risk asylum seekers face after Japan’s Diet passed a bill last year to amend the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act. The amendments allow the government to deport asylum seekers who apply for refugee status more than twice. The law will go into effect by June, meaning Khin Maung Soe may have been sent back to Myanmar had he not won the case.
The Japanese government should ensure refugees like Khin Maung Soe aren’t forced returned to harm’s way. Japan should respect the international treaties it has ratified, notably the Refugee Convention, by upholding the principle of nonrefoulement, which prohibits the return of anyone to a place where they would face a real risk of persecution, torture or other ill-treatment, or a threat to life. The government should also establish independent bodies to oversee refugee applications and appeals as recommended by the Japan Federation of Bar Associations..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-02-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
more
Description:
"A girl colors pictures with her friends during our activity in our child friendly space in a refugee camp in Aceh, Indonesia. Photo credit: Geutanyoe Foundation/Save the Children
JAKARTA, 8 February 2023 – Rohingya refugee children who have been forced to flee Bangladesh and Myanmar are now asking authorities in Indonesia for more freedom to leave overcrowded, temporary shelters as the numbers arriving increase, says Save the Children.
Children living in two refugee camps in Aceh, the westernmost province of Indonesia, told staff during a consultation last month by Save the Children and a local partner organisation that they wanted “more freedom of movement” and “to go outside the camp.”
They said their main concerns living in the camps in Aceh were access to clothing, a decent place to live and to be able to learn in a safe environment.
Last year 4,500 desperate Rohingya refugees embarked on dangerous sea journeys, a 22 % jump from a year earlier, of which about more than a third of those were children, according to the UN refugee agency UNHCR. [1]
About 569 refugees were reported dead or missing, the highest number since 2014 when the number reached 730.
At least 1,700 Rohingya refugees, more than 70% of them women and children, have landed in Aceh and North Sumatra since November with the camps there becoming more and more overcrowded.[2]
Imran*, 14, a Rohingya refugee boy in a camp in Aceh, spent about 4 weeks at sea when the boat he was on ran out of supplies three days before landing in Indonesia.
“I was worried and everyone on our boat was also worried. In our boat there was not much food left,” he said.
Imran told staff he hopes to study at university to become a doctor, a lawyer or to work for a non-governmental organization.
Rohingya children and their families in Indonesia have also been subject to both physical and online violence[3] with rising tensions in Southeast Asia over a migration crisis that saw thousands of Rohingya trying to escape Bangladesh and Myanmar last year.
In December more than 100 Indonesian students broke through police lines, physically assaulted Rohingya refugees, forced them onto trucks and took them to immigration demanding that they be deported.[4]
In the Aceh camps, Save the Children has set up safe spaces where children can play and recover with support from our local partner, the Geutanyoe Foundation, but cramped living conditions and the need for more shelters remains a problem.
Other activities that aim to support Rohingya children in Aceh include sports, watching films and body mapping- a creative activity where children are encouraged to draw images, symbols and words representing their lived experiences.
Kurwiany Ukar, Interim CEO of Save the Children Indonesia, said:
“Save the Children Indonesia has been responding since November to provide life-saving interventions to children in Aceh but there is still so much more to do. These children are in desperate need of assistance to survive and receive protection.”
Sultana Begum, Humanitarian Policy and Advocacy Manager for Save the Children in Asia said:
“Rohingya children who have landed in Indonesia are incredibly scared after the journeys that they have had to endure. The Indonesia government has shown compassion and humanity by taking in the refugees and should continue its support. Other regional governments must also step up and work together with Indonesia, to rescue, assist and protect the Rohingya, including from violent attacks and orchestrated campaigns on social media which put their safety at risk.”
Most Rohingya refugees have left from Bangladesh where more than one million are living in the world’s largest refugee settlement since fleeing Myanmar six years ago.
Save the Children has called on the international community to step up financial contributions and ensure the humanitarian response plan for the Rohingya refugees, is fully funded, and support given to meet the emergency needs of Rohingya refugees arriving in Indonesia.
The agency is also calling on governments to explore options for large-scale third country resettlement and for Bangladesh and regional governments to expand formal employment and educational opportunities for Rohingya refugees and the host communities.
Save the Children is one of the leading international NGOs working in the Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh. It has reached about 600,000 Rohingya refugees, including more than 320,000 children, since the response began in 2017.
ENDS
Notes to editors
- Save the Children with its local partner, the Geutanyoe Foundation, ran a consultation with children in two of the Rohingya refugee camps in Aceh in December 2023 and January 2024. The consultation included body mapping - a creative activity where children are guided through filling in an outline of themselves on paper and are encouraged to draw images, symbols and words representing their lived experiences.
The Geutanyoe Foundation (Yayasan Geutanyoe) is a non-profit organization based in Aceh, Indonesia. It is dedicated to cultivating and upholding values of dignity, humanity, equality, justice, peace, democracy, and sustainability in Indonesia.
*Name changed to protect anonymity.
We have a spokesperson available.
For further enquiries please contact:
Amy Lefevre, Global Media Manager, Asia: [email protected]
Our media out of hours (BST) contact is [email protected] / +44(0)7831 650409
Please also check our Twitter account @Save_GlobalNews for news alerts, quotes, statements, and location Vlogs.
[1] However, given the difficulty of tracking those embarking and disembarking boats, not to mention those who die at sea, these figures are approximate.
[2] https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/16/indonesia-protect-newly-arrived-rohingya-refugees
[3] https://www.unhcr.org/asia/news/press-releases/unhcr-disturbed-over-mob-attack-and-forced-eviction-refugees-aceh-indonesia
[4] Human Rights Watch https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/16/indonesia-protect-newly-arrived-rohingya-refugees..."
Source/publisher:
Save the Children (London)
Date of publication:
2024-02-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in other countries
Language:
more
Description:
"The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) today petitioned a Court in Argentina to issue international arrest warrants for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and six other Myanmar officials responsible for the genocide against the Rohingya people.
“This is a historic and unprecedented step towards accountability for the decades-long genocide against the Rohingya people. It shows that our long fight for justice is starting to bear fruit,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK.
“The Argentinian judiciary has already committed to investigate these crimes. Now, we ask the Court to act on overwhelming evidence that these seven individuals are responsible, and to immediately issue international arrest warrants. Those committing genocide should have nowhere to hide from the law.”
Today’s development is part of the investigation in Argentina into the role of Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, such crimes can be investigated anywhere in the world regardless of where they were committed. The case was opened in 2021 based on a petition by BROUK.
The Argentinian prosecution has initially focused its investigation on a massacre in a Rohingya village in Rathedoung township, Rakhine State, on 27 August 2017. Myanmar military and police attacked the village, killing hundreds of Rohingya people through indiscriminate fire, mutilating bodies of victims, torching houses, and committing widespread rape and sexual violence against women and girls. Moving forward, the Prosecutor will continue the investigation into other villages and areas in Rakhine State that were subjected to “clearance operations” in 2017.
BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant names seven individuals responsible for the attack, but arrest warrants can potentially be issued for more perpetrators as the case progresses. Those named for now include senior military leaders with command responsibility for the massacre, such as Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s Commander-in-Chief and current leader of the military coup in 2021, and Soe Win, Deputy Commander-in-Chief. The request also names two lower-ranking officials, a village Chairman and a police officer, who were direct perpetrators of killings and rapes during the attack. They are accused of genocide and crimes under the Argentinian penal code including aggravated murder, sexual abuse and torture.
In its 2018 report, the Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recommended that Min Aung Hlaing and other perpetrators should be prosecuted for the Rohingya genocide.
The request is based on detailed and credible evidence uncovered during the case’s investigation phase. This included eyewitness testimony from seven Rohingya genocide survivors, who traveled to Buenos Aires to testify in court in June this year.
The First Instance Federal Court Number 1 in Buenos Aires and the Prosecutor will now consider BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant. If the Court accepts it, it will automatically trigger a request to Interpol to issue international arrest warrants for the individuals identified. BROUK also asked that ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the European Union, African Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and States such as the US, the UK and Canada that have imposed economic sanctions and travel bans on perpetrators are notified about the arrest warrant.
“Those responsible for this genocide, including the horrific crimes committed on 27 August 2017, must be held to account, whether they planned them or carried them out directly. This massacre caused unimaginable suffering and is, in many ways, on its own enough to prove that a genocide is taking place. Sadly, however, it is only one of many examples of the violence and abuse Rohingya have faced for decades,” said Tun Khin.
The case in Argentina is the first universal jurisdiction case anywhere in the world concerning the Rohingya genocide. Since the case opened, BROUK has further intensified its investigation against the Myanmar military and those abetting their crimes, including by requesting information from Facebook on how anti-Rohingya hate speech was shared on the platform. During the investigation, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) has extended support to the Prosecutor in Argentina.
BROUK’s efforts complement other international justice processes against the Myanmar military, such as the cases at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
These efforts have taken on new urgency since 1 February 2021, when the Myanmar military tried to seize power through a coup. Since then, the military and its proxies have killed thousands of people opposing its rule and arrested tens of thousands.
“Our fight for justice is not just for the Rohingya, but for all victims of the Myanmar military, regardless of what ethnic groups they belong to. The military has terrorized Myanmar and its people for decades, and repression has only intensified since the coup almost two years ago,” said Tun Khin.
“We commend the Argentinian judiciary´s decision to investigate the crimes committed by the military. If our request for an arrest warrant is accepted, it would be a historic development that brings hope to millions of victims. It would also show Min Aung Hlaing and other officials that the eyes of the world are on them.”
Background
The seven individuals identified in BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant are (all titles refer to their positions at the time of the massacre on 27 August unless otherwise noted):
Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief and 2021 military coup leader
Soe Win, Deputy Commander-in-Chief
Aung Kyaw Zaw, Commander of the Bureau of Special Operations No. 3
Maung Maung Soe, Chief of the Army's Western Command
Aung Aung, Commander of the Army’s Light Infantry Battalion No. 33
Kyaw Shay, police officer
Aung San Mya, village Chairman
For more information, contact Tun Khin on +447888714866..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
197.89 KB
more
Description:
"LAW’s multidisciplinary research seeks to understand if there is any continuing impact(s) of the sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) that was committed by the Myanmar military against Rohingya survivors to determine whether such SGBV can constitute genocide.
Context: Several international efforts since the 2017 ‘clearance operations’ have documented the perpetration of SGBV against the Rohingya. Separately, studies have analysed a broad range of mental health outcomes among the Rohingya population in the aftermath of the ‘clearance operations’ and during the accompanying humanitarian response. This research breaks new ground by exploring the connection between the SGBV experienced by Rohingya in Myanmar and their current psychological state. In essence, there is a lack of clinical evidence that delves into the enduring impact of the systematic SGBV committed against Rohingya in Myanmar, particularly in terms of its consequences for not only survivors’ mental health but also their reproductive capacity and its impact on the community as a whole.
To shed light on these aspects, this research focused on three questions:
What is the physical and psychological impact of the SGBV during 2017 ‘clearance operations’ on Rohingya victims and survivors?
What is the impact of such SGBV on the individual survivors’ familial relations, and is there any impact on the Rohingya society?
Can SGBV against Rohingya – through its perpetration and long-term physical and psychosocial consequences – constitute a crime of genocide under the international law?
Between August 2022 and March 2023, a multi-disciplinary team comprising psychologists, a medical doctor, and lawyers undertook the research and analysed the medical and psychosocial data collected from survivors and examined the findings within the applicable legal framework. The research focuses on the experiences of female, male, and hijra survivors of SGBV who were forcibly displaced from Myanmar over six years ago and currently reside in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.
Key Findings:
The research found that the scale of physical injuries from SGBV committed during the 2017 ‘clearance operations’ resulted in long-term consequences, including permanent damage to survivors’ genitalia, which has impacted their ability to procreate.
All survivors described severe psychological injuries which has left them in a state of extreme emotional distress.
The SGBV also damaged individual survivors’ intrafamilial relationships including their ability to be intimate with their partner, their relationship with extended family networks, and with the broader community. In particular, the use of sexual violence negatively impacted survivors’ parent-child relationships and their psychological capacity to procreate.
The research also found that the systematic nature of the SGBV was destructive to the social fabric of the community in at least three ways:
– Firstly, severe ostracisation of the female survivors from family and kinship resulted in the loss of their cultural identity.
– Secondly, the real and symbolic emasculation of men by instilling powerlessness and diminishing their social role.
– Thirdly, the forced reorganisation of the Rohingya family unit and lineage, and erosion of future social alliances such as marriage within the community.
Recommendations are as follows:
Efforts to hold Myanmar accountable for the serious international crimes against the Rohingya including SGBV, must be advanced on an urgent basis.
Improved protection measures are necessary to ensure Rohingya SGBV survivors’ continuous engagement in international justice proceedings.
Fund and establish quality and long-term specialised support for Rohingya SGBV survivors across genders.
LAW dedicates this research to the Rohingya victims and survivors of sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated in Myanmar. LAW is grateful to those who participated in this research, confided in us, and shared the harrowing experiences they suffered and continue to suffer. Their courage to speak out and pursue justice is deeply moving – we must have the courage to seek justice with them..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
Date of publication:
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Genocide, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.48 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"At least 200 civilians have been killed and 335,000 displaced in Myanmar (Burma) since 27 October when a group of ethnic armed resistance organizations – known as the Three Brotherhood Alliance – launched a campaign against the ruling military junta. “Operation 1027” has galvanized other groups across the country to join in attacks against the junta, making the current fighting the “largest in scale and most extensive geographically” since the February 2021 coup, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Clashes have been particularly heavy in northern Shan, Sagaing, Chin, Rakhine and Mandalay states where armed resistance groups have reportedly targeted military bases and outposts, as well as trade routes.
In Rakhine State, a year-long informal ceasefire between the junta and the Arakan Army ethnic armed group ended on 13 November when the group launched attacks. According to OCHA, 20,000 people have fled the fighting since mid-November in Pauktaw township alone. The junta has cut off access to the town and trapped hundreds of people in the crossfire, while also obstructing access to camps for internally displaced Rohingya..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication:
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"The future looks increasingly bleak for over a million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, most of whom were forced out of western Myanmar since the most current and most virulent wave of anti-Rohingya persecution began in 2017, when the military of Myanmar launched merciless onslaught against the Rohingya communities. The head of the UN agency for human rights later referred to the military's conduct as "acts of horrific barbarity," potential "acts of genocide," and "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing".
Bangladesh, a lower-middle-income country, compelled to assuming enormous amount of her limited resources to meet costs and impacts incurred upon her economy, society and environment, made an example of warmest of hearts and deepest empathy for human suffering by welcoming nearly a million Rohingya refugees.
As other crises have captured attention and donor weariness has set in over the past six years, foreign financing for essential, life-saving services has decreased drastically. Food aid must now be reduced by a third, according to the UN. The cost of each person's rations is currently just $0.27 per day. Various other services have also been cut. This reduction is probably going to continue in the upcoming years given the numerous other problems occurring throughout the globe, such as the crisis in Ukraine.
Stepping into the 7th year, not even a single Rohingya has returned to Myanmar. Bangladesh seems solely carrying the burden of this huge refugee alone. The country is expending US$ 1.22 billion every year for the Rohingyas from her own limited resources. Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar is now hosting the largest refugee camp in the world, with one of the largest humanitarian operations in terms of scale and dimensions.
Additionally, the nation has never received a sizable amount of funding for Rohingya refugees. Instead, the amount of support has decreased with time. While donors only contributed 60% of the required cash in 2020, down from approximately 72% to 75% two years earlier, Bangladesh received roughly 30% until now in 2023 and around 50% in 2022.
Bangladesh has been doing everything in its power, with the backing of the international community, to protect the safety and wellbeing of the displaced Rohingyas, despite the loss of biodiversity, loss of forest area totaling almost 6,500 acres of land, and the detrimental consequences on the local people being immeasurable. Food, shelter, medical attention, and other services are being provided to them. They also have the chance to improve their abilities by going to learning facilities that use the Myanmar Curriculum, going to skill-development events, and taking advantage of possibilities for employment. These are aiding in the retention of their language and culture and will eventually aid in their integration back into their own society once they return.
In these situations, the international community must remember that it owes the Rohingyas a core humanitarian duty. Given that Bangladesh has been shoulder the burden in terms of societal and demographic balance, local and regional security, and the fight against violent extremism, international actors cannot dump more than a million Rohingyas entirely in Bangladesh. The UN, ASEAN, the West, and all other actors should do action to lessen the harm caused by this protracted conflict.
In accordance with the UN's appeal for humanitarian relief, actors must ensure that the aid provided to Rohingya refugees is adequate. In order to ensure that the Rohingya's fundamental needs - food, shelter, health, and education - are satisfied, they must cooperate with Bangladesh to stabilize total funding for the refugees.
Second, the international community ought to back the pilot repatriation project, taking into account that Myanmar has never had a fully democratic setting free from military intrusion. The claim that "democracy is prerequisite before any repatriation" is therefore only a deliberate disrespect for Myanmar's past.
Nobody should make an effort to obstruct test repatriation. Before beginning a large-scale repatriation move, this simulated repatriation will help identify the problems. This will help in the creation of better planning before the start of a full-scale repatriation.
Third, Global actors should continue to support international accountability mechanisms- genocide cases in the ICJ, ICC, Argentine International court, Indonesian and German court against the Junta. In order to broaden the scope of the prosecutor's ongoing investigation to include just crimes committed on the territory of Myanmar, the UN Security Council should refer the case to the ICC, as it did in the cases of Sudan and Libya.
Fourth, continue to pressure Myanmar Junta and contact with opposition EAOs, PDFs and NUG to bring peace in the country.
H.E Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said, "Since we have sheltered the Rohingyas, we are fulfilling our responsibility and we are doing our best for them."
The writer is Associate Professor & Security Affairs Analyst..."
Source/publisher:
Daily Observer
Date of publication:
2023-10-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"On 25 August 2023, 1.3 million Rohingya refugees residing in southeastern Bangladesh observed ‘Genocide Day.’ This marked the 6th anniversary of their mass expulsion from northern Rakhine by the Tatmadaw, the Myanmar Armed Forces. The Rohingyas are one of the most persecuted ethnic minority groups in the world and the international community has so far failed to uphold their rights, allowing flagrant violations of international law.
According to Article 2 of the United Nations (UN) Charter, member-states of the UN are to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of one another. However, since the Rohingya community has been forced to take refuge in many different countries, the issue concerns the international community at large and warrants interference. Nearly 1.3 million Rohingyas have taken shelter in Bangladesh over the past five decades, while hundreds of thousands are living as refugees in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, and India. The Myanmar government, whether in its military or civilian form, has been persecuting Rohingyas for decades and has blatantly violated scores of international laws in the process.
Violations of International Law by the Myanmar Government
Since the independence of Myanmar in 1948, the Rohingyas have been subjected to deliberate political, legal, economic, cultural, and social discrimination. According to Article 2 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Articles 26 and 27 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and Article 1 of the 1969 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), such discrimination is strictly forbidden.
In late 2016, the Myanmar government began a new crackdown, which culminated in clearance operations against the Rohingyas in response to an attack on Myanmar security forces by Rohingya insurgents.
In late 1977, the Tatmadaw, along with Burmese immigration officials, launched Operation Nagamin against the Rohingyas. Rooting out ‘foreigners’ and ‘illegal immigrants’ was used as a justification for the Operation. The Burmese troops carried out murder, rape, and other atrocities against Rohingya civilians, and forcibly evicted them from their homes, forcing between 200,000 and 250,000 Rohingyas to flee to Bangladesh. In October 1982, the Burmese government issued the Burmese Citizenship Act, excluding the Rohingyas from citizenship and institutionalizing anti-Rohingya discrimination. This was a violation of Article 15 of the UDHR, which clearly states that none should be arbitrarily deprived of his or her nationality. In 1991, the Tatmadaw launched another crackdown on the Rohingya civilians, repeating the pattern of 1977–1978.
In late 2016, the Myanmar government began a new crackdown, which culminated in clearance operations against the Rohingyas in response to an attack on Myanmar security forces by Rohingya insurgents. According to a report by the Ontario International Development Agency, during this campaign of terror, around 25,000 Rohingyas were killed, more than 18,000 Rohingya women and girls were subjected to rape, some 34,000 Rohingyas were burnt alive, and over 114,000 Rohingyas were tortured.
According to Article 2 of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, killing, causing serious physical or psychological harm, and creation of conditions designed to bring about the destruction of any national, ethnic, racial, or religious group are acts of genocide. In addition, according to the UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1820 adopted in 2008, mass rape is an act of genocide. The Myanmar government has perpetrated all these atrocities against the Rohingyas, and in accordance with international law, this constitutes a deliberate genocide against the Rohingya people.
The Role of EAOs, Citizens of Myanmar, and the International Community
Since 1948, northern Rakhine witnessed the rise of several ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in response to the persistent oppression of the Rohingyas. These EAOs had different aims, including integration into East Pakistan, autonomy within the Myanmar state, and national self-determination. Between the 1970s and the 1990s, a number of Rohingya EAOs, including the Rohingya Liberation Army (RLA), the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF), were active against the Myanmar government. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) has been active since the early 2010s, and the RSO was reactivated following the 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar. The Tatmadaw-controlled Myanmar government responded to the insurgency by repeatedly launching brutal crackdowns on the entire Rohingya population, irrespective of their political affiliation.
Tragically, the rest of Myanmar’s citizens have reacted to the decades-long persecution of the Rohingyas with inaction, and in some cases, with enthusiasm. Buddhist nationalist organizations have long viewed the Rohingyas as a ‘demographic threat’ and cheered on the Tatmadaw’s atrocities against the Rohingyas. In addition to the ethnic Bamars, who constitute the majority of Myanmar’s population, ethnic Rakhines have also been opposed to the Rohingyas.
Several high-level UN officials, including the High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein and the Assistant Secretary-General Andrew Gilmour, have characterized the persecution of Rohingyas as a ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing.’ In November 2019, the Gambia, backed by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), filed a case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing the Myanmar government of perpetrating genocide against the Rohingyas. The case was supported by the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and Canada. In addition, an Argentine court, under the principle of universal jurisdiction, is probing whether Myanmar conducted a genocide against the Rohingyas. Furthermore, the United States has imposed limited sanctions on Myanmar for its atrocities against the Rohingyas and recognized the atrocities as a ‘genocide’ in March 2022.
However, these actions have proved insufficient in resolving the Rohingya crisis. The Tatmadaw-controlled Myanmar government has been dragging its feet over the repatriation of the Rohingyas since 2017 and is unlikely to admit its culpability in genocidal actions. Despite issuing some promising statements, the opposition NUG has not yet made any concrete steps towards ensuring justice for the Rohingyas.
The rest of Myanmar’s citizens have reacted to the decades-long persecution of the Rohingyas with inaction, and in some cases, with enthusiasm.
Instead of just issuing verbal condemnations, the international community should take concrete measures, including the imposition of comprehensive sanctions on Myanmar to hold those who are complicit in the Rohingya genocide accountable. Finally, if Myanmar fails to ensure justice for the Rohingyas, the international community should treat the Rohingya crisis as a threat to international peace and security and undertake necessary actions against the Myanmar government in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter.
Conclusion
Myanmar is a member of the UN, the International Court of Justice, and the International Labor Organization. It is also a party to the 1948 Genocide Convention, but it has overtly violated the treaties, conventions, and declarations of all of these institutions by persecuting the Rohingyas. The international community is duty-bound to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
However, Myanmar has been flouting international law with near impunity for decades by brutally persecuting the Rohingya civilians. Ensuring accountability for the genocide against the Rohingyas and facilitating their repatriation will be welcome steps on the part of the international community.
Moreover, the Rohingyas should not remain stuck in refugee camps for the foreseeable future. International law provides them with the right to return to their homeland. It should be noted that the overwhelming majority of the Rohingyas are in favor of returning to their homeland, on the condition that their safety should be ensured. By facilitating the delivery of justice and ensuring their return the international community could end the suffering of the Rohingyas and uphold international law..."
Source/publisher:
South Asian Voices
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh looks set to drag on indefinitely. Insecurity in the overcrowded camps is growing. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2023 – Autumn Update, Crisis Group urges Europe to keep providing humanitarian assistance and increase its intake of refugees.
Description:
"The future looks increasingly bleak for close to one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, most of whom were forced out of western Myanmar more than six years ago. The 2021 coup in Myanmar brought to power the same military officers whose brutality toward the Muslim minority in Rakhine State in 2016-2017 pushed them across the border. Although the regime insists it wants repatriation to begin, it has refused to guarantee citizenship to returnees. Meanwhile, the situation in Rakhine State has become more complex, due to the growing strength of the Arakan Army, an ethnic armed group that is fighting for greater autonomy for the Rakhine Buddhist majority and now controls much of the state’s centre and north.
The refugees are facing mounting problems in their overcrowded camps. International aid is declining sharply, forcing the UN to cut vital food assistance by one third in 2023. At the same time, insecurity is growing. Poverty and hopelessness threaten to create a vicious cycle in which refugees – particularly young men – join criminal gangs and armed groups, fuelling the violence. Women and girls are embarking on risky boat journeys or overland travel (via Myanmar and Thailand) to Malaysia – their trips often paid for by waiting Rohingya men in exchange for marriage. Others stay and are married off at a young age. Bangladesh, despite having earned global praise for hosting the large Rohingya population, is getting impatient with the attendant burdens. By refusing to acknowledge that the crisis will likely drag on indefinitely and planning accordingly, Dhaka risks making a difficult situation worse.
The EU and its member states can help address this set of challenges by:
Increasing funding for the UN’s humanitarian appeal in Bangladesh to help meet the needs of Rohingya refugees, lest camp conditions deteriorate further. With violence on the rise, it is particularly important that the EU expand its support for protection services for vulnerable refugees, including community leaders and young men at risk of harm by armed groups, and women facing intimate partner violence; its member states should also consider accepting the most vulnerable for third-country resettlement.
Using the EU’s influential position in Bangladesh to encourage Dhaka to adopt a long-term strategy recognising that the vast majority of the refugees are likely to remain in the country for years to come. Although integration may not be politically feasible, refugees need greater access to education and better job opportunities so that they can live in dignity. The EU should make clear that, if Dhaka changes tack, it stands ready to mobilise additional funding for projects that reduce the need for humanitarian aid, such as income generation and durable shelter.
Maintaining, to the extent possible, humanitarian support for Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State. It should work directly with local service providers, which may help navigate restrictions imposed by Naypyitaw, and also avoid inadvertently strengthening the regime or legitimising its initiatives, such as the planned closure of camps for the internally displaced. To improve coordination at the national level, the EU should lobby the UN to appoint an experienced permanent resident coordinator.
Continuing to support international efforts to hold Myanmar’s military accountable for its abuses against the Rohingya and other groups in Myanmar, both prior to and since the coup.
Dwindling Hopes for Repatriation
The Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh are facing increasingly grim prospects of returning to their homes in Myanmar, as conditions in the camps become ever more difficult. Over the last two years, international funding for basic, life-saving services has dropped dramatically as crises elsewhere grab attention and donor fatigue sets in. The shortfall is particularly acute in 2023: with the Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan barely 40 per cent funded, the UN has been compelled to slash food aid by one third. It now spends just $0.27 per day on each person’s rations. There have also been cuts to other services. Shrinking budgets have forced the UN and international NGOs to lay off refugees from paid volunteer roles that, due to Bangladeshi government restrictions, are one of their few legal sources of income. Given the many other emergencies around the world, including Russia’s war in Ukraine, this decline is only likely to continue in the coming years.
Meanwhile, violence is steadily increasing in the sprawling camps as armed groups and crime rings entrench themselves among the refugees. For a time, the dominant such group was the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), which carried out the attacks in Myanmar in 2016-2017 that prompted the military’s violent campaign against the Rohingya. But in September 2021, ARSA overreached when it killed a prominent Rohingya community leader, Mohib Ullah, drawing international attention to the problem of rising violence in the camps. The killing spurred Dhaka into action, and security forces began cracking down on ARSA by arresting some of its members.
Other armed groups have taken advantage of a weakened ARSA. Bangladeshi authorities say no fewer than eleven are now active in the camps. Over the past year, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) in particular has grown in power, gradually wresting control of several camps from ARSA. Many of these groups work closely with Bangladeshi crime syndicates to move drugs – mostly yaba (a mix of methamphetamine and caffeine) but increasingly crystal methamphetamine, which is much more lucrative – over the border from Myanmar and to major markets in Dhaka and Chattogram, a southern coastal city.
Turf wars among ARSA, RSO and other groups have erupted. The number of killings so far in 2023 is already higher than in all of 2022; the victims are typically young men or those in community leadership positions, although women and children are sometimes caught in the crossfire. Abductions, in which gangs hold refugees for ransom, have also skyrocketed. Bangladesh’s Armed Police Battalion, the agency in charge of camp security since 2020, has been unable to bring the gangs to heel. It has also faced well-substantiated allegations that its members are shaking down, wrongfully detaining and even torturing refugees themselves.
Bangladesh and Myanmar’s military regime have ... sought to start repatriating Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State.
Against this backdrop, Bangladesh and Myanmar’s military regime have, since the beginning of 2023 and with Chinese support, sought to start repatriating Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State, following two failed attempts in 2018 and 2019. Each country has its own reasons for wanting Rohingya to return. Naypyitaw hopes it can strengthen its defence at the International Court of Justice, where it has been accused of violating the Genocide Convention, and relieve international pressure in the wake of the 2021 coup. Dhaka has its eye on the general election planned for January 2024, before which it hopes to have a foreign policy victory that dilutes the public’s impatience with hosting of such a large refugee population. As for Beijing, it is seeking opportunities to portray itself as a constructive international player, amid heightened tensions with Washington, and also hoping to gain further support from Dhaka and Naypyitaw in Asia.
Yet despite assurances from both Dhaka and Naypyitaw, a proposed “pilot project”, under which a first contingent of 1,176 refugees would go back to Rakhine State, is unlikely to proceed. The Myanmar regime has sent several delegations to visit the refugees in Bangladesh and, in May, refugee leaders even travelled to Maungdaw in northern Rakhine for a visit intended to show them that it is safe. In September, following a fresh round of meetings, the regime and Bangladesh announced plans to repatriate up to 7,000 refugees by the end of the year. But Myanmar has refused to meet key refugee demands, particularly regarding citizenship (which most Rohingya lack), a stance that is likely to limit the number of candidates willing to return.
Another factor complicating repatriation is the emergence of the Arakan Army as a political force in Rakhine State. Since the 2021 coup, the group has gained control of much of the countryside in central and northern Rakhine, including along the Bangladeshi border. Repatriation at scale is thus likely to be possible only with the group’s agreement. Yet, so far, it has been left out of discussions between the two governments.
The bottom line is that for most refugees, going home remains a distant prospect. While the sheer desperation of life in the Bangladesh camps may persuade a small minority of Rohingya to return notwithstanding the risks, that is hardly something to celebrate. The conditions in Rakhine State are not conducive to safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation, and they are unlikely to be as long as the military regime is in power.
At the same time, the Bangladeshi government refuses to consider viable alternatives for addressing the refugee crisis. Insisting that speedy repatriation is the only way forward, it has imposed restrictions on camp operations and refugee liberties that leave Rohingya almost entirely dependent on outside aid and compel humanitarian groups to keep operating on an emergency footing rather than prepare for prolonged displacement. It has also shifted around 30,000 Rohingya to Bhasan Char, a low-lying silt island almost 40km from the mainland, where acute exposure to cyclones adds a new dimension to their vulnerability. Dhaka’s policies – ranging from denying refugees the right to work to insisting that they live in temporary shelters and remain inside fenced camps or on Bhasan Char – are adding to the humanitarian response’s cost at a time when international funding is declining.
If it does not change, Bangladesh’s policy is likely to make a bad situation worse in the years ahead. Making life more difficult for Rohingya refugees will inevitably push them toward dangerous coping strategies. Unless conditions in the camps improve, those unable to find a way out may grow more susceptible to militancy as time passes. Men and boys may enlist in armed groups or gangs. Girls and women may wind up in underage marriages or in arranged marriages in Malaysia that require them to brave the seas in rickety boats captained by unscrupulous human smugglers to reach their new spouses. Increasingly, Rohingya are also making the hazardous trek to Malaysia overland through Myanmar and Thailand, where they risk arrest for violating immigration laws. In the wake of further cuts to food rations in June, there have been growing reports of intimate partner violence and malnutrition.
The Situation in Rakhine State
Living conditions are also worsening for most of the Rohingya who still live in Rakhine State. More than 120,000 remain confined to displacement camps that were set up over a decade ago; most lack citizenship and all rely on international aid for food and basic services. Cyclone Mocha, which hit Rakhine in May, wiping out several camps, underscored how vulnerable this population is. Naypyitaw said 117 Rohingya were killed, but other sources put the number higher. The regime subsequently blocked an aid delivery plan put forward by the UN, as well as a proposal to bring supplies across the border from Bangladesh.
The regime is now slowly moving forward with a plan to close some of the camps for the displaced, but like the talk of repatriation, this scheme appears to be a ploy to burnish its image by reducing the number of displaced people, including Rakhine Muslims. The lack of proper planning and care for the welfare of camp residents is obvious, as those who have been relocated thus far are languishing in shabby resettlement sites close to the old camps, where they have even less access to social support.
As for Rohingya living in Rakhine outside camps, their basic rights continue to be unprotected, and the combined effects of conflict, COVID-19, the coup and Cyclone Mocha have deepened their troubles. Many feel they are stuck between the Arakan Army and the military, which has threatened community leaders with arrest if they are found to be cooperating with the ethnic armed group’s bureaucracy. A bright spot has been improved relations between Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine communities, thanks to the Arakan Army’s emergence; very popular among the Rakhine, the group’s leaders have emphasised that the majority Burmans, rather than Muslims, are the real enemy of the Rakhine people. The Arakan Army has also taken steps to include Rohingya in the lower levels of its bureaucracy and eased movement restrictions in areas it controls. Recent tensions between the Arakan Army and ARSA in northern Rakhine State threaten to undo some of this fragile progress, however, as fears of renewed Rohingya insurgency among ethnic Rakhine will likely fuel anti-Rohingya sentiment.
What the EU Can Do
First, as one of the world’s largest humanitarian donors, the EU should increase its aid to Rohingya refugees through the UN humanitarian appeal. Brussels has generally maintained a consistent level of support for Rohingya appeals over the past six years, and EU member states provide limited additional funding. In July, the EU released an additional €12.5 million to address humanitarian needs of people in Myanmar and Rohingya in Bangladesh. But the dire – and rapidly worsening – situation in the camps is reason enough to increase funding further, particularly in the short term. With a strong presence in Bangladesh, including in Cox’s Bazar (the southern district where most camps are located), the EU should also work with other donors to stabilise overall funding for the refugees, and help ensure that the Rohingya’s basic needs – food, shelter, health and education – are met through the UN-led humanitarian response. In light of growing violence and insecurity, Brussels should also give more to aid organisations providing protection services, which are struggling to cope with rising insecurity in the camps, and to support alternative solutions for those most at risk.
EU member states, meanwhile, should follow the lead of actors such as the U.S. and Canada in committing to resettle some number of Rohingya refugees – especially from among the most vulnerable. Dhaka has recently permitted resettlement for the first time since 2010. (It was previously reluctant because it feared the availability of this option could become a pull factor encouraging more Rohingya to cross into Bangladesh.) Although third-country resettlement will help only a small proportion of refugees, it will be life-changing for those people, and the benefits may go further besides. It could also improve the climate for discussions with the Bangladeshi government by demonstrating Europe’s commitment to taking concrete measures of its own to alleviate the crisis.
Secondly, it is important for the EU to push the Bangladeshi government harder on the parameters it sets for the refugee response. Dhaka’s regulations prevent refugees from working legally, leaving them almost entirely dependent on international aid – an unsustainable situation given the precipitous falloff in assistance pledges. The EU, which Bangladeshis perceive as neutral in their domestic politics, and is a vital trade partner (accounting for almost 40 per cent of exports), should encourage Dhaka to loosen restrictions on Rohingya employment and movement, which would allow humanitarian agencies to move beyond emergency relief.
Brussels should make clear to Dhaka that it will mobilise funding for longer-term initiatives that would reduce Rohingya dependence on humanitarian aid.
As part of that effort, Brussels should make clear to Dhaka that it will mobilise funding for longer-term initiatives that would reduce Rohingya dependence on humanitarian aid, such as job opportunities and durable shelter. For example, the EU could make clear that, apart from providing funds itself, it will convene a donor conference to solicit pledges, as it did with the event it co-hosted in 2020 with the U.S., UK and UN High Commissioner for Refugees. That event raised $600 million in new pledges for humanitarian programs. Before a new conference can take place, however, Dhaka will need to change its approach to the refugee crisis, accepting that the vast majority of the refugees will remain in Bangladesh for years to come.
Thirdly, the EU and member states should send a clear signal about repatriation. Given the crisis in Myanmar, the chances that Rohingya refugees can go home have only grown slimmer. While respecting the wishes of those refugees who may nonetheless want to return, the EU should make clear that it opposes the current pilot project given the military regime’s failure to ensure safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation.
Fourthly, the EU should also maintain its support to Rohingya in Rakhine State, who due to a combination of conflict and economic crisis have become even more reliant on international aid since the coup. It will be easier said than done. Since the coup, the military regime has tightened restrictions on humanitarian aid, including limiting the travel authorisations required for visiting Rakhine State, blocking visas for international staff and introducing a new Organisations Law that gives the junta greater control over aid groups.
For donors like the EU, these strictures only increase the urgency of shifting as much funding as possible to local partners including NGOs and community-based organisations, which can more easily navigate these restrictions. To work with these groups and ensure the safety of their staff and beneficiaries, Brussels will likely need to relax its usual requirements on partner registration, banking and reporting. Close coordination with other actors, particularly the UN, will also be essential to ensure that funding is efficiently and usefully allocated. To enhance the effectiveness of the UN country team, the EU should push the UN leadership to appoint a permanent resident coordinator as soon as possible, filling the vacancy left when the last one departed in November 2021. The incoming official should have the skills and experience necessary to handle Myanmar’s particular challenges.
Finally, the EU and member states should continue to support international accountability mechanisms that aim to hold to account perpetrators of abuses, including conflict-related sexual violence, against the Rohingya in Myanmar during the 2016-2017 military crackdown. The primary such mechanisms are the International Criminal Court and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, a body the UN has tasked with gathering evidence for future criminal proceedings. Their efforts serve as a reminder to potential perpetrators that a cloud of criminal suspicion – and the prospect of prosecution – will follow those who choose to commit atrocities..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication:
2023-10-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
161.97 KB
more
Description:
"After several failed attempts in 2018, 2019, 2020, and 2021, Bangladesh and Myanmar recently announced a pilot initiative for the repatriation of Rohingyas. Myanmar scheduled a tour to Rakhine for the ambassadors or consul generals of 11 countries, including Bangladesh, India, China, and eight ASEAN members, in early March 2023, to review the situation there. The envoys noted that Rakhine has a secure security environment now. The repatriation process should now begin.
Following the Ambassador's visit, a commission from Myanmar's military junta visited Bangladesh to evaluate potential repatriation candidates. As part of this pilot initiative, Myanmar confirmed a list of over 1,000 Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh who may be returning soon. On May 5, a 20-person Rohingya delegation from Bangladesh visited Rakhine to examine the situation and urge other Rohingya into voluntary return as part of a confidence-building campaign.
Deng Xijun, China's Special Envoy for Asian Affairs, visited Myanmar twice before visiting Dhaka in July. He reassured Bangladesh that Myanmar had now agreed to return the Rohingyas to North Mangdaw in Rakhine. He explained that the Rohingyas would initially live in temporary camps following their repatriation. They would later build their homes there with voluntary labor. Myanmar will pay the Rohingyas for this.
Unfortunately, certain Western countries and right-wing organizations have continued to advocate for the suspension of this pilot project, claiming that democracy is required for any repatriation and that the current political atmosphere makes it difficult for Rohingyas to return. "Those who keep claiming that the situation in Myanmar is "not favorable" to repatriation have rarely visited Rakhine," Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh Yao Wen responded. "It's bizarre. They also did not address whether the circumstances in Cox's Bazar is conducive to the displaced people living a dignified life. This is a question they must answer for themselves.
Coups, military rule, ethnic conflicts etc. have been the history of Myanmar, so does the persecution on Rohingyas. The unrest was sparked mostly by religious and socioeconomic divisions between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims. During World War II in Burma, Rohingya Muslims allied with the British and promised a Muslim state in exchange fought against Rakhine Buddhists aligned with the Japanese. Following the country's independence in 1948, the newly established union government of the largely Buddhist country denied the citizenship of the Rohingyas, subjecting them to widespread and systematic discrimination. Many worldwide academics, analysts, and political figures, including South African anti-apartheid crusader Desmond Tutu, have linked it to apartheid.
Burmese authorities became increasingly antagonistic to the Rohingyas during Ne Win's military reign, enacting measures that denied them citizenship. The persecution of the Rohingyas thus went beyond all bounds. Violent, large-scale crackdowns against Rohingya, such as Operation King Dragon in 1978 and Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation in 1991, drove hundreds of thousands of Rohingya into Bangladesh. When the Burmese Citizenship Law was passed on October 15, 1982, Rohingya Muslims in the nation were legally unrecognized and denied Burmese citizenship.
To summarize, Myanmar has never had a truly democratic environment devoid of military intervention. As a result, some actors' assertion that "democracy is a prerequisite before any repatriation" is only a purposeful disregard of Myanmar's past.
However, triangular attempts with China, Bangladesh, and Myanmar persist. On September 4, a high-level team from South Asia and Southeast Asia, led by Bangladesh's ambassador to Myanmar, visited Rakhine to discover what steps have been taken to restore trust and give protection to the Rohingyas. Ko Ko Hliang, a union minister and the committee's vice-chair-1 for Rakhine State stability, peace, and development, informed and directed the delegate. The delegate, according to sources, was happy with Myanmar's conduct.
Chinese Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Deng Xijun informed that, 'Myanmar agreed to settle the Rohingyas in their original villages- a demand that the Rohingyas had been making in response to Myanmar's earlier plan of resettling Rohingyas in camps or model villages. Several voluntary organizations including 'Asian Coordination Centre for Humanitarian Assistance' and UNHCR will be engaged during the repatriation process.' All technical issues have been discussed. Myanmar has confirmed identity of 2087 Rohingyas already. Repatriation of the first batch may begin within months. 100 refugees could be sent home every day."
Since the beginning of the crisis in 2017, this can be considered a breakthrough. Every stakeholder should back the endeavor. We should keep in mind that the Rohingya issue appears to be taking a back seat to other global crises in 2022 and 2023, including the Russia-Ukraine war. Because of the huge political attention in, and donor pledges for, Ukraine, there is a donor scarcity for Rohingyas. Bangladesh, the host country, has received little more than 50% of the required cash in 2022, while donors gave only 60% of the required funding in 2020, down from approximately 72% to 75% two years earlier. As of mid-August, the 2023 Appeal, which asked USD 876 million, was only about 28.9% financed, rendering Rohingya refugees particularly vulnerable this year.
Second, because the Rohingya refugees lack viable economic options, the nearby Rohingya camps may become havens for criminal activity, putting the security of the entire region at risk. The recruitment of refugees by extremist networks is raising increasing concern since it may feed unrest not only in Bangladesh but also throughout the Indo-Pacific region.
Third, around 30,000 Rohingya infants are born in refugee camps in Bangladesh each year on average. As a result, the Rohingya population has risen to around 1.2 million. A new generation of Rohingya children is growing up without a sense of belonging, exacerbating the catastrophe.
Fourth, the security situation for Muslims in Rakhine is better than it has ever been. Living conditions, health care, and education have all improved. The number of Muslim-specific educational institutions has grown. After a nine-year hiatus, Sittwe University welcomed 200 Muslim students last year. This year, a large number of Muslim students were accepted. Muslims, too, have access to medical treatment. The Junta government is providing a 'National Verification Card (NVC)' to returnees. Junta's willingness to resolve the situation appears to be improving. Except for Rakhine State, the country has been plagued by severe conflicts between the regime and ethnic groups. Rakhine State is presently better than it has ever been.
In such circumstances, without a doubt, the repatriation procedure should begin immediately. The world community has a primary humanitarian duty to assist the Rohingyas. Though the decades-long antagonism between Rohingya communities and the Myanmar government is unlikely to be erased quickly, the ASEAN, the United Nations, and global and regional entities can all play vital roles in fostering trust between them.
The international community should send a clear statement that "we are watching the situation in Myanmar, as well as the conduct of the Myanmar Junta towards the Rohingyas." If we can input this and act on it, the ice of mistrust will slowly but surely melt. "The returnee Rohingyas will not be abandoned; they will be observed and their security condition will be monitored"- such a message should be delivered by global actors.
Nobody should attempt to prevent test repatriation. Such mock repatriation will help to identify the issues before embarking on a large-scale repatriation move. This will aid in the development of better planning prior to the start of a full-scale repatriation. This is a litmus test for the international community, right-wing organizations, global actors, and Myanmar parts that must pass with flying colors..."
Source/publisher:
"The Daily Observer" (Bangladesh)
Date of publication:
2023-09-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar is passing through a critical time due to unrest and conflict between the government and the anti-junta forces. There are no indications that the current violence in Myanmar will stop; instead, it is getting more organized every day.
According to Duwa Lashi La, head of Myanmar’s anti-junta National Unity Government (NUG), the People’s Defense Force (PDF), a paramilitary force fighting the junta, has witnessed a significant improvement in efficacy. The PDF is currently fighting the military junta successfully, having organized and established tactical regiments and battalions that are armed with automatic weapons. The NUG leader said that anti-junta forces are now outperforming the nation’s armed forces. Attack drones are another weapon that PDF militants are employing to defeat the junta forces. NUG Defense Ministry Spokesman Mong Mong Swee said that PDF had opened new fronts in Chin state along with the Sagaing and Magway regions to conduct offensives against Myanmar army. They gained control of new areas of Kayah and Kayin state. PDF have been able to inflict heavy casualties, including killing junta soldiers, in the ongoing war over the past two years.
At a meeting of the National Defense and Security Council on July 31, junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing mentioned that the PDF was fighting with the army in Sagaing, Magway, Bago and Tanintharyi regions as well as Kayin, Kayah, Chin and Mon states. These states have been particularly affected by war, mine attacks and arson. The junta has extended the state of emergency for another six months to take ‘security measures’ to deal with the wider conflict.
According to international military analysts, the junta has suffered more casualties than the revolutionary forces in nearly every conflict or battle in Myanmar. To cope with this, in addition to ground combat, Myanmar Army will have to use more air power and aircraft against the PDF and rebel groups. Following the fourth extension of the state of emergency, anti-junta groups claim that combat has escalated in eight of the nation’s states and regions as the Myanmar military resumes operations to reclaim territory controlled by ethnic militias and the PDF. The Myanmar military stepped up its operations in the Shan, Kachin, Kayin, Mon, Sagaing, Bago, Magway, and Tanintharyi areas.
Officials of the Karen National Union (KNU) said that, their troops were engaged in fierce battles with junta forces in Kayin and Mon states as well as Bago and Tanintharyi regions. Junta troops are attacking seven areas controlled by the KNU, in those areas 109 battalions are deployed by the army. Fighting in Kachin state’s jade mining region has intensified and the junta has carried out airstrikes in jade mining areas. According to statistics provided by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), the ongoing violence has forced more than 1.6 million civilians to leave their homes.
Western nations tightened their sanctions against Myanmar after the military took control in 2021. However, ignoring these sanctions, Myanmar’s junta chief visited China, Russia and India and bought weapons and equipment from those countries. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) in Sweden regularly studies the global armaments trade. According to data from Sipri’s Trends in International Arms Transfer 2022 study, which was published in March 2023, 42% of Myanmar’s arms imports from 2018 to 2022 came from Russia, 29% from China, and 14% from India.
Recently, Myanmar received two Sukhoi fighter jets from Russia in the first phase. Later, four more Sukhoi fighter jets will join Myanmar’s fleet. During a visit to Russia in September 2022, Myanmar’s junta chief Min Aung Hlaing signed a deal to buy 6 Sukhoi SU-30SME fighter jets from Russia. The Russian-made Sukhoi Su-30 SME fighter jets are effective in air-to-ground and air-to-air attacks. These aircrafts will enhance the junta’s capacity to deal with ongoing violence.
Bangladesh has maintained its diplomatic, commercial, and other contacts with Myanmar while taking Myanmar’s situations into consideration. On September 6, General Hlaing, the head of the State Administration Council, received the credentials from Md. Monwar Hossain, the recently appointed ambassador of Bangladesh to Myanmar. While speaking with the Ambassador after accepting the credential, the Chairman reaffirmed Myanmar’s serious political commitment to repatriating the Rohingyas. This is a positive sign in the current context. General Hlaing voiced his optimism for the further advancement of bilateral ties between Bangladesh and Myanmar during the conversation and covered a number of topics of mutual interest, including the repatriation of Rohingyas, commercial connections, and improved air, land, and sea connectivity. Furthermore, they exchanged their views on enhancing military cooperation and public relations, as well as issues like conventional and non-conventional security cooperation, including the prevention of drug trafficking and arms smuggling. The ambassador of Bangladesh has asked for his assistance in order to develop and expand bilateral relationships between the two countries.
On August 24, a human chain and a demonstration were held in front of the Cox’s Bazar District Commissioner’s office to call for proper repatriation measures. Local leaders said at the demonstration held under the banner of “All Residents of Cox’s Bazar” that the long-term presence of Rohingyas in the bordering upazilas of Ukhia and Teknaf poses a threat to the survival of the local community there. Drug and human traffickers now useing the Rohingya camps as a safe transit location, murders and crimes occur often in the camps. This in turn created pressure on the daily life of the locals. As a result local people wish to resolve this issue permanently. Bangladesh’s main focus is to return the 1.25 million Rohingyas who have been staying inside Bangladesh for the last six years. Under the auspices of the pilot project launched by the Myanmar government at request of China, efforts are being made to return a limited number of Rohingyas to Myanmar. Bangladesh requests assistance from international community and organizations in this regard. Bangladesh further urged all parties involved to refrain from impeding the return of Rohingyas under the pilot project. The Rohingyas also wish to go back to their country of origin, where they have homes and other amenities. To begin with, a group of Rohingyas should return to Myanmar for observing the situation. Once they return to Rakhine, they will have a better understanding of the situation, challenges and the difficulties there. This knowledge will facilitate to undertake the repatriation of remaining Rohingyas. By December this year, Bangladesh, China, and Myanmar hope to begin a trial program for returning Rohingyas home.
On September 4, Bangladesh and Myanmar convened a conference at the director general level to discuss repatriation. The Myanmar military administration has consented to allow the Rohingyas to return to their villages. Bangladesh and Myanmar will hold several meetings in the coming days to make the pilot project for the repatriation a success. A four-member delegation led by the Director General of the Myanmar Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh went to Myanmar to attend the meeting. After that, an official delegation from Myanmar will visit Cox,s Bazar and discuss with the Rohingyas prior to the start of this repatriation. More than 3,000 Rohingyas have been listed for pilot repatriation. Bangladesh places a high priority on safeguarding the Rohingyas’ safety, dignity, and security in addition to preventing family separation during repatriation and allowing Rohingyas from the same area to travel together.
According to Western countries and the UN, Myanmar does not have a functioning democracy, and as a result, there has not yet been established a conducive climate for the repatriation of Rohingyas. Reviewing the present situation in Myanmar, it is evident that the ongoing conflict is going to escalate in the days to come and that both sides are enhancing their capabilities. Furthermore, the international community as a whole, including the UN, Amnesty International, the Western countries, international NGOs, has been unable to exert meaningful pressure on Myanmar. Despite its continued efforts, ASEAN has not been able to control the situation in Myanmar and bring about peace. However, Bangladesh cannot continue to shoulder the burden indefinitely. Additionally, the total amount of support provided to the Rohingyas is declining gradually and the issue poses a threat to regional stability. For the past six years Bangladesh has sought a workable solution bilaterally, trilaterally and multilaterally and is keen to resolve this issue.
The nature of the issues in Rakhine State differs from those in other regions of Myanmar. The Arakan Army acknowledges the Rohingyas as inhabitants of Rakhine, and the NUG is dedicated to fostering circumstances that would allow the Rohingyas and other displaced groups to return home voluntarily, safely, dignifiedly, and indefinitely. The issue’s significance has also grown due to General Ming Aung Hlaing’s commitment to returning the Rohingyas to their homeland. Compared to other parts of Myanmar, Rakhine’s condition is now stable. It is time to implement the pilot project for the repatriation of a small group of Rohingyas. The pilot project will help identify the difficulties and issues related to the repatriation procedure. These results are then examined to develop the most appropriate course of action. The entire repatriation of the Rohingyas should be carried out in the future using the lessons learned from this experience. In the middle of the current uncertainty, it is anticipated that the Rohingya crisis would see a ray of hope if all these issues are adequately handled..."
Source/publisher:
"Eurasia Review"
Date of publication:
2023-09-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"The Story So Far
There are more than 1 million Rohingya refugees living in the Asia and Pacific region. Most live in Bangladesh, home to the world’s largest and most densely populated refugee settlement. Amidst the pressures of competing global crises and dwindling humanitarian resources,
Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, have continued to generously host Rohingya refugees. In the absence of a regional response mechanism, Malaysia hosts over 150,000 asylum-seekers and refugees — the vast majority of whom are Rohingya, and Indonesia has stepped in to disembark 10 boatloads of 1,137 Rohingya refugees since December 2021. New initiatives to create third country solutions for Rohingya hosted in the region are being developed. Opportunities to support Rohingya refugees in achieving greater self-reliance and resilience and prepare them for sustainable reintegration when they return home, are being implemented with an incremental expansion of education, portable skills development and livelihoods activities.
A Paradigm Shift is Needed
These initiatives must be scaled up. With limited opportunities to develop self-reliance and lacking prospects for sustainable solutions, Rohingya refugees are risking their lives in search of solutions. In 2022, the region witnessed a 360 per cent increase in maritime movements compared to the previous year. A paradigm shift is however needed, in collaboration with Rohingya communities, to transform the Rohingya response into comprehensive and coordinated action towards achieving sustainable solutions and resilience.
The Multi-Stakeholder Pledge
While the first Global Refugee Forum in 2019 resulted in over 1,400 pledges, only 7 per cent targeted Asia Pacific. Pledges were not only financial. They also included technical support and policy commitments.
The second Global Refugee Forum will be held in Geneva, in December 2023. It is a unique opportunity to put a spotlight on the situation of Rohingya refugees, the imperative to work towards solutions, and sustain the support offered by host countries in the region. At the forum, stakeholders can demonstrate their commitment in support of a multiactor pledge that expands solutions and enhances collective resilience, including through climate action, and as such contributing to peaceful coexistence.
Key elements of this pledge will also contribute to the protection of Rohingya refugees along the SouthEast Asia onward movement route. Recognizing each context within the region has its own specificities, the pledge does not envisage a one-size-fits-all approach.
By combining collective strengths and expertise, this multi-stakeholder pledge has the potential to be truly transformational. Beyond the region, offers of resettlement and complementary pathways are an integral element of an expanding package of solutions, notably for the most vulnerable refugees and for those with no prospect of future return to Myanmar. An increasing number of States in and beyond the region are willing to offer resettlement or complementary pathways through access to higher education opportunities, labour mobility, family reunification and private or community sponsorship; the latter also includes Rohingya diaspora.
A sample of commitments:
• Implementation of 300 quick impact projects in Rakhine State to support the creation of conditions conducive for return.
• 25,000 Rohingya submitted for resettlement consideration each year and 15 pilots initiated to expand complementary pathways.
• Civil registration and legal identity documentation provided in support of solutions.
• Predictable and sustained funding for the humanitarian response.
• Ensuring access to quality education for all Rohingya students in Rakhine and countries of asylum.
• Building refugee resilience so that one refugee in every household is engaged in selfreliance activities, notably skills development, community work and livelihood opportunities.
• Strengthening partnerships with Rohingya-led organizations (RLOs).
• Improving climate resilience through naturebased solutions and eco-disaster risk reduction..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-09-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.33 MB
more
Description:
"The issue of repatriating Rohingya refugees has once again taken center stage, and it appears to be yet another farcical chapter in this ongoing saga. During a tripartite meeting mediated by China in Kunming, the latest decision emerged: by December 31 of this year, 7,176 Rohingya refugees will be returned to Rakhine State, Myanmar. The push for repatriation, even on a small scale, is being urged by China and has been met with hesitance from Bangladesh.
To provide some context, in the face of the brutal crackdown by Myanmar’s military in August-September 2017, approximately 800,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh. In November of that same year, Bangladesh hastily signed a bilateral agreement with Myanmar to facilitate their repatriation. Under this agreement, Bangladesh submitted a list of 829,036 Rohingyas to Myanmar.
After “scrutinizing” the list, Myanmar “cleared” just 62,285 individuals, confirming their Myanmar origin. This amounted to a mere 7.51 percent of the submitted list. Astonishingly, not a single Rohingya has returned to Myanmar under this agreement in the past six years.
This marks the third attempt to repatriate a small number of Rohingyas. The first attempt was made following a foreign secretary-level meeting between Bangladesh and Myanmar in October 2018. However, due to international opposition, citing the ongoing genocide in Myanmar, this effort was met with failure. Similarly, a second attempt in 2019 to repatriate Rohingyas cleared by Myanmar from a list of 22,000 individuals submitted by Bangladesh was unsuccessful, primarily due to objections from the Rohingyas on the list.
Even if a pilot repatriation takes place, it is unlikely to benefit either Bangladesh or the Rohingyas. Myanmar stands to gain from this process, using it as a propaganda tool to demonstrate its ability to resolve the issue through bilateral or trilateral initiatives. This effort is likely to find support from China, Russia, and potentially India, all of which have, directly or indirectly, backed Myanmar despite its genocidal actions.
Six years have passed with no tangible progress. The pilot repatriation process is almost certain to reveal problems, allowing Myanmar to engage in further discussions and delay tactics. Moreover, there is the matter of verification and scrutiny.
It is perplexing why Bangladesh is stepping into this precarious situation. State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shahriar Alam has emphasized that no one should obstruct the pilot repatriation. According to him, this experimental process will help identify and understand the challenges before proceeding with large-scale repatriation.
However, two fundamental questions remain unanswered. Firstly, the main obstacle to Rohingya repatriation is the lack of a safe environment in Rakhine State – a responsibility that squarely lies with Myanmar and its military. Have they taken any substantial steps to ensure this safe environment? Will these issues be genuinely addressed during this experimental phase?
Secondly, has there been any roadmap established for large-scale repatriation? The pilot project would have been more justifiable if such a plan had been in place from the outset. China may be pleased if repatriation begins, but international agencies and Western nations are unlikely to support these efforts. Is it truly beneficial to undermine one’s own interests merely to appease China?
In the midst of this, the United States has presented an unrealistic proposal. While it is worth acknowledging that the US has provided substantial humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees and has exerted pressure on Myanmar’s military junta, their proposal raises concerns. The US embassy stated that it is unsafe for Rohingyas to return to Myanmar given the current situation and proposed rehabilitating Rohingyas in various countries as an alternative solution. They noted that over the past 14 years, 13,000 Rohingyas have been rehabilitated in the US.
However, when considering the number of Rohingya refugees, 13,000 over 14 years represents a minuscule fraction. During a visit to the US last year, some Rohingyas I met were running small businesses and thriving.
Anyone visiting those camps will notice signs posted on storefronts and establishments: “We are hiring”. There were numerous job openings with modest wages, but an insufficient number of applicants. If the US were to accept one million Rohingyas for rehabilitation, they would swiftly fill these positions, and these individuals and their descendants would become tax-paying consumers contributing to the US economy.
This would not only demonstrate the US’s commitment to the humanitarian values it upholds but also enhance its global image. Germany, a relatively smaller country, accommodated one million Syrian refugees, with 70 percent of them successfully integrated into the German economy. Germany did not suffer losses from this decision, and it significantly bolstered the nation’s reputation.
However, it is unlikely that the US will pursue this course of action. Therefore, raising the expectations of the Rohingya people regarding rehabilitation in a third country may be futile. The ultimate solution to the Rohingya crisis lies in their repatriation to their homeland. The US, as a friend of Bangladesh and the Rohingyas, and the world’s most powerful nation, can use its influence to ensure the creation of conditions conducive to Rohingya return. In the interim, the US and its Western allies can mobilize resources to provide minimal assistance for the survival of the Rohingyas..."
Source/publisher:
Weekly Blitz
Date of publication:
2023-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Rohingya refugees are not numbers but individuals with hopes and fears just like us
Description:
"Abdullah Al Bukhari, Ananda Paul, Sunzida Suba, Rubaya Islam Ruhi, and Moumita Rahman Ipsita
We have had a completely different experience than what we see when scrolling through social media or flipping the pages of most daily newspapers. We met Rohingya refugees in person, and got to know about them ... not as numbers but as human beings like you and me. We -- five students from the Department of Law of the University of Dhaka -- have been to the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar last month, and witnessed how refugees have been trying to live and be happy with whatever they can get.
We recently got the chance to meet the Rohingya refugees who had to cross the border and flee to Bangladesh from Myanmar’s Rakhine state to save themselves from ethnic cleansing. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) conducted a Certificate Courses on Refugee Law and Protection at our department. After attending the course, five of us were selected to go on a field visit to see the lives of Rohingya refugees.
It took us an hour and a half to reach the camps in Ukhiya from the city of Cox’s Bazar, and we went first to the Camp-4 Extension. This can be considered a model camp, because it was built in a planned way considering the number and needs of the refugees, which had not been possible for many Rohingya camps in Ukhiya.
Going all the way to one of the Legal Assistance Centres, the signboard indicated the center is run jointly by BRAC, UNHCR, and the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner (RRRC) –- a proof of strong collaboration among NGOs, the United Nations, and the government authorities across the camps. Inside the centre, there were numerous awareness posters showcasing the plight of the refugees, with text written in both Bengali and Burmese. We came to know how refugees receive legal assistance and mediation through such centers.
UNHCR has been working to ensure legal assistance and justice for Rohingya refugees in collaboration with BRAC, Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), while the RRRC has been providing administrative support. The legal assistance centers run by BRAC and BLAST are always open for Rohingya refugees seeking legal assistance and remedies, they work on legal counselling, mediation, representation at police and court, jail visit, and legal awareness. UNHCR has been working to raise legal awareness among the refugees sheltered in Bangladesh. This also helps Rohingya refugees and their community leaders work together with humanitarians for their own safety and security.
Access to justice is a human right, and it does not change whether a person is a citizen or a refugee. BLAST, BRAC, and UNHCR are playing a good role in preserving Rohingyas’ access to justice while they are in exile in Bangladesh.
Afterwards we went to see the work of the Community-Based Protection team -- sustainable solutions or development cannot be achieved if decisions are made by others while not taking the concerns of refugees themselves in consideration. That is why UNHCR takes a community-based approach in all of its operations.
The Camp 4 Extension in Cox’s Bazar is divided into several blocks. In each block, refugee representatives are elected. They need to be a resident of that specific camp, should not have any criminal record, cannot have a record of multiple marriages, and there are some other prerequisites. All Rohingya above the age of 18 can vote to elect their representative.
The elected Rohingya representatives are then trained on different important issues, so that they know how to solve or where to refer to for regular problems faced by refugees. They also remain in constant contact with authorities, and raise the concerns of their people in official meetings.
These refugee representatives work to ensure social protection and legal protection. They identify the concerns of the community and hold small meetings to address those. They also raise awareness on health and hygiene, child-marriage, domestic violence, and empowerment, and settle petty quarrels through mediation.
We were soon getting hungry as it was past midday already. Surprisingly, the “women’s market” in the camp has a small restaurant with delicious food made from fresh ingredients cooked by Rohingya women. We had our lunch and saw various small initiatives taken by refugee women to support their families. This is an exclusive centre for only women to explore their talents and learn from their peers as well. Several shops are there with their hand-crafted jute products, various clothing items and garments. They have made the entire centre so neat, organized and women-friendly to flourish the inner skills of a woman. We wish we had the same cozy yet productive centre for women in our own villages.
A short visit to the Jute Production Centre at camp-5 was another eye-opener. Launched after the pandemic, this centre carries out both training and production of jute items. And it is amazing that the entire camp uses only jute bags for all kinds of packaging, carrying and, shopping purposes. Around 150 female refugees are actively working here on 8-hour shifts. They productively use their time and skill and can contribute to their family. We could not help but buy gifts from here.
What we cannot explain is the experience we have had after talking to the Rohingya refugees in each of these spots. They are human beings like us, with strengths, vulnerabilities, concerns, and hopes. This side of the coin about the stories of Rohingya refugees was completely unknown to us, and we are glad that we know them now. Not just as refugees, not just as a number but as individuals with their own stories..."
Source/publisher:
"Dhaka Tribune" (Bangladesh)
Date of publication:
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"With the election approaching, Dhaka is busy greeting foreign delegates and observers. The foreign observers are all invariably pressing for a free and fair election. It appears a balanced goal of the Westerners holding to their deep convictions of democracy and freedom. However, the policy is riddled with inconsistency and only appears subordinate to the geostrategic goals. The esteemed values of democracy and freedom are not sacrosanct per se — rather only viewed from a narrow geostrategic prism.
While the US is placing too much attention on the upcoming election, it is missing out on the urgent crisis in the region—the Rohingya crisis. The US’s handling of Myanmar was shambolic, with flimsy leverage on Myanmar. Rather, US’s diplomacy was focused solely to stopgap measures, that overlooked the steady worsening of the crisis.
Myanmar is a classical example of how Western emphasis on democracy can be so tenuous. The arbitrary seizure of power in Myanmar—abandoning election results did not miss the eagle eye of the United States. Surely, Myanmar holds all the trappings of a rogue state prancing with its brutality at the heart of South and Southeast Asia, a major theatre of the US’s vaunted Indo-pacific strategy. In 2017, Myanmar had flushed out 11 million Rohingyas—igniting a dismal humanitarian disaster. For the whims and caprice of the Myanmar ruling cliques, Bangladesh bears the brunt—with the country strained on holding the burdens of astronomical refugees despite depleting aid directed to Rohingya. However, the myriad of Myanmar’s misdemeanors only elicited vacuous criticism and did not propel any effective policies to hold Myanmar accountable for its blatant human rights infringements.
Granted, US offered $1.6 billion in aid since the genesis of the crisis. However, this is only a stopgap measure and does not ensure an effective resolution of the crisis. The Biden administration failed to calibrate an official response in addressing the crisis, and the American policy only continued sanctions on the key military general imposed by Donald Trump.
The United States is one of the key players in the region. When US President Barack Obama was at the helm, the US greeted Myanmar’s entry into the global economy following a protracted period of self-imposed exile since 1962. Obama mended fences with Myanmar in 2012 after an election that infused belief in the revival of democracy in Myanmar, although later Myanmar’s tryst with democracy proved ludicrously short-lived. In 2016, sensing a semblance of a democratic regime in Myanmar, United States put an end to the remnant of sanctions. This shows that the US holds leverage on Myanmar—at least the US wielded a pivotal role in facilitating Myanmar’s entry to democracy. Given the stubborn attitudes of Myanmar, the sanctions on trade and investment can be reimposed and the scope of civilian sanctions can be significantly broadened to punish Junta and its accomplices. While America is not a supplier of military hardware to Myanmar, however through pressurizing US’s security partners the US can smother the access of military hardware that is used for brutally clamping down on nascent democratic movements.
However, none of this action materialized. Evidently, America is restrained in its foreign policy adventures and is not inclined in locking horns with China, and exerting pressures might spiral into a regional conflagration that is distasteful for the US. Conveniently, thus, the US had shied away from one of the pressing crises of humanity and the arbitrary and strong-arm rule of the Myanmar Junta.
The worrisome state of Rohingya languishing in the camps is a travesty of human rights and the dignity of humanity. Being a grudging host of the refugees, Bangladesh demonstrated benevolent generosity for the Rohingya, although the groundswell of local discontent turned against Rohingya. The government headed by Sheikh Hasina remained staunchly committed to the safety and security of Rohingya—whereby a register of the public opinion shows that the local people in Cox’s Bazar find their resource strained due to Rohingya. The Rohingya crisis paints a grim case of humanity, straying from their ancestral homes and inhabiting lives in outright precarity.
Any political turnaround in Dhaka will hang the fate of the Rohingya in balance. Rohingyas were greeted with unparalleled altruism by Sheikh Hasina. Although the long-term presence of Rohingya had visibly aggrieved the general mass, the government remained stuck to its commitment. Parties with nationalist affinities in Bangladesh railed against the government and viewed the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh as a fiasco of the government’s policies. These views gain traction as nationalist and populist parties inflame popular sentiments with xenophobic agenda. Hence, any engineered transition in Dhaka might put the fate of Rohingya in jeopardy—resulting in a deep crisis.
The crisis of Rohingya, the US’s handling of Myanmar, and the recent shuffling of US diplomats in Dhaka—all indicate a US policy of flaws and amiss. Despite holding leverage on Myanmar, US failed to avert a humanitarian disaster and an arbitrary rein of power—events that are anathema to the United States. In contrast, the US is showing an exaggerated response in anticipating Bangladesh’s election, despite the repeated promise of the government of holding a free and fair election. This incongruence in US policy does not bode well for the future..."
Source/publisher:
Geopolitics
Date of publication:
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"The Rohingya crisis is an ongoing issue in Bangladesh. Six years have passed as of this August without a single Rohingya returning to Myanmar. A number of initiatives and activities have been seen during the past year to address this situation. Despite all, the repatriation process has not yet started. The clash between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar Army in the Myanmar-Bangladesh border region took place in last August. That has created a threat across the bordering areas, which can be called as military provocation by Myanmar. However, Bangladesh has dealt with this crisis diplomatically and managed to control it successfully. Peace in the area as a whole, as well as inside Myanmar, is in danger as a result of this ongoing violence.
The Rohingyas living in Bangladeshi camps for more than six years are growing impatient and frustrated since there hasn’t been a favourable environment for their repatriation to Myanmar. This has led to numerous security problems and posing threat to peaceful existence. Security situation of the Rohingya camps is becoming unstable day by day. Murder, human trafficking, drug and weapon smuggling, kidnappings and fires occur often. These elements make the worsening of the law-and-order situation and the incidence of armed attacks highly worrisome from a security standpoint. A regional and global security threat has evolved from crime and human trafficking in Myanmar and throughout Southeast Asia. Trafficking of Rohingyas and Bangladeshis from the coasts of Myanmar and Bangladesh to Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia has become a serious problem. Illegal drug and yaba trafficking from Myanmar to other neighbouring countries has increased alarmingly and poses a security threat to the entire South Asian region.
More than 20,000 workers from more than 100 foreign and local organizations are working in various types of humanitarian services in Rohingya camps. NGO employees working in the camp are concerned since the security situation deteriorates daily, and many of them are experiencing insecurity. Due to threats of kidnapping, murder, and other terrorists’ incidents, more than 20 NGOs have limited their support activities in the camps, and some of them are even ceasing to operate, which is concerning. To control terrorist activities, environmental degradation and reduce pressure on the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar, the Bangladesh government has relocated 30,500 Rohingya to Bhasan Char under its own management, with plans to accommodate a total of 100,000 Rohingyas.
Bangladesh has sought assistance from friendly countries, donor agencies and international organizations to cover the cost of shifting the Rohingyas from Cox’s Bazar to Bhasan Char, as this relocation process is expensive. At the same time, donors’ help was requested for the construction of new infrastructure in Bhasan Char. More Rohingyas can be sent to Bhasan Char as soon as feasible by constructing more camps, which will increase the assurance of their protection. To support this initiative, the international community must act immediately.
At the initiative of China, Myanmar government has undertaken a pilot project to build 15 new villages on 750 plots to house Rohingyas. A delegation of 27 members, including 20 Rohingyas, was taken there on May 5 at the initiative of Myanmar to boost the confidence of the Rohingyas and see if the environment in Rakhine State is suitable for repatriation. The Rohingya’s staying inside Bangladesh expressed that they do not want to go back to the model villages and camps. they want to return to their villages in Myanmar and they are not interested in repatriation if they can’t go back there. The process of repatriation has largely ceased at this point. However, China has continued to engage in this process. China’s Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Deng Xijun visited Dhaka on July 30 and brought a new dimension to the progress of the repatriation process. As the Rohingyas do not want to go back to the camps in Myanmar, the new proposal has agreed to resettle the Rohingyas in the areas where they used to live instead of taking them to camps or model villages. Rohingya women rally to return to Myanmar, they want to return to their country. 52 percent of total Rohingyas in the camps are women. Many of the Rohingya also said they were willing to return to Myanmar voluntarily.
Regarding this initiative of Myanmar, the UN and Western countries said that the security situation in Myanmar is not safe for Rohingya repatriation and asked to halt this project. The UN has said that repatriation will begin when democracy returns to Myanmar. In the current context, it can be assumed that a change in the situation in Myanmar is a matter of time. As a result, the problem is likely to persist for an indefinite period of time. Since Myanmar does not allow Western countries and the UN organizations to work with the Rohingya in their country, the UN is unable to play an effective role in solving the Rohingya problem in Myanmar. Noeleen Heyzer, the UN Special Envoy for Myanmar, resigns after 18 months in office after failing to perform her duties as a result of the Myanmar government’s lack of cooperation.
The World Food Programme (WFP) has reduced food aid for the Rohingya from $12 to $10 per capita per month since March1. Later, from June 1, it was reduced from $10 to $8, which is disappointing. The Rohingyas are completely dependent on funding from the international community. Aid workers fear that this will increase the food crisis in the Rohingya camps and worsen the security situation in the camps. Representatives of some countries and donor agencies providing aid to the Rohingyas visited Rohingya camps in July. Relief aid to the Rohingyas is currently dwindling, with some countries offering to assimilate the Rohingyas with Bangladesh which Bangladesh has refused. Bangladesh came up with the proposal to relocate the of Rohingyas to a third country. If some country wishes to accept Rohingyas, Bangladesh will be open to welcome the idea.
Chief Prosecutor of International Criminal Court (ICC) Karim Asad Ahmad Khan has expressed concern that the reduction of food aid to the Rohingyas could worsen the law-and-order situation in the camps and will have a negative impact on women and children. The European Union (EU) Special Representative for Human Rights, Eamon Gilmour said that, the ongoing funding crisis to deal with the Rohingya issue is worrying and that the EU’s support for the Rohingyas will continue, which is encouraging. The US delegation announced another Tk 740 crore in aid to the Rohingyas, urging them to be patient in their quest for repatriation and justice.
At present many events are taking place related to the Rohingya crisis. Myanmar is showing interest to repatriate the Rohingyas to their original villages. This is a shift from their earlier decision of the pilot project taken with the initiative by China. Western countries and donor agencies reduced the aid for the Rohingyas and this in turn created unease among this community. Rohingya women and voluntary Rohingyas are showing their interest to return to Myanmar, despite the reluctance of some Rohingyas for repatriation.
Rohingyas should go back to Myanmar and donor agencies should continue their humanitarian support until this problem is solved. World humanity should come forward to solve this problem quickly. The deterioration of the security situation in the Rohingya camps poses challenges to Bangladesh’s security as well as regional and global security. The Rohingya crisis is a regional and global crisis caused by Myanmar. It is an additional pressure for Bangladesh. Bangladesh is forced to bear the burden of this crisis. Bangladesh government has to spend more than 1 billion dollars every year for Rohingyas. The Government of Bangladesh will continue to provide humanitarian assistance to Rohingyas but will not allow national security to be compromised. Myanmar government and the international community must take initiatives for the sustainable solution of the Rohingya problem. Myanmar’s military rulers, opposition coalitions, Buddhist religious organizations, intellectuals and ordinary people of the majority Bhamar and Rakhine population must be involved in order to find a permanent solution to this problem. For the development of Rakhine, importance should be given to implementing the recommendations of the Kofi Annan Commission report.
Bangladesh should be prepared with all kinds of military, diplomatic, economic and social capabilities to deal with this problem. In the coming days, new donors will have to be sought to continue the relief efforts to deal with this crisis. It is a regional problem and its impact will affect the region. ASEAN countries along with regional powerful country India should take active measures to solve this crisis. Countries where Rohingyas have taken refuge fleeing from Myanmar can also be associated with it. Efforts should be made to quickly build up reserves in order to maintain relief efforts and financial aid in the event of any serious catastrophe. Necessary measures should be taken so that humanitarian agencies working in Rohingya camps feel safe to work inside the camps.
There is a need to develop an implementable roadmap to address this protracted problem, which will help in creating an enabling environment and confidence for the Rohingyas to voluntarily return to Myanmar. That will also allow to take steps to deal with possible crises in different periods. The actions needed should be executed as part of a permanent framework to guarantee sustainability and continuity of crisis resolution operations. This problem created by Myanmar involves the lives, livelihood and security of 1.25 million Rohingyas who have taken refuge in Bangladesh and about 500,000 local people. Bangladesh has been facing this huge humanitarian crisis for six years, all concerned stakeholders must be united to expedite the repatriation of Rohingyas to relieve Bangladesh from this Burden. [View of the sprawling Kutupalong refugee camp near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh..."
Source/publisher:
"The Geopolitics"
Date of publication:
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"When the Rohingya refugee response began in 2017, many agencies identified the language dynamics as a significant challenge. Translators without Borders’ (TWB) first review of lessons learned uncovered key insights on differences between women’s and men’s comprehension of second languages, the importance of verbal communication in the Rohingya language, and the need to adequately support responders tasked with facilitating multilingual interactions.
This learning review builds on insights from a further five years of evidence generation on language and communication barriers in the response, including TWB/CLEAR Global’s research, reports from other responding organizations, and sectoral coordination documents. It summarizes key findings on language and communication, recommendations of good practices, successes and challenges to implementing these, and remaining knowledge gaps..."
Source/publisher:
CLEAR Global
Date of publication:
2023-08-30
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Geneva, 25 August 2023 – Today marks six years since hundreds of thousands of Rohingya people were forced to flee their homes in Myanmar for refuge in neighboring Bangladesh. It has been six years since Rohingya men, women and children were subjected to an escalation of violence and atrocities by Myanmar security forces that resulted in the loss of their loved ones and homes. Yet six years later, no one has been held accountable for these crimes.
The United Nations Human Rights Council created our Mechanism to work for justice. We are collecting and analysing evidence of the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar since 2011, including against the Rohingya. We are collecting testimonies and other evidence about the physical violence inflicted on so many Rohingya people and have also begun a dedicated enquiry into the businesses, farms and other property that was taken away from them. We want to see if there was a financial motivation behind these crimes and determine who profited from the campaign against the Rohingya.
We are also finalizing new analytical reports to share with relevant authorities to support their understanding of grave crimes committed against the Rohingya. These include reports focused on the military chain of command in Rakhine state, the failure of Myanmar authorities to investigate or punish sexual and gender-based crimes, and the organized spread of hate speech content on Facebook by a network of Myanmar military before, during and after the 2017 clearance operations.
We share evidence and analysis, when we have the consent of those that gave us the information, to support the investigations which are underway at the International Criminal Court and in Argentina, and the ongoing proceedings in the case of The Gambia vs. Myanmar at the International Court of Justice.
The mandate of the Mechanism does not stop with investigating those that “pulled the trigger” but includes anyone, no matter how powerful. Our work is dependent on the information we receive from courageous individuals – survivors, witnesses and members of the security forces who may have information about illegal orders or commands. We call on those with relevant information to contact us using secure channels.
We also call on States to provide us with access to witnesses and information in their territories. The pursuit of justice for the Rohingya is a global effort. Only together can we ensure that those responsible will face the consequences, and that those who have suffered the horror of these crimes will see justice served.
*Information on how to communicate securely and confidentially with the Mechanism can be found at *https://iimm.un.org/contact-us/confidential-and-sensitive-communications/
*The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files for use in future prosecutions of those responsible in national, regional and international courts. For more information visit https://iimm.un.org/ or contact *[email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
125.68 KB
more
Description:
"Meta should immediately pay reparations to the Rohingya for the role that Facebook played in the ethnic cleansing of the persecuted minority group, Amnesty International said today, on the sixth anniversary of the Myanmar military’s brutal operation during which they raped Rohingya women and girls, burned down entire villages, and killed thousands.
Facebook’s algorithms and Meta’s ruthless pursuit of profit created an echo chamber that helped foment hatred of the Rohingya people and contributed to the conditions which forced the ethnic group to flee Myanmar en masse.
“Six years have gone by since Meta contributed to the terrible atrocities perpetrated against the Rohingya people. Yet although this stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a social media company’s involvement in a human rights crisis, the Rohingya are still awaiting reparations from Meta,” said Pat de Brún, Head of Big Tech Accountability at Amnesty International.
“Our investigations have made it clear that Facebook’s dangerous algorithms, which are hard-wired to drive “engagement” and corporate profits at all costs, actively fanned the flames of hate and contributed to mass violence as well as the forced displacement of over half the Rohingya population of Myanmar into neighbouring Bangladesh.
“It is high time Meta faced its responsibilities by paying reparations to the Rohingya and by fixing its business model to prevent this from happening again.”
Coincidentally, 25th August also marks an important step in holding Big Tech to account for its human rights impacts as it is when key provisions of the Digital Services Act (DSA) come into force for major online platforms in the European Union. The DSA is a landmark piece of legislation aimed at strengthening rights in the digital age, which could create ripple effects far beyond the EU.
A personal plea to Meta and Mark Zuckerberg
Today, Amnesty International and Al Jazeera publish a searing first-person account by Rohingya refugee Maung Sawyeddollah, who was forced to flee his village in Myanmar when he was just a teenager. He fled through torched villages and fields filled with dead bodies and now lives in the world’s biggest refugee camp, Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh, with around a million of his people.
As a child, before the hate took root with the help of Facebook, he and his mostly Muslim Rohingya friends played happily with the mostly Buddhist Rakhine children from the neighbouring village — but that all changed when the military moved in.
“I’d like to meet Mark Zuckerberg and his team. Maybe they’d like to come and spend a night or two in the refugee camp?”, Sawyedollah writes. “I’d tell them: ‘Can’t you see your role in our suffering? We asked you, repeatedly, to try and help make things better for us… Yet you ignore our pleas. Tell me, do you feel anything for us? Is it only about the data, is it only about the dollars?”
Background.
Last year, Amnesty International published a report detailing Meta’s role in the atrocities committed against the Rohingya people by the Myanmar military in 2017. It revealed that even Facebook’s internal studies dating back to 2012 indicated that Meta knew its algorithms could result in serious real-world harms. In 2016, Meta’s own research clearly acknowledged that “our recommendation systems grow the problem” of extremism.
Beginning in August 2017, the Myanmar security forces undertook a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. They unlawfully killed thousands of Rohingya, including young children; raped and committed other sexual violence against Rohingya women and girls; tortured Rohingya men and boys in detention sites; and burned down hundreds of Rohingya villages. The violence pushed over 700,000 Rohingya — more than half the Rohingya population living in northern Rakhine State at the beginning of the crisis — into neighbouring Bangladesh.
Meta contributed to serious adverse human rights impacts suffered by the Rohingya in the context of the 2017 atrocities in Rakhine State and therefore has a responsibility under international human rights standards to provide an effective remedy to the community. This includes making necessary changes to its business model which can ensure this never happens again. All companies have a responsibility to respect all human rights wherever they operate in the world and throughout their operations. This is a widely recognized standard of expected conduct as set out in international business and human rights standards, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UN Guiding Principles) and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (OECD Guidelines)..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Today marks Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day.
Six years ago, violence and persecution related to the so-called “clearance operation” by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State forced more than 700,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. During this time, numerous human rights abuses were committed against the Rohingya population. The events of 2017 follow decades of persecution of Rohingya in Myanmar and their continual displacement, and the effects of these actions are still felt today.
The Myanmar military persists in carrying out its genocide and crimes against humanity with impunity. “Until the de facto government is held accountable for its actions, the Rohingya will never be able to return home in safety and dignity,” said USCRI President and CEO Eskinder Negash. “The international community should do all within its power to stop the perpetrators of these horrific crimes.”
While the international community has vowed to never let something like this happen again, the Rohingya continue to face persecution that is met with ever-waning sympathy and growing indifference from abroad. “Action is more than a declaration of empty words,” said Negash. “Silence not only leads to more suffering, but it also enables the junta to commit further atrocities.”
To mark these horrific events, USCRI hosted the webinar, “Examining Continued Protection Concerns for Rohingya Refugees,” during which panelists discussed the security, safety, and protection concerns that Rohingya face today.
Too many Rohingya continue to suffer with decreasing response from our communities. We must do better as a country and as an international community to raise our eyes and see what is happening. Never again and never forget.
USCRI, founded in 1911, is a non-governmental, not-for-profit international organization committed to working on behalf of refugees and immigrants and their transition to a dignified life..."
Source/publisher:
US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants
Date of publication:
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"The following statement was issued today by the Spokesperson for UN Secretary-General António Guterres:
25 August marks six years since the forced mass displacement of Rohingya people and other communities from Myanmar’s Rakhine State. Rohingya people remain displaced domestically and abroad, including around 1 million Rohingya in Bangladesh.
The vulnerabilities faced by people of Myanmar, including the Rohingya, have been compounded by the ongoing conflict and by the devastation caused by Cyclone Mocha. The United Nations will continue to support efforts to create conditions that would be conducive to the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees to their places of origin in Myanmar.
The Secretary-General calls on all stakeholders to redouble efforts to find comprehensive, inclusive and durable solutions that can adequately address the root causes of systemic discrimination and violence in Myanmar, and to respond to the growing protection crisis and humanitarian needs while strengthening refugee protection efforts in the region for those fleeing persecution and violence.
Bangladesh has demonstrated humanitarian commitments and generosity, which must be acknowledged through shared responsibility. More must be done to support the Joint Response Plan and prevent a broader humanitarian crisis.
The United Nations is committed to working with all stakeholders, including regional actors, to help resolve the crisis and seek accountability and justice for victims towards a sustainable peace in Rakhine State and all of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
UN Secretary-General
Date of publication:
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar commemorates with great sadness the sixth anniversary of the egregious atrocities committed against the Rohingya people by the Myanmar military in 2017.
Thousands of Rohingya were killed and disappeared. Rape and sexual violence, including mass gang rape, were used systematically to intimidate, terrorise and punish Rohingya women and girls. Hundreds of villages were razed. Lives were destroyed, and histories were erased. Last year, the United States Government determined that these crimes amounted to genocide.
Today, over one million Rohingya people remain displaced not only from their villages and homes but from the country to which they belong. Many live in crisis and deep poverty as refugees, including in camps in Bangladesh. A growing number of Rohingya denied any foreseeable prospect of a return to their homes and livelihoods in Myanmar have resumed treacherous sea voyages, placing their lives in the hands of traffickers. This shows just how desperate they are.
The National Unity Government recognises the Rohingya people as an integral part of Myanmar and as nationals. We acknowledge with great shame the exclusionary and discriminatory policies, practices, and rhetoric that were long directed against the Rohingya and other religious and ethnic minorities. These words and actions laid the ground for military atrocities, and the impunity that followed them emboldened the military’s leaders to commit countrywide crimes at the helm of an illegal junta.
Acting on our ‘Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State’, the National Unity Government is committed to creating the conditions needed to bring the Rohingya and other displaced communities home in voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable ways.
We are also committed to social change and to the complete overhaul of discriminatory laws in consultation with minority communities and their representatives. A Rohingya leader now serves as Deputy Minister of Human Rights to ensure that Rohingya perspectives support the development of government policies and programs and legislative reform.
Furthermore, the National Unity Government is committed to delivering justice to survivors of historic and continuing military atrocities. Truth-telling and accountability are essential. So too is recognising the true extent and scale of the crimes committed against the Rohingya and other minorities and ending the history of denial. We pledge our full cooperation with national and international accountability mechanisms, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
Myanmar’s new Federal Democracy Charter promises a nation founded on peace, justice, equality, human rights, and the protection of minorities. We urge Myanmar people of all ethnicities, religions, social groups, and communities to join in making it a reality..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
39.94 KB 418.97 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ် တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများအား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ပြုမူခဲ့သော ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုများ၏ ဆဌမနှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့ကို ဝမ်းနည်းမှုများစွာဖြင့် အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပြုပါသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အင်အားသုံး သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့မှုကြောင့် ထောင်နှင့် ချီသော ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများ သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအမျိုးသမီးများ၊ မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ အပေါ် အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် မုဒိမ်းကျင့်ခံရမှုအပါအဝင် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရမှု များစွာကို ကြောက်ရွံ့၊ ထိတ်လန့်၊ ထိခိုက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် စနစ်တကျ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်သည် လူမျိုး သုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုမြောက်ကြောင်း ယမန်နှစ်က အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရက သတ်မှတ်ခဲ့ သည်။
၃။ ထို့အပြင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူတို့နေထိုင်ရာ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းက ကျေးရွာပေါင်း မြောက် မြားစွာကိုလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ရိုဟင်ဂျာတို့၏ မူလနေရပ်မှ တဖက် ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံဘက်သို့ အတင်းအကျပ်ရွေ့ပြောင်းစေခဲ့ပြီး သိန်းနဲ့ချီသော ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူ တို့ အိုးအိမ်နှင့် နိုင်ငံကို စွန့်ခွာခဲ့ရပြီး ယခု(၆)နှစ်တာကာလအထိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူ တစ်သန်း ကျော်မှာ တဖက်ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများတွင် ဒုက္ခသည်အဖြစ် ကျပ်တည်းဆင်း ရဲစွာ နေထိုင်ခဲ့ရသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူအများအပြားသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ နေရပ်ပြန်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည်အခြေချနိုင်ရေးအတွက် မရေရာသည့် အနာဂတ်ကို ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရပြီး ရရာနည်းလမ်း ဖြင့် ပင်လယ်ဖြတ်ကျော်၍ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းရန် ကြိုးစားကြရာ လူကုန်ကူးသူများ၏ အန္တရာယ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြရပြန်ပါသည်။ ထိုအချက်ကပင် အခြေအနေ မည်မျှဆိုးရွားနေသည်ကို မီးမောင်းထိုးပြ လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အစိတ် အပိုင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံသားများအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများနှင့် အခြား သော လူနည်းစုဘာသာဝင်များ၊ လူနည်းစုမျိုးနွယ်အုပ်စုများကို ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် နှစ်ပေါင်း များစွာ ဖယ်ကျဉ် ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံစေခဲ့သော မူဝါဒအမှားများ၊ အလေ့အကျင့်များနှင့် ပြုမှုပြောဆိုမှု များ တည်ရှိခဲ့ကြောင်း ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ အလွန် ရှက်ရွံ့စွာဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလိုပါသည်။ ထိုသို့သော လွဲမှားသည့် ပြောဆိုမှုများ၊ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက် များကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ စစ်ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းနှင့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ပြုမူခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှု အမြောက်အများ အတွက် ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်မှုမှ ကင်းလွတ်နေကာ ပိုမိုရဲတင်းလာပြီးနောက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ တိုင်း ရင်းသားမျိုးနွယ်အုပ်စုအသီးသီးနှင့် နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားများအား အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ တနေ့တခြား ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားစွာ ပြုမူလာခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့တိုင်ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်ရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒသဘောထားနှင့်အညီ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများနှင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာနေရသော ပြည်သူများ မိမိ သဘောဆန္ဒအလျောက်၊ လုံခြုံစွာ၊ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိစွာနှင့် ရေရှည်တည်တံ့သော နည်းလမ်းများဖြင့် နေရပ်ပြန်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အထောက်အကူပြုနိုင်မည့် အခြေအနေများကို ဖန်တီးဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လူနည်းစု အသိုက်အဝန်းများ၊ ၎င်းတို့ကို ကိုယ်စား ပြုသူများနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းတိုင်ပင်လျက် လူမှုအပြောင်းအလဲကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရန်နှင့် ခွဲခြား ဆက်ဆံသော ဥပဒေများကို အပြည့်အဝ ပြင်ဆင်နိုင်ရန်လည်း ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါ သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့အတွင်းရှိ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးတစ်ဦးမှာ ရိုဟင်ဂျာတစ်ဦးဖြစ် ပြီး အစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒများ၊ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် ဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေးလုပ်ငန်းများတွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများ၏ သဘောထားအမြင်များ ထင်ဟပ်ပါဝင်နိုင်စေရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၇။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် သမိုင်းတလျှောက် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ် မှုများနှင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ဆိုးရွားသည့် ရာဇဝတ် မှုများအပေါ် တရားမျှတမှု ဖော်ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါ သည်။ အမှန်တရားဖော်ထုတ်ရေးနှင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုဖော်ဆောင်ရေးသည် မဖြစ်မနေလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အတူ ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးများနှင့် အခြားသော လူနည်းစုများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ၏ အတိုင်းအဆနှင့် ပမာဏကို အရှိအတိုင်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် ငြင်းချက်ထုတ်သည့် အလေ့ အထကို အဆုံးသတ်ခြင်းသည်လည်း လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံးနှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံးတို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအဆင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ တရားမျှတမှုရှာဖွေရေး ယန္တရားများဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် သန္နိဌာန် ချ မှတ်ထားပါသည်။
၈။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ကျရှုံးပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူနည်းစုများအား ကာကွယ်ရေးတို့အပေါ် အခြေခံတည်ဆောက်ထားသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းနှင့်အညီ ပေါ်ထွက်လာမည့် ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံ တော်သစ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရေးအတွက် လူမျိုးအသီးသီး၊ ဘာသာအသီးသီးမှ နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသား ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး အတူတကွ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
829.24 KB
more
Description:
"Statement from Refugees International:
“August 25, 2023, marks six years since the genocide that devastated the Rohingya people of Myanmar. Refugees International stands in solidarity with the survivors and recommits to partnering with them in advocacy to rebuild the Rohingya community both in current countries of refuge and toward a time where it is safe to return to their homeland.
Today, more than 1 million Rohingya refugees continue to live in the largest refugee settlement in the world in Bangladesh, facing aid cuts and ongoing restrictions on their freedom of movement and access to education and livelihood opportunities. They also face rising insecurity at the hands of criminal and extremist groups in the camps. Another 600,000 Rohingya remain at risk inside Myanmar, under the same military leaders responsible for genocide. Tens of thousands of other Rohingya have sought safety and a better life in surrounding countries, including India, Indonesia, and Malaysia, but too often face the risks of arbitrary or indefinite detention or forced return to the genocidal authorities from which they fled.
On this sixth day of remembrance, Refugees International calls upon the United States and other countries of influence to sustain support for humanitarian and accountability efforts for Rohingya. We further urge an increase in resettlement of Rohingya to the United States and other third countries. And we call upon other countries of refuge to increase the education and livelihood opportunities that will enable the Rohingya community to thrive. Finally, we urge global action to pressure Myanmar’s military junta, through such actions as further coordinated sanctions and arms embargoes, to create the conditions conducive for the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of Rohingya to their homeland.”
For more information or to schedule an interview, contact Refugees International Vice President for Strategic Outreach Sarah Sheffer at [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Refugees International
Date of publication:
2023-08-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Six years after an unprecedented exodus of Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh, medical needs in the world's largest refugee camp remain pressing and care increasingly inadequate.
In a global context marked by multiple large-scale humanitarian crises, international funding allocated to the humanitarian response for these one million stateless people is under increased pressure year on year. A very worrying situation for these people, who rely almost entirely on humanitarian aid due to their lack of legal status, which prevents them from working legally to sustain themselves or their families.
Despite being one of the largest healthcare providers in the camps, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has reached capacity in several areas, and we are now obliged to set stricter admission criteria to cope with the overwhelming medical needs of patients coming to our facilities.
We are therefore calling on international donors to significantly scale up their financial contributions to provide adequate support and prevent further irreversible consequences on the physical and mental health of Rohingya people.
Six years after the exodus
In just a few weeks in August 2017, more than 700,000 men, women and children fled the mass violence perpetrated against them by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State in northwestern Myanmar. They found refuge in the hills of Cox's Bazar district in Bangladesh.
The Bangladeshi people organised the reception of their neighbours, as they did on previous occasions. Six years later, what was a temporary solution to offer refuge to people escaping harrowing violence, has become a protracted crisis with no meaningful solution on the horizon.
Although the camps now have better roads, more latrines and drinking water than at the initial peak of the emergency, people still live in overcrowded shelters, and the construction of permanent structures is not allowed. Fires have destroyed hundreds or thousands of shelters, presenting an ongoing, but preventable risk to the safety of people living in the camps.
As the area is prone to natural disasters, shelters made of bamboo and plastic sheeting are often damaged and destroyed by strong winds, torrential rains and landslides. Added to this environment of extreme vulnerability is the impossibility of evacuating the camps to safer areas, as was the case during Cyclone Mocha in May this year. Most of our hospitals had to close for two days, their semi-permanent structures threatening to collapse.
Less and less funds reach the world’s largest refugee camp
For the time being, the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar remains a dream: they need guarantees of their rights, including recognition of their citizenship and a return to homes on their land.
Time seems to stand still. Life in the camps feels like a never-ending day. Camps have been surrounded by fences and barbed wire since the outbreak of COVID-19. Rohingya people are not allowed to work or leave the camps. Access to food, water and healthcare for one million stateless people depends on international humanitarian aid.
But aid is increasingly under-funded by international donors. Over the past two years, the commitment of UN member states to the humanitarian funding appeal has been dwindling: from around 70 per cent in 2021 to 60 per cent in 2022, and around 30 per cent so far in 2023. In March, the World Food Programme’s food rations were cut from the equivalent of US$12 per person per month to US$10, and then again to just US$8 in June.
Our teams witness difficulties faced by health centres run by various organisations dependent on this funding for human resources, drug supplies and the ability to ensure patient follow-up. Regular maintenance of water and sanitation infrastructure is also a challenge, making hygiene conditions and access to drinking water problematic in many camps.
Growing medical needs strain services
Unsanitary living conditions complicate the health situation considerably, leading to various health issues. Last year, patients with dengue fever increased tenfold on the previous year, and at the start of 2023, we saw the highest weekly increase in patients with cholera since 2017.
Forty per cent of people living in the camps suffer from scabies, according to the results of a long-awaited survey presented by the camps’ health sector coordination in May. This is well above the World Health Organisation’s recommended threshold of 10 per cent to start a mass drug administration for scabies outbreaks.
This situation has put an increasing strain on MSF’s services over the past two years. Our teams have been treating the consequences of difficult living conditions since the influx six years ago: infectious diseases, respiratory, intestinal and skin infections. But over the years, we have also seen a growing need to treat long-term illnesses linked to a chronic lack of access to healthcare for the Rohingya in Myanmar, such as diabetes, hypertension, or hepatitis C.
The number of patients arriving at the outpatient department of the ‘hospital on the hill’, built by MSF in the middle of the camps in 2017, increased by 50 per cent during 2022. This situation goes hand in hand with several health centres closing in the area in the past year due to a lack of funding and a rampant scabies epidemic.
In this hospital as well as in our mother-and-child hospital in Goyalmara, we saw an unusually high rise of paediatric admissions from January to June 2023 compared to the same period last year. In July, while the annual peak season of medical needs was only just starting, our paediatric hospital admissions were at capacity.
How will patients cope?
MSF is not directly affected by the crisis in funding from international donors, but the capacity of our services to absorb the ever-increasing demand for care is reaching its own limits. The growing number of consultations inevitably puts pressure on our human resources, hospital bed management and drug supplies.
As long as the Rohingya in Bangladesh are contained to camps and trapped in a cycle of dependency on humanitarian aid, it is imperative that international donors significantly scale up their financial contributions to provide adequate support and prevent further irreversible consequences on their physical and mental health..."
Source/publisher:
Médecins Sans Frontières
Date of publication:
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Public Health, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"On 25 August 2017, the world witnessed the beginning of the forced displacement of more than 750 000 Rohingya people from Rakhine State in Myanmar, fleeing violence and persecution from the Myanmar military. The vast majority of them settled temporarily in the Cox’s Bazar District of Bangladesh, whereas others fled across the region.
Six years later, and despite international efforts and calls on Myanmar to create the conditions for their return to their homeland, the crisis is still alive now which is the shame for the international community.
Almost half a century has passed since 2017, but Myanmar has not taken back a single Rohingya to their country. Instead, drama has been created around the return at various times. Despite the sincere efforts of the Bangladesh government, Myanmar has always given an ax blow to the possibility of Rohingya return. On November 23, 2017, a 19-point agreement was signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar due to the concerted efforts of the Bangladesh government and international criticism. In the light of that agreement, Myanmar initially plans to take back 3,450 Rohingyas divided into seven groups.
The deal did not see the light of day on the issue of proof-of-citizenship. In 2019, the Gambia filed a case against the Myanmar government at the International Court of Justice, which is still ongoing. During the hearing of that case, all their lawyers and counsel, including Aung San Suu Kyi, avoided the word ‘Rohingya’ and their citizenship. Surprising but true, in February 2021 there was a political change in Myanmar, but there was no change in opinion.
Rohingya shelter project has been established in Bhasanchar along with Cox’s Bazar to improve the quality of life of Rohingyas on behalf of Bangladesh government. The Bangladesh government is doing everything possible to ensure all the benefits of the Rohingyas. There is little cooperation from Myanmar. There are many questions about the strong role of the international community. On June 18, 2021, the resolution adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on the issue of Myanmar discussed the country’s various problems, especially democratic problems, state of emergency, political prisoners, restoration of democracy, but the issue of Rohingya return did not find a place.
Due to the long process of return of Rohingyas, murders, kidnappings, shootings, torture, drug trafficking and other criminal activities are a regular occurrence in the camps. The activity of several armed groups in the camps is an open secret. According to the information of Cox’s Bazar District Police, there are more than 2500 cases against Rohingyas from 2017 to 2022, with more than 5000 accused. More than 10 terrorist groups including Arsa, RSO, Nabi Hussain Group, Munna Group, Dakat Hakim Group are active. It is said that behind these groups are the invisible hands of various groups in Myanmar. On September 29, 2021, Rohingya leader Muhibullah (Master Muhibullah) was killed at around 8:30 pm. He was vocal about the return of the Rohingyas.
As a result of the efforts of the Bangladesh government, the issue of Rohingya return is gaining importance at the international level. The Rohingya return process is delayed due to international political turmoil and Myanmar’s indifferent attitude. Among the reasons being used as a political tool behind this delay are citizenship, voluntary return and living conditions for the Rohingya in Myanmar.
The 1982 military government barred the Rohingya with the Burma Citizenship Act. Since then, Myanmar has refused to recognize Rohingya as citizens of their country. Myanmar is using Rohingya citizenship as a tool in this return process. The international community has always been silent on the issue of citizenship law. So far, two final attempts to return the Rohingyas have failed due to objections regarding the security of the Rohingyas. In the light of the agreement of November 2017, a joint working committee of the two countries was formed to solve the Rohingya problem in Dhaka on December 19 that year. Then Myanmar started the politics of delay in the name of checking the list. An initial attempt at a comeback in 2018 ended in failure. A Chinese-brokered repatriation initiative failed in 2019, citing concerns that the Rohingya’s environment in Rakhine state is not suitable for return. Negotiations on Rohingya return stalled in February 2021 after Myanmar’s military coup d’état changed the government.
However, the hope is that in 2023, China has taken the initiative to continue trying to return the Rohingyas as a mediator between Bangladesh and Myanmar without international intervention. Diplomatic level discussions are already ongoing. However, again two things are left out in this process. The first is the consent of the Rohingya and the second is the place of return. As part of this process, a group of Rohingya went to Rakhine state for the first time in May this year to see if there is a habitable environment. According to the media, after returning to the camp in Cox’s Bazar, some of them agreed to return to Myanmar after seeing the environment there, while others said they did not agree. There is also a demand for all the family members to go back to the original village together. In the early stages, camps or model villages in northern Maungdu and nearby areas of Myanmar came up for repatriation.
Just as it is not clear whether all Rohingya family members will be taken in together, Myanmar has given birth to new politics over whether Rohingyas will be taken back to their villages or returned to model villages. Again, whether this return process is delayed by the turmoil of international politics has also given rise to renewed discussions. Especially, after the US plans to set up a resettlement program for the Rohingya came to light. However, the international community should forget all political differences and take the humanitarian aspect into serious consideration and help the Rohingya return immediately.
Bangladesh’s top priority is Rohingya repatriation, as more than 1 million Rohingya have been staying here for 6 years. Efforts are underway to repatriate a small group to Rakhine under a pilot project. Bangladesh wants international organizations to help in this. A section of the international community is playing politics with the Rohingyas in the camps in Cox’s Bazar. Due to this, their repatriation process is becoming difficult at times.
The international community and the great powers did little to pressurize the Junta to repatriate the Rohingya. Prior to Junta, the international community also failed to convince the democratic government to repatriate the Rohingya and bring the perpetrators to justice. Bangladesh has tried bilaterally, trilaterally, and multilaterally for the past six years for a viable solution. It has left no stone unturned, yet found nothing. Bangladesh eagerly wants to explore the initiative as something is better than nothing. Owing to bilateral political, economic, connectivity, and economic issues, Bangladesh itself has to solve the problem. While Bangladesh is trying heart and soul to repatriate the Rohingya to their birthplace, the NGOs are not doing enough for the most persecuted community of its time.
Advocacy networks such as UNHCR, HRW, and Amnesty International failed to create effective pressure on Myanmar. Like the NGOs, the Great powers also failed to pressurize Myanmar effectively. The declining fund, deteriorating camp conditions, growing insecurity, and adverse impact of the refugees on the host community have made Bangladesh a desperate host looking for reducing the burden, where its international partners are only performing their formal duties within a set boundary. This crisis is also destabilizing regional security. It is important to note that aid for the Rohingya is decreasing daily. The current Ukraine conflict has the entire world on edge. Although the world community has lost sight of the Rohingya humanitarian issue as a result of the war in Ukraine. Furthermore, it also has the responsibility of international community to provide an external guarantee for Rohingya’s safety upon repatriation..."
Source/publisher:
Eurasia Review
Date of publication:
2023-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Six years ago, in August 2017, the Myanmar military began a deadly operation in Rakhine State targeting the Rohingya group. This “Clearance Operation” caused incredible suffering and destruction including the loss of civilian life, widespread use of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and the demolition of Rohingya villages. The UN’s Independent, International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (IIFFM) conducted in-depth field investigations and found reasonable grounds to believe that during this operation, the Myanmar military committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide against the Rohingya, not least of which is the deportation of over 700,000 Rohingya from Rakhine State into neighboring Bangladesh.
To this day, over one million Rohingya survive in one of the world’s largest refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, waiting for conditions to allow for their safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return to Myanmar in accordance with international law. With the UN’s World Food Programme cutting their food rations, and with the deteriorating security situation inside the camps, many Rohingya find themselves in a dire situation with impunity being but one of many pressing concerns. Through its offices in Cox’s Bazar, Legal Action Worldwide (LAW) provides legal assistance and support to Rohingya survivors in these refugee camps.
Having been deported en masse to Bangladesh, and without a fair legal remedy available within Myanmar, Rohingya survivors are forced to rely on pathways for justice outside of Myanmar. A variety of efforts on the international level have yielded some results, but so far, no court has found any individual or state responsible for crimes against the Rohingya. For example, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) granted the Office of the Prosecutor’s request to open an investigation into crimes against humanity committed, at least in part, on the territory of Bangladesh such as deportation, persecution, and other inhumane acts. LAW has submitted statements of several Rohingya survivors for the consideration of the OTP in their ongoing criminal investigation. Although the OTP’s investigative activities in this situation are ongoing, to date, no arrest warrants have been announced.
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is also conducting litigation brought by The Gambia against Myanmar alleging breaches of the 1949 Genocide Convention, to which Myanmar is a party, in particular, Myanmar’s failure to prevent and punish those responsible for genocide against the Rohingya. Despite some logistical challenges, in December 2019 LAW supported three Rohingya survivors to travel from Cox’s Bazar to The Hague to attend an oral hearing at the ICJ on provisional measures, where they joined The Gambian delegation in the courtroom. In a unanimous decision on 23 January 2020, the ICJ granted The Gambia’s request for provisional measures, ordering Myanmar to prevent genocidal acts against the Rohingya group, preserve any evidence of these acts, and to report regularly on its implementation of the order. On August 24th, Myanmar military was due to submit its counter-memorial to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the only ongoing case on genocide in the world. LAW is supporting this litigation through providing witness statements and other evidence to The Gambia’s legal team. An upcoming report from LAW, that combines both in-depth psychological interviews with cutting-edge legal analysis, will demonstrate reasonable grounds to believe that the Myanmar military’s use of SGBV during the 2017 Clearance Operation constituted acts of genocide under the Genocide Convention.
The UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), supports these important international efforts, as well as domestic efforts, through providing evidence in accordance with its mandate to collect, consolidate and analyze evidence of international crimes committed in Myanmar, and to prepare files to facilitate fair and independent criminal proceedings in national, regional, or international courts or tribunals.
In parallel, there are several initiatives in domestic courts seeking to hold members of the Myanmar military accountable for their crimes under principles of universal jurisdiction. These efforts seek to initiate structural investigations that will examine the military apparatus and eventually result in criminal responsibility for individual perpetrators. In Argentina, for example, federal prosecutors into allegations of genocide and crimes against humanity the Myanmar military committed against the Rohingya based on a complaint filed on the basis of universal jurisdiction. In Germany, Fortify Rights submitted a complaint earlier this year under the principles of universal jurisdiction, alleging the Myanmar military has committed crimes against humanity and genocide against the Rohingya, as well as crimes against humanity against civilians after their 2021 coup d’etat. In 2022, another criminal complaint was filed in Turkey under principles of universal jurisdiction alleging the Myanmar military committed crimes against humanity, including the torture of civilians after the *coup. *In Indonesia, LAW also participated in a lawsuit brought in 2022 to change a domestic law to allow for non-citizens to bring human rights claims against foreign perpetrators, with an eye towards achieving justice for Rohingya survivors in a fellow ASEAN state. Unfortunately, the Constitutional Court in Jakarta dismissed this case in April 2023, finding that their human rights law only applied to Indonesian citizens.
LAW has assisted with several of these initiatives in different ways. For example, LAW’s Executive Director has testified in one case. In another case, LAW helped review the draft complaint. In yet another case, LAW provided logistic, financial, and material support to a group of Rohingya witnesses to travel and to testify in a proceeding about their experience being persecuted Myanmar. LAW assisted by obtaining witnesses’ informed consent, preparing them for their testimony, and establishing extensive individualized security and protection plans. Over months-long conversations with ministries from various governments, LAW faced significant challenges in securing travel documentation given Myanmar has effectively revoked their citizenship through decades of legal and political discrimination. This difficulty was not just for the travel documents for the destination country, but for every stop along the flight path. While their live testimony was indeed impactful, and added value to the case in ways that remote testimony simply cannot, future proceedings should consider having at least some Rohingya witnesses testify via a secure audio-visual link, given the incredibly complex political and security challenges LAW and victims faced.
Despite these numerous and important international efforts, there has been no final determination by a court that an individual or state is responsible for the crimes committed against the Rohingya. For the over one million Rohingya refugees around the world, and the 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Myanmar – including over 120,000 in conditions of mass detention – it is more important than ever that justice actors across the world keep the pressure on the Myanmar military in each of these legal fora to ensure an end to impunity for their crimes.
*By Nick Leddy, Head of Litigation, Legal Action Worldwide, former Trial Lawyer for the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, where he worked, inter alia, on the situation in Myanmar/Bangladesh..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
Date of publication:
2023-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
177.47 KB
more
Description:
"WASHINGTON —
In an interview with VOA, the humanitarian minister in Myanmar's anti-junta shadow government has apologized for failing "to bring justice to the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State," where Myanmar's military launched a brutal crackdown in August 2017.
Dr. Win Myat Aye served as social welfare minister in the administration of Myanmar's since-ousted de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the time of the crackdown, which was seen as a massive overreaction to attacks by Rohingya insurgents on government security posts.
The soldiers are accused of widespread atrocities including mass killings, sexual violence, and the burning of villages. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled across the border into Bangladesh where they have spent years living in squalid refugee camps, still fearing to return.
"As the civilian government, we could not administer justice when this occurred," Win said, referring to the 2017 operation to eradicate insurgents from among Rakhine's Muslim-minority Rohingya people. "I feel sorrow when I consider all of this. We apologize for that. It is now evident why we could not administer justice then."
Win's apology marks a reversal from his public position in a 2017 BBC interview, when he defended the crackdown as a necessary response to terrorism and responded "yes" when asked whether it was the Rohingya themselves who burned their villages.
"In the villages where the terrorists can't enter, there is no burning," he said at that time. "When terrorists come in, it burns." (( https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-asia-41343887 ))
In his interview last month with VOA, Win said his administration had been misled by the military leaders behind the operation. "In the past, the military restricted access to accurate information … restricted my ability to communicate openly with Rohingya victims," he said.
Reason for apology
During a July visit to the United States, Win told members of a Burmese community in Maryland that the Myanmar military is conducting the same kind of tactics again today, this time during what it calls "clearance operations" in the northwestern Sagaing Region.
Now, as in 2017, he said, the military is labeling an entire people as enemies based on the actions of a few.
"The Myanmar military attributed attacks on approximately 30 security outposts in northern Rakhine State on August 25, 2017, to [the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army], laying the blame solely on ARSA for these events," Win said.
"However, this incident led to the displacement of an enormous number of people, around 700,000, and the subsequent burning of numerous villages. A similar pattern seems to be unfolding in Sagaing Division," he said. "Local villagers opposing the military coup are being targeted. The military has labeled them as [People's Defense Forces] supporters, mirroring how they accused the Rohingya of collaborating with ARSA.
"The junta has used this flawed logic to justify targeting civilians in Sagaing, by claiming they are all combatants," he said. "This is another example of how, from the military's perspective, the people within the country are seen as enemies."
Win's account
Soon after the 2017 military operations began in northern Rakhine state, Aung San Suu Kyi dispatched Win to the area, where he saw security forces engage in what they called an anti-ARSA operation.
But upon arriving by helicopter, Win was shocked by what he saw. "We couldn't land due to the raging flames rising from the burning fields everywhere we looked," he said.
Asked why a high-level civilian minister was unable to confront the military's actions — characterized by many as genocide — Win pointed to the country's 2008 constitution, in which the long-ruling military ceded power to a civilian-led government but reserved substantial powers for itself.
"This constitution granted considerable influence to entities such as the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Ministry of Border Affairs, significantly impacting Rakhine State, where these incidents occurred," he said.
"The primary movement on the ground was orchestrated by individuals from the General Administration Department of the Ministry of Home Affairs, many of whom are former military members," he said. "When the events transpired, they were under the direct command of the military and overseen by the security forces responsible for the region. Those who carried out these actions are the ones who are responsible for what happened."
Rohingya reaction
Some Rohingya leaders, including Tun Khin, president of the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K., have asked Win to testify before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is investigating allegations of genocide in Rakhine.
In a Zoom interview with VOA, Tun said he views Win's comments as a positive step toward reconciliation.
"I welcome what Dr. Win Myat Aye said. This is a good sign for all of us as we move towards the Spring Revolution and a federal democratic system that includes all ethnic groups in the future," he said. "His apology shows a sign of accountability and responsibility in Myanmar."
Tun himself pursued legal action against Myanmar's military in the Argentinian courts in 2019, alleging crimes against humanity during the 2017 crackdown. His case describes in detail gang rapes, beheadings and the slaughter of Rohingya civilians committed by Myanmar's military, known as the Tatmadaw.
He said Win's National Unity Government (NUG), comprising members of the ousted civilian administration and other elements of the anti-junta resistance, "should work together with the Rohingya community to bring an end to the history of negative propaganda about the Rohingya."
Shwe Maung, a Rohingya lawmaker in the former government who now lives in the United States, told VOA that Win also formally apologized to the Rohingya community during a two-hour meeting in Houston, Texas.
"The minister said he went to Rakhine State around 96 times concerning the Rohingya issue," said Maung via Zoom. "During that period, the ministries of home affairs, defense, and border affairs, controlled by the military, held sway and suppressed information. They had to work with them and, therefore, they were not able to do as much as they should have done."
Maung quoted Win as saying, "I apologize to the Rohingya community."
Maung added that the minister described how the NUG is engaging on this issue with international bodies such as the IJC and the International Criminal Court, both based in The Hague.
"Especially since they are the individuals responsible for making the cases before international courts ... they have a lot of evidence," he said. "At this time, they have to fight the common enemy — the military junta — and they have urged everyone to cooperate."
Changing stance
In 2022, NUG officials issued a declaration to the ICC, accepting the court's jurisdiction with respect to Myanmar, although the country is not itself a member of the court.
The NUG also withdrew preliminary objections to the ICJ's jurisdiction on its genocide case. When the court started its hearing process in 2019, Aung San Suu Kyi traveled to The Hague to defend Myanmar against the genocide allegations.
The NUG recently appointed Rohingya activist and adviser Aung Kyaw Moe as its deputy human rights minister. Maung told VOA that while the community welcomed the appointment of a Rohingya leader as a deputy minister in the NUG interim government, laws must be passed to guarantee the rights of the Rohingya in Myanmar in the future.
"The NUG doesn't consider these issues resolved, and neither do the Rohingya," Maung emphasized. "This is precisely why we have asked the NUG to legislate Rohingya rights to prevent such injustices in the future."..."
Source/publisher:
"Voice of America" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2023-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"More than 1.1 million Rohingya refugees are living in Bangladesh, and the UNHCR’s most recent news item, “Rohingya refugees face hunger and loss of hope after latest ration cuts,” raises questions regarding their nutritional status and food security.
At the beginning of the year 2023, the World Food Program (WFP) shockingly lowered the amount of ration per person twice in the course of just three months.
The WFP cut the value of monthly food vouchers from USD 12 to USD 10 per person in March and further reduced it to USD 8 per person in June 2023, highlighting the financing shortfall.
Therefore, a Rohingya refugee’s daily budget for food and nutrition must not exceed 27 cents. Even the UN was had to reduce food rations for Rohingya refugees by 17%, which made the already dire situation worse.
The WFP, on the other hand, is adamant that it needs an immediate USD 125 million to avoid further rationing.
Are 27 cents enough for a Rohingya? is a million-dollar question. Morjina, a 27-year-old mother of three young children who is a single parent, said, “I had to cut the size of my children’s meals, but for how long? My family does not have access to enough food, and I am truly unsure of our future. (UNHCR, July 19 2023)
Ironically, funders have already turned their focus to the crisis in Europe (Ukraine). They had previously issued a warning that 20 to 30 percent of financing will be cut in 2022, including funds for the UN.
We are aware that geopolitics affects how much money is distributed for aid by bilateral and international donors.
However, it is amazing how they came up with the idea of reducing the ration when you take into account all political and nonpolitical issues. Without food, it is possible to survive without shelter, clothing, or education, but it is difficult to battle hunger.
One might infer from their strategy that they lack the foresight to recognize the disastrous effects of their choice.
Rohingyas may resort to sex slavery, underage marriage, or the perilous boat passage to neighboring countries to feed their hunger, which may result in crime and gender-based violence. There is evidence that Rohingyas are considering joining armed organizations because they can earn Tk 5,000 per month.
The decision will ultimately worsen the current situation of being trapped. The Bangladeshi people will also suffer as a result of their geopolitical choice, in addition to the Rohingya refugees.
Nearly a million Rohingyas are already living in Bangladesh. Only to house the Rohingya, the nation sacrificed its environment and natural beauty, and Bangladesh’s motives were solely humanitarian.
The Rohingya population will be forced to engage in criminal activity as a result of the lower ration, which will negatively impact Cox’s Bazar residents in the area.
Local media reports that several Bangladeshis were slain by Rohingyas in the Cox’s Bazar region, and that this trend is likely to continue.
The moment has come for the international community to reconsider its approach to the Rohingya refugee catastrophe. They were not to blame for their destiny, nor was the crisis brought on by the Bangladeshi administration or the state itself. They shouldn’t have to suffer as a result of something they did not do.
The UN and the international community, who support human rights, ought to take the initiative to find a solution. Either they (the international community) provide sufficient financial contributions to support a sizable number of refugees in Bangladesh, or they take decisive action against Myanmar to put an immediate end to the issue.
It’s time to eliminate their prejudice against the West. Both Ukrainians and Rohingyas are human beings. Thus, on a humanitarian level, these crises should receive equal attention. We cannot kill one in order to feed the other.
In actuality, the media, particularly the international media, has a tremendous impact on raising money for the Rohingya refugees. For instance, the Washington Post’s lead item from March 15, 2023, “Aid dwindles for Rohingya refugees as money goes to Ukraine, other crises,” is important in gaining support for the Rohingya cause internationally.
As a result, the international community’s resource allocation to the Rohingya refugees is decreasing, and local, regional, and international media outlets must broadcast more articles on this..."
Source/publisher:
"EurAsia Review"
Date of publication:
2023-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Indian authorities summarily imprison Rohingya refugees for years
Description:
"(COX’S BAZAR and BANGKOK, July 28, 2023)—The Government of India should immediately and unconditionally release indefinitely detained Rohingya refugees and end the arbitrary arrest and detention of refugees, said Fortify Rights today. The government should also investigate violations within its detention facilities and hold officials found responsible to account.
In a new investigation, Fortify Rights documented evidence of Indian authorities beating Rohingya refugees, denying them due process rights, and indefinitely detaining hundreds, in some cases for several years. Indian authorities have detained Rohingya refugees in at least New Delhi, Jammu, Manipur, and Assam for immigration-related offenses.
“The Indian government must end its indefinite detention of refugees and investigate the violent crackdown and beatings of Rohingya refugees in detention,” said Zaw Win, Human Rights Specialist at Fortify Rights. “No one should be imprisoned for being a refugee – a status no one willingly chooses. Indian authorities must protect Rohingya who have fled an ongoing genocide in Myanmar.”
Fortify Rights interviewed 14 people in India, including 12 Rohingya refugees, three of whom are currently detained in India. Fortify Rights also obtained and reviewed photographs and video footage from inside detention centers in India.
On July 24, 2023, Indian police reportedly arrested more than 70 Rohingya refugees in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh.
Earlier, in a separate incident, on July 18, 2023, hundreds of Rohingya refugees detained in Jammu protested their indefinite detention, including through a hunger strike. Indian authorities responded with tear gas and beatings, injuring several refugees. Two days after the incident, a Rohingya infant present during the incident reportedly died. Fortify Rights did not independently confirm the child’s cause of death.
A Rohingya refugee, 30, originally from Buthidaung Township in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, has been detained in India for five years. He told Fortify Rights how Indian authorities arrested and beat him on May 1, 2018, at the India-Myanmar border in Manipur. He said: “[The Indian authorities] beat us with a rod asking us why we were ‘crossing the border illegally’ . . . They beat us very often. They beat my leg and knee. They beat us inside the custody [detention center].”
Later, and without legal representation, the authorities brought the man to court, summarily convicted him, and sentenced him for entering India without permission.
“I have been in detention for the last five years,” he told Fortify Rights. “It is hell here in detention . . . We want to be free.”
Another detained Rohingya man (location withheld for security reasons) told Fortify Rights that Indian authorities arrested him in December 2020 for immigration offenses under Section 14 of India’s Foreigners Act, 1946. He remains in detention after being summarily convicted and sentenced to one year in prison. He said:
[The Indian authorities] detained me . . . It was on the bus . . . in Karimganj District in Assam . . . they took us to prison . . . [I have] stayed in detention for more than two and a half years now. Going through the court like this, I have become so hopeless.
Fortify Rights confirmed from the court documents that the court sentenced him to one year in prison. Despite serving this sentence and being a refugee recognized by the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the U.N. agency mandated to protect refugees, Indian authorities continue to detain him. He told Fortify Rights: “UNHCR provided us with their cards, which means, from what I understand, that they must protect and help their cardholders as refugees . . . If a UNHCR-recognized refugee has to continue to stay in jail even after finishing his sentence, he is not safe.”
Another Rohingya refugee originally from Maungdaw Township in Rakhine State and now detained in India (location withheld for security reasons) told Fortify Rights how Indian authorities detained him while he was traveling in Assam:
We showed [the Indian authorities] our [UNHCR] refugee identification card. The policemen told us that the Indian government does not accept refugee identification for travel. So, they took us to the court. It was in Assam that we were arrested. We were detained for nine months in a detention center in Assam.
From 2021 to 2022, Indian authorities transferred this refugee between three different detention facilities. He said, “After three years, we were told that we would be moving [to a different facility] . . . We were told that our prison period had finished, and we were moved to the refugee camps, but it is not a camp; it is a detention center.”
Indian authorities effectively denied him legal representation. At the time of writing, he remains in indefinite detention.
Speaking about the conditions in the detention center, he told Fortify Rights: “UNHCR is not helping us in detention . . . We are not fed well in detention. They provide rice with lentils . . . There is no education for our children . . . We are hardly surviving.”
Fortify Rights also spoke to relatives of those detained and some who fled to Bangladesh and other neighboring countries out of fear of arrest or being forcibly returned to Myanmar.
A Rohingya man, 49, originally from Maungdaw Township, told Fortify Rights that he fled India to Bangladesh fearing arbitrary arrest by Indian authorities.
Another Rohingya man told Fortify Rights that he witnessed Indian authorities arrest and separate a refugee family in Narwal, Jammu in May 2021. Fortify Rights obtained and reviewed video footage of the incident, which shows a Rohingya woman being arrested by authorities, put into a vehicle, and separated from her infant child. The Rohingya man who witnessed the incident said:
In a family of a husband, wife, and four children, the police only arrested the mother and one child. A breastfeeding infant was not taken with the mother. The people are very traumatized by how the police forcefully separated the infant from the mother. Then the people tried to flee the area . . . I have videos of the breastfeeding child being left behind when the police arrested the mother.
Fortify Rights also received and reviewed a mobile-phone audio recording from July 19, 2023, between a Rohingya relative and a family member inside a detention center—the location of which is withheld for security reasons. In the audio recording, a Rohingya woman explains that Indian authorities had beaten her, and she pleads with her relative to tell the authorities not to beat her, saying: “[A]t night, we will be beaten, and [I] already have been beaten so badly . . . Please ask my brother to ask [the police] not to beat me . . . Please tell them not to beat me.”
She also pleaded in the audio recording to be granted bail and have a lawyer represent her. At the time of writing, she remains in detention.
Indian authorities have also cracked down on Rohingya en masse in detention. Most recently, on July 18, 2023, Indian authorities violently cracked down on Rohingya refugees in Hiranagar Detention Center in Jammu. According to mobile-phone video footage obtained and reviewed by Fortify Rights and substantiated by interviews with refugees, Rohingya detainees staged a protest against their indefinite detention. Some took part in a hunger strike, calling for their release. Indian authorities responded with tear gas and beatings, injuring several refugees and reportedly killing a detained infant.
Mobile-phone footage reviewed and on file with Fortify Rights shows the aftermath of the protest and crackdown by authorities in the detention center. On July 20, 2023, two days after the crackdown, Fortify Rights spoke to a relative of a detainee at the Hiranagar Detention Center. He said: “When I [spoke to] him, he told me, ‘There are people who got injured as [the authorities] fired teargas [at us]. . . We are doing a hunger strike here.”
Media reports and Rohingya advocates allege that the Rohingya child who died in the Jammu detention facility died from injuries related to tear gas inhalation. Indian authorities denied the allegation to Indian media, claiming the death was unrelated to the crackdown.
A Rohingya refugee community leader in India, knowledgeable of the incident, told Fortify Rights that some Rohingya in the Hiranagar detention facility “have been detained for more than two years.”
On July 18, 2023, Superintendent of Kathua District Detention Center Koushal Kumar told journalists: “[Rohingya refugees] tried to break open the gate and come out, but we closed the gate . . . I cannot [say] the exact number of persons injured.”
On July 19, 2023, the Rohingya Human Rights Initiative, a leading Rohingya organization in India, said they “strongly condemn” the Indian authorities’ crackdown on Rohingya refugees and called for “an immediate end to the human rights abuses and arbitrary detention.”
India should conduct an independent investigation into the violent incident at the Hiranagar Detention Center and release those detained, Fortify Rights said today.
“We’re concerned that the recent violence against Rohingya in India could lead to renewed calls to force them back to Myanmar, and that must be avoided at all costs,” said Zaw Win. “Refugees have rights, and India is obligated to respect those rights.”
On March 5, 2021, the Government of Jammu and Kashmir invoked powers under Section 3(2)(d) of the Foreigners Act of 1946 and Section 2(d) of the Citizenship Act of 1955 to convert Hiranagar Detention Center in Kathua District to a “holding center” to detain Rohingya with immigration-related offenses.
Section 2(b) of the Citizenship Act, 1955 defines “illegal migrants” as foreigners who entered India without a valid passport or travel documents or those who entered with a valid passport or travel document but remained in the country beyond the permitted period. The Foreigners Act regulates the entry of foreigners into the country, their presence, and departure. Section 3(2)(d) of the Foreigners Act empowers the central government to issue orders removing or restraining the presence of foreigners in specific areas.
Customary international law and Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which India is a state party, forbids the arbitrary, unlawful, or indefinite detention of any person, including refugees and migrants. Refugees may only be detained as an exceptional measure of last resort following an individualized assessment and after the exhaustion of all alternatives to detention.
Article 21 of the Indian Constitution protects this right stating that “No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.” Moreover, Article 22 of the Constitution protects all persons arrested and detained. These protections include the right to know the grounds of arrest and detention, the right to a lawyer, and the right to be presented before a court.
India has also signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD). As emphasized by the UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance in 2019, Indian authorities’ discrimination against Rohingya, who are an ethnic minority, violates India’s obligations under the UDHR, ICCPR, and CERD. While the Foreigner’s Act empowers the Indian central government to place restrictions on groups of foreigners, such restrictions should not override its commitments under CERD. Any restrictions also should not violate refugee rights to equality before the law and the equal protection of the law guaranteed under Article 14 of the Indian Constitution.
India has signed but has not ratified the U.N. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (UNCAT). As a signatory, India is bound to follow the principle of non-refoulement, which is a peremptory norm of international law. Article 3 of UNCAT enshrines the principle of non-refoulement, prohibiting states from returning any person on its territory or under its jurisdiction to a country where they face persecution. India’s previous returns of Rohingya to Myanmar, which is committing genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya people, violated this peremptory norm.
India should also sign and ratify the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, said Fortify Rights.
In 2019, Fortify Rights documented Indian authorities beating and threatening to return Rohingya refugees to Myanmar while forcing dozens into Bangladeshi territory. All Rohingya in that instance were UNHCR-recognized refugees.
“India should provide a safe haven for Rohingya fleeing genocidal attacks and other international crimes in Myanmar,” said Zaw Win. “Rather than continuing their persecution, the Indian government should allow Rohingya refugees access to legal status, education, livelihoods, and freedom of movement.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2023-07-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"By Madeleine MacLean
On June 21, 2023, the US Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide brought together Burmese civil society leaders to discuss the mass atrocities being committed against civilian populations by the Burmese military and what the United States can do to mitigate these threats and prevent future atrocities.
Speakers included Myra Dahgaypaw, Senior Partnership Officer for International Justice and Accountability for the Unitarian Universalist Service Committee; Wai Wai Nu, Founder and Executive Director of the Women’s Peace Network; Gum San Nsang, President of the Kachin Alliance; and Rosalinn Zahau, Advocacy Team Member for the Chin Human Rights Organization. Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, gave opening remarks.
The following is a summary of the key points made by the speakers.
Overview of Current Atrocities Facing Civilians in Burma
The Burmese military is responsible for mass atrocities across Burma, including killings, arbitrary detention, the burning of villages, and the restricting of humanitarian aid and essential services. Different regions and minority groups have experienced unique harm.
Kachin State had suffered mass atrocities at the hands of the military for a decade before the coup, including frequent burning of homes, airstrikes, and bombings. According to the Kachin Alliance, over 150,000 people have been displaced in the past ten years. The military is also responsible for the mass exploitation of natural resources and large-scale land grabs. The coup has exacerbated these dynamics and has increased the levels of violence against civilians.
The human rights situation in southeastern Burma has also deteriorated drastically. Civilians live in a state of fear of being targeted by military attacks or arrested arbitrarily. About 4,000 civilians have been arrested and detained in the southern region alone, while about 1,000 civilians have been injured and over 300 have been killed. There are approximately 500,000 internally displaced people in Karen State alone. The military has blocked humanitarian assistance from reaching internally displaced people under the suspicion that the provisions are being taken to the resistance.
Civilians in Chin State also suffered human rights abuses by the military prior to the coup that have only intensified since the military’s takeover. The military engaged in state-sponsored discrimination against religious minorities, including requiring non-Buddhists to apply for permission to practice their religion and taking children into the custody of state-run schools where they were forced to convert to Buddhism. According to Rosalinn Zahau, over 40,000 people were displaced even before the coup. After the coup, the civilians of Chin State were among the first to take up arms in resistance, and the military responded by sending large numbers of reinforcements. Fighting between the military and the resistance movement has intensified since then, and most of the state is currently under the control of resistance forces. Due to its lack of success on the ground, the military has resorted to airstrikes, from which civilians in Chin State do not have the capacity to protect themselves. Zahau reported that over 25 percent of the population has been displaced into neighboring countries, including India.
The military also continues its history of violence and discrimination against the Rohingya people in Burma’s Rakhine State. Since the coup it has continued its policy of targeting Rohingya, including restricting their movement both within the state and across the country, issuing discriminatory “National Verification Cards,” engaging in abusive family check-in measures, and detaining Rohingya arbitrarily. The military is also systematically restricting Rohingyas’ access to food, water, and basic services. They have escalated the harm against civilians by denying humanitarian assistance to Rakhine State following Cyclone Mocha, which killed a disproportionate number of internally displaced Rohingya. Ms. Nu warned that the situation of the Rohingya people in Burma has not improved since the genocidal attacks six years ago, and she fears we will see future genocidal violence if the international community does not take action.
Next Steps
The speakers recommended a range of measures that the US can implement to support the protection of civilians experiencing mass atrocities:
The US should accelerate the implementation of the Burma Act to provide comprehensive assistance to survivors of atrocities, and it should ensure that this assistance reaches Rohingya genocide victims and survivors.
The US should provide assistance aimed at strengthening the capacity of communities in Burma to protect themselves.
The US should convene a coalition of nations to increase the strategic coordination of actions to support human rights in Burma and stop the flow of money and resources to the junta. These nations should also enforce current sanctions against the military.
UN member states should increase their contributions to the Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan and the Rohingya Joint Response Plan, which Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews noted are currently only 14 percent and 22 percent funded, respectively.
The US should provide an early warning system for airstrikes, as well as more communication and jamming devices.
Challenges and Recommendations
Many humanitarian organizations have had to leave Burma for neighboring countries in order to continue their operations, and as a result they may not have official registrations or access to bank accounts at the moment. This has created difficulty for the organizations to comply with USAID’s standard procedures. Ms. Zahau recommended that USAID employ an intermediate agency to handle these administrative steps, as it has done in the past.
The panelists also emphasized the need for more comprehensive and coordinated sanctions. This includes sanctioning Burmese oil and gas, which is one of the military’s biggest sources of revenue, and sanctioning companies that provide military supplies like jet fuel. The panelists recommended that the US implement individual sanctions against not just the top military officials but lower level officials as well. Local communities have not seen regional commanders be held accountable, and sanctions against them would help provide a sense of justice.
The US should also take on a greater leadership role in advancing justice through the international legal system. While the US has provided funding to the UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, it should also provide and enhance support to the local organizations who are documenting the military’s atrocities. The US government can take action to hold military officials accountable by setting up an international criminal tribunal or building international support for referring Burma to the International Criminal Court, as well as helping develop a comprehensive justice process for addressing crimes by lower ranking officials.
The US can also provide more diplomatic, political, and financial support to the current legal cases against the Burmese military, such as assisting with investigations and offering witness protection..."
Source/publisher:
US Holocaust Memorial Museum
Date of publication:
2023-07-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"London, UK - The Burma Human Rights Network is alarmed by ongoing reports of traffickers moving Rohingya from Bangladesh to India. While far fewer Rohingya are trafficked to India than Malaysia and Indonesia, it remains an overlooked area of concern. India’s treatment of Rohingya and other refugees is also a serious concern, with refugees staging protests, including hunger strikes, inside Hiranagar Jail, Kathua, Jammu and Kashmir. Eight refugees were reportedly injured when authorities intervened to stop the peaceful protest.
BHRN calls on authorities in India to facilitate dialogue with Rohingya refugees and grant them full human rights. Refugees should be afforded the opportunity to work, go to school, and move freely. Furthermore, the international community should directly challenge the discriminatory policies of Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party.
“The Rohingya are shuffled like merchandise all over the world by callous traffickers taking advantage of their desperate situation. India should end the indefinite detention of the Rohingya and other refugees and uphold its commitment to international legal obligations,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win.
Indian media is reporting an increase in Rohingya being trafficked into the country. The most recent arrest took place on 18 July, when Assam police arrested a man named Partha Sen in connection to the trafficking of 14 people, including four Rohingya. Rohingya trafficked from Bangladesh are frequently men looking for work or women trafficked for marriage because their families can’t afford a dowry.
Rohingya, Bangladeshis, and immigrants in India are frequently referred to as ‘intruders’ and shown contempt by the government and many of the nationalists within the country. Much of the animosity towards the Rohingya intersects with the country’s widespread Islamophobia. India has a history of poor treatment of Burmese refugees, detaining them in poor conditions, and has sent some back to Burma in violation of the principle of nonrefoulment. Since 2017 India has repeatedly sought to send the Rohingya back to Burma, despite the genocide against them and ongoing conflict in the country.
Political parties and media in India must address their use of incendiary language against migrant populations. Anti-Muslim rhetoric in India has created a deep division in the country, resulting in frequent targeted violence against minorities. The situation needs to be addressed and corrected for the sake of the Rohingya, minorities in India, and the country as a whole.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Trafficking: Burma-specific material
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
135.04 KB
more
Sub-title:
espite fires burning down learning centres and Cyclone Mocha’s wrath, a record 300,000 Rohingya refugee children attend first day of school
Description:
"COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh, 23 July 2023 – Against the odds of displacement, fires burning down learning centres, and Cyclone Mocha’s wrath, classrooms in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh are filling up today with children, excited on the first day of school. Thanks to expanded education opportunities for teenagers and girls, a record 300,000 children are enrolled for the 2023/24 school year.
The new academic year marks the first time that Rohingya refugee children of all ages will be studying under the Myanmar Curriculum. Since its launch in 2021, this formal curriculum has gradually been expanded with grades 3-5 and grade 10 opening today for the first time in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps, significantly increasing learning opportunities for both older and younger children.
“Rohingya refugee children want to learn, and to turn their hopes and dreams for a better future to actual potential,” said Mr. Sheldon Yett, UNICEF Representative to Bangladesh. “The single most important ingredient for ensuring a safe and dignified return of these children to Myanmar is ensuring that they can continue their education while they are here in Bangladesh. I urge our partners and donors to stand by UNICEF as we deliver on our promise to provide education for every Rohingya refugee child.”
In addition to the new opportunities for older children, a dedicated campaign has brought more than 13,000 children who were out of school into the classroom. Efforts to support adolescent girls to continue their education are key to the record attendance this year. Due to social norms, parents are often reluctant to send girls to school once they reach puberty. In response, UNICEF and partners have worked closely with the refugee community to demonstrate to parents the benefits of education for girls, to provide girls-only classrooms, and to organize chaperoning to classes by female mentors.
Delivering education in the largest refugee settlement in the world is an immense operation. One million refugees – half of them children – have lived in the densely populated camps in Bangladesh since 2017 when they fled violence and persecution in neighbouring Myanmar. Education for Rohingya refugee children is provided through 3,400 learning centres – 2,800 of which are supported by UNICEF – as well as through community-based learning facilities.
On the first day of school in the camps, UNICEF appeals for US$33 million to urgently support education for Rohingya refugee children in the 2023/24 academic year..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Children's Fund
Date of publication:
2023-07-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Children, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Legal Action Worldwide (LAW) is a non-profit human rights organisation led and managed by legal professionals. LAW works with individuals and communities who have suffered grave human rights violations to obtain justice. LAW’s Rohingya Crisis programme seeks to ensure meaningful Rohingya participation in the ongoing international justice mechanisms pertaining to their treatment in Myanmar. LAW represents more than 500 Rohingya clients, who are survivors of the 2017 “clearance operations.” One of the key pillars of our programme is our Survivor Advocates network who assist and support Rohingya community members, especially survivors of sexual and gender-based violence in the camps, and also provide legal information to the Rohingya about available mechanisms to seek international justice and accountability.
This Guide provides information on the Rohingya crisis and the legal avenues available to Rohingya victims and survivors who want to bring the perpetrators in Myanmar to justice for international crimes committed against their people. The Guide also sets out an overview of the ongoing international justice mechanisms currently focusing on the crimes committed against the Rohingya mainly after 2010. It contains key messages, themes and practical tools to equip humanitarian actors to support the Rohingya and their pursuit for international justice. For ease of reading, the Guide uses a ‘Questions and Answers’ approach to provide humanitarian actors with clear information and explanations..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Action Worldwide
Date of publication:
2023-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Worldwide refugee crises have taken center stage in the news in recent years. According to the UNHCR report, there are currently 110 million refugees worldwide, compared to 100 million in 2022.
The report also said that the number of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) worldwide remained stable at 40 million for two decades until 2011, but this number has almost tripled due to the Syrian crisis in 2011 and various events in recent years. The re-establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan in 2021, the war in Ukraine in 2022, and finally the civil war in Sudan on April 15 this year have exacerbated the refugee crisis.
A refugee is a person or persons who have sought refuge from their own country to a neighboring or foreign country due to social or political discrimination and who fear loss of life or persecution upon returning to their country. They are called refugees in international law. Internationally, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) takes care of refugees in coordination with the concerned country or countries.
This year, on the occasion of the World Refugee Day (June 20), UNHCR head (High Commissioner) Filippo Grandi said the number of refugees around the world is increasing at an alarming rate. He expressed concern and said that violence among people is increasing. He lamented that we live in a polarized world where international tensions dismiss all humanitarian issues. There is a growing laxity among countries in following the principles of the 1951 Refugee Convention, even among many signatories to that convention.’
Currently, the number of displaced Myanmar nationals (Rohingya) residing in Cox’s Bazar and Noakhali in Bangladesh is said to be 9 lakh, but with the addition of 30,000 new births every year, this number will exceed 12 lakh in 2022. However, Bangladesh does not recognize these Rohingya as refugees and calls them Forcefully Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMN). Even though the Rohingya crisis that has been going on since 2017 has been going on for almost 6 years, it can be said without hesitation that there is no visible progress in resolving it, i.e., repatriation to Myanmar. At different times, the representatives of different countries and international organizations during their visits to Bangladesh have traditionally only heard the message of hope.
During a visit to Cox’s Bazar on March 30, Senior Vice President for US Development Daniel Runde said that the US is serious about solving the Rohingya problem. He said that the United States is working with the international community for a sustainable solution to the Rohingya problem. Meanwhile, in mid-April, an impromptu meeting on the Chinese-mediated repatriation of the Rohingya was held in Kunming, where officials from the foreign ministries of Bangladesh, Myanmar, and China participated.
A 27-member team, including 20 Rohingyas, visited Maungdaw in Myanmar’s Rakhine state on May 5 to boost the Rohingyas’ confidence and interest in repatriation. They visited various villages and transit centers in Maungdaw city and spoke to the Rohingyas there. From their reactions, it can be understood that all those hoping for repatriation are optimistic.
Meanwhile, as time goes on, there is increasing uncertainty about the continuation of humanitarian aid for the Rohingya. The reason for this is the prolongation of the Rohingya’s stay and the creation of new humanitarian crises around the world. Humanitarian services for the Rohingya are challenged to continue at the same level while providing funding for the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan, the war in Ukraine, the floods in Pakistan, the earthquake in Turkey, the civil war in Sudan, the food crisis in Africa, etc.
The 2022 report of the United Nations Office in Dhaka, published on April 4, feared a financial crisis in 2023 with Rohingya aid. On June 1, the United Nations cut the per capita allocation for the Rohingya to $8 for the second time in a year, from $12 earlier this year. The UN said it had to take this step as funding sources for the Rohingya continued to dwindle. As of June 1, only 24 percent had been pledged against the UN’s $876 million aid appeal for 2023. On the other hand, it is not possible for Bangladesh to bear the pressure of more than 12 lakh Rohingya indefinitely.
Although the government has sheltered these Rohingyas for humanitarian reasons, there is practically no regional or international initiative to repatriate them. Although the government has been vocal about the Rohingya issue in bilateral discussions and various national and international forums, world leaders are not seen as active in solving the problem; rather, the matter is still limited to assurances. During the Prime Minister’s visit to Geneva last week, when UNHCR chief Filippo Grandi met him, the Prime Minister called for creating a favorable environment for the return of the Rohingyas to the country.
Grundy reiterated UNHCR’s support for Bangladesh on repatriation but acknowledged its limitations. Meanwhile, the joint working group (JWG) of Bangladesh and Myanmar on the issue of Rohingya repatriation was held in June 2022, after three years.
Most of the world’s refugee camps are long-term destinations for refugees, and their inhabitants are travelers on an uncertain path. Refugees in Bangladesh (Rohingya) have been living inhumane lives in confined spaces for a minimum of 6 years and a maximum of 30 years. Syrian refugees have been in Turkey and other countries for more than a decade. The Afghan refugee crisis in Pakistan and Iran has been ongoing since the 1990s.
During the post-Afghan war (2001–2002) that began after the 9-11 (2001) attacks by the United States, Afghan refugees took shelter in Pakistan, where 36 million refugees were already stayed since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in the 1990s. Half of these refugees scattered across the world are children (under 18), who face an uncertain future without formal education.
According to international law, no refugee may be forced to return to their home country, where they are at risk of further persecution. In parallel, as a populous country, it is not possible for Bangladesh to shelter refugees or displaced Rohingyas staying in the country for a long period of time in accordance with international standards. Apart from this, due to the delay in their repatriation, various social disturbances are occurring frequently. Incidents of violence and conflict are frequent inside and outside the camps, which is alarming. In addition, Rohingyas often spread outside the camps, even to different parts of the country, and get involved in illegal activities.
We must not only sympathize with the plight of refugees. The forces that are creating this situation must be held accountable. Public opinion should be created in favor of refugees in the domestic and international arenas. The sooner the repatriation of Rohingyas is possible, the better for Rohingyas and their host countries. Sustainable repatriation through bilateral and international diplomatic efforts is the only solution to this crisis. So, the role of rich countries cannot be ignored; big countrie must work earnestly to solve the refugee problem..."
Source/publisher:
Eurasia Review
Date of publication:
2023-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"14 July 2023: The member States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council and broader international community must do far more to support the struggle for human rights and democracy in Myanmar if they are genuine about wanting to facilitate the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable repatriation of Rohingya refugees, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The UN Human Rights Council adopted resolution A/HRC/53/L.30 on the “Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar” on 14 July 2023. The resolution urges “Myanmar” to immediately commence the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable repatriation of all forcibly displaced Rohingya from Bangladesh (OP32), among other calls. This contradicts earlier statements in the resolution that recognise the lack of tangible progress in creating conditions in Myanmar conducive to repatriation.
“A UN Human Rights Council resolution should be concerned with human rights – in this case, the human rights of the Rohingya. Instead, resolution A/HRC/53/L.30 appears to be more concerned with normalising premature and dangerous initiatives to bring about their repatriation,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Rohingya refugee communities have made it very clear that they do not want to return to Myanmar before their rights are guaranteed and their citizenship restored. That should be the focus of the Human Rights Council.”
The Government of Bangladesh has recently been cooperating with the military junta in Myanmar to implement a so-called repatriation pilot scheme, that has involved members of the junta visiting the refugee camps in Bangladesh and several Rohingya refugees visiting a repatriation facility in Myanmar.
Rohingya who took part in the so-called ‘go-and-see’ visit concluded they would not return to Myanmar under the arrangement as suitable conditions do not exist. UN agencies have provided practical assistance to the scheme, despite the UN Refugee Agency expressing a position that conditions for sustainable repatriation do not exist – an assessment also publicly stated by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights during the current 53rd Regular Session of the Human Rights Council.
Rohingya living in Myanmar, primarily in Rakhine State, are subjected to a systematic violation of their rights that may amount to genocide. The discriminatory 1982 Citizenship Law effectively deprives the Rohingya of full citizenship. Rohingya are also denied freedom of movement, including 120,000 people who have been confined to camps in central Rakhine for eleven years. The military systematically denies international actors access to Rohingya communities in need of humanitarian assistance, most recently in the wake of devastation caused by Cyclone Mocha in May.
“Myanmar is right now in the midst of a fully-fledged national liberation movement to free the whole country from the externally abetted tyranny of the military,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “That is the same military that perpetrated the atrocities against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017, seeking to re-impose the same constitutional framework that enabled their persecution for generations. The cause of the Rohingya is the cause of Myanmar. The two cannot be divorced from one another.”
The crisis in Myanmar has worsened throughout 2023. The military junta has increased its use of airstrikes against civilians and civilian infrastructure as it cedes control on the ground to the increasingly organised democratic resistance. The Myanmar people have received little support from the international community in their efforts to resist the military’s attacks and establish a peaceful federal democracy. The military junta, meanwhile, continues to receive weapons and strategic supplies from UN member States, financial support from its network of business interests and crony companies, and has control over when, where and how desperately needed international humanitarian relief can enter the country.
“Any genuine initiative on the part of the international community to facilitate the repatriation of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar, and, indeed, all refugees and internally displaced persons that have fled the military’s decades of violence, will require a far greater effort to support the democratic movement inside the country,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “That means expediting accountability through the International Criminal Court, strengthening sanctions regimes and arms embargoes, and providing humanitarian, diplomatic, financial and technical support to the people through the National Unity Government, National Unity Consultative Council, Ethnic Resistance Organisations and civil society.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-07-14
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Mukesh Kapila
I clung atop a palm tree praying furiously while cyclonic winds threatened to whip me away. It was the early 1970s and I was a humanitarian volunteer on Moudubi island in the Bay of Bengal. I was teaching and living in the island’s ramshackle school. That first visit to Bangladesh was in the dark shadow of its 1971 Liberation War which saw three million killed in genocidal atrocities. It was soon after Supercyclone Bhola had already cost 0.5 million lives in 1970. Fully expecting that by now the island would have disappeared under rising seas, I am heartened to see just the opposite. A google-maps flyover reveals a bustling Moudubi and a lively Facebook page extols my former school’s many achievements.
The plucky survival of this tiny speck is a metaphor for a nation once described as a “basket case” meriting just a two-hour stop-over by US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger. Today Bangladesh is a lower-middle-income country. It’s 169 million people have seen poverty headcount halve and income jump to US$2500 per capita (in current dollars) from US$400 at the Millennium.
Many more Bangladeshi children survive birth, grow up healthy and educated to live longer and productively. The nation has got better at coping with frequent disasters and its population will stabilise by mid-century as growth rate falls below 1% annually. But it still ranks modestly at 129th (out of 191 ) on the Human Development Index and its resilience is under test. It is the sixth most climate-vulnerable country, even as it confronts many social, economic, and political challenges, in common with other developing countries.
I returned many times to see how Bangladesh navigates an increasingly perilous world. This was in different official capacities in the British government, International Red Cross Red Crescent, and United Nations I learnt that key was the grim determination and natural resourcefulness of its people. Also the supportive partnerships its government has built with many nations and international organisations to attract aid, trade, and financial investment.
My latest visit took me to Cox’s Bazar. Recalling the darkest days of the 1970s when 10 million Bangladeshis found safety in India, it is Bangladesh’s turn now to provide a safe haven for one million Rohingya fleeing Myanmar. Cox’s Bazar is the world’s largest refugee settlement and the Rohingya live in some 33 heavily-congested camps that are frequently devastated by fires, cyclones flooding, and disease outbreaks. Nevertheless, it is an enterprising and energising place.
Bangladeshis are naturally generous and the authorities have diverted significant national resources to help the Rohingya while facilitating some 100 countries, international organizations, philanthropies and NGOs to come and bolster Bangladesh’s own humanitarian endeavors. I saw that despite the challenging and fragile physical environment, commendable efforts addressed critical refugee needs starting with infrastructure for shelter, sanitation, and clean water. Healthcare facilities provide clinical services, immunizations, maternal and childcare. Tackling malnutrition and preventing communicable diseases get special attention.
In an echo of Bangladesh’s own development journey, fostering hope, empowering communities, and rebuilding productive lives are recognised as important to enhance future prospects for the refugees. Learning centres provide basic education, vocational training and skills development to thousands of refugee children and youth. Bangladesh has also established legal aid services to guide refugees seeking justice and protection in collaboration with international partners. That includes registering and documenting all refugees to further safeguard their rights.
The Rohingya have been fleeing Myanmar for at least 50 years, with big purges in 1978, 1992, 2012, and the biggestever exodus in 2016. No one becomes a refugee out of choice, and none want to stay exiled longer than necessary. Neither do they wish to depend on the charity of others. “We don’t want to be confined in camps. We want to get back our land, and we will build our own houses there,” said Oli Hossain. Another refugee, Abu Sufian, added that “We want nothing but a safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable repatriation.” Rohingya prospects were discussed recently in Geneva between Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi. Long-term solutions require most refugees to eventually return home with a minority settling permanently in Bangladesh or third countries.
The Muslim Rohingya fled their Buddhist-dominated homeland in Rakhine state where they had lived for centuries because the Myanmar state and military denied their ethnic identity, cancelled their citizenship and inflicted terrible violence and atrocities that are alleged as genocide in a case working its way through the International Court of Justice. There are no prospects of meaningful Rohingya returns while Myanmar’s repressive regime continues and the nation remains embroiled in other internal conflicts. Overall, these have forcibly displaced around 3 million Myanmar people, mostly minorities living at the periphery of this vast nation.
Re-settlement in other countries is relatively modest. Malaysia hosts around 150,000 Rohingya, Thailand nearly 100,000, and small numbers live precariously in India, Nepal, and Indonesia. Hundreds of fleeing Rohingya have lost their lives in perilous sea crossings. Safer migration and re-settlement in Asia-Pacific or in the West should be possible if nations act in solidarity according to their Refugee Convention obligations. The energy and enterprise of the Rohingya make them an asset to any country that admits them.
The global refugee system is heavily-stretched, and a refugee may, on average, spend twenty years in limbo before finding a durable solution. That is both inhumane and a waste of human resources. Recognising that most of the Rohingya are likely to stay in Bangladesh for some time before returning home means helping the Bangladesh authorities and international agencies to care for them in a more sustained manner. Also, enabling the refugees to depend less on humanitarian aid and contribute more to their host country’s economy and development. Fairness also requires helping the approximately 538,000 local Bangladeshi population to benefit equitably from hosting their Rohingya guests. De-congesting Cox’s Bazar by voluntarily relocating some of the Rohingya to safe parts of the country can ease and distribute the burden.
But the challenges are considerable. The Rohingya Humanitarian Response Plan of the United Nations and partners seeks US$875.9 million for 2023 of which only 28% had been received at mid-year. Recently, Rohingya food rations have had to be cut… again and again. Discontent and insecurity are to be feared in a geopolitically sensitive part of the world. Of course, there is also much pain and suffering in other parts of the world. But there are still enough resources to go around even under current difficult global scenarios. The world’s dispossessed should not be put into undignified competition with each other.
Neither Bangladesh nor the Rohingya should be left alone and the international community must be more generous in playing its part. This can be a collective win-win and breathe genuine meaning into this year’s World Refugee Day slogan to bring “hope away from home”..."
Source/publisher:
E-International Relations
Date of publication:
2023-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
94.07 KB
more
Sub-title:
ITEM 4 - Oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Description:
"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, welcomes the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Mr. Tom Andrews, as well as the Special Rapporteur's recent statements and conference room paper.
In cataloguing the illegal military junta's atrocities, including its murder and maiming of children, the Special Rapporteur urged that the junta "be disabused of any notion that time is on its side, that it need only wait out a fickle and distracted world." It must be stripped of weapons, cash and legitimacy.
Myanmar joins the Special Rapporteur in welcoming positive steps by States. These include Singapore's investigation of suppliers implicated in the transfer of weapons-related materials to the junta; the European Union's leadership in sanctioning Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise; the United States targeting of junta-controlled banks; and Indonesia's continuing efforts as
ASEAN Chair.
Yet, as Mr. Andrew says, "more can and must be done". There must be a coordinated strategy of positive actions that are "proactive and targeted like a laser beam on undermining the junta's capacity to continue its attacks against the people of Myanmar." Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, welcomes the Special Rapporteur's frank address of the dire, unconscionable and unacceptable situation of the Rohingya who, in the Special Rapporteur's words, "are being forced to make an impossible choice" between hunger and malnutrition in camps, junta atrocities in Rakhine, or the peril of unseaworthy vessels.
Myanmar recognises the Rohingya as an integral part of our nation and as Myanmar nationals.
We remain committed to addressing the root causes of the Rohingya crisis, to securing justice for the Rohingya, and to creating conditions conducive to their voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return to their homes. Tragically, as High Commissioner Turk today told the Council, these conditions for return "are still non-existent"
Myanmar strongly supports the Special Rapporteur's urging of UN Member States to increase their contributions to the Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan for the Rohingya in Bangladesh. We also echo Mr. Andrews' call on States to "shine the light of public attention" on Myanmar and to cultivate and sustain the international action that the Myanmar people
"need and deserve".
In closing, Myanmar expresses its deep gratitude to Mr. Andrews for his tireless commitment
to his mandate and to the people of Myanmar.....၅၃ ကြိမ်မြောက်ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီညီလာခံသို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအထူးအကြံပေးပုဂ္ဂိုလ် မဟာမင်းကြီး Mr.Tom Andrews ကနှုတ်ဖြင့်တင်သွင်းသည့် အစီရင်ခံစာ
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် Mr. Tom Andrews ၏ နှုတ်ထွက်စကားဖြင့် တင်ပြမှုနှင့် ယင်းတင်ပြခဲ့သည့် နောက်ဆုံးထုတ်ပြန်ချက်များကို ကြိုဆိုလက်ခံပါသည်။
အဆိုပါတင်ပြမှုများထဲတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား လက်နက်နှင့်ငွေသားထောက်ပံ့မှု၊ ယင်း အကြမ်းဖက်လူသတ်ကောင်တို့အား တရားဝင်အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ရန်ကြိုးပမ်းနေမှုများကို ဖယ်ရှားရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား လက်နက်နှင့် ဆက်စပ်ပစ္စည်းများလွှဲပြောင်းမှုတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သည့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအား စင်ကာပူနိုင်ငံတွင်စုံစမ်း စစ်ဆေးလျက်ရှိကြောင်းဖော်ပြပါရှိခဲ့သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက်အပြုသဘောဆောင်သည့် ခြေလှမ်းများကိုဖော်ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် မိမိအနေနှင့်လည်း အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ် ဆက်လက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းဖော်ပြပါရှိခဲ့သည်။
ဥရောပသဂ္ဂ၏ ဦးဆောင်မှုဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အုပ်စုထံ ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့မှ တဆင့် ငွေစီးဆင်းမှု များအား တားမြစ်ပိတ်ပင်မှုများပြုလုပ်နေပြီး အမေရိကန်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုထိန်းချုပ်ထားသည့် bank များအပေါ် ပစ်မှတ်ထား ပိတ်ဆို့ရန်ကြိုးပမ်းနေပြီး ဒေသတွင်းအနေဖြင့် ASEAN ဥက္ကဌ နေရာကိုရရှိပြီး ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သော အရွေ့ဖြစ်စေရန် အင်ဒိုနီးရှားနိုင်ငံက ကြိုးပမ်းနေကြောင်းဖော်ပြပါရှိသည်။
ရိုဟင်ဂျာများကိုလည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသားများအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုပါကြောင်းနှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာအကျပ်အတည်း၏ မူလဇစ်မြစ်အကြောင်းတရားများကိုဖြေရှင်းရန်၊ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိစေနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့ဆန္ဒအလျောက် ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံ၍ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိစွာ နေရပ်ပြန်နိုင်ရေး အတွက် အထောက်အကူဖြစ်စေမည့် အခြေအနေများဖန်တီး ပေးနိုင်စေရန်အတွက် ကတိပြုပါကြောင်းလည်းဖော်ပြပါရှိခဲ့သည်။
မဟာမင်းကြီးအနေဖြင့် နှုတ်ဖြင့်တင်ပြခဲ့သည့်ပြောကြားချက်များကိုဖော်ပြပါ စာစောင်တွင် မူရင်း English ဘာသာဖြင့်လေ့လာနိုင်ပါကြောင်း ပြည်သူသို့တင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2023-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
34.5 KB
more
Description:
"On June 19, 2023, a Rohingya youth, identified as Iman Hossain, was killed and another was injured in a gunfight between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) at Balukhali Rohingya Camp-8 in the Ukhiya Upazila (Sub-District) of Cox’s Bazar District.
On June 13, 2023, one person, Bashir Ullah, was killed in a gunfight between ARSA and RSO at the H/32 block of Camp-10 in Ukhiya.
On June 5, 2023, a group of eight to ten ARSA operatives shot dead a madrassa (seminary) student, Mohammad Bashir, at Kutupalong refugee camp in Ukhiya.
According to partial data compiled by the by the Institute for Conflict Management (ICM), at least nine persons have been killed in ARSA-linked violence in 2023 (data till July 2), including four ARSA cadres. There were four such fatalities in 2022 (including one ARSA cadre) and one (ARSA cadre) in 2021.
Meanwhile, SFs have arrested at least 31 ARSA operatives in Bangladesh in 2023, four in 2022 and 10 in 2021. Some of the recent arrests included:
June 12, 2023: An ARSA operative and also an accused in six murders, Sabbir Ahmed aka Lalu, was arrested by the Armed Police Battalion (APBn) from Balukhali camp in Ukhiya.
May 21, 2023: A suspected ARSA operative, Rahmat Kabir, was arrested with a firearm by the APBn from Camp-9 in Ukhiya.
May 10, 2023: A top ARSA ‘commander’, Mohammad Zubair, was arrested by the APBn in Ukhiya.
ARSA was formed following the riots in the Rakhine State of Myanmar in 2012, in which ethnic Rohingya Muslims were targeted by ethnic Rakhine Buddhists. It, however, first came into prominence in October 2016 when it attacked three police outposts in the Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships in Myanmar, killing nine Police officers, provoking massive retaliatory violence by state Forces and fuelling a wave of distress migration of Rohingyas into Bangladesh.
Reports in 2018 indicated ARSA was responsible for two 2017 massacres in which up to 99 Hindu residents in the northern Rakhine state of Myanmar were murdered, including children. Further, reports of ARSA targeting the small Christian Rohingya community living in the Bangladeshi refugee camps as well as Rohingya civilians working with international humanitarian organisations surfaced throughout 2019 and 2020. ARSA has also come under fire for its claimed role in the 2016–2017 killings of moderate Rohingya community leaders in Rakhine State, a trend that continues in the camps in Bangladesh. ARSA was widely implicated in the high-profile September 2021 murder of Mohib Ullah, a moderate Rohingya leader who was shot dead outside the office of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, the organisation he led. However, ARSA denied any involvement in the killing.
During 2016 and 2017, ARSA leaders had started visiting certain Rohingya areas in Myanmar to recruit locals. They would then ask each community to ‘contribute’ five to ten individuals for ‘basic training’. After completing their initial training, new ARSA members went back to their communities to carry out ‘security responsibilities’, promote active religious observance, and allegedly use violence to silence Rohingyas who opposed their actions or were seen as being too close to the authorities.
For internal communications and recruiting, ARSA used text messages from mobile phones and shortly, the encrypted WhatsApp, while it used Facebook and Twitter to spread its message more publicly. In 2017, Facebook classified ARSA as a “dangerous organisation,” which basically put an end to the group’s Facebook activity. ARSA maintained a consistent posting schedule on its @ARSA_Official Twitter account, which is still active on the social media site.
Myanmar’s Anti-Terrorism Central Committee, meanwhile, declared ARSA a terrorist group on August 25, 2017, in accordance with the country’s counter-terrorism law. ARSA is also considered a terrorist group in Malaysia.
ARSA is led by Ataullah abu Ammar Jununi aka Hafiz Tohar, a Rohingya born in Karachi, Pakistan, who grew up in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Bertin Linter in the report “ARSA linked to foreign extremist groups”, mentions ARSA’s second-ranking leader, as a person known only as ‘Sharif’, who comes from Chittagong in Bangladesh and does not appear in any of the group’s propaganda videos. Sharif reportedly speaks with an Urdu accent, the official language of Pakistan. Other members of the ARSA leadership include a committee of Rohingya émigrés in Saudi Arabia.
ARSA claims it is fighting on behalf of more than a million Rohingya, who have been denied the most basic rights, including citizenship, in Myanmar; as well as against the ‘inhuman’ condition of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. In a statement on May 10, 2023, Ataullah declared,
ARSA’s ultimate objective is to repatriate the entire Rohingya community to their Ancestral land. Yet the current repatriation plan of the Genocidal Burmese Territory Military Regime is nothing but a scheme to mislead both the Rohingya and the International Community. The proposed establishment of temporary camps for a limited number of people only serves to relieve them from international pressures and avoid accountability for the Genocide committed against the Rohingya people.
The statement maintains that the only viable option for the safe repatriation of the Rohingya people is the establishment of a ‘Safe Zone’ under the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P).
ARSA operates in the Rakhine State and inside Bangladesh refugee camps.
A February 15, 2023, report placed before the Parliamentary Standing Committee of the Defence Ministry of Bangladesh, stated that ARSA was among 10 terrorist and dacoit gangs active in the Rohingya camps. The report added that Tambru’s Konapara Camp, on the ‘zero line’ (Bangladesh-Myanmar border), had become the centre point for ARSA’s organisational operations, training, and control of drug smuggling and terrorist activities, due to a lack of regular patrolling and surveillance. The report stated that ARSA is active in Ukhia, Balukhali, Palangkhali (Ukhiya Sub-District) and Whykong (Teknaf Sub-District) of Bangladesh. Noting that ARSA controlled most of the camps, the report stated that ARSA and the Nabi Hussain dacoit gang often engaged in clashes over dominance and control, resulting in a series of murders.
In a February 24, 2022, interview, ARSA leader Ataullah claimed that his group had a cadre strength of 14,000 in Bangladesh and 2,000 in Myanmar.
Little is known about the financial backers of ARSA, but the International Crisis Group believes funding originates from an unnamed group of supporters in Mecca and Medina in Saudi Arabia. Four banks, including the Islami Bank, Al Arafa Islami Bank, Western Union, and Pubali Bank, which are located in the Rohingya refugee camps in the Cox’s Bazar District, have been used by ARSA to receive international funding.
According to a recent report, Rohingya Camps Near the Border — a New Source of Insecurity? released on May 26, 2022, the Bangladesh Police described ARSA as the ‘kingpins’ of the illegal trade across the Bangladesh–Myanmar border. The report added that, though ARSA was a Burmese terrorist organization, the group uses Bangladesh for their arms and Yaba trade (drugs trafficking), to raise revenues.
Interestingly, ARSA has revealed that it had received training from Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). ARSA and the Bangladesh-based Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) are also linked and videos of joint undergoing arms training have surfaced on social media. Indeed, a statement by Ambassador Hau Do Suan, Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, on Agenda Item 109 “Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism”, at the Sixth Committee of the 74rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly, read:
We are concerned about the link between ARSA and international terrorist groups, including FTFs (Foreign Terrorist Fighters). Since its inception, ARSA has been reportedly guided and supported by foreign terrorists such as Al-Qaeda, ISIL, and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
The threat to security from ARSA in Bangladesh, principally in the Rohingya refugee camps and surrounding area in Cox’s Bazar District, has increased manifold in the recent past, as this group has intensified its efforts to establish its dominance in these areas. The resultant clashes with Rohingya camp leaders as well as other insurgent/criminal groups, have enormously vitiated the security environment, and it is likely that this sort of violence will continue..."
Source/publisher:
"Eurasia Review"
Date of publication:
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"In August 2017, a violent military crackdown against the Rohingya population in Myanmar led many to flee the country in search of safety. In Myanmar, the Rohingya – an ethnic, religious, and linguistic minority – have faced discrimination for over 40 years. In 2017, the violence escalated into genocide, with security forces killing thousands and burning down over 400 villages. The majority, nearly 1 million Rohingya, found refuge in Bangladesh’s Cox Bazar district and on the island of Bhasan Char.
While the Rohingya refugees have escaped persecution from the Myanmar forces, life is difficult in the refugee camps in Cox Bazar and Bhasan Char. With 773,000 Rohingya located in Cox Bazar, and more than 30,000 in Bhasan Char, the scale of the influx of refugees has put a serious strain on services. The situation is getting more dire by the year due to the protracted nature of the humanitarian crisis and decreasing funding.
Rohingya’s refugees are currently the world’s largest stateless population in the world, and most of them are still without formal refugee status. In Bangladesh, many are unable to access education or are able to earn an income, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and serious protection risks. Living in refugee camps, they depend entirely on humanitarian aid.
Tensions have increased within the camps but also with host communities to such an extent that, since 2019, Bangladesh has erected fences around the camps. Now the Rohingya are no longer allowed to own cell phones or access the internet. At the end of December 2021, many refugees were relocated to a submersible island, the island of Bhasan Char. To date, international NGOs have little information on the real living conditions of the Rohingyas in this location.
BGD-WAR-ROHINGYAS
Bangladesh is recognized as one of the most disaster-prone countries in the world: the climate crisis has further exacerbated the risk of natural hazards like cyclones, floods, landslides and earthquakes. Bangladesh has done a lot to mitigate the risk of climate disaster through the development of emergency preparedness mechanisms that have already saved countless lives during major disasters. Nonetheless, the frequency, severity and unpredictability of these disasters will only continue to increase as global warming, environmental degradation and population growth continue to escalate. This leaves the Rohingya population in the country at extreme risk and humanitarian needs are only going to continue to grow.
DOCTORS OF THE WORLD ACTION FOR ROHINGYA REFUGEES
Shortly after the massive influx of Rohingya into Bangladesh in September 2017, Doctors of the World (DotW) began medical treatment in camps. Our efforts have focused on strengthening the capacities of local associations with the aim of improving access to mental health and psychosocial care services and to better support victims of gender-based violence. We have provided training to the staff of numerous associations working in Cox’s Bazar.
Since 2018, when the emergency response took hold, our support has shifted to outreach to people who need medical care but cannot get to clinics to help them access healthcare. We have also been working on awareness raising activities for disease prevention and health maintenance / promotion in the community, and nurturing community support mechanisms. DotW works with Rohingya volunteers so that they educate and empower their peers themselves.
With many Rohingya struggling with trauma from their experience in Myanmar and many struggling with gender-based violence, our humanitarian mission has focused heavily on creating safe spaces that can provide healthcare as well as psychosocial support. Currently, four Community Resource Centers (in the camps and for the host populations) have been built: they constitute spaces of confidentiality and work to build trust and support people with specialized healthcare and mental health support.
Furthermore, during Covid-19 epidemic, DotW and its partners put in place responses to the humanitarian emergency in Bangladesh, by organizing massive information and awareness campaigns for host populations.
Through our work at Doctors of the World we have:
Supported 56 community groups in terms of access to health and management of gender-based violence and people requiring mental health and psychosocial support,
Accompanied 202 victims of gender-based violence with mental health and psychosocial support,
Informed and educated 10,064 people about gender-based violence, sexual and reproductive health, and mental and psychosocial health.
Nonetheless, there are still larger, more complex issues that are preventing Rohingya people from settling. Many cannot see clear prospects in their future and are spending their days in limbo, still longing to return home. Without a clear documentation status the Rohingya population is unable to leave the camps, receives education or finds work..."
Source/publisher:
Médecins du Monde
Date of publication:
2023-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"London, UK/ Sittwe, Burma – Burma Human Rights Network is marking the solemn anniversary of the confinement of Rohingya to IDP camps in Rakhine state following the anti-Rohingya pogroms in Burma that occurred in 2012. This day serves as a reminder of the urgent need for justice, accountability, and a steadfast commitment to upholding the rights of all individuals, regardless of their ethnicity or religious background.
The anti-Rohingya pogroms in Burma resulted in the loss of countless lives, widespread displacement, and unimaginable suffering for the Rohingya community. Over 100,000 Rohingya displaced in the 2012 riots remain in squalid camps for internally displaced people.
BHRN Executive Director, Kyaw Win, stated, "The anniversary of the anti-Rohingya pogroms in Burma is a stark reminder of the urgent need for action. We cannot ignore the ongoing human rights violations against the Rohingya and all of Burma’s people. The international community must come together to demand justice, accountability, and lasting solutions for the Rohingya community."
BHRN calls on the international community to renew its commitment to the Rohingya in Burma and Bangladesh and work towards a future where they can enjoy full human rights and citizenship. The Burmese military remains the greatest obstacle to peace and justice in the country, and change will not come as long as they retain their illegitimate power.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2023-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said there were reports that Bangladeshi authorities were using deceptive and coercive measures to compel Rohingya refugees to return to Myanmar.
“Conditions in Myanmar are anything but conducive for the safe, dignified, sustainable, and voluntary return of Rohingya refugees,” Andrews said. “Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who commanded the forces that launched the genocidal attacks against the Rohingya, now leads a brutal military junta that is attacking civilian populations while denying the Rohingya citizenship and other basic rights,” he said.
Bangladesh officials have stated that an initial group of 1140 Rohingya refugees will be repatriated to Myanmar at an unspecified date and 6000 will be returned by the end of the year. Actions by Bangladesh authorities suggest that the first return could be imminent.
Bangladesh authorities have reportedly threatened arrest, confiscation of documents, and other forms of retaliation for those who resist the government’s plans.
“There are also reports of refugees being promised large sums of money, if they agree to return. These promises are allegedly being made even as food rations are being cut to $.27 per person per day for those in the Bangladesh camps. It remains unclear where the funds for repatriated families will come from,” Andrews said.
Under the pilot project, Rohingya refugees will not be allowed to return to their own villages, many of which were razed to the ground during the genocidal attacks of 2017. The refugees would pass through “reception” and “transit” centers in Maungdaw Township, after which they would be moved to a designated area of 15 newly constructed “villages” – places they will not be allowed to leave freely.
In March, Bangladesh authorities facilitated two visits by Myanmar junta authorities (SAC) to the Bangladesh camps. According to reports, at least some of the refugees were coerced into participating in ‘verification’ interviews with SAC officials. Bangladesh and SAC officials also coordinated a ‘go and see’ visit to Rakhine State for some Rohingya refugees. Bangladeshi officials said the refugees had expressed “general satisfaction” with arrangements made for their return, but these assurances were contradicted by reports that those who participated in the trip had unequivocally rejected the repatriation plans.
“The return of Rohingya refugees under these conditions would likely violate Bangladesh’s obligations under international law and expose Rohingya to gross human rights violations and, potentially, future atrocity crimes,” the Special Rapporteur said.
“I implore Bangladesh to immediately suspend the repatriation pilot programme,” Andrews said.
“I also urge the international community to stand with Rohingya refugees in both word and deed. This must include reversing the failure to provide a humane level of support for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who are unable to pursue livelihoods, continue to face hunger and malnutrition, and whose children have very limited educational opportunities,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2023-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
UN, Donors Should Urge Protection, Freedom of Movement on Bhasan Char
Description:
"(New York) – The Bangladesh government has relocated nearly 20,000 Rohingya refugees to a remote island without adequate health care, livelihoods, or protection, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The United Nations and donor governments should urgently call for an independent assessment of the safety, disaster preparedness, and habitability at Bhasan Char during the impending monsoon season and beyond.
The 58-page report, “‘An Island Jail in the Middle of the Sea’: Bangladesh’s Relocation of Rohingya Refugees to Bhasan Char,” finds that Bangladesh authorities transferred many refugees to the island without full, informed consent and have prevented them from returning to the mainland. While the government says it wants to move at least 100,000 people to the silt island in the Bay of Bengal to ease overcrowding in Cox’s Bazar refugee camps, humanitarian experts have raised concerns that insufficient measures are in place to protect against severe cyclones and tidal surges. Refugees on the island reported inadequate health care and education, onerous movement restrictions, food shortages, a lack of livelihood opportunities, and abuses by security forces.
“The Bangladesh government is finding it hard to cope with over a million Rohingya refugees, but forcing people to a remote island just creates new problems,” said Bill Frelick, refugee and migrant rights director. “International donors should assist the Rohingya, but also insist that Bangladesh return refugees who want to return to the mainland or if experts say island conditions are too dangerous or unsustainable.”
Human Rights Watch interviewed 167 Rohingya refugees between May 2020 and May 2021, including 117 on Bhasan Char and 50 in Cox’s Bazar, 30 of whom were later relocated to Bhasan Char.
Primary responsibility for the Rohingya’s situation lies with Myanmar. On August 25, 2017, the military began a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims involving mass killing, rape, and arson that forced over 740,000 to flee to neighboring Bangladesh, which was already hosting an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 unregistered Rohingya refugees who had fled previous persecution. Myanmar has failed to end widespread abuses against the Rohingya and has refused to create conditions for their safe, dignified, and voluntary return.
While Bangladesh commendably opened its borders to the Rohingya, the authorities have not made camp conditions truly hospitable, increasing pressure to relocate to Bhasan Char. The authorities shut down internet access for almost a year in the refugee camps, denied formal education to children, and built barbed wire fencing restricting movement and access to emergency services. Security forces face allegations of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings.
In May 2020, Bangladesh first brought over 300 Rohingya refugees rescued at sea to Bhasan Char. Although the government initially said they were being quarantined on the island to prevent the spread of Covid-19 in the camps, they have yet to be reunited with their families. In December, Bangladesh authorities started relocating thousands of refugees from the camps to the island, reneging on promises to allow an independent technical assessment of the protection needs, safety, and habitability on the island.
Now, after an 18-member United Nations team was taken to see the island from March 17 to 20, the authorities are pressuring the UN to start delivering humanitarian assistance. Refugees said that during the UN visit they were only allowed to speak in the presence of Bangladesh government officials and were compelled to make it appear there were no problems on the island.
On May 31, 2021, thousands of refugees gathered to try and meet with a delegation of UN officials that were visiting Bhasan Char and to protest conditions, many saying that they do not want to remain on the island. Bangladesh authorities had earlier warned the Rohingya against complaining, some refugees told Human Rights Watch. There were clashes with security forces after the refugees disregarded those instructions, eyewitnesses said, and several Rohingya, including women and children, were injured.
The Bangladesh government should urgently begin consultations with UN officials to discuss any future humanitarian operational engagement on Bhasan Char, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should also act on recommendations by the UN after their visit to improve the wellbeing, safety, and protection of Rohingya refugees already on the island.
The Bangladesh government has informed Human Rights Watch in a letter that it had “ensured adequate supply of food along with proper sanitation and medical facilities for Rohingyas on Bhasan Char” and that all relocations were based on informed consent. However, refugees widely refuted these claims. A 53-year-old man said he went into hiding to avoid being transported after the camp administrator threatened him: “He said, even if I die, they will take my body there. I don’t want to go to that island.” Others said they volunteered based on false promises.
Refugees also described the inadequate health facilities on the island. Human Rights Watch interviewed 14 people who said they had sought treatment for a range of conditions, including asthma, pain, fever, arthritis, diabetes, ulcers, and malaria, but most were handed paracetamol (acetaminophen) tablets and sent away. Four of the fourteen later died, as a result of inadequate emergency health care, their family members believe.
The island has no emergency medical care services. If referred by a doctor and permitted by the island authorities, refugees have to travel three hours by boat and then two hours by road to the nearest mainland hospital for emergency care. This includes pregnant women needing lifesaving medical intervention. A refugee who lost his wife during childbirth said that after complications, when doctors recommended moving her to a mainland hospital, getting permission took two hours, by which time she had died.
Refugees said that they were promised teachers, schools, and formal accredited education for their children on the island. However, an aid worker said that although an estimated 8,495 children are on Bhasan Char “at best four NGOs are providing education to no more than 1,500 children.”
Mizan, 35, said the education her 7- and 9-year-old daughters were receiving was actually less than in the camps: “We have been here now for six months and my daughters brought all their belongings, bags, and books, to continue studying, but there aren’t even learning centers here.”
With monsoon season due to start in June, the island is at risk from high winds and flooding. Embankments around the island are still likely inadequate to withstand a category three storm or worse. Although the government says that there are adequate storm shelters, there is the risk that refugees, Bangladeshi security personnel, and humanitarian workers, could end up marooned on the island with limited supplies as sea or air transport are restricted in inclement weather. The authorities stopped a recent relocation to Bhasan Char due to the bad weather.
“Putting unwilling refugees on a remote, low-lying island where cyclones are common is a bad idea,” Frelick said. “Rohingya refugees who have lost and suffered so much need to be treated with dignity and respect for their safety and well-being and be allowed to make informed, voluntary choices about their living conditions until long-term solutions can be found.”
Accounts by Refugees
All refugees quoted are identified by a pseudonym given the high risk of retribution by Bangladesh authorities for speaking out about the conditions on Bhasan Char.
Informed Consent, Freedom of Movement, Livelihoods
Taslima, who is living in Cox’s Bazar but whose 13-year-old son is on Bhasan Char after being rescued at sea in May 2020, said:
My son has been confined on Bhasan Char for one year. He is not even an adult. My son kept asking the navy officials to send him back to the camps, but every time he is given false promises. I also contacted the CiC [Camp-in-Charge, an administrator] here in the camp to get my son back but they said the only way I can meet my son is if I relocate to Bhasan Char. But my son keeps telling me not to go over there because it is like a jail.
Yusuf Ali, 43, who also lives in Cox’s Bazar and whose two daughters are being held on Bhasan Char, said, “the CiC told us that our daughters would never be returned to us here. They said ‘You still have time to choose to go there [to Bhasan Char], otherwise forget about your children.’”
Anjul, 40, a refugee on Bhasan Char, said:
They trapped us with promises of good food and plenty of livelihood opportunities, like tending livestock or fishing. Most important, when we boarded the bus they gave us 5,000 taka [US$60] each, promising that we would be given 5,000 taka each month. But after arriving, there are no such opportunities, and now we are facing a food shortage.
He said that when the refugees left for Bhasan Char, some officials falsely assured them that they would be able to travel freely between the island and mainland, but that was not happening. “My older parents are in the camps. I would at least want to attend their funeral,” he said. “But even that will not be possible as long as I am held here.”
Inadequate Health Care
Amdad’s 18-month-old daughter died of pneumonia less than a month after arriving on Bhasan Char. He said that the child had developed pneumonia while they were still in the camps in Cox’s Bazar, but there they were able to get oxygen at the Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) hospital. He said that when they arrived on Bhasan Char, his daughter again began having trouble breathing, the doctors rebuffed his concerns:
[O]n March 11, [my daughter] was having the breathing problem again and I rushed her to the government healthcare facility here. The doctor prescribed a cough syrup and sent us back home, but she did not improve. The next morning, I took her to the healthcare facility again and requested that the doctor give her oxygen support since I could see the cylinder in his office, and she had received that cure back in the camps. I even tried to show him the prescription that the MSF doctors had provided for her, but he refused to look. He said to me, “Do you think we are sitting here with enough oxygen to support your daughter? I am giving her more medicines, she will be fine,” and asked us to leave the healthcare facility. Soon after I came back to my shelter, her situation deteriorated. After two hours my daughter died.
Amdad said that after his daughter died the authorities came to his shelter and took away all documentation of her medical history including documentation from MSF, and they refused to issue a death certificate.
The husband of Bibi, 58, died from complications after being denied respiratory support and asthma medication:
I took my husband to the healthcare facility here three to four times. They could not give proper treatment or medication. The last time I took him to the healthcare facility when his situation deteriorated again, I requested the medical staff to take us outside the island or take us back to Cox’s Bazar to go to the MSF hospital or Turkish hospital, but they did not allow it. Instead, they discharged my husband from the healthcare facility and said he would recover at home. He died the next morning.
Zubair, 62, who arrived on Bhasan Char in February, suffered from a stomach ulcer, digestive difficulties, and severe abdominal bloating. “While I was in the camp [in Cox’s Bazar], aid workers would come to my shelter to give health care because I am an older person and I cannot go to the healthcare facility on my own. Sometimes those volunteers helped take me to the MSF hospital or IOM hospital where I could get medicine or treatment, which would help most of the time.” But when Zubair went to the healthcare facility on Bhasan Char, the medicine they offered did not help. The health workers recommended that he be transferred to a hospital on the mainland, but that he would have to pay. He said:
I went to the healthcare facility here after 10 to 15 days of arrival with severe pain in the abdomen. The doctors here prescribed some medicines. When there was no progress and I was unable to move any more, family members and neighbors helped me to get to the healthcare facility twice. But the doctors gave me the same medicines. The last time I went to the healthcare facility, they told me to come up with the money to go to the hospital in Noakhali [on the mainland] as my situation had deteriorated very badly. I do not have my own money and I feel shy to ask for help from the neighbors. It’s better now I die here with my family..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"London, UK - Rohingya refugees will face increased food insecurity as the World Food Program (WFP) issued further cuts to food rations for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, said Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN). Refugees' food stipends were reduced significantly in March 2023, and further cuts were made starting 1 June. The cuts will reduce the value of rations provided to Rohingya refugees to US$8 per month, or 27 cents per day. An earlier reduction was implemented in March 2023 from US$12 per month to US$10 per month.
The food aid cuts are severely impacting refugees, many of whom are survivors of genocide in Burma and face hardships in Bangladesh,”said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win. “Restrictions on refugees in Bangladesh and aid cuts may push Rohingya back to Burma. Repatriation at this time is dangerous, and there is still an ongoing genocide in Burma against the Rohingya. Donor governments must provide funding to meet the shortfalls in the humanitarian response in Bangladesh.
The Rohingya Humanitarian Joint Response Plan budget of US$876 million remains underfunded. BHRN calls on donor governments to fund and develop a plan to reinstate full rations for refugees.
While funding shortages impact refugees worldwide, more must be done to counteract and prepare for them. The international community must develop a plan for the Rohingya that will ensure humanitarian assistance is not cut, including food aid.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2023-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to food: standards, mechanisms and resources, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
193.92 KB
more
Description:
"Bangladesh and Myanmar are planning a pilot project to repatriate more than 1,000 Rohingya refugees. In May, Bangladesh camp officials led a group of 20 Rohingya refugees on a visit to Rakhine State in Myanmar. Refugees International Director for Africa, Asia, and the Middle East Daniel P. Sullivan released the following statement:
“Refugees International is extremely concerned about plans to repatriate Rohingya refugees to Myanmar. The returns would come at a time when the Rohingya homeland is ruled by a military junta that continues to commit atrocities across the country and that is made up of the same people that led the genocide against the Rohingya in 2017.
More than 130,000 Rohingya in Myanmar remain confined to internal displacement camps, while others face serious constraints on their freedom of movement. The junta’s response to the recent cyclone that killed hundreds of Rohingya, including denial of much needed aid, only further highlights the vulnerability of Rohingya in the country. Two previous repatriation exercises resulted in no volunteers coming forward, but—as Refugees International has documented—did spread fear widely among the Rohingya refugees. That fear is being echoed in the latest talks of repatriation. While most Rohingya with whom Refugees International has spoken want to return home, they simply do not feel that the conditions are currently safe.
Not only is the safety of any returnees in serious question, but Rohingya are already reporting deception and coercion in the process. This includes camp officials allegedly veering from official public policy by promising payments for those who volunteer to repatriate while at the same time threatening to confiscate ration cards of those who do not. The reduction of aid, specifically cuts in daily rations by the World Food Program, from $12 a day a couple of months ago to just $8 a day as of June 1, is also worrisome as it may indirectly further incentivize Rohingya to make dangerous and uninformed decisions to return. Any return of Rohingya refugees must be safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable, in line with international standards.
UN leadership and donor countries must make clear that conducive conditions for legitimate returns do not currently exist and demand that Bangladesh and Myanmar refrain from further endangering this community of genocide survivors.”
Refugees International has been covering the conditions facing Rohingya for several years, including a report in December 2022, Hope Amid Despair: Finding Solutions for Rohingya in Bangladesh, highlighting the deteriorating conditions in the refugee camps, recommending solutions, and calling for Bangladesh to refrain from repatriation.
To schedule an interview, please contact Refugees International’s Vice President for Strategic Outreach Sarah Sheffer at [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Refugees International
Date of publication:
2023-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Harsh Conditions Could Force Refugees Back to Danger in Myanmar
Description:
"On Thursday, the United Nations World Food Programme dealt Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh a new round of deep cuts in food rations, from US$12 per month several months ago to just $8 a month, building pressure to return to dangerous conditions in Myanmar.
UN special rapporteurs warned that the cuts will have the “devastatingly predictable” consequence of “spiking rates of acute malnutrition, infant mortality, violence, and even death.” Some refugees, they said, might be compelled to “risk their lives at sea, [rather] than to face hunger and even death in the camps.”
These food ration cuts, along with escalating restrictive measures imposed by Bangladesh authorities and violence in the squalid, overcrowded refugee camps, are increasing pressure on the refugees to repatriate.
This is not the first time slashes in food rations have accompanied other pressures on Rohingya refugees to leave.
In 1978, the Bangladesh government weaponized food to force starving Rohingya refugees back to Myanmar, which remained intent on persecuting them. Then, as now, the Rohingya refugees were confined to camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar area and were not allowed to work, so they depended on food rations to survive.
A 1979 report by Alan C. Lindquist, then-head of the UN Refugee Agency’s Sub-office in Cox’s Bazar quoted Bangladesh’s then-secretary of the Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation, Syed All Khasru, as saying, “It is all very well to have fat, well-fed refugees. But …we are not going to make the refugees so comfortable that they won’t go back to Burma [Myanmar].”
The Lindquist report said that by December 1978 between 80 and 85 people were dying daily in Bangladesh’s camps. “More and more showed themselves ready to go back to escape the terrible conditions in the Bangladesh camps,” Lindquist wrote. “From November 15th onwards, at least 2,000 were returning every three days, the maximum rate specified in the July [1978] agreement between the two countries.”
By the end of March 1979, more than 107,000 Rohingya had returned to Myanmar – and more than 11,900 had died.
This time around, the World Food Programme, facing donor shortfalls, is making the cuts. International donors, no less than Bangladesh, have a responsibility not to repeat history. Myanmar is far from safe for Rohingya.
But Bangladesh should also ease restrictions and allow refugees to earn money to buy food and help prevent another horrible death toll..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Special rapporteur Olivier De Shutter calls for action on neglected crisis after finding ‘absolutely terrible’ conditions on visit to Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh
Description:
"Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are at risk of becoming “the new Palestinians”, according to a UN head, who said they are trapped in a protracted and increasingly neglected crisis.
Olivier De Schutter, UN special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, said the almost 1 million people living in overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar should be given the right to work in their host country of Bangladesh, and that forcing them to rely on dwindling international support was not sustainable.
De Schutter, who spoke to the Guardian after a recent visit to Cox’s Bazar, said conditions were “absolutely terrible”, and that he had rarely spoken to people in “such a state of desperation”.
The refugees – most of whom fled brutal crackdowns by the Myanmar military in 2017 – are fenced off from the local community and live in squalid and cramped shelters. The violence against Rohingya provoked international outrage more than five years ago and led to a genocide case at the UN’s top court, but international donors are now increasingly distracted by crises elsewhere, said De Shutter.
The World Food Programme recently announced it was forced to cut Rohingya refugees’ food allowance to just $8 (£6.50) a month per person, due to a lack of funding.
“If you combine this with the high food-price inflation in recent months, it means that in comparison to the start of the year, the calorie intake and the quality of nutrition for the refugees will degrade significantly. The rate of under-nutrition and malnutrition for children will grow significantly and stunting will continue,” De Schutter said.
“But worst of all is the fact that these people depend entirely on humanitarian support.… They are prohibited from working. They are completely stuck,” he said.
“People spend their days in complete idleness. As a result, gender-based violence is mounting. Security in the camps is very problematic, with armed gangs controlling drug trafficking across the border of Myanmar, leading to exchange of fire of gangs in the evening,” he said.
“It’s extremely worrying, and the state of desperation of the families should not be underestimated.”
People also face the continual threat of extreme weather events – a danger made worse by rules that ban them from building concrete structures, leaving them in bamboo and tarpaulin shelters. “These camps are in a very vulnerable situation,” said De Schutter.
De Schutter said the Bangladesh government’s fear that allowing people to work will encourage Rohingya to stay longer in the country, burdening public services and reducing job opportunities for others, was misplaced. “If they can work, they can pay taxes, they can start small businesses that can create employment opportunities for others,” he said, adding that people had a right to livelihoods.
The Bangladesh government has criticised the international community for failing to press the Myanmar junta to let Rohingya return safely to their homeland, and has pointed to the lack of international funding to support refugees it has hosted.
Earlier this month, a Rohingya delegation visited Myanmar as part of long-stalled efforts to repatriate people. Hopes of returning have dwindled even further after the Myanmar military coup in 2021.
“Myanmar should be held accountable for creating the conditions that will allow safe repatriation under the right conditions. For the moment, no one believes that these conditions are met,” said De Schutter.
The crisis had fallen below the radar, he said, adding that greater international attention was needed. “Otherwise, these people, in 10 years’ time, they will be the new Palestinians.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2023-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese and other stateless people in Burma, Bangladesh and India, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Ahead of Meta’s Annual Shareholder Meeting on Wednesday (31 May 2023), Pat de Brún, Head of Big Tech Accountability and Deputy Director of Amnesty Tech, said:
“It is way beyond time that Meta fulfilled its responsibilities and provided an effective remedy to the Rohingya people of Myanmar. It is reprehensible that Meta still refuses to repair the harms it contributed to despite the overwhelming evidence that the company played a key role in 2017’s ethnic cleansing.
“The Rohingya people were killed, tortured, raped, and displaced in their thousands as part of the Myanmar security forces’ campaign of ethnic cleansing. In the months and years leading up to the atrocities, Facebook’s algorithms were intensifying a storm of hatred against the Rohingya, which contributed to mass offline violence.
“Today, the vast majority of Rohingya survivors remain stranded in squalid refugee camps and internment camps under conditions of severe deprivation.
Pat de Brún, Amnesty Tech
“Today, the vast majority of Rohingya survivors remain stranded in squalid refugee camps and internment camps under conditions of severe deprivation. Meanwhile, Meta continues to reap enormous profits from the same toxic business model that contributed to so much destruction for the Rohingya.
“Meta shareholders should utilise this shareholder meeting to demand that Meta’s leadership fulfils its responsibility under international human rights standards to provide reparations to the Rohingya.
“Meta shareholders should also insist that the company overhauls its overall approach to human rights, lest the company yet again be implicated in the recurrence of violence and atrocities elsewhere. As a first step, it should undertake a comprehensive review of human rights due diligence, including by mainstreaming human rights considerations throughout all its platforms’ operations, especially in relation to the development and deployment of its algorithmic systems.
“It is shameful that Meta’s board has recommended that shareholders reject proposals to improve human rights oversight and transparency in the company. We are calling on Meta shareholders to defy these recommendations and do their part to ensure the protection of individuals and communities across the world who remain at risk from Meta’s reckless business practices.”
Amnesty International is handing in a petition demanding Meta pays the Rohingya community reparations. The petition has been signed by thousands of Amnesty International members and supporters.
Background
Meta’s annual shareholder meeting will take place on 31 May 2023. A number of shareholder resolutions have been filed, which challenge Meta’s business practices, including several seeking to enhance the company’s human rights oversight practices. One resolution calls for an independent human rights impact assessment on Meta’s use of targeted advertising and another resolution cites Meta’s failure to publish its human rights impact assessment on India.
In September 2022, Amnesty International found that Meta’s dangerous algorithms and reckless pursuit of profit substantially contributed to the atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya people in 2017.
In November 2019, Amnesty International released a report outlining how the surveillance-based business model of Big Tech companies such as Meta is inherently incompatible with the right to privacy and poses a systemic threat to a range of rights including freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of thought, and the right to equality and non-discrimination..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2023-05-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"DHAKA – Just weeks after thousands of Rohingya refugees lost their homes to Cyclone Mocha, they face another blow as funding shortages force the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) to cut food vouchers in Cox’s Bazar to just US$ 8, or less than 9 cents per meal.
Funding shortfalls already forced WFP to cut its food vouchers from US$ 12 to US$ 10 per person per month, in March this year.
“We are appealing for urgent support so that we can restore rations to the full amount as soon as possible. Anything less than US$ 12 has dire consequences not only on nutrition for women and children, but also protection, safety and security for everyone in the camps,” said Dom Scalpelli, WFP Resident Representative and Country Director in Bangladesh.
Six years into the refugee crisis, nearly one million Rohingya remain stranded in the camps in Bangladesh without livelihood opportunities and relying entirely on humanitarian assistance to survive. Even with WFP’s food assistance, four in 10 families were not consuming enough food and 12 percent of children were acutely malnourished. This was before the ration cut.
With less food to get by, refugees have little choice but to resort to negative coping mechanisms. Children may be withdrawn from school or girls offered in child marriage. If refugees seek illegal employment, they face heightened risks of exploitation and abuse, and may fuel tensions between the refugees and the host community. Those desperate enough to take to the high seas face dangerous journeys and uncertain fates.
The Rohingya continue to live under the constant threat of extreme climate. While Cox’s Bazar was spared a direct hit when Cyclone Mocha made landfall on 14 May, considerable destruction to shelters and infrastructure occurred in the camps.
“WFP food assistance is the only reliable source of food for the Rohingya. We are extremely grateful for all contributions received so far, but we still need US$ 56 million to restore the full ration and keep this lifeline intact until the end of the year,” said Scalpelli.
# # #
The United Nations World Food Programme is the world’s largest humanitarian organization, saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change..."
Source/publisher:
World Food Programme (Rome)
Date of publication:
2023-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
WFP (World Food Programme), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Description:
"Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) today published its latest report ‘Preventable deaths in Cyclone Mocha and the Rohingya genocide’, on the Burmese junta’s continued defiance of the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Gambia’s genocide case against Myanmar. The order is aimed at protecting the Rohingya, who the ICJ described as ‘extremely vulnerable’. Until the case concludes, Myanmar is obliged to report on its compliance with the ICJ’s order every six months, with its latest report due on 23 May 2023.
On 14 May, Cyclone Mocha struck Myanmar’s Rakhine State, leaving a trail of destruction. BROUK’s new report examines the circumstances which led to the preventable deaths of hundreds of Rohingya in Cyclone Mocha, in the context of the ongoing Rohingya genocide. Hundreds of Rohingya have been killed and injured after Rohingya were left behind in internment camps in Rakhine State. To date, the junta continues to block vital humanitarian aid from reaching impacted Rohingya communities.
“In the context of the regime’s policies of persecution towards the Rohingya, what the United Nations describes as ‘waiting for access’ is genocide right in front of our eyes,” said Tun Khin, President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK.
The report focuses on the regime’s ongoing commission of the genocidal act of ‘deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of a group in whole or in part’, in this case the Rohingya. The authorities instigated and participated in the 2012 violence which forcibly displaced more than 140,000 Rohingya, then detained them in overcrowded, flood-prone internment camps surrounded by barbed wire where they have remained for over a decade. The junta’s response to Cyclone Mocha was willfully negligent. The regime failed to evacuate all the Rohingya who were in danger from the cyclone and has blocked humanitarian aid.
BROUK points out that the regime’s obstruction of humanitarian aid may cause additional preventable deaths among extremely vulnerable Rohingya survivors. The Rohingya community in Thet Kay Pyin camp in Sittwe are already reporting an outbreak of diarrhoea among children in the camp due to unclean water sources, which can quickly spread and prove fatal if left untreated.
BROUK’s report finds that the Burmese military are continuing to violate the provisional measures ordered by the ICJ amid an ongoing genocide. The British government, penholder on Myanmar at the United Nations Security Council, has not yet convened a meeting of the UN Security Council to discuss the violation of the provisional measures.
“The International Court of Justice and the UN Security Council are fully aware that the Burmese military are violating the provisional measures but are not even talking about it, let alone taking action,” said Tun Khin. “What was the point of imposing provisional measures to prevent genocide if there are no consequences if they are ignored? This sets a dangerous precedent that will be watched by authoritarian regimes worldwide. We don’t just have ongoing genocide of the Rohingya, we also have ongoing failure of the United Nations Security Council and the rest of the international community to do anything about it.”
BROUK urged the British government and the wider international community to secure public hearings at the UN Security Council on the junta’s breaches of the ICJ’s order and to coordinate concrete follow-up actions. BROUK also renewed its calls to the ICJ to amend or issue further provisional measures to order Myanmar to allow all humanitarian actors immediate, unrestricted, and sustained access to Rakhine State and the rest of the country. This would benefit not only Rohingya survivors of Cyclone Mocha, but all the people of Myanmar who are suffering due to the regime’s obstruction of humanitarian aid.
The Burmese military are violating the provisional measures in many other ways, including through denial of the Rohingya identity and citizenship, restrictions on travel and access to essential services, and deliberate blocking of humanitarian assistance, leading to mental and bodily harm and preventable deaths. The junta criminalises and imprisons Rohingya who attempt to flee these appalling conditions of life, including children. The report concludes that the proactive attempts by the junta to prevent the Rohingya from escaping the conditions of life inflicted on them demonstrate its ongoing genocidal intent..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2023-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Genocide, Crimes Against Humanity, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.27 MB (30 pages) - Original version
more
Sub-title:
On January 18, prominent advocate Dil Mohammed was abducted from a Rohingya camp in No Man’s Land. He has not been heard from since.
Description:
"A steadfast Rohingya advocate emerged amid the chaos in the volatile borderlands between Myanmar and Bangladesh. Dil Mohammed, a Rohingya refugee who became the de facto spokesperson for the No Man’s Land Rohingya encampment, navigated a complex web of political and military forces to champion the cause of his people. But on January 18, as the encampment burned to the ground in a harrowing attack, Dil Mohammed was apprehended by the long-dormant Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), which had recently re-emerged. No news of his fate has emerged since.
Dil Mohammed’s life was not always marked by strife. Born on January 2, 1966, in Mae Dee Village, Qunthi Bin Village Track, Maungdaw Township, Arakan State, Myanmar, to parents Nazumiya and Hazara Khatun, his early years were filled with education and – despite the difficult context for Rohingya in Myanmar – opportunity. Dil Mohammed matriculated at the University of Yangon in 1987 and graduated with a degree in psychology. He then worked as an interpreter and field manager for the World Food Program for five years, later starting his own shrimp and agricultural businesses.
His linguistic skills caught the attention of officials, and he began working as an interpreter at “flag meetings” between the Myanmar and Bangladesh border guards. In 2014, he played a pivotal role in the high-profile retrieval of a Bangladeshi border guard’s body.
However, his life took a drastic turn in 2017 when he became a refugee for the second time amid a harrowing military crackdown on the Rohingya population. Instead of entering Bangladesh, Dil Mohammed chose to stay in the No Man’s Land (NML) between the two countries.
The NML was a precarious place, where Rohingya refugees like Dil Mohammed found themselves caught between the forces of Myanmar and Bangladesh, facing harassment, flooding, ration reductions, and the infiltration of armed groups. Despite the dangers, Dil Mohammed emerged as a prominent spokesperson for the NML residents, frequently speaking to the press and meeting with international delegations, including U.N. Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee and Nobel peace laureates Tawakkol Karman and Mairead Maguire.
Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
Dil Mohammed’s second son, Shuiab, described his father as “a kind and easygoing man, both as a parent and as a community leader.” He emphasized that Dil Mohammed was “always approachable and understanding,” but when confronting Myanmar authorities like the Border Guard Police (BGP), Tatmadaw, and NASAKA (Myanmar’s much-maligned former border security force), he was “firm and resolute.” Shuiab added that many Rohingya knew his father never hesitated to stand up to these forces for the rights and dignity of their people.
And there was much to threaten the Rohingya. Dil Mohammed and the NML population found themselves caught in the midst of intense fighting between the Arakan Army (AA), the Myanmar military, and the presence of armed organizations like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in the borderlands, especially in 2022.
The AA’s ambition to establish autonomy has driven their strategy to seize control of Myanmar’s borders with Bangladesh and India. Dominating these border areas would enable the AA to play a crucial role in trade with the neighboring countries and potentially open a new overland arms supply route from areas in Bangladesh where insurgent groups, including ARSA, have long operated.
As a result of these strategic objectives, the borderlands became a battleground, with the AA and the Myanmar military as the dominant forces, while ARSA strived to retain its foothold. According to Myanmar government documents, ARSA engaged in skirmishes with the Myanmar military in 2022 and became a target for both Bangladesh’s and Myanmar’s border forces. This intense fighting led to casualties, injuries, and unexploded ordnance that threatened the safety and stability of the NML population.
Despite being overstretched by conflicts in other regions, the Myanmar military showed no signs of conceding the lost border territories to the AA. Troop movements in the area indicated that the military had not abandoned its efforts to regain control of the border areas. Consequently, the specter of renewed fighting in the region continued to loom over the NML population, forcing them to navigate a dangerous and uncertain existence. This context made Dil Mohammed’s advocacy efforts even more crucial for his community.
But the very same prominence that made Dil Mohammed a lifeline for his community also put him in the crosshairs of powerful factions. Rumors circulated that he was a member of ARSA, casting a shadow over his reputation. Dil Mohammed’s family and close associates vehemently denied these claims, arguing that while he had to engage with ARSA, he was never a supporter. They also pointed out that if his interactions with ARSA were enough to consider him a member, then he could be seen as working for Bangladesh as well, given his equal contact with their authorities.
In January 2023, the Rohingya Solidarity Organization targeted the NML encampment. The attack left the settlement in ashes, and Dil Mohammed was taken into custody. Since then, his whereabouts and fate have remained a mystery. For more than three months, his family and former residents of No Man’s Land have waited in mournful anticipation for news of the man who once bravely championed the cause of his people.
In an ironic twist, Dil Mohammed’s friendship with Ko Ko Linn, the leader of RSO, put him at risk. The two men had been classmates and maintained a close relationship. Ko Ko Linn had urged Dil Mohammed to leave NML and join him in Bangladesh as recently as 2022, warning him of the dangers in the border zone. However, unbeknownst to Dil Mohammed, it would be Ko Ko Linn’s own forces that would ultimately pose the greatest threat to his safety.
Strangely, diaspora Rohingya organizations have remained reticent about his capture and the devastating attack on the NML camp. Their silence has been particularly conspicuous given the deaths of a Rohingya woman and a Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) officer during the November 14, 2022, attack on the NML and the deaths of several Rohingya in the attack of January 18.
Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
The Arakan Rohingya National Alliance, a recently established Rohingya organization seeking to become the sole representative of the Rohingya people, expressed condolences for the Bangladeshi DGFI officer but remained silent about the Rohingya woman, the destruction of the camp that displaced 4,500 people, and the multiple fatalities that occurred during the January attack. This reticence has been taken by NML residents as evidence of the organization’s lack of validity in the lives of the Rohingya. This silence can also be seen in the context of a shifting political landscape in the region.
In recent years, significant changes have occurred in the political climate and power dynamics involving the RSO, ARSA, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. Two key moments that triggered these changes were the coup in Myanmar on February 1, 2021, and the murder of Mohibullah, a prominent Rohingya leader, in September of that same year. Consequently, ARSA fell out of favor, prompting Bangladesh to search for a cohesive strategy to cultivate a Rohingya force capable of advancing its interests in both the refugee camps and Myanmar. It is within this shifting landscape that the RSO resurfaced to prominence after a period of dormancy.
Meanwhile, despite the Bangladeshi authorities frequently dismissing the existence of ARSA within Bangladesh, the organization progressively found itself implicated in various criminal activities, as indicated by police charge sheets. These charges ranged across a wide spectrum of crimes, ultimately leading to the erosion of ARSA’s influence and standing in the region.
Today, Dil Mohammed’s tireless advocacy for his people is remembered by his former NML community members, now dispersed in the camps inside Bangladesh. They lament the tragic silencing of a champion for the Rohingya. As they search for answers, they are left with several questions.
First, is Dil Mohammed in the custody of the RSO or Bangladeshi authorities? Leaked documents suggest that Bangladesh undertook a joint operation with Myanmar’s military to raid the NML back in November 2022. Eyewitness accounts of the raid on January 18, when Dil Mohammed was abducted, suggest that the RSO forces had powerful backing, as the duration and intensity of the attack surpassed anything seen before.
Second, why has Dil Mohammed been held for four months with no communication with his family? They are uncertain about his well-being and whether he is even alive.
One possible reason for his continued detention could be his prior key role in the borderlands of the Maungdaw region of Myanmar, both before and after 2017, which may have made him privy to sensitive information. Dil Mohammed’s unique position in the borderlands might make him a liability for some factions, who fear the consequences of his release. Meanwhile, his former community members are left to grapple with the silence of the very organizations meant to support them..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2023-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Returnees to Myanmar Would Face Junta’s Crimes of Apartheid, Persecution
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Bangladesh and Myanmar are organizing returns of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar’s Rakhine State without consulting the community or addressing the grave risks to their lives and liberty, Human Rights Watch said today.
On May 5, 2023, Bangladesh officials, in coordination with Myanmar junta authorities, took 20 Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State to visit resettlement camps as part of renewed efforts to repatriate about 1,100 Rohingya in a pilot project. Donor governments and United Nations experts should call for a halt to any Rohingya repatriation until conditions are in place for safe and sustainable returns.
“Bangladesh authorities shouldn’t forget the reasons why Rohingya became refugees in the first place, and recognize that none of those factors have changed,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Bangladesh is frustrated with its burden as host, but sending refugees back to the control of a ruthless Myanmar junta will just be setting the stage for the next devastating exodus.”
About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, confined to squalid camps and villages that leave them exceptionally vulnerable to extreme weather events such as Cyclone Mocha, compounded by the junta’s severe restrictions on humanitarian aid.
Human Rights Watch spoke with five Rohingya refugees who were part of the go-and-see visit. They said that the detention-like conditions and lack of full citizenship rights were not conducive to a safe return. “We aren’t at all satisfied seeing the Rakhine situation,” a Rohingya refugee said. “It’s another trap by Myanmar to take us back and then continue the abuses like they have been doing to us for decades.”
Rohingya refugees have consistently said they want to go home, but only when their security, access to land and livelihoods, freedom of movement, and citizenship rights can be ensured.
The Rohingya delegation visited the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp and Kyein Chaung resettlement camp in Rakhine State’s Maungdaw township. The camps were built by Myanmar authorities on Rohingya land that Myanmar security forces burned and bulldozed in 2017 and 2018. The transit camp is surrounded by barbed-wire perimeter fencing and security outposts, similar to the confinement in the Rohingya detention camps in Sittwe and other townships in central Rakhine State.
“I could see my village,” a Rohingya refugee said of the visit. “The Hla Poe Kaung transit camp land used to be my home. My house was destroyed, my school is now a health center. Three whole Rohingya villages used to be where the transit camp is now. Myanmar authorities are trying to confine us in camps like in Sittwe.”
Myanmar authorities have held about 140,000 Rohingya arbitrarily and indefinitely in camps for more than 10 years. Recent measures to ostensibly close the camps appear designed to make the Rohingya’s segregation and confinement permanent. The camps, which have been in constant disrepair due to Myanmar authorities’ restrictions, were severely damaged by Cyclone Mocha on May 14.
“We asked the Myanmar authorities why our villages were turned into displacement camps,” one Rohingya refugee said. “They said they didn’t have any other options. They didn’t answer our questions about whether we would ever be given back our land. If these camps are temporary, then why haven’t the Rohingya living in the central Rakhine camps been able to return to their original villages?”
Conditions in Rakhine State have not been conducive to voluntary, safe, or dignified returns of Rohingya refugees since 2017, when more than 730,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. The prospect of safe returns has decreased since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, carried out by the same generals who orchestrated the 2017 mass atrocities.
Myanmar junta officials provided the visiting Rohingya with booklets titled, “Facts on the Arrangement of the Myanmar Government for Reception and Resettlement of Displaced Persons on their Return under the Pilot Project,” dated April 2023. The booklet, written in Burmese, English, and Bangla, states that returnees will be housed at the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp for up to two months, then relocated to one of two resettlement camps with prefabricated houses or a land plot in one of 15 “designated villages,” where they can build a home through a cash-for-work program.
The booklet states that security personnel will be deployed “to ensure the rule of law and security in the areas where the returnees reside or pass through.” Myanmar authorities have long invoked “security concerns” as the rationale for violating the rights of Rohingya to travel outside of their camps and villages in Rakhine State.
The junta claims in the booklet that the UN Development Programme, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will be involved in the pilot project. The UNHCR said in a recent statement that “visits are an important part of voluntary refugee returns, providing a chance for people to observe conditions in their home country first-hand ahead of return and contributing to the making of an informed decision on return.” However, the agency reported in March that it is not involved in the pilot repatriation discussions and that “conditions in Myanmar’s Rakhine State are currently not conducive to the sustainable return of Rohingya refugees.”
The junta’s systematic abuses against the Rohingya amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. Since the 2021 coup, security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya men, women, and children for “unauthorized travel.” The junta has imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages on Rohingya camps and villages, increasing water scarcity and food shortages.
A major concern among Rohingya on the trip was the booklet’s reference to National Verification Cards (NVCs), documentation that does not grant Myanmar citizenship. Rohingya have widely rejected the NVC process, seeing it as marking them as foreigners in their own country. NVC-holders have not been granted meaningful freedom of movement, while threats and coercion to force Rohingya to accept the card have been hallmarks of the process.
“Why do we have to apply for NVCs when we’re born there and have proof of being from Myanmar,” a Rohingya refugee on the visit said. “Rohingya who have NVCs are still not granted freedoms like the other ethnicities. They are linking every right like freedom of movement, access to livelihoods, education, health care, with accepting the NVC. But that would make us aliens in our own land. They should grant us full citizenship and accept us as Rohingya.”
Rohingya are effectively denied citizenship under Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law, leaving them stateless.
In March, a delegation of Myanmar junta officials visited the Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh, which house about one million Rohingya refugees, to interview Rohingya for “verification” for the “pilot repatriation” process. Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that they were deceived or coerced by Bangladesh administrators into meeting with the delegation. Another visit by junta officials reportedly scheduled for mid-May was postponed due to Cyclone Mocha.
In April, China held tripartite talks in Kunming with Bangladesh government and Myanmar junta officials on restarting repatriation ahead of the monsoon season.
Some refugees said Bangladesh authorities coerced them to join the go-and-see visit and told them to speak positively to the media about the conditions in Rakhine State. Bangladesh intelligence officers have harassed at least two refugees who publicly criticized the Maungdaw camps. Security forces have increased surveillance of Rohingya on the pilot repatriation list, with officers informing them to prepare for returns.
Mohammed Mizanur Rahman, Bangladesh’s refugee relief and repatriation commissioner in Cox’s Bazar, told BenarNews that they plan to start repatriations in May, but will not force any refugees to return.
Junta officials have also been visiting Rakhine State in preparation for their submission to the International Court of Justice in the Genocide Convention case brought by Gambia, initially due April 24. In March, the junta requested a 10-month extension, claiming, among other reasons, that it “needed more time in order to take statements from witnesses who were presently living in camps in Bangladesh or would soon be repatriated to Myanmar.” The court extended the deadline only one month, to May 24. The timing of the pilot repatriation project appears to be part of the junta’s broader efforts to feign progress in its treatment of the Rohingya to the court, Human Rights Watch said.
Since 2017, the Bangladesh government has respected the international principle of nonrefoulement, the right of refugees not to be returned to a country where their lives or freedom would be threatened. But Bangladesh authorities have also been intensifying restrictions on livelihoods, movement, and education, creating a coercive environment designed to force people to consider premature returns.
“Bangladesh should continue to uphold its policy of not forcing Rohingya refugees to return to Myanmar under current conditions,” Bauchner said. “Donor governments should help ease this difficult situation by supporting Bangladesh to create opportunities for Rohingya to learn and work so that they’re better prepared to go home when that day comes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations, Crimes Against Humanity
Language:
more
Description:
"There are grave concerns about the condition of around one million people living in Myanmar’s Rakhine state where the powerful cyclone Mocha made landfall today, Islamic Relief’s head of programmes for Myanmar and Bangladesh has said.
This includes around 150,000 Rohingya refugees living in camps in the Sittwe and Pauktaw townships of Myanmar, and over 600,000 Rohingya, alongside Rakhine people living in the countryside of Rakhine state.
The centre of the cyclone made landfall on coast of Myanmar’s Rakhine state near Sittwe township with wind speeds up to 209 kilometres per hour. The full extent of the damage in the country is still unclear but there are concerns the destruction in the nearby camps and rural areas will be severe.
Heavy rain and strong winds have already brought localised flooding across Rakhine, with communities fleeing to higher ground to try and find safety. Houses have been impacted, trees have been felled, power lines have gone down and the main mobile tower in Sittwe collapsed.
Islamic Relief believes the damage in the countryside could be worse than in the towns because the people tend to be poorer and live in buildings which are more vulnerable.
The state of Rakhine where the cyclone hit most severely is a conflict zone and already has around 6 million people in need of humanitarian assistance living within its borders.
Sharif Ahmed, Islamic Relief head of programmes for Myanmar and Bangladesh, said, “The needs in Myanmar are huge. Rakhine was already a poverty hit state before the powerful cyclone Mocha hit. The impact of this cyclone will be very high in Myanmar’s Rakhine state because of the existing conflict and the extremely poor socio economic condition of the people in Rakhine state. Poverty is very high and is the primary reason this storm will have such a destructive impact on these people and their lives.”
Islamic Relief is preparing to respond through local partners in Myanmar with food supplies and temporary shelter for those who need help and is planning efforts to clear the damage in refugee camps near Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh.
The cyclone struck Bangladesh less severely than expected with the world’s largest refugee camp which is near Cox’s Bazar in the south east of the country not as badly hit as expected. But there’s still danger rains from the storm could destabilise the mud foundations of the buildings in those camps..."
Source/publisher:
Islamic Relief (Birmingham) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-05-14
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
Language:
more
Description:
"When Myanmar’s Rakhine, Bangladesh edging closer day by day, trying to resolve Rohingya crisis through a ‘Rohingya return pilot project’, there is an another news of hope for the people of Myanmar and Bangladesh specially Rohingyas. The Bangladesh Consulate in Sitwest, Rakhine, Myanmar organized an exchange and prayer meeting with senior Buddhist monks and Buddhist religious leaders of various pagodas on Thursday (May 4). At that time, the students of Sittwe University’s Rakhine and Muslim Students’ Union along with members of the consulate and their families were present at the event. Along with discussions on Buddhist theology and Buddha’s words, prayers were offered for the country’s people and communal harmony and peace in the region.
Mission chief Zakir Ahmed gave chivara to senior Buddhist monks. All present were entertained with lunch. According to the Bangladesh Consulate, the Bangladesh Consulate is in close contact with important religious leaders in order to maintain peace and communal harmony in Rakhine. In continuation of this, this discussion and prayer meeting was organized with very influential Buddhist monks and Buddhist religious leaders.
However, discriminatory policies of Myanmar’s government since the late 1970s have compelled hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya to flee their homes in the predominantly Buddhist country. Most have crossed by land into Bangladesh, while others have taken to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand.
Beginning in 2017, renewed violence, including reported rape, murder, and arson, triggered an exodus of Rohingya, as Myanmar’s security forces claimed they were carrying out a campaign to reinstate stability in the country’s western region. We saw the mass Rohingya exodus to Bangladesh from Myanmar’s Rakhine in 2017. The prolonged refugee crisis was started then. The reason for Rohingya’s exclusion is the so-called political Buddhism in Myanmar. Political Buddhism is when excluding Buddhism, the Burmese ethnicity and aggressive nationalism are used to exclude and persecute minority groups perceived as non-Burman. political Buddhism was an important element to Rohingya’s exclusion in Myanmar. But Rohingya’s persecution can somewhat be explained by the influence of political Buddhism, however that was not the complete story.
For many, popular images of Buddhism have often included those of monks in saffron-colored robes, meditating peacefully on windswept mountains, revering all forms of life while seeking higher states of enlightenment.
Often spurred on by Buddhist monks, local mobs and government forces have reportedly burned hundreds of Rohingya villages to the ground in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, slaughtering many of their Muslim inhabitants as hundreds of thousands have fled to neighboring Bangladesh.
Many of the country’s Buddhists are afraid their own faith is in jeopardy, viewing the Rohingya Muslims as a threat. The military, as well as many monks, have used this fear to stoke a “Buddhist nationalism” that combines religious and civic identities.
In the context of such clichés, it has been jarring, many say, to see very different images coming out of Myanmar. Many monks, barefoot and clothed in the traditional robes of Burmese Buddhist monasteries, have been at the forefront of the violent repression of the Rohingya Muslim minority, which the United Nations has characterized as ethnic cleansing.
However, it is a very good initiative taken by Bangladesh and Myanmar in a sense that it is a trust building measurements between Bangladesh and Myanmar utilizing public diplomacy. The religious element will be crucial in resolving the conflict in Myanmar. We don’t have to get into the political issues but focus on bringing back peace. The influential Buddhist community in Myanmar can take the initiative to settle political issues and restore democracy, solve Rohingya refugee crisis. They can help dispel hatred of Burmese people towards Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar through social media activities, religious ceremony, public ceremony etc. When the Rohingyas could enter Rakhine state under the recently taken Rohingya return pilot project, a glimpse of hope that the precarious situation for Rohingya could be resolved emerged. Obviously, a tremendous amount of work remains integrating Rohingya into the Burmese society. Clearly, the infected conflict between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar will not end if the divisive climate of political Buddhism persists. The Buddhist community must play role in this regard.
It is true that even Myanmar Junta has deep and stable respect for the Buddhist monks in Myanmar. Using this opportunity, Buddhist monks must play role in promoting communal peace in Myanmar for ensuring greater interreligious peace and harmony. Rakhine’s Buddhist society can play an effective role in this regard. The relations of Buddhists between Myanmar and Bangladesh are well established. Burmese Buddhist can do it very easily. Buddhism is more related to establishment of Peace and non-violence. Buddhists can play a significant role in this regard. They can exercise the path shown by the founder of Buddhism, Gautama Buddha. Buddhist will be recognized as the Avatar of human rights if the Buddhist community plays a role in solving the Rohingya crisis. It will ensure the regional, to some extent world, peace and communal harmony.
The jarring images coming out of Myanmar, too, seem ironic, since Buddhist monks have been one of the primary forces of democratic change. In 2007, many helped lead what is now known as the “Saffron Revolution,” a movement of mostly nonviolent protests against Myanmar’s long-standing military dictatorship.
Nearly a decade later, their efforts helped Aung San Suu Kyi, the dissident who spent years under house arrest and who won the Nobel Prize in 1991, to become the country’s first democratically-elected leader in 2016.
The Rohingya crisis is a complex issue involving a range of political, economic, and social factors. While Buddhism is the dominant religion in Myanmar, it is important to note that the Rohingya crisis is not a religious conflict, but rather a humanitarian crisis.
But it is true that Buddhists form a majority in Myanmar and that they are supposed to practice self-restraint against killing any lives if they truly follow the philosophy of Buddhism.
However, Buddhism can play a significant role in finding a solution to the crisis by promoting peace, compassion, and understanding. One of the core teachings of Buddhism is the concept of non-harm and compassion towards all sentient beings, including those who may be perceived as enemies or different.
Buddhist leaders and organizations can use their influence to promote dialogue and reconciliation between different communities, and to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya people. Buddhist teachings can also be used to promote mindfulness and awareness of the suffering of others, which can help to foster a more empathetic and compassionate response to the crisis.
In addition, Buddhist organizations can provide support to Rohingya refugees, including food, shelter, and healthcare. They can also work to promote education and economic opportunities for refugees and displaced persons, which can help to build resilience and self-sufficiency.
Overall, while Buddhism alone cannot solve the Rohingya crisis, it can play a positive role in promoting peace, compassion, and understanding, and in providing support and aid to those who have been affected by the crisis. If the Rohingyas is repatriated finally in Rakhine under the pilot project, the Buddhist monks must play their responsible due role..."
Source/publisher:
"Eurasia Review"
Date of publication:
2023-05-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"On 5 May, 20 Rohingya refugees, accompanied by Bangladesh officials, travelled from camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, to Maungdaw township in Myanmar, to view facilities built by Myanmar authorities and assess preparations ahead of a pilot repatriation reportedly planned for later this month.
After the visit, Bangladesh officials shared overall positive impressions, while refugees expressed unwillingness to return to camp-like conditions in Myanmar and reiterated their demand to be granted citizenship rights ahead of any return. Myanmar continues to deny the Rohingya people citizenship, rendering them stateless and curtailing access to basic rights such as freedom of movement and education.
Almost 1 million Rohingya refugees live in camps in Cox’s Bazar, the majority of whom fled Rakhine State following a brutal campaign by Myanmar’s security forces in 2017..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of publication:
2023-05-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Executive Summary:
Since the 1 February 2021 coup, Rohingya communities in Rakhine State have endured tightening movement restrictions, a lack of job opportunities, rising living costs, and even greater precariousness in terms of their legal status. The nearly 1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have not fared much better, facing such a sharp deterioration in conditions that some told this analytical unit they suspect authorities to be deliberately destroying any prospect for a dignified life in order to force Rohingya to leave Bangladesh by whatever means possible. Rohingya people in both countries — especially youth — resort to high risk, illegal travel to third countries like Malaysia, where they reportedly believe that increased access to education and opportunities will result in a more secure and fulfilling future. Respondents in Bangladesh and northern Rakhine State still report significant numbers of individuals in their communities undertaking dangerous journeys abroad; however, it is difficult to verify whether the number of Rohingya doing so has increased, because exhaustive data on successful arrivals at intended destinations is not available.
While large-scale Rohingya movement away from Myanmar and Bangladesh and on to Malaysia and elsewhere has been ongoing for at least the last 10 years, several significant shifts have taken place recently. Checkpoints have proliferated across Myanmar as the State Administration Council (SAC) struggles to secure control over the country, increasing the risk that Rohingya people will be caught if they violate movement restrictions by travelling beyond their state or township boundaries. Indeed, there are regularly 20–30 arrests per week.[1] Despite this, crackdowns on maritime trafficking and disastrous, high-profile pushback incidents involving boats carrying desperate Rohingya people[2] have led overland routes to become more prevalent relative to the sea routes favoured in the past. Those facilitating these journeys are reported to include, at a minimum, members of the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military–affiliated Border Guard Police (BGP). Women and girls are the most likely members of the Rohingya community to undertake the journey abroad by any route, and they are also at the highest risk of experiencing a range of abuses en route and upon arrival, including rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Moreover, research by this analytical unit has found that, due to their dire circumstances in Bangladesh and Myanmar, many — if not most — Rohingya people likely lack the agency, options, and information to make a fully volitional, informed choice with respect to high-risk migration to Malaysia or beyond. With conditions likely to deteriorate further in the near term across Rohingya communities in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, the pressure and push factors that render Rohingya individuals prime targets for exploitative migration schemes will only continue to intensify over time. Acutely vulnerable on both sides of the border, Rohingya people will be at critical risk of further victimisation by transnational criminal networks for the foreseeable future.
Upon examination of the facts and circumstances pertaining to Rohingya movement as conveyed to this analytical unit in over 160 interviews in 2022, it appears that the experience of many — perhaps most — Rohingya individuals seeking to reach Malaysia and other countries fits one basic fact pattern. First, these individuals are coerced or otherwise deceived into making the journey; second, they are clandestinely harboured and transported along perilous routes over a period of several months; third, they are subjected to exploitation upon arrival to their destination, in line with the apparent intentions of those facilitating their movement.[3] These steps appear to fulfil each of the three elements of the crime of trafficking in persons as defined and proscribed under international law.[4] In instances where various actors facilitate Rohingya persons’ unlawful crossing of one or more international borders simply in exchange for financial or material benefit — in other words, where movement is facilitated for purposes other than exploitation — the fact pattern would fulfil the criteria of migrant smuggling, rather than trafficking.[5]
In prosecuting any crime that is defined, in part, by a specific intent on the part of the perpetrator, that intent element is often the most difficult to establish. Trafficking is no different; as regards ongoing Rohingya movement, establishing the intent of the actors facilitating that movement — in order to determine whether it is facilitated for the purpose of exploitation — is a challenge.[6] A definitive account of the facts and circumstances surrounding each journey is unavailable; although this analytical unit has conducted over 160 interviews with Rohingya community members with varying degrees of knowledge and direct experience of exploitative migration schemes, this analytical unit has not undertaken a broader investigation to identify the specific intent of those facilitating Rohingya movement or to establish their potential criminal liability. Such an investigation lies beyond the scope of this research and beyond the expertise of this analytical unit. However, consistent statements shared with this analytical unit by Rohingya community members suggest intention to exploit travellers is, in many if not most cases, contributing to the trend in Rohingya outflows from Myanmar and Bangladesh. Based on these statements, it would seem the movement of Rohingya individuals from these countries to Malaysia and elsewhere is best generally categorised as ‘trafficking’ rather than ‘smuggling.’[7]
Wherever trafficking is suspected to occur, identifying the criminal activity as ‘trafficking’ rather than ‘smuggling’ can help enable the recognition and protection of the rights of victims. In part, this is because the most widely ratified international protocol that defines and prohibits human trafficking outlines a broad range of support to be provided to victims,[8] while the protocol outlawing migrant smuggling merely affords victims protection from prosecution.[9] Regardless of which criminal definition is most pertinent in the case of those facilitating Rohingya people’s movement, interviews indicate that Rohingya individuals transferred to Malaysia and elsewhere experience a range of serious abuse over the course of their journeys. International human rights law stipulates that all victims of such abuse be provided with appropriate assistance, protection, and remedies.[10] Rohingya individuals who have been subjected to abusive migration schemes should thus be afforded a far higher level of support than they are now receiving.
This paper aims to contribute to a clearer understanding of the experiences of Rohingya individuals who have attempted perilous international journeys, as well as the pressures facing Rohingya individuals remaining in Myanmar and Bangladesh, in order to help to inform a stronger, better coordinated, and more comprehensive response to the crisis of exploitative migration schemes targeting Rohingya people..."
Source/publisher:
Center for Operational Analysis and Research, Danish Refugee Council, Durable Solutions Platform
Date of publication:
2023-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.08 MB (26 pages - Original version)
more
Description:
"[Nandini Shinde is a Catalyst for Change Fellow at Migration and Asylum Project, an initiative of the Ara Trust, where she works as a legal representative for refugees in their refugee status determination. She has a background in international criminal and humanitarian law.
Radhika Goyal is a Policy Associate with Accountability Counsel where she advocates for international financial institutions to be more accountable to the communities they impact. She has previously worked with forcibly displaced populations.]
Six years into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, where 700,000 Rohingya refugees fled Myanmar for safety, the Rohingya refugee crisis has become a ‘protracted situation’ according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ (UNHCR) given definition. Various efforts have been made by the international community in the past years to settle the issue, including recent efforts at repatriation despite the lack of safe conditions in Myanmar. But without a sustainable solution in sight, the Rohingya community continues to live in uncertainty as refugees in countries around the world, particularly in South and Southeast Asian States including Bangladesh, Malaysia, Pakistan, Indonesia, India and Thailand.
A uniting factor in this region is the non-ratification of the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, resulting in ad-hoc policies that govern refugee status and protection. Countries in the region have adopted different responses towards the Rohingya refugee crisis. The States’ varied response has also resulted in a lack of uniformity in the strategy adopted by country specific UN agencies working on this issue; while Bangladesh co-leads the Joint Response Plan, which coordinates aid by multiple agencies including UNHCR, IOM and UNFPA, Thailand does not allow UNHCR to even conduct the refugee status determination process. Depending on the country of asylum, Rohingyas face a variety of protection concerns related to livelihood, education, health, legal and other related challenges.
This article sheds light on key challenges faced by Rohingyas in the region. It proposes a regional response mechanism to address protection concerns in individual host States and plan for realistic durable solutions. Further, host States are urged to call for the launch of a global Support Platform in the upcoming Global Refugee Forum in December 2023, to promote international responsibility sharing and boost regional coordination.
Rohingya Experiences in the South and Southeast Asian Region
Access to Asylum and Legal Status
Despite the international recognition of the grave crimes committed against the Rohingya community in Myanmar, there is no surety of access to asylum upon entry in many of the States in the region. Moreover, States have established ad hoc and temporary mechanisms to regulate the legal status of refugees. Today, Bangladesh conducts a joint registration exercise with international organizations, yet fails to recognize Rohingyas as refugees and instead categorises them as Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMNs). Rohingyas in Malaysia are considered to be “illegal immigrants” upon entry and live under the threat of detention, though UNHCR does provide them refugee cards on contact. Other States like Thailand have either summarily detained refugees or adopted a concerning pushback policy, redirecting refugees towards other host States.
It is imperative that States in the region provide asylum to the Rohingyas, regularize their legal status as refugees and consequently extend protection to their rights. Though these States are not bound by the Refugee Conventions to protect refugee rights (as they are not parties to them), international human rights law and customary law oblige all States to uphold human rights that are essential to the survival, dignity and well-being of all people in their jurisdiction.
Advocacy measures in these States by civil society or even UN agencies have so far been unable to create meaningful change in their refugee response. In this context, a regional response mechanism, with global support, can build international pressure and encourage State-to-State dialogues, that promote equitable responsibility sharing based on State capacity to host refugees. Global support can also alleviate the financial burden on the developing host States, while also equipping them with the necessary tools to safeguard the status of Rohingyas.
Protection of Basic Human Rights in Host States
States in the region have hesitated to officially recognize Rohingyas as refugees to avoid the consequent responsibilities of upholding their basic human rights and facilitate access to socio-economic services including livelihood, shelter, education and health care. This hesitation is justified in part, given the economic struggles of the States in this region, particularly their inability to meet basic needs of their own nationals. Rohingyas end up living in deplorable conditions, often in restrictive refugee camps or in urban settlements, without access to education and livelihood opportunities, and entirely dependent on aid.
It would not be reasonable to demand that host States provide access to socio-economic rights without addressing their technical and financial limitations. The region urgently needs support from third party countries, international organizations, international NGOs and other relevant stakeholders. Currently, there exists country specific mechanisms such as the Joint Response Plan that coordinates efforts, including funding, of the relevant stakeholders to provide humanitarian aid in Bangladesh, which hosts a majority of Rohingya refugees. Similar support is required to assist other States also hosting a substantial Rohingya population.
Regional Trafficking Routes
Even as host States have eschewed a regional perspective of the Rohingya crisis, a growing network of human traffickers have built regional routes. Various reports highlight a large number of intersecting trafficking routes, not only from Myanmar to host States, but also among host States. Traffickers exploit the vulnerabilities as well as the dissimilar treatment of Rohingyas in host States by offering false hopes of positive treatment in another State, leading them to undertake treacherous onward journeys. As a result, the trafficking of Rohingyas, under false promises of marriage or employment opportunities or better standard of living, is rampant. Addressing cross-border trafficking necessitates regional coordination as it allows States to monitor trafficking channels and key operators. Moreover, uniformly upholding basic human rights standards will reduce the need for Rohingyas to take on onward movement.
Durable Solutions
There is a call for repatriation from both the Host States and the Rohingya community. Recent developments around repatriation include a pilot project between Bangladesh and Myanmar to repatriate around 1000 Rohingyas. But voluntary, sustainable, safe, and dignified repatriation remains a pipe dream. Repatriation as a legitimate durable solution requires accountability from Myanmar, meaningful participation of Rohingyas and, lastly, a guarantee of safety in Myanmar.
An international and regional coordinated response will alleviate pressures on host States and have the highest chances of preventing a similar crisis in the future. Until then, Rohingyas are only presented with the option of integration in host States and resettlement in third countries. In reality though, integration or resettlement of almost one million Rohingyas suffers additional challenges presented by lack of resources or that of political will. Both require third party countries and other relevant stakeholders to share responsibility. Third party resettlement further should not be limited to Rohingyas from a specific State, and must include holistic and equitable considerations of the economic and demographic capacities of all host States.
A Call for Cooperation
A majority of Rohingyas are hosted by low and middle-income countries that have their own economic and development challenges. Given this reality, it is unfair to hold any developing nations in the South Asian and the Southeast Asian region entirely accountable for refugee protection. UNHCR’s Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) acknowledges this disparity and notes that countries hosting refugees make an “immense contribution from their own limited resources” [See Paragraph 14, Chapter III]. On this basis, the GCR advocates principles of equitable responsibility sharing among third party countries, international organizations, and other relevant stakeholders. It also prioritizes building the overall capacity of States and host communities to cope with large scale refugee situations.
GCR provides a potential avenue to mobilize support and cooperation for Rohingya refugees in the South Asian and Southeast Asian region. Its core objectives of easing pressure on host States, enhancing refugee self-reliance, expanding access to third country solutions and supporting conditions for return with safety and dignity perfectly align with current and future needs of the Rohingya population.
In particular, under the GCR, host countrie/s can request the activation of “Support Platforms” to address protracted refugee situations where host States require additional support from the international community. Support can be in the form of financial and material aid, or even technical expertise for strengthening humanitarian responses. These Platforms also allow for a high degree of ownership and flexibility for host States to identify specific needs and curate comprehensive action plans in response. Examples include Support Platforms created to address the forced displacement in Central America and Mexico, and to address the Afghan refugee crisis.
Host States in the South Asian and the Southeast Asian region should request the creation of a similar Support Platform to coordinate a regional response for the Rohingya refugee crisis. The Support Platform will allow coordination among various stakeholders and serve as a focal point platform to advance partnerships among States, international organizations, financial institutions, civil societies, and academics. Concerns like trafficking and durable solutions, that necessitate a regional approach and the involvement of humanitarian agencies, will directly benefit from such a multi-stakeholder and partnership approach.
It will allow the States in the region to streamline funding towards humanitarian aid, and to equitably distribute the funding according to national and local needs. Based on the current needs of both host States and the Rohingya refugees, funding is needed to address protection, education, livelihood, health, amongst many other concerns, to eventually promote self-reliance amongst Rohingya refugees. Simultaneously, host States will also get the opportunity to strengthen their capacity to mitigate the impact of the refugee crisis on the host community. Easing the burden on host States in the region could also halt the ongoing premature discussions on repatriation. The Global Refugee Forum (GRF), organised under the GCR framework, provides States, international and regional organisations, financial institutions, civil society and other stakeholders, an opportunity to enable responsibility sharing and contribute financial support, technical expertise and policy changes. In GRF 2019, for example, relevant States, including Iran and Pakistan, launched a Support Platform to mobilise aid for the Afghan refugee situation. The upcoming GRF in December 2023 similarly is an opportune moment to activate a Support Platform for the Rohingya refugee crisis. It could be crucial to garner the required global and regional coordination to ensure that Rohingyas refugees do not lose yet another half a decade to statelessness and uncertainty..."
Source/publisher:
Opinio Juris
Date of publication:
2023-04-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"In August 2017, several hundred thousand Rohingya fled violence and persecution in Myanmar, seeking refuge in Cox’s Bazar in neighboring Bangladesh. In the years since, the Bangladeshi government has provided a safe haven for the refugees. Yet there are signs of increasing discontent in the Bangladeshi host community over insecurity, economic costs, and other negative effects of the refugee camps. As this report explains, addressing this potentially combustible situation will be vital to ensuring a sustainable humanitarian effort in Cox’s Bazar.
Summary
More than 950,000 Rohingya refugees currently live in camps in the area of Cox’s Bazar, in southeastern Bangladesh, after fleeing religiously motivated violence in Rakhine State, Myanmar. This study expands on a small but growing body of research that documents increasing hostility among the Bangladeshi host community toward the Rohingya.
Host community members see the effects of Rohingya refugees on their lives and communities as mostly negative and are frustrated by continuing assistance to the refugees, whom they view as having received sufficient aid.
Host community members rarely interact with refugees, but interaction is often negative when it occurs. Host community members are also losing confidence in the ability of government to address their concerns, and many see violence as an acceptable response to their grievances.
Rohingya refugees view intercommunity relations with Bangladeshis as far less tense than do host community members.
A range of conflict mitigation approaches that involve citizens, the Bangladeshi state, and the international community is urgently needed to alleviate intercommunity tension and forestall potential conflict.
About the Report
This report examines the perceptions and experience of conflict, governance, and politics among Bangladeshis and Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The analysis utilizes survey and focus group research funded and published by the International Republican Institute, a democracy-assistance organization headquartered in Washington, DC. The report was commissioned by the South Asia program at the United States Institute of Peace.
About the Author
Geoffrey Macdonald is a senior adviser in the Asia Division at the International Republican Institute (IRI) and a visiting expert in the South Asia program at the United States Institute of Peace. From 2018 to 2022, he was IRI’s resident country manager in Bangladesh. Isabella Mekker is a senior program associate at IRI. Lauren Mooney is a senior manager for conflict prevention and stabilization at IRI..."
Source/publisher:
United States Institute of Peace
Date of publication:
2023-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar: Military targets civilians in Sagaing region and southern Shan state
Incidents of violence targeting civilians by state forces increased in March compared to the previous month. In Sagaing region, a column composed of Light Infantry Division 99 troops, which has come to be known as the ‘Ogre Column,’ carried out a number of civilian killings as it made its way across the region. Several civilians were reportedly killed following a raid on Tar Taing village in Sagaing township early in the month. A few weeks after the violence in Tar Taing, on 19 March, coup leader Min Aung Hlaing visited the Northwestern Regional Command base in Monywa.1 The military’s campaign of violence in the region falls under the Northwestern Regional Command.2 Meanwhile, as fighting between the military and resistance forces intensified in Kayah and southern Shan states, resistance groups reported that the military had killed dozens of people in Nan Neint village in southern Shan state.3
Afghanistan: Political violence involving the Islamic State increases
The Islamic State (IS) in Afghanistan was reportedly involved in at least twelve political violence events in March, marking a fourfold increase compared to the previous month. Over the past months, IS has targeted Taliban officials amid ongoing Taliban operations against the group. On 27 March, a IS suicide bomber reportedly killed six employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This marked the second attack on the ministry in 2023. Earlier in the month, the Balkh governor was killed in an IS suicide bombing. In addition to IS targeting Taliban officials, on 11 March, IS also targeted journalists in a bomb attack on a ceremony honoring journalists in Mazar-e-Sharif city in Balkh province. IS claimed they carried out the attack against journalists for their involvement in the “war and instigation against IS.”4
Pakistan: PTI-led demonstrations spike as Imran Khan faces corruption case
Supporters of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) chairman and former Prime Minister Imran Khan took to the streets across Pakistan in March against attempts to arrest Khan over non-compliance with a court summons in a corruption case. Outside Khan’s residence in Lahore, hundreds of his supporters threw stones and petrol bombs at police to thwart his arrest.5 On 18 March, Khan arrived in Islamabad for a court hearing amid clashes between PTI activists and police outside the judicial complex. In his absence, police entered and searched his residence in Lahore, clashing with PTI activists present at the site.6 Pakistan police have arrested hundreds of PTI activists for violence during the demonstrations.7 Khan has dismissed the corruption allegations as being politically motivated and has reiterated concerns about his personal safety following an assassination attempt last year. The latest developments come amid ongoing demonstrations by the PTI demanding early national elections, which are currently scheduled for later this year.8
Bangladesh: Rohingya refugees subject to increasing violence
Rohingya refugees continue to be the target of increasing violence in Bangladesh. While this violence is underreported, several refugees were killed by unidentified assailants in at least eight distinct attacks in Cox’s Bazar in March. The attacks come amid ongoing tensions between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, rival armed Rohingya groups active in the camps. Earlier in the month, the two groups clashed. A subsequent fire in one of the refugee camps, which left thousands homeless, was thought to stem from this conflict.9
Philippines: Negros Oriental governor killed amid ongoing targeting of local administrators
On 4 March, nine people were reportedly killed when unidentified assailants targeted Negros Oriental Governor Roel Degamo, killing him along with a barangay chairman, barangay councilor, and six other civilians. The attack took place at the governor’s home in Barangay San Isidro in Pamplona, Negros Oriental. The killing came a month after the Supreme Court declared Degamo the winner of the governorship over his rival, Pryde Henry Teves, who was initially declared the winner.10 The Department of Justice is investigating Teves’s brother, a congressman, for allegedly orchestrating the attack. Following the governor’s killing, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. called for a crackdown on illegal firearms and private armies. Since the beginning of the year, ACLED has recorded dozens of attacks on local administrators in the Philippines..."
Source/publisher:
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
Date of publication:
2023-04-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
292.64 KB
more
Sub-title:
The International Criminal Court will always be seen as a selective tool unless states agree to decide cases on need.
Description:
"The International Criminal Court has sent a strong message to Russia’s government and beyond that war crimes should – and sometimes can – be prosecuted by issuing two arrest warrants against Russian President Vladimir Putin and Commissioner for Children’s Rights Maria Alekseyevna Lvova-Belova. The warrants underscore the significant geopolitical support for Ukraine, backed up by international funding commitments towards both the conflict and accountability initiatives.
Notably, however, this support is devastatingly lacking for the Rohingya people of Myanmar, almost six years after systematic “clearance operations” left scores dead and drove hundreds of thousands from the country into neighbouring Bangladesh. The warrants against Russia raise fresh questions about the selectivity of global justice processes, which ICC member states including Australia can respond to.
The situation of the Rohingya has been under preliminary examination and investigation at the ICC since 2018 (alongside a separate case at the International Court of Justice concerning whether the military violence amounted to genocide).
The ICC Prosecutor was quick to issue a clear warning against committing crimes in Ukraine. No similarly strong ICC public statements have been forthcoming concerning Myanmar.
By contrast, after Russia’s expanded invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the ICC Prosecutor announced an ICC investigation into alleged crimes in Ukraine in March, a month after the attack. It may seem like a long time to have only now issued arrest warrants, but appears at least three years faster than the ICC proceedings about Bangladesh and Myanmar, for which none has been announced. (What remains unknown is whether “secret” sealed warrants are outstanding concerning Myanmar.)
The ICC Prosecutor was also quick to issue a clear warning against committing crimes in Ukraine. No similarly strong ICC public statements have been forthcoming concerning Myanmar. Nor has there been the same level of public support for prosecutions from other states. This is a concern, particularly since there is a view that prosecutions, arrest warrants, and statements from the ICC Prosecutor could have a deterring and preventive impact, especially during an active conflict.
Warrants are only granted where the Prosecutor can show that there are “reasonable grounds” (i.e., sufficient evidence) to believe the person has committed the alleged crime, and that arrest is “necessary” to, among other things, prevent obstruction of proceedings, including investigation, or prevent continuation of a particular crime.
At least from the outside, this should be the case for Myanmar. There is substantial information on the crimes alleged; the dedicated UN Fact-Finding Mission concluded in an August 2018 report that the Myanmar military “committed what amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity” and an Independent Investigative Mechanism continues to capture and collect potential evidence on international crimes. Some of the same Myanmar military leadership likely under investigation at the ICC have been linked to further allegations of ongoing international crimes across the country since the 2021 coup.
The ICC does not have its own police force, but state parties to the court are legally obligated to cooperate if a suspect enters their jurisdiction. The ICC also relies on states to fund its operations. Limited funding means that difficult decisions regarding prioritisation must be made – for example, for crimes allegedly committed by US forces in Afghanistan – partly “in light of the resources available”.
At the time of writing, 43 state parties (nearly one-third of all signatories to the Rome Statute, the treaty basis for the court), and mostly albeit not exclusively from the “Global North”, had referred the Ukraine situation to the court. On the day the arrest warrants were issued, the ICC announced an agreement to establish an office in Ukraine. Much-needed funding contributions to the court increased dramatically following the opening of investigations and now again in the wake of the arrest warrants.
There has been no such coordinated push on Myanmar, despite the gravity of the crimes alleged and the ongoing allegations of atrocities following the 2021 coup. An ICC office has not opened in Bangladesh, leaving Rohingya communities even further removed from the distant Europe-based ICC.
It is true that funds are not formally “earmarked” for Ukraine, however it would be reasonable if state support played a role in the court’s speed. This is because – although not explicitly listed in the office of the prosecutor’s policy paper on the “interests of justice” and referenced only briefly in its paper on case selection – the likelihood of “success” and use of available resources are relevant to any case prioritisation. Supportive states increase both the likelihood of an arrest warrant being “actioned” and the resources available to the court.
It is understandable that ICC personnel may consider it challenging to arrest alleged perpetrators in Myanmar, who are subject to significant travel and financial sanctions and appear unlikely to travel to ICC member states soon. That said, neither are Putin and Lvova-Belova.
Clearly, the geopolitical situation is different for Ukraine. Ukraine also appears to be strongly cooperating with the ICC. The ICC has faced barriers, including with resourcing and Covid-19 when it comes to visiting Bangladesh. Still, without greater state support for accountability in situations such as Myanmar and elsewhere, questions of the court’s potential selectivity will persist.
The cooperation much of the world is demonstrating on Ukraine is what it takes to pursue international justice. Victims everywhere – the Rohingya and others – deserve the same.
The views expressed represent the opinions of the authors and not those of any institutions or organisations with which they may be affiliated..."
Source/publisher:
The Interpreter
Date of publication:
2023-04-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Criminal Court (Myanmar), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more