2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken: Vivian, Foreign Minister, it is wonderful to have you here at the State Department. We have actually worked closely together since the last time I was in government, and I value the conversations we have had over many years. One of the things that I can say very clearly is that every time I have an opportunity to spend time with (the) Foreign Minister, I learn something, and I am grateful for that. Singapore is for the United States, a true partner. Having the opportunity today to discuss so many issues that bring us together, regionally, bilaterally in the first instance, regionally but also globally, was very, very beneficial.
If I could, let me just begin with a few words about my upcoming visit to the People's Republic of China (PRC), since we are leaving tonight on that trip. We look forward to having a series of meetings with senior officials in Beijing, building on the engagements that we have had with the PRC since President Biden and President Xi met in Bali late last year.
To summarise it, the trip has three objectives. First, to establish open and empowered communications so that our two countries responsibly manage our relationship, including by discussing challenges, by addressing misperceptions and avoiding miscalculations. Second, to advance US interests and values, and those we share with allies and partners around the world, including speaking directly and candidly about our very real concerns on a range of issues. Third, to explore the potential for cooperation on transnational challenges, global economic stability, illicit synthetic drugs, climate, global health, where our countries’ interests intersect and the rest of the world expects us to cooperate. Intense competition requires sustained diplomacy to ensure that competition does not veer into confrontation or conflict. Again, that is what the world expects of both the United States and China.
Now, our friends in Singapore and Southeast Asia more broadly, are essential to realising what is a shared vision for a free and open, a prosperous, a secure, a connected, a resilient Indo-Pacific where people or goods or ideas can travel freely, where rules are applied fairly and transparently. Indeed, for six decades now, the strategic partnership between the United States and Singapore, rooted in respect for the rules based international order, has helped strengthen peace and stability in the region and around the world.
I reaffirmed to the Foreign Minister that ASEAN is at the heart of our Indo-Pacific strategy. The United States supports ASEAN centrality, and we see a considerable convergence between our own Indo-Pacific strategy and ASEAN’s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, epitomised by a shared belief in inclusive economic growth, transparency and the rule of law. Vivian and I discussed Russia and the ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine. Singapore has consistently stood up for Ukraine sovereignty, its territorial integrity, its independence, as well as the United Nations Charter in which those principles are embedded, and joined the United States and our allies and partners in enacting sanctions that are taking a toll on Russia's war machine. We will continue to support Ukraine as we work toward a just and lasting peace, one based on the principles that I laid out recently in Helsinki.
Respect for human rights and self-determination are also being challenged in Burma, where the military’s coup and the brutal crackdown continues to harm civilians, to deprive them of their right to choose their own path and threatens regional stability. We appreciate Singapore and ASEAN’s critical role in seeking a peaceful solution. United States will continue to impose strong sanctions against those perpetrating atrocities. We welcome Singapore's partnership in maintaining the necessary economic pressure.
Our two countries are also seizing new opportunities to work together – from space and cyber, to supply chain resiliency, to clean energy. We spent some time talking about that. As part of the green shipping challenge launched at COP 27 last year, Singapore recently announced an MOU with the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach to upgrade digital infrastructure and to reduce emissions. We are partnering to advance our clean energy across ASEAN, including the ASEAN power grid, which will facilitate renewable energy development, deployment throughout the region, and help Singapore transition to net zero emissions by 2050. And as part of our expanded US-Singapore Climate Change Partnership, we are announcing today, new and enhanced areas of cooperation from reducing deforestation to encouraging energy efficient buildings.
All this collaboration is rooted in one of our strongest bilateral relationships in the Indo-Pacific. American companies, we talked about this as well, are the largest source of foreign direct investment in Singapore. We are working to grow our economies even faster, and even fairer through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF), of which Singapore was an early and enthusiastic supporter. Singapore is also a critical security partner, hosting American ships and aircraft, sending pilots to train in the skies above Arizona and Idaho.
For evidence of our robust people-to-people ties, one need look only for example at Singapore's Cabinet, where over half the ministers including Prime Minister Lee has studied in the United States. President (Halimah) Yacob is also a distinguished alum of the State Department's International Visitors Leadership Program, proving that we have a pretty good eye for talent.
Recently, the Prime Minister urged the people of Singapore “to think boldly, to aim high, to seek far”. Those are wise and powerful words, and I look forward to that spirit continuing to guide the close partnership between Singapore and the United States.
Minister Vivian Balakrishnan: Thank you, Tony. It is always special to meet you here. I think we have been meeting regularly for about seven years, including in different incarnations. So, I will confess to being biased, but I think the United States is very blessed to have the ultimate consummate diplomat in you, and more so at this very testing, trying and challenging times. It is an honour to be here and thank you for the opportunity to discuss a wide range of issues just now.
We first reaffirmed the excellent, long-standing, close, stable relationship between the United States and Singapore, and I should add, our shared commitment to a rules-based international order, and the fact that it was the United States seven, eight decades ago, which envisioned, underwrote and supported this rules-based international order. Even now as we go through challenging times, I think we need to reaffirm the importance of such a system. We also covered a range of bilateral, regional and global issues. On the bilateral front, everyone knows that we have got a very robust economic relationship. We are in that special category which is defined as a Major Security Cooperation Partner of the United States. But we have not stood still. We are also expanding into new frontiers. You have just mentioned the updated United States-Singapore Climate Partnership, and this will focus on collaboration in five areas, including regional energy transition in Southeast Asia, and low and zero emission solutions. Watch this space, there is a lot happening. We are also working in other areas like cybersecurity, all the more pertinent now with the challenges that we are facing. We also signed the Artemis Accords last year – that is another whole new frontier for collaboration. I mentioned just now that in fact for 33 years, we have had a Memorandum of Understanding regarding the United States use of our facilities, both naval and aviation. Again, that has been a symbol of our belief that the United States’ strategic presence and contribution to our part of the world has provided stability, has provided opportunity and helped to underwrite the peace which we should never take for granted.
Singapore is home today to over 5,700 United States companies. I also made the point that the United States investments in Singapore exceed what the United States has invested in Japan, China and ROK (Republic of Korea) combined. If you consider how small Singapore is, that statistic becomes all the more remarkable. On the other side of that same equation, Singapore's investments into the United States and US exports to Singapore support more than 250,000 jobs in America itself. I know it is not just about trade for its own sake, but also in terms of jobs and opportunities for people on both sides.
I also wanted to commend the very active regional engagement by President Biden’s Administration, with your shepherding of the efforts in our part of the world. The fact that President Biden attended the ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh last year, and the President also hosted the ASEAN-US Special Summit in Washington in May last year – that sent a very strong signal of engagement.
We also elevated the ASEAN-US relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership last year, and it is not just a form of words but the real substance, the real deal. We also look forward to working with you to align the US Indo-Pacific strategy with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, and we hope that there will be further discussions hopefully, when the President and you can visit our part of the world for the ASEAN meetings, the East Asia Summit, (and) the ASEAN-US Summit as well either here or in our part of the world in the near future.
I think the point is, we do want to reaffirm the critical importance of the US anchoring your strategic engagement in our part of the world. I made the point that there is in fact a deep reservoir of goodwill and trust, and you have many partners in the Asia Pacific. Maybe others may not be as explicit as we are in saying how welcome you are, but I gave you the assurance that everyone wants to see you engage in our part of the world.
The IPEF, which we also discussed, is another strong reaffirmation of the US commitment to the economic agenda in Asia Pacific. We welcome the substantial conclusion of the negotiations on the second pillar of the IPEF, which focuses on supply chains. We hope that the remaining pillars of the IPEF will include meaningful provisions that will lead to concrete benefits, and even greater regional integration. Finally, I know you have got a big visit coming up. I believe you are leaving tonight. I wanted to say that we commend your efforts. This is a very important and critical moment, not just for the United States and China. The rest of the world will be watching. So, we hope and believe that you will be able to manage the differences, but more importantly, establish open channels of communication, build mutual trust and understanding. I wish you a smooth-sailing and successful visit. Thank you, again, for hosting me. Thank you for this chance to, as always, have very open and sincere discussions, and I wish you all the best.
Simon Lewis (Reuters): First to the Foreign Minister, Dr Balakrishnan. The Secretary mentioned that Myanmar came up in your discussions. I wondered if I could ask you for Singapore's position on an initiative by the caretaker government in Thailand to re-engage with Myanmar's military junta and reportedly inviting the junta back into ASEAN meetings. Is that something that Singapore would support? I would also be interested in your response to the recent report by the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, on human rights in Myanmar, who identified $254 million worth of goods that have come through Singaporean entities to the Myanmar military, so I am interested in your response to that.
And for the Secretary, I am also interested in your view on whether ASEAN nations including Singapore, also Thailand, should be doing more to stop the violence in Myanmar. And specifically on Thailand, I wonder if we could get your view on efforts to form a new government there. Are you concerned about the Thai military trying to cling onto power despite the pretty clear results of the election? And just an additional one because it is breaking news. President Putin has said that tactical nuclear weapons have been deployed to Belarus. Secretary, what is the US response to that, and are there consequences for Russia and Belarus? Thank you.
Minister: Well, thank you. I think I counted at least three questions. Let me get back to first principles. We condemn the coup in Myanmar, and the ongoing violence against civilians, the instability in the country, the setback to national reconciliation and the enormous impact on the economy. Unfortunately, it is now more than two years. We have not seen any signs of improvement. From an ASEAN perspective, we have the Five-Point Consensus and we haven’t seen any significant progress in fulfilling the Five-Point Consensus. So we believe it would be premature to re-engage with the junta at the Summit level or even at the Foreign Minister level and in fact, our leaders at the recent ASEAN Summit reaffirmed this position.
Having said that, the ASEAN Chair Indonesia is engaging across a wide spectrum of stakeholders and the key point is this – you do need everyone, ultimately, to sit down and negotiate. I do not know how long it will take. The last time, it took 25 years for some form of democratic transition to occur in Myanmar. I hope it will not take that long. But it is very important for the rest of us. Whilst we are in favour of reconciliation and more dialogue, we obviously want to make sure that the level of violence goes down. And certainly, from Singapore's perspective, our policy is that we should all do our best to make sure arms, or even dual-use items which can be used to inflict harm and injury on civilians, should be proscribed. I noted Tom Andrews’ report, and one line in it is worth quoting. He said that “there are no indications that the government of Singapore has approved or is involved in the shipment of arms and associate materials to the Myanmar military”. But more importantly, we are also engaging Tom Andrews because any specific information which he has access to and which we can use for investigations or, if need be, to prosecute companies or entities which are breaching our laws and our policies on arms and dual-use – rest assured, we will get to the bottom of it. But the bigger question is, when will peace come back? Tony, I am afraid I remain pessimistic.
Secretary Blinken: You can sign my name onto every word of what Foreign Minister just said, including unfortunately, the pessimism that he expressed at the end, which we share. But everything that Minister said, I ascribe to as well. We are very focused on supporting ASEAN efforts to move forward towards a resolution that ends the violence, that frees people in jail, that puts Burma back on a democratic path. The Five-Point Consensus that the junta signed onto, has not been, to state the obvious, advanced, much less met. And it is very important that we continue, all of us, to sustain the appropriate pressure on the junta and look for ways to engage the opposition in Burma and find every possible avenue to advance Burma’s return to the democratic path, to an end of the violence, to the freedom of people who have been unjustly imprisoned. And in all of these efforts, we are working, the United States and Singapore, very closely together both through ASEAN and on a bilateral basis.
With regard to Thailand. I simply say that our full expectation is that the government will be formed pursuant to the laws of Thailand. That is our expectation. That is the expectation of people in Thailand as well.
With regard to the reports about Belarus, we have seen comments that were made in the last few hours. We will continue to monitor the situation very closely and very carefully. We have no reason to adjust our own nuclear posture. We do not see any indications that Russia is preparing to use their nuclear weapon. President (Biden) said again this week that we remain committed to the defence of NATO - every inch of its territory. That is our north star. We are very focused on that. I would just note that one of President Putin’s claims for starting his brutal invasion of Ukraine, one of the many rationales he gave at various points, was ostensibly to prevent the threat of Ukraine reacquiring the nuclear weapons that it gave up when the Soviet Union dissolved, and Ukraine voluntarily gave up the weapons they inherited, along with Belarus and Kazakhstan. It would be rather ironic, among many other things for President Putin to now be talking about putting nuclear weapons on the territory of a neighbouring state again, including a state that gave up the nuclear weapons that it inherited when the Soviet Union dissolved. As for Belarus itself, this is just another example of Lukashenko making irresponsible, provocative choices to cede control of Belarus’ sovereignty against the will of the Belarusian people.
Nirmal Ghosh (Straits Times): Minister, you have spoken about new frontiers in relationship with the United States. Could you elaborate a bit on that? You have mentioned the Climate Partnership, cybersecurity and so forth - a few more specifics if you could share. Secondly, as have been mentioned, a lot of the world is watching the Secretary's forthcoming visit to China. I wonder if you could give us a Singapore and/or a Southeast Asian view of US-China relations. Mr Secretary, could you also speak to that latter part about ASEAN centrality and how it all fits into the Indo Pacific strategy?
Minister: Thank you Nirmal. I used to be the Minister of Environment before this incarnation. So, I was heavily involved with the final negotiations for the Paris Agreement. One observation which I will make is that we would not have arrived at the agreement in Paris if it had not been for the confluence of strategic and environmental interests of the United States and China. I can tell you that from direct experience. That is why tonight's trip is so important, because there are many global planetary issues - climate pandemics, even cybersecurity, which require the United States and China to work off the same page and be key pillars for a global system which will help increase resilience to threats to welfare, health, and prosperity for people all over the world. So you (Blinken) go with our full support. But having said that, speaking now as a diplomat, I want to make this plea. Please do not put too much weight on poor Tony's shoulders. The fact is diplomats need time and space and sometimes just some quiet time to engage in some honest-to-goodness conversations without having to put out a tweet every hour or two. The trip is essential, but not sufficient. There are fundamental differences in outlook, in values, and it takes time for mutual respect and strategic trust to be built. So, it is important, but I am also making the plea. I hope people do not have excessive expectations on that front.
On your question about the new frontiers, I already mentioned the Climate Partnership, and there are five focal areas under that partnership which include the regional energy transition. Second, low- and zero-emission technologies and solutions. Third, nature-based solutions and carbon markets. And lastly, urban decarbonisation resilience and capacity building. And even in all these areas, you can see that there are obvious opportunities for synergy and cooperation between the United States and Singapore not just for our own sake, but in our region as well. I mentioned the Artemis Accords, so outer space is certainly another frontier. And of course, we have been working very closely, especially in last couple of years on cybersecurity, because that is a clear and present frontier where there is both risk and opportunity. So, watch this space.
Secretary Blinken: I think the Foreign Minister has captured it very, very well on all fronts. With regard to ASEAN, I simply want to note and emphasise something I noted before. If you look at our own Indo-Pacific Strategy, and you then look at the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, the coincidence of these approaches, these strategies, these visions are very, very strong, and very, very high. And that speaks to why we do put a premium on ASEAN Centrality, and why as Vivian pointed out, starting with President Biden, we have had significant re-engagement with ASEAN over the last two and a half years. Economic growth, inclusive economic growth, transparency, the rule of law. We also work on discrete issues in areas that have a real impact on the lives of people in the region, as well as in the United States, whether it is climate, whether it is energy, whether it is global health. All of these are front and centre in what we are doing and one of the things that we talked about today is Burma. And of course, in ASEAN meetings and US-ASEAN engagement maybe that tends to get the headlines, and it is usually important. But if you look at the agenda that we are actually pursuing, both at the meetings that we have in the day in, day out, it is a very broad universe of issues of subjects, all of which go to the needs, the aspirations, the hopes of people in the ASEAN region and in the United States.
Minister: So, watch what we do, not just what we say, and you will see that there is a full range of activities for the United States and its engagement with ASEAN.
Jennifer Hansler (Cable News Network): Thank you. Mr Secretary, on Iran, how would you characterise the ongoing inter-talks with Tehran? Would you say that you are optimistic that an understanding can be reached between the two sides on constraining Iran's growing nuclear program? And the Omani Foreign Minister said earlier this week that he believes the two sides are close on a deal for the detainees? Do you agree with that characterisation?
Moving on to the China detainee issue are you committed to raising the case of Kai Li, Mark Swidan, and David Lin in your meetings in Beijing? More broadly, to both you Mr Secretary and Mr Foreign Minister, given what you said about this not being sufficient, are you optimistic that this will lead the way to continued meetings, continued dialogues between the US and China, including on the military-to-military front? Thank you.
Secretary Blinken: With regard to Iran, some of the reports that we have seen about an agreement on nuclear matters or for that matter on detainees are simply not accurate and not true. On the nuclear side of the equation, we are determined to ensure that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. We remain convinced that the best way to do that is through diplomacy. We have not taken any option off the table – you have heard that clearly from the President. But we continue to believe that diplomacy would be the most effective path forward but there is no agreement, and reports to the contrary, are simply inaccurate. When it comes to our detained citizens in Iran, nothing would please me more than to be able to say that we have an agreement that secures their release, but that too, would not be accurate. It is something we continue to work on, intensely on a regular basis. And that is separate and apart from the conversations we have on nuclear matters, but I am not in a position to say that we have an agreement.
With regard to the visit - two things. One, yes, I will be raising the detainees. This has been an ongoing conversation with the PRC, and something that for me is always at the top of my list - that is, looking out for the security and wellbeing of Americans around the world, including those who are being detained in one way or another, including arbitrarily. More broadly, what we are working to do on this trip is to really carry forward what President Biden and President Xi agreed to in Bali at the end of last year, which was to establish sustained, regular lines of communication at senior levels across our governments, precisely so that we can make sure that we are communicating as clearly as possible to avoid as best possible misunderstandings and miscommunications. Because if we want to make sure, as we do, that the competition that we have with China does not veer into conflict, the place you start is with communicating. So, we will see what comes from this visit but this is directly in response to what the two Presidents agreed in Bali last November.
As to what comes next, let us see how the visit goes. I think Vivian said it very well. This is an important, but insufficient step because there is a lot of work to be done. I note as well, that even as we are trying to make sure, through better communications, that the competition does not veer into conflict, we are also looking at areas where we might cooperate in the interests of the American people, in the interests of China and its people but also in the interests of people around the world. One of the clear demand signals that that we get, including from our close friends and partners, is that both the United States and the PRC will responsibly manage this relationship and look for areas where our cooperation might produce results that benefit not only our own people, but people around the world, including in the region, so we will be looking at that as well.
Minister: Well, the only thing I can add there is perhaps a perspective from Southeast Asia. First, if you look a hundred years down the road, we see both China and the United States being a clear presence for the century and beyond. Second, we see the United States remaining a Pacific partner and power and stakeholder. We do not want you to go away.
Secretary Blinken: And we are not.
Minister: Third, if you look at the challenges confronting the world right now, and we have enumerated - climate, pandemics, cyber, opportunities in outer space - we will need, even as the world transits into a multipolar world, now more than ever, a rules-based multilateral system with institutions and processes fit for purpose and updated where necessary. This requires the United States and China to achieve a modus vivendi. So, this trip is important, it is essential, but it does not stop there.
I think Tony knows the views for all of us in Southeast Asia. The more you travel and engage, the better. As I said, I am biased because he is a friend, and I can think of no better diplomat at this point in time. His cool, rational, emollient way to deal with some very fundamental differences, because China and the US are not going to converge and become one identical entity. The challenge for all of us, both mentally, emotionally, and diplomatically, is to hold sometimes contrarian thoughts in one mind. And this is the challenge of the century. Fifty years ago, when Henry Kissinger went to Beijing, it completely reordered the strategic furniture in the globe. We are coming close to a point when this will be necessary again. So, we all watch with interest and concern and some optimism, because we all have to be optimistic, otherwise you will not keep trying. So, let us support these efforts. And let us see where you will take it.
Benji Hyer (Channel News Asia): We have heard Washington and Singapore's position on US-China relations. I wanted to ask your perspective on ties between Russia and China. How much is what they call the “friendship with no limits” between Moscow and Beijing a concern for the US Secretary of State and Foreign Minister for the Indo-Pacific and ASEAN?
Secretary Blinken: You have heard us speak to this on a number of occasions in recent months, and it entirely depends on the practical manifestations of that partnership, with that friendship. I will let China and Russia address how they view their partnership. But we have been very clear, for example, about the importance of countries not providing Russia with the kind of assistance that it can use to advance its aggression in Ukraine. Equally, we have been open and welcoming of efforts and initiatives of countries including, for example, China, to try to play a positive role in diplomacy that can advance a just and durable peace in Ukraine. As it happens right now, there are, I think, representatives from six or seven African countries who are in Ukraine also trying to advance that proposition. I would note the terrible irony of the fact that while they were in Kyiv, more missiles from Russia rained down on the Ukrainian capital, but I will leave that to others to underscore that particular irony. But as with many countries, we want to ensure that no one is adding fuel to this fire Russia is making and if countries by the same token can play a positive, productive role, including China, in trying to find a path to a just and durable peace, that is something we welcome as well.
Minister: Well, Singapore is a tiny city state. We have only been independent for almost 58 years. So, I hope you understand, from our perspective, the UN Charter, international law and the precepts of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity are sacrosanct for us. We have no other alternative. And therefore, for us, this invasion is something which we have to take a stand on and we have. That is expressed in our votes at the General Assembly and in some specific sanctions that we have taken against Russia. It is something which we do not do routinely or lightly, but it is an expression of how strongly we feel on this matter. I cannot speak for China, but I would say that, at least in their interactions with us and in their public statements, China has affirmed the importance of territorial integrity, independence, and sovereignty. Like Tony, I hope that their efforts will bear fruit. You really have to pray for peace, because we know that at the end of the day, you will end up at the negotiating table. But right now, blood is being shed and lives are being lost for perhaps, marginal leverage on the negotiating table, and as humanitarians, all of us must feel the pain and the tragedy of this situation. I think we all want peace. When it will be achieved, I do not know, but we all want peace..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-17
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"Announcement:
Please join the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission for a hearing on human rights in Burma in the aftermath of the February 2021 coup d’état.
On February 1, 2021, in response to the November 2020 election in which Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s political party, the National League for Democracy, won a parliamentary majority, the Burmese military undertook a coup d’état, installed a junta and arrested Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD leaders. Burma’s multiethnic population reacted with protests and general strikes that were violently suppressed, generating widespread political and armed resistance that has drawn on the decades-long fight for greater autonomy in ethnic regions. The military has repeatedly used lethal force against peaceful protestors, waged offensives, including with airstrikes, against ethnic minority militias, and allegedly committed a wide range of other human rights violations and infractions of international humanitarian law, including targeted killings, burning of villages, and sexual violence. According to the State Department, since the coup nearly 3,000 people have been killed, nearly 17,000 detained, and more than 1.5 million displaced. Steps taken by the United States, the UN, ASEAN and other international actors with the goal of restoring democracy in Burma, including imposing sanctions, have not succeeded to date. The junta has announced that it intends to hold nationwide elections at some point in 2023, but the State Department has said the elections “cannot be free and fair” under current conditions. Meanwhile, 900,000 forcibly displaced Rohingya, victims and survivors of crimes against humanity and genocide, remain in Bangladesh with no solution to their crisis on the horizon.
Witnesses will review the human rights situation in Burma in the aftermath of the coup; discuss the response of the United States and the international community, including implementation of Executive Order 14014 and BURMA Act provisions as well as accountability initiatives; and offer recommendations for policymakers.
This hearing will be open to Members of Congress, congressional staff, the interested public, and the media. The hearing will be livestreamed via the Commission website and will also be available for viewing on the House Digital Channel service. For any questions, please contact Kimberly Stanton (for Co-Chair McGovern) or Mark Milosch (for Co-Chair Smith)..."
Source/publisher:
Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-16
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) is pleased to announce the release of its latest commentary report, titled: “Why would they target us?” Exploring patterns of the Burma Army's retaliatory abuses against villagers across Southeast Burma.
Since the 2021 military coup, the State Administration Council (SAC) has carried out violent assaults in rural villages throughout Southeast Burma/Myanmar, targeting civilians instead of armed groups. These deliberate attacks, including killings, air strikes, indiscriminate shelling, shootings, arbitrary arrests, and property destruction, have devastating consequences for local communities. Drawing from interviews with local villagers and numerous field reports, this report presents several distinct patterns of retaliatory abuses against civilians by the Burma Army in the region. It sheds light on the SAC’s practice of scapegoating and collectively punishing civilians in ethnic areas, and provides a deeper understanding of the illegal and inhumane actions committed by the SAC in the country.
This report places a particular focus on villagers' perspectives and their own understanding of the human rights violations they face. It highlights how local civilian efforts and initiatives are essential in resisting, evading, and protecting villagers from SAC abuses, as well as the concrete protection measures and actions villagers demand from the international community.
The report aims to inform national, regional, and international policies, and challenge simplistic understandings of the situation in Karen State as a two-party conflict between the SAC military and ethnic armed organisations, with civilians collaterally impacted. The report highlights the urgent need for decisive action against the SAC's systematic targeting of civilians, ensuring accountability for perpetrators and supporting villagers’ agency. Such measures are essential if meaningful peace and justice in Southeast Burma is to be accomplished.
KHRG calls on the international community, NGOs, and regional and foreign governments to:
Acknowledge that the military junta is the root cause of the current human rights and humanitarian crisis, and refrain from giving any legitimacy to the junta, including by signing agreements with it and presenting credentials to it. Call on ASEAN to suspend Burma’s ASEAN membership until a democratically-elected civilian government is restored; abandon the current Five-Point Consensus and develop a new plan that addresses the critiques outlined by numerous stakeholders; and cooperate with international and local actors to end the junta’s violence against the people of Burma. Broaden the scope of accountability in future proceedings to include SAC crimes committed against Karen peoples, not yet covered by current investigations, as well as to investigate the war crime of collective punishment and the crime against humanity of persecution. Increase financial support for and collaboration with local human rights organisations and actors operating on the ground to ensure that the widest representation of voices and experiences of oppressed peoples in Burma are considered. Acknowledging the SAC practice of purposely targeting civilians in Southeast Burma, ensure increased and adequate humanitarian assistance and protection, including support for victims of air strikes, displacement, property destruction, torture, arbitrary arrest, and other abuses. Suspend all arms transfers to Burma including all weapons, munitions, surveillance technologies, and other military and security equipment. Suspend exports of aviation fuel, and take action to avoid contributing to these supply chains, whether directly or indirectly..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-16
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Torture and ill-treatment: reports of incidents in Burma, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
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"Introduction
Since the 2021 military coup, the Burma military junta, calling itself the State Administration Council (SAC), has carried out violent attacks against civilians throughout the country in an effort to crush all dissent and opposition to its rule. These attacks include assaults against villages and abuses against villagers in Southeast Burma. Since the coup, KHRG has received reports of increased human rights violations committed in Karen State, in particular where the Burma Army has targeted civilians instead of armed groups. While the United Nations’ Security Council has acknowledged the SAC’s targeting of civilians, little analysis has focused on the underlying logic that informs these attacks, particularly in ethnic states. Without an in-depth investigation into these patterns of abuse, the struggles of villagers and the conflict dynamics in Karen State cannot be fully understood. A careful investigation into these matters can also inform national, regional and international measures to protect civilians in Burma and to advance meaningful peace and justice in the country.
For these reasons, this report provides an analysis of the Burma Army’s practices of deliberately targeting civilians in Karen State, looking specifically at how villagers in Southeast Burma understand and articulate human rights violations committed by the Burma Army. The report examines patterns of retaliatory abuses, as recounted by villagers, as well as other incidents of violence against villagers in the region documented by KHRG since the 2021 coup. The report clarifies the illegal and inhumane consequences of the SAC’s activities and identifies several factors underlying the SAC’s violence against civilians: the SAC targets villagers, considering them as “enemies”, averse to the regime due to their support of anti-coup protests or because of their perceived link with ethnic armed groups. SAC military also commits abuses against villagers to spread terror in the region and impose their rule, as well as to deter attacks by local armed forces against them. Under-supplied SAC soldiers also loot villagers’ properties. On numerous occasions, the targeting of nearby villages occurs after skirmishes between SAC and local resistance forces in the area. Lastly, villagers who refuse to comply with SAC orders are often targeted in overt retaliation.
Military attacks against civilians are not accidental, nor are they the result of the Burma Army’s inability to distinguish civilian targets from military ones. Instead, these attacks are deeply rooted in an established practice of scapegoating in Southeast Burma, wherein villagers are blamed as a group for their perceived opposition to the military. Villagers are subjected to collective punishment, as the SAC launches punitive attacks against them for acts committed by other individuals considered to belong to the same group. By targeting civilians this way, the SAC violates international law, including by committing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Key Findings
The military junta regularly targets civilians in Southeast Burma, in a deliberate manner, instead of directing their attacks to armed resistance groups, which has devastating and outspread consequences for local communities. These abuses take the form of air strikes and indiscriminate shelling towards villages, shooting villagers on sight and arbitrarily arresting them, and destroying and looting their properties, among others.
Several distinct, yet often overlapping patterns can be identified in villagers’ testimonies explaining the mechanisms behind the SAC’s targeting of civilians. These patterns share a notion of scapegoating and collective punishment linked to the Burma military’s perception of villagers in Karen State as opponents and thereby prompting any retaliatory action against them, leading to grave abuses against civilians.
Conventional understandings of the conflict in Southeast Burma fail to grasp key conflict dynamics on the ground. The reality is not a two-party conflict between the SAC troops and ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), with neutral civilians collaterally impacted. Rather, civilians are targeted intentionally and systematically by the military junta, thus showing its disregard for human life and its illegitimacy.
The SAC attacks launched against civilians are in breach of international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law, particularly the interdiction of discrimination against any person on arbitrary grounds, as well as the prohibition of targeting civilians based on the principle of distinction between military and civilian targets. Military leaders must be prosecuted as such.
Armed conflict is only one end of the spectrum of resistance against military control within society in Karen State, and villagers’ agency strategies are key to the civilian opposition against the military. Such efforts should be creatively supported, and conflict-sensitive understandings of the situation should be included in regional and international discourses and responses in Burma aiming for the protection of civilians and meaningful peace.
Villagers’ voices and demands for decisive measures against and protection from SAC’s abuses are met with inaction by the international community, enabling the human rights and humanitarian crisis to worsen. Moreover, the lack of a meaningful response may push villagers towards taking up arms, and increase militarisation in the country.
Recommendations
To the international community, ASEAN, NGOs, funding agencies, and individual governments:
Acknowledge that the military junta is the root cause of the current human rights and humanitarian crisis, and refrain from giving any legitimacy to the junta, including by signing agreements with them and presenting credentials to them. Call on ASEAN to suspend Burma’s ASEAN membership until a democratically-elected civilian government is restored; abandon the current Five-Point Consensus and develop a new plan that addresses the critiques outlined by numerous stakeholders; and cooperate with international and local actors to end the junta’s violence against the people of Burma. Support current investigations and proceedings to prosecute junta leaders, and seek out all additional opportunities (through ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction and other mechanisms) to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes. Broaden the scope of accountability in future proceedings to include SAC crimes committed against Karen peoples, not yet covered by current investigations, as well as to investigate the war crime of collective punishment and the crime against humanity of persecution. Increase financial support for and collaboration with local human rights organisations and actors operating on the ground to ensure that the widest representation of voices and experiences of oppressed peoples in Burma are considered. Acknowledging the SAC practice of purposely targeting civilians in Southeast Burma, ensure increased and adequate humanitarian assistance and protection, including support for victims of air strikes, displacement, property destruction, torture, arbitrary arrest, and other abuses. Ensure that the SAC is unable to hold decision-making power over the distribution of aid, and that funds are not indirectly being rerouted through the SAC. Consult and include local actors and communities in decision-making regarding humanitarian response and the resolution of the crisis, and prioritise and strengthen methods of service delivery and communication that rely on local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers. Urge neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not deny entry to people crossing the border seeking refuge, as well as to allow the passage of aid into Burma through cross-border aid organisations and local CSOs already operating in the area. Suspend exports of aviation fuel and all arms transfers to Burma, including weapons, munitions, surveillance technologies, and other military and security equipment, and take action to avoid contributing to these supply chains, whether directly or indirectly. Support coordinated and targeted sanctions against junta officials suspected of responsibility for international crimes and other serious violations of international law, as well as against their affiliated companies..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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7.7 MB (Original version) - 43 pages
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"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from June 8 to 14, 2023
Military Junta troops arrested over 100 local civilians from Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, Mabein Township, Shan State and Sataung from Sagaing Region and used them as human shields from June 8th to 14th. Junta soldiers raped and killed 2 women from Mobye Township, Shan State and one woman from Ledo, Kayin State. The Military’s Head of the Prison tortured and investigated over 80 political prisoners from Myingyan Prison, Mandalay Region, moreover did not allow the permission of medical treatment and blocked the family visit for 3 months.
Military Junta troops occupied 5 civilian houses and a rice mill within a week. Military Junta threatened in the announcement on June 12th that if the PDFs are arrested they will seal the house where the PDF rented. Military Junta soldiers are also raiding civilian places and still committing that they are burning civilian buildings, arresting, torturing and killing..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
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Local URL:
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"Executive Summary
This study finds that at least 6,337 civilians were reported as killed and 2,614 as wounded for political reasons in Myanmar in the twenty months between the military coup of February 1, 2021, and September 30, 2022. This is a larger number than is normally cited in the media, and yet it is only an estimate, based on reported killings gathered from reliable media reports. The actual total is surely higher since many killings have likely gone unreported.
Our research indicates that even establishing an accurate total for just the reported civilian killings from any single available dataset is essentially impossible, due to selection bias with respect to sources. This is true of the Township-based Conflict Monitoring System (TCMS) dataset, which is maintained by the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security (MIPS) and provides the main basis for this study. We have thus combined several datasets to arrive at an approximate total figure.
This report defines civilians as individuals who are neither combatants nor members of armed organizations, and who do not take part directly in hostile actions. The report does not join the debate over what kinds of violence constitute a violation of international humanitarian law. Our study aims to demonstrate that the total reported number of conflict-driven civilian fatalities is higher than the figures cited in reports compiled by various international actors, including the United Nations. The study briefly discusses the reported killings of individuals alleged to have been members of a Pyu Saw Htee or militia force associated with the Myanmar military. Since we have been unable to ascertain the veracity of these allegations, we have taken them at face value and have not counted these particular individuals as civilians.
The escalation of violence against civilians in Myanmar began shortly after the February 2021 coup, when the new military regime suppressed non-violent protests by means of brutal crackdowns, arrests, torture, and killings. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) identified 884 protest-related killings by the security forces. After the initial phase of repression of the anti-junta protest, political violence continued at a lower level, which then escalated and reached a monthly peak of 492 registered killings in December 2021.
The repression of the non-violent protests led to the formation of local resistance groups, such as Local Defense Forces (LDF) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), which acquired arms and training from Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). These groups launched attacks against military units, police targets, and civil servants who allegedly supported the arrest of protesters by actively supporting the military. The media reports also showed that resistance groups themselves killed some civil servants who did not join the Civil Disobedience Movement. The military responded with raids against villages suspected of harboring PDFs. The retaliatory violence triggered a wave of politically motivated murders by both sides, with the military targeting suspected PDF fighters and supporters, and the PDFs targeting alleged informers and collaborators. The military then responded by arming local militias. Given this dynamic, political violence is likely to escalate further, and perhaps reach catastrophic proportions. The epicenter of the escalated violence has been the Sagaing and Magway regions, which are mainly populated by Myanmar’s ethnic Burman majority population, and which had not experienced armed struggle in decades prior to the coup.
This study finds that politically motivated murders, and not collateral killings in connection with armed clashes, constituted the dominant form of violence against civilians in both urban and rural areas in the 20-month period after the coup. This was especially true in regions populated by the ethnic Burman majority and in the two major cities of Yangon and Mandalay. Sixty-seven percent of the reported civilian fatalities were politically motivated murders. The four regions—Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay, and Yangon—have seen the highest number of civilian deaths due both to the repression in the first six months after the coup and to politically motivated murders in the subsequent months. In contrast to the aftermath of the 1988 military crackdown against the protestors in Yangon and other places, when the main fighting took place in ethnic minority areas, in the period from 2021–2022, the Burman majority population suffered the most from political violence.
A key purpose of this study is to demonstrate that ample multimedia evidence is available to systematically track the number of civilian killings in Myanmar. Much evidence may be found in the social media, where perpetrators often post images, videos, and accounts of their actions. Additionally, traditional media and local news sources have reported a great number of killings, often with a high degree of accuracy. These reports, compiled by local journalists, are available on Facebook, Telegram, and other social media platforms.
While we emphasize that the Myanmar military holds sole responsibility for instigating the trend of violence when it repressed the non-violent protests, our study calls for more research both to understand the large number of politically motivated murders of civilians that occurred afterward and to identify the perpetrators. The study calculates that the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw), police, and affiliated militia were responsible for 3,003 reported civilian deaths (including protestors), between February 1, 2021, and September 30, 2022. In the same 20-month period, anti-coup resistance groups or EAOs killed 2,152 civilians, and unspecified perpetrators killed at least 1,170 civilians. Our study also shows that determining the category to which some of the unspecified perpetrators belong is possible by identifying their victims. (For categories of perpetrators, see Table 8 below.) One objective of this study is to lay a groundwork for investigating each and every incident.
The military regime plans to hold a sham election in August 2023, which the opposition has vowed to disrupt. Even though the election is likely to be delayed, the risk of election-related violence remains high. There have been media reports of election-related violence and explicit threats against the political parties that decided to register their parties with the Union Election Commission (UEC) and civil servants working on behalf of the UEC. The scale, trend, and acceptance of violence against civilians by supporters of both the military regime and the resistance groups are worrying. There is potential for politicide, with large-scale retaliatory killings should the violence escalate.
On the basis of our research, we would like to suggest that the United Nations (UN) create a system to observe and document the murder of civilians in Myanmar, in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2669. This resolution demands the cessation of all violence and encourages restraint and the reduction of tensions. The proposed system should maintain a current tally of civilian deaths, modelled on the one that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) uses to track civilian deaths in Ukraine. Furthermore, our study urges all participants in the conflict to begin a conversation about safeguarding civilians and halting the continuous killing of civilians in conflict zones and major cities..."
Source/publisher:
Peace Research Institute Oslo
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
pdf
Size:
1.91 MB (56 pages) - Original version
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"A report released today by the Peace Research Institute Oslo finds that at least 6,000 civilians were killed in the first 20 months following Myanmar’s military coup in 2021. This is significantly higher than reported by international bodies, including the United Nations.
“Our data shows that the human toll of the conflict is higher than previously reported, and while the junta is clearly the main killer, anti-junta forces also have large amounts of blood on their hands,” said Stein Tønnesson, Research Professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) and the co-author of the study.
The report, ‘Counting Myanmar’s Dead - Reported Civilian Casualties since the 2021 Military Coup,’ uses the Township-based Conflict Monitoring System maintained by Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security, and two other datasets as the main sources for compiling figures.
It found that the Myanmar military, police and affiliated militia were responsible for over 3,000 reported civilian deaths between 1 February 2021 and 30 September 2022. In the same 20-month period, anti-coup resistance groups killed over 2,000 civilians, and unspecified perpetrators killed at least 1,000 civilians. The actual totals are no doubt higher since many killings have likely gone unreported.
In addition, the study found that politically motivated murders, and not collateral killings in connection with armed clashes, constituted the main form of violence against civilians in both urban and rural areas in the 20-month period after the coup. This was especially true in regions populated by the ethnic Burman majority, including the two major cities of Yangon and Mandalay.
At least 67 percent of reported civilian fatalities were politically motivated murders. Four regions – Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay and Yangon – have seen the highest number of civilian deaths due both to the repression in the first six months after the coup and to targeted political murders in subsequent months.
The military regime plans to hold a general election in the second half of 2023, where the National League for Democracy, which won the elections by a landslide in 2015 and 2020, and other important opposition parties will not be able to partake. The risk of election-related violence is high. There have already been reports of conflict incidents, and of threats against civil servants working on behalf of the regime’s election.
“Civilians in Myanmar are bracing themselves for a steep escalation in violence. There is huge potential for politicide, with large-scale retaliatory killings, if the civil war escalates to a next level. This report should set off alarm bells to world bodies like the UN and ASEAN,” warned Dr. Min Zaw Oo, a Global Fellow at PRIO and director of the Myanmar Institute of Peace and Security, the lead author of the report.
The study recommends that the UN improve its system to observe and document the murder of civilians in Myanmar, in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2669, regardless of the perpetrators’ political affiliation. This resolution demands the cessation of all violence and encourages restraint and the reduction of tensions. The report also urges all sides to the conflict to begin a dialogue on protecting civilians.
For more information or to arrange an interview:
Contact Michelle Delaney, Communication Director at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) | [email protected] | mobile 0047 941 65 579.
Click here to download the whole report, ‘Counting Myanmar’s dead - Reported Civilian Casualties since the 2021 Military Coup.’
Click here to access the Township-based Conflict Monitoring System and two other datasets used for the report..."
Source/publisher:
Norwegian Refugee Council via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"A Justice For Myanmar investigation has uncovered new details of Austria’s Diamond Aircraft Industries’ project with the Myanmar military to locally assemble and produce DART-450 aircraft, in an apparent breach of the EU arms embargo.
The DART-450 are training and reconnaissance planes that would provide the military with support to train Myanmar Air Force pilots, who are essential to the junta’s large-scale indiscriminate airstrikes, part of its campaign of terror against the people. The aircraft would also provide the military with aerial surveillance capabilities.
Through a transfer of technology deal, Diamond Aircraft Industries supplied the Myanmar military with composites and parts, as well as technical assistance in Myanmar and the training of military personnel in Austria to assemble aircraft and manufacture key parts.
Diamond Aircraft Industries is an Austrian based aircraft manufacturer owned by the Chinese corporation, Wanfeng Aviation Industry via a UK holding company. Wanfeng Aviation Industry’s ultimate owner is the Shenzhen-listed Zhejiang Wanfeng Auto Wheel Company Limited.
Diamond Aircraft Industries’ support for the Myanmar military took place after its campaign of genocide against the Rohingya and while it was committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in other ethnic areas with total impunity. The project was running between 2017 and 2020, when it was temporarily disrupted as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic.
Under the EU’s arms embargo on Myanmar, in force during the project period, it is illegal to provide arms, dual use goods, and equipment used for internal repression to Myanmar, in addition to restrictions on military training and military cooperation.
Justice for Myanmar has obtained confidential records that confirm that the project would result in the Myanmar air force obtaining DART aircraft that would be locally assembled, with the military producing key composite components and parts in Myanmar over six apparent phases.
In the first phase of the DART-450 project in Myanmar, six DART-450 aircrafts were to be manufactured in Austria and shipped, bulk-packed and by airfreight, to Myanmar for final assembly from 2019. The assembly of one aircraft has been completed in Myanmar with the on-site support of Diamond Aircraft technicians from Austria and Germany.
Justice For Myanmar has identified companies from multiple countries implicated in the project that may also be in breach of sanctions. The companies whose key technical components have been used for the DART-450 project in Myanmar and are based in countries with arms embargoes on Myanmar include Garmin (Switzerland), SIRS Navigation (UK), Electronics International (USA) and Safran (France). Composite materials have been supplied to Myanmar by Engineered Cramer Composites (ECC) (Germany).
According to information obtained for Justice For Myanmar, negotiations between Diamond Aircraft Industries and Swedish company DST Control AB to equip the DART-450 aircrafts with OTUS-U250 sensors have also been initiated.
Justice For Myanmar identified companies whose computer numerical control machines have been used to manufacture and assemble the DART-450 aircrafts at the Shante air base in Myanmar, including Schuko (Germany), Styrotec (Germany) and Felder (Austria).
The Diamond Aircraft Industries deal with the Myanmar military was brokered by Miya Win International, a Myanmar company that has been sanctioned by the UK and has been involved in the procurement of other military end-use equipment from Austria for the Myanmar military, including unmanned aerial vehicles from Schiebel Corporation and a flight simulator from Axis Simulation.
Justice For Myanmar has submitted evidence of the Diamond Aircraft Industries business with the Myanmar military to the European Union’s sanctions whistleblower tool and calls for a swift investigation into Diamond and associated companies.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Diamond Aircraft Industries’ deep engagement with the Myanmar military is a shocking failure of the Austrian government to enforce the EU arms embargo on Myanmar.
“While the Myanmar military was carrying out indiscriminate airstrikes and committing genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity, Diamond Aircraft Industries was equipping and training Myanmar military personnel to locally assemble aircrafts that would clearly be used to repress the Myanmar people.
“This is not a standalone case but part of a pattern of Austria’s failures to stop its companies from supplying the Myanmar military with equipment and technology, including after the military’s illegal coup attempt on February 1, 2021
“Austria needs to urgently investigate all those that have violated EU restrictive measures on Myanmar, hold them accountable, and take concrete steps to prevent the further complicity of Austrian companies and citizens in the Myanmar military’s international crimes.
“The UK, Germany, France, Switzerland, Sweden and the USA should also investigate companies in their jurisdictions that are implicated in the Myanmar military’s DART-450 project and take action against all breaches of sanctions.
“The EU and its allies should sanction Miya Win International and its owners to help prevent further European transfers of arms and equipment to the murderous junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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150.1 KB
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"This report examines why digital infrastructures are crucial to the work and survival of independent media, particularly in Majority World countries, and why the current infrastructures are a serious threat to press freedom, access to information and democracy.
It also presents inspiration, examples and recommendations to what a broad range of factors can do to create alternative public interest infrastructure and explains why media is a crucial actor to include in these processes.
First, a timeline introduces the key shifts in media and information distribution throughout time.
The first chapter, Digital infrastructure that serves the public interest, outlines basic elements of what public interest infrastructure is and why the scale of our current problems in the digital space forces us to focus more on locally anchored alternatives. It is based on a range of interviews and public events over the past year and a half with leading journalists and tech experts, including IMS partners, from around the world.
Moving closer to the local context, Online risks and social resilience in Myanmar analyses the advantages and dangers of current digital infrastructures in Myanmar, particularly regarding social media and messaging tools. The analysis looks into how digital platforms have increased trust levels and direct communication, but also concludes that the price of these developments has been very high, and that the services posed a threat to the public’s safety after the military coup on 1 February 2021.
Building on leading academic research, Who controls the internet in Myanmar presents a mapping and analysis of the ownership and control of Myanmar’s digital infrastructure, from cell towers and undersea cables to apps, and its consequences for local media and the public. The researchers conclude that the military is in a prime position to turn the country into a digital dictatorship.
The last chapter, How to get there: reimagine, build and scale in the public interest, analyses and proposes what steps independent media, the media development community, global and local communities, governments and donors can take towards creating digital infrastructures that better serve the public interest locally and globally, while introducing solutions that excites us – like local, slow-moving social media platforms and a tool to measure the public interest value of an organisation’s current and future tech procurements.
Finally, the report rounds off with a list of recommendations to catalyse the ambitious work towards the vision of public interest infrastructure. These reflect that we need to join, form and support coalitions with diverse skills and a shared vision at local, regional and global levels..."
Source/publisher:
International Media Support (Denmark)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
9.05 MB (52 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"This report provides insights into the media habits of the population of Myanmar following the 2021-military coup as well as people’s news concepts, trust levels and media literacy levels.
This publication presents the findings from an audience study carried out by IMS and Nyan Corridor in June-August 2022. Due to difficulties with data collection in the current situation, the conclusions of the study apply mainly to the subset of the population that can be said to be in opposition of the military coup.
The study found that the 2021 military coup has significantly altered the media environment of the country, causing audiences to change their habits and understandings of both media and news. The military’s crackdown on independent media has made it far more difficult for people to access independent news and information and many struggle to navigate in the polarised society that is also reflected in the media landscape. The conflict is on everyone’s mind and people actively seek out information to stay updated and make informed decisions for themselves and their families. Mainstream media outlets such as Mizzima and DVB are seen as trusted sources of information where content is produced based on ethical principles, but they are unfortunately not always able of providing needed information from a hyperlocal level. In these cases, audiences rely on local media or online community media (eg. Facebook groups for specific local areas) for information.
There is no doubt that social media plays a vital role in Myanmar. Compared to the findings from an audience research study IMS conducted in 2018, where television was the preferred medium for news and information, most Burmese today rely on social media. Facebook is by far the most used platform, but people are beginning to be more vary as to how they use Facebook and leave traces of their whereabouts and political opinions. People may fear that liking, commenting or sharing news from non-military media can have consequences for their safety and security. People are in general far more conscious about their media usage and digital habits and take extra measures to protect themselves and their online identity. For instance, by using VPN servers when accessing social media and news sites or leaving their smart phones at home when leaving the house to avoid it being scrutinized by authorities. Media literacy levels also appear to have been elevated with people checking sources and fact-checking information they encounter online. This is a positive development in a country that until recently saw very low levels of media literacy and understanding of dis/misinformation on social media.
Based on the findings, the report ends with 11 recommendations directed towards both the Myanmar media and the organisations and institutions that supports the media. IMS hopes that these recommendations can serve as inspiration for the continuous support to sustain independent media in a post-coup Myanmar and ensure that the population continue to have access to relevant and reliable news and information..."
Source/publisher:
International Media Support (Denmark)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.08 MB (24 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"Dear friends,
We are very sad to share this news with you. The Burma Army troops in Moebya, Shan State, have killed at least six civilians over the last three days. The first three, shot to death on 6 June, were men. One of them was shot to death at 1000 on 6 June; another was hit by a 60 mm mortar (photos below) at 1630 as he was gardening. Then, while we were there trying to comfort the family of the man killed by the mortar, another civilian was shot dead by the Burma Army, on the far western side of town. The Burma military has three positions around the town, and most people have fled. However, some have tried to stay so that they can finish their harvest.
The following day, on 7 June, the Burma military patrolled into the village and captured 12 villagers and yesterday, on 8 June, three of them were shot dead. They were all in the same family, two women, Maw Maw Oo, 31 years old, and Thein Gi Oo, 29 years old. With them was their father, Aye Win Oo, 57 years old. All three were shot in the head and their bodies dumped on the street. When the bodies were recovered, the two women showed signs of torture and rape. We just finished burying them today. As we were comforting the family, we heard from other villagers that three more villagers had been executed, but we haven’t found the bodies yet.
These six villagers, trying to stay out of the war yet murdered anyway, are some of the over two thousand who have been killed by the Burma Army since the coup of 1 February 2021. Here in southern Shan State, there have been almost daily airstrikes, heavy mortar barrages, and shooting by Burma Army troops. In Burma, there are over three million people internally displaced now and everyone’s living in fear. There is no safe place. Please pray with us for the families and for change in Burma and for countries of goodwill to join in and help..."
Source/publisher:
Free Burma Rangers
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Reporting torture: resources
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Executive Summary:
Burmanisation and Buddhisation: Accelerating the Deterioration of Religious Rights in Myanmar outlines how the 2021 military coup in Myanmar has accelerated the deterioration of rights, especially of religious minorities in the country.
Article 34 of the Myanmar constitution enshrines the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) to ensure that religious freedom is respected for all citizens, regardless of their ethnic and religious background. However, the constitution also contains provisions that prioritise Buddhism, the dominant religion in Myanmar, over other religions.
Additionally, Myanmar’s military has backtracked on the initial engagement by the earlier democratically-elected government in the mid-2010s to sign and ratify international human rights covenants like the ICCPR and ICERD. This further hinders the sustainability of freedom of religion or belief in the country, given its past and present limited or non-observance to international human rights standards.
Successive governments, both military and non-military, since colonial independence, have prioritised and promoted Bamar culture and Buddhism, known as Burmanisation and Buddhisation. However, this has severely limited the religious rights of non-Buddhist and non-Bamar individuals and communities.
Following the 2021 coup, Myanmar’s State Administration Council has intensified pressure on the rights of ethnic and religious minority groups, through aggressive Burmanisation and Buddhisation policies. These policies are pursued through the following three measures: 1) using pre-coup legislation that is oppressive in nature and undermines the rights of ethno-religious minorities, 2) ignoring existing constitutional provisions that ensure the protection of freedom of religion or belief; and 3), refusing to implement the recommendations made via UN human rights mechanisms by member states. As a result, the military has not only stalled the democratisation process but regressed the country into an accelerated deterioration of human rights, including religious rights.
This report presents evidence of four main ways in which religious rights are being deteriorated in Myanmar: 1) targeting of pro-federalism ethno-religious communities; 2) damage, destruction and occupation of religious sites; 3) arbitrary detentions and killings of ethno-religious minorities; 4) persecution of Muslim Rohingya. Although these impacts are primarily felt by members of ethno-religious minorities, Bamar people and Buddhists have also been affected, especially if they support or are suspected of supporting those resisting the junta.
Given the rapidly deteriorating state of rights, especially that of religious minorities and the ongoing conflict that exists between the pro-democracy and pro-military groups, this report recommends the following multi-stakeholder actions: the international community should use its mechanisms to monitor, engage, and denounce FoRB violations and explore diplomatic ways to engage with Myanmar’s leaders to review discriminatory laws and stop the violence. INGOs should collaborate with local groups by receiving first-hand accounts of rights violations for international dissemination and provide technical and financial support to them. Local civil society organisations should safely monitor and raise awareness among the population of their religious rights.
Collectively, these efforts can help improve the state of religious rights in Myanmar, particularly for members of minority groups, ensuring that they can practise their chosen religion without being targeted or harassed..."
Source/publisher:
Asia Centre
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups
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Description:
"The military press release on the 2nd anniversary of the establishment of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) said that the administrative mechanism of the military council in Karenni State (Kayah) is now only in Loikaw. Founded on 31 May, 2021, the KNDF has formed 22 battalions and six military strategies.
Our BNI-Myanmar Peace Monitor’s weekly news review for this week highlights the 2nd anniversary of the establishment of the KNDF and military and political shifts in Karenni (Kayah) State.....၂ နှစ်ပြည့် KNDF ၏ ကရင်နီဒေသဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းစကား
ကရင်နီပြည် (ကယား) အတွင်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရားသည် လွိုင်ကော်မြို့ တစ်မြို့တည်းတွင်သာ ရှိတော့သည်ဟု ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (KNDF) ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ခြင်း ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် စစ်ရေးသတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်က ဆိုပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၃၁ ရက်တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် KNDF သည် ယခုအခါ စစ်ဗျူဟာ (၆) ဗျူဟာဖြင့် တပ်ရင်းပေါင်း ၂၂ ရင်းကို အခိုင်အမာ ဖွဲ့စည်းထားနိုင်ပြီဟုလည်း ဆိုပါသည်။
ယခုတစ်ပတ် BNI-Myanmar Peace Monitor ၏ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းသုံးသပ်ချက်တွင် KNDF တည်ထောင်ခြင်း ၂ နှစ်ပြည့်နှင့်အတူ ကရင်နီပြည် (ကယား) ဒေသတွင်း စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအရွေ့များကို လေ့လာတင်ပြထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Peace Monitor
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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Format :
pdf pdf
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3.92 MB 3.27 MB
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Description:
"Military Junta troops launched an airstrike and dropped bombs in Kachin State, Shan State, and Bago Region from June 1st to 7th. Military junta arrested more than 70 civilians and used them as human shields in Sagaing Region and Mandalay Region. Pro Military’ Junta Pyusawhtee militias tortured and killed 2 women in Htantabin Township, Yangon Region.
Military Junta troops burnt and killed a civilian from Sintgu Township in Mandalay Region. 3 civilians including a child were killed and 16 people including 2 children were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks. Civilians’ properties were burnt and damaged by the Military Junta dropping bombs..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
164.18 KB
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Sub-title:
Junta’s Crackdown on Defense Counsel Reflects Broader Attack on Justice System
Description:
"Lawyers in Myanmar defending anti-coup protesters and critics have faced threats, arrest, and prosecution by the military junta. Those detained have been tortured and mistreated.
The military authorities impose systematic obstacles and restrictions on lawyers, impeding their work. The junta has created closed courts inside prisons that violate fair trial rights to fast-track politically sensitive cases.
Myanmar’s junta should urgently restore civilian democratic rule. Concerned governments should impose targeted sanctions against junta members implicated in abuses, seek referral of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and adopt a global arms embargo.
(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military junta has threatened and harassed lawyers trying to defend the rights of protesters and others arbitrarily detained since the February 1, 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The 39-page report, “‘Our Numbers are Dwindling’: Myanmar’s Post-Coup Crackdown on Lawyers,” examines the junta authorities’ pattern of harassment, surveillance, arrests, and in some cases torture of lawyers since the coup, particularly those taking on political cases. At least 32 lawyers have been arrested and placed in pretrial detention with little evidence supporting the charges against them, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
“At every turn, Myanmar’s lawyers have faced systematic, junta-imposed obstacles and restrictions impeding their work,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The military authorities should immediately release all those arbitrarily detained and stop harassing lawyers.”
Since the coup, the junta has arrested and detained thousands of anti-coup activists and critics and prosecuted many for incitement and terrorism in summary trials that do not meet international fair trial standards. Myanmar’s already tenuous justice system has declined drastically, failing to uphold basic due process rights. The junta has created “special courts,” closed courts inside prisons to fast-track political cases. Military tribunals hold summary trials in townships where martial law has been declared. Despite the systematic impediments imposed by the military authorities, lawyers still try to defend the human rights of those arrested.
Human Rights Watch interviewed 19 defense lawyers and 7 legal advisers to international nongovernmental organizations working inside the Myanmar military junta’s special courts system. All 19 lawyers said they had experienced intimidation and surveillance by junta authorities. In some cases, the junta authorities appear to have targeted lawyers in reprisal for representing activists charged with sedition, incitement, or terrorism.
Lawyers also reported ill treatment or torture of detained colleagues. Several sources familiar with the situation of Tin Win Aung, a high court lawyer from Mandalay Region, said he suffered a broken arm and leg, and had to have a feeding tube inserted into his stomach after beatings by security force personnel during pretrial detention.
One lawyer who spoke to Human Rights Watch shortly after her release from prison said police blindfolded her, placed her in stress positions, and deprived her of food and water during interrogation.
Inside special courts, lawyers and their clients face numerous problems, including being forbidden to privately communicate or discuss their cases prior to hearings. Lawyers said that junta officials frequently obstructed or prevented them from carrying out their professional duties, denying suspects their rights to due process and a fair trial.
In the 47 townships in which the junta has imposed martial law, military tribunals also adjudicate criminal cases involving civilian defendants. The military tribunals also typically operate in prisons. Suspects may not have access to a lawyer, and trials are summary and invariably result in convictions and heavier sentences.
The United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers set out standards that governments should adopt in their national legislation and to ensure that lawyers can exercise their proper role. These principles address access to lawyers and legal services, special criminal justice safeguards, and lawyers’ freedom of expression and association. Myanmar junta authorities have routinely acted contrary to the Basic Principles.
The ability of lawyers to exercise their functions freely and independently is central to the capacity of the justice system to protect fair trial rights. Lawyers need confidential access to their clients to be able to provide prompt, unhindered, and accurate legal advice and ensure the right to a fair trial. Although Myanmar is not a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the right to a fair trial is recognized as customary international law and a responsibility of Myanmar as a UN member state.
Foreign governments and regional organizations concerned about the disastrous human rights situation in Myanmar should adopt a range of measures against the military junta, including targeted sanctions against members implicated in abuses and military-linked companies, referring Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and a global arms embargo.
In pressing for the release of political prisoners, all governments should raise the harassment and jailing of lawyers, and seek to improve their ability to defend those imprisoned, often for years, for peacefully protesting the junta’s abuses.
“The junta authorities are making up the rules as they go, to subjugate and discredit the very people trying to protect the fundamental right to a fair trial,” Maung said. “Concerned governments should act swiftly to ensure that the courageous remaining lawyers trying to protect those rights are not silenced.”
“‘Our Numbers are Dwindling’: Myanmar’s Post-Coup Crackdown on Lawyers” is available at:
https://www.hrw.org/report/2023/06/08/our-numbers-are-dwindling/myanmars-post-coup-crackdown-lawyers
Selected Accounts
Lawyer from Yangon speaking to Human Rights Watch, October 2022:
"We are heavily surveilled; we’re told [by the judges] that we can’t ask witnesses certain questions; we receive threats from prison officials, intelligence units, and random people. They take down our names, take photos of us, come to our houses, and watch from outside. The lawyers who are going into the special courts inside the prisons are harassed the most. They have all our details so there is a constant threat hanging over us."
Lawyer describing to Human Rights Watch the torture and mistreatment of the senior lawyer, Tin Win Aung, during his detention at Mandalay’s Oh-Bo prison, October 2022:
"His legs were stretched and cuffed in a wooden shackle. Then they would roll a heavy stick across his tibia, then they stand on his legs, so his tibia bones were fractured. They kicked his chest and back … There were also injuries like being cut with knives. His leg bones were mostly fractured. From the impact of a kick into his chest and back, his lungs were damaged too."
Lawyer outside Yangon speaking to Human Rights Watch after her release, in April 2023:
"They blindfolded me and took me away, to what I assume was a police station. When we got there, I was ordered to kneel down and raise my head for a photograph – they kept my hands tied behind my back. They kept me at the station for a while, then they came to take me to the interrogation place in blindfold … I was still blindfolded and forced to kneel down with my arms tied behind my back and questioned like that for hours each time."
Lawyer speaking to Human Rights Watch in February 2023 shortly after she went into hiding to escape a junta-issued warrant for her arrest:
"In the courtroom, I now have to worry about not getting myself detained rather than speaking the truth. This is especially true when I have to represent political cases. Everyone at the court knows who I am, and the court has all my credentials and personal information. The junta can detain me at any time, and they can and will make up any reasons they want."..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
37.31 MB (Original version) - 50 pages, 476.91 KB (Original version) - 3 pages, 193.24 KB (Original version) - 14 pages
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Description:
"This is the US Campaign for Burma’s 28th monthly On-The-Ground in Burma briefer! This month’s briefer will discuss the devastation following Cyclone Mocha and the struggle of civilians in impacted areas. This briefer also features an interview with a resettled refugee in the U.S.
This month’s briefer includes:
May highlights
An analysis on the aftermath of Cyclone Mocha and the difficulties of those in impacted areas
Four major policy recommendations
A feature interview with a resettled refugee in the U.S.
An overview of IDP issues and rights abuses in each ethnic state and central Burma
As the conflict escalates in Burma between the pro-junta militias, anti-coup forces, and the military, so has the violence and rights deprivations in ethnic regions and central Burma. Without strong tangible action, the Burmese junta will continue to commit crimes against humanity with impunity..."
Source/publisher:
US Campaign for Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.35 MB
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Description:
"1. On June 6, the Government of Japan decided to extend Emergency Grant Aid of USD 2 million to Myanmar and Bangladesh affected by Cyclone Mocha on May 14.
2. The western part of Myanmar and the Cox's Bazar district where displaced persons camps are located and other areas of Bangladesh have been severely affected by Cyclone Mocha and its subsequent flood. This Emergency Grant Aid is to provide assistance in the areas of food, water and sanitation, and shelter through the World Food Programme (WFP), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
(Reference)Breakdown of the Emergency Grant Aid
1. Myanmar
(1) WFP: Food [USD 1 million]
(2) ICRC: Water and sanitation, shelter [USD 500,000]
2. Bangladesh
IOM: Water and sanitation [USD 500,000]..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Japan
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (17/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.71 MB
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Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Nam Neint village (နန်းနိမ့်), Pinlaung Township (ပင်လောင်း), Shan State (ရှမ်း) [19.900822, 96.836592].
Date/Time of Incident: 11 March 2023
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and Involvement:
Myanmar Military
Pa-O National Army (military-allied forces)
Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF)
People’s Defence Forces (PDF)
Summary of Investigation:
Pinlaung township has experienced a number of reported clashes taking place between the military, military-allied forces, and local defence forces in the area.
Eleven days before the incident at Nam Neint village, reports of an airstrike four kilometres away in Tawng Me Thin (တောင်မဲသင်း) village were verified by Myanmar Witness.
Myanmar Witness geolocated user-generated content (UGC) showing Nam Neint village on fire and identified FIRMS data that suggests this fire took place on 11 March 2023. This fire was seen burning between 0715 local time and 1045 local time.
Images of deceased individuals were geolocated by Myanmar Witness to Nam Neint village. The images indicate that the individuals had died very recently, and fires were captured still burning.
Although the capture date of the various pieces of UGC in this investigation cannot be verified, Myanmar Witness determined that the incident almost certainly took place on 11 March 2023, likely between 0715 and 0847 local time.
While the perpetrators cannot be conclusively identified, there is information to suggest that the Myanmar military were present in the area at the time.
Warning: This report contains graphic imagery.
Summary
On 27 February 2023 in Pinlaung Township, Southern Shan State, The Karenni National Defense Force (KNDF) and the People's Defense Forces (PDF) attacked a Pa-O National Organization (PNO) checkpoint near the village of Tawng Me Thin village. At least 10 Myanmar military and PNO personnel were reportedly killed in this incident. The PNO is a military-aligned organisation, with an armed wing: the Pa-O National Army (PNA). They have known ties to the Union and Solidary Development Party (USDP).
Due to the fighting in the region, many villagers from Tawng Me Thin and the surrounding villages were reportedly forced to flee to other villages in Pinlaung (ပင်လောင်း) and Naungtayar sub-Township (နောင်တရားမြို့နယ်ခွဲ).
On 28 February 2023, reports on social media claimed that Tawng Me Thin village was hit by an airstrike. Myanmar Witness identified footage showing a Myanmar Air Force (MAF) K-8 aircraft flying over Tawng Me Thin village. In the footage, the village appears to have been attacked with the aircraft; however, Myanmar Witness could not verify the date this incident took place.
On 11 March 2023, the Myanmar military allegedly raided Nam Neint village, burning homes and killing more than 20 residents - including at least three monks. Civilians allegedly hid inside the monastery compound while the military burned down homes.
Myanmar Witness has verified several images showing at least 22 separate deceased individuals in the monastery compound, as well as evidence of burnt homes. The images of bodies are time stamped to 11 March 2023, but could not be independently chronolocated. However, NASA’s Fire Information for Resource Management System (FIRMS) confirms the presence of fire in Nam Neint village on 11 March 2023. Using Suncalc, Myanmar Witness analysed some of the identified UGC and broadly chronolocated its origin to be between 0715 and 0847 local time.
Location
Pinlaung township in southern Shan State is located within the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone, which is jointly controlled by PNO and the Myanmar military (Figure 1). The township is at the junction of Naypyidaw (နေပြည်တော်), Taunggyi (တောင်ကြီး), and Loikaw (လွိုင်ကော်).
Between 24 February to 1 March 2023, clashes were reported between Myanmar military forces, their allies the PNA, and joint KNDF and PDF forces. A skirmish on 27 February 2023 reportedly left nine individuals from the Myanmar military and PNA joint forces dead. According to a citizen from Pinlaung township, this occurred when joint defence forces (KNDF and PDF) attacked a Myanmar military and PNA joint checkpoint on the road between Long Pyin (လုံးပျဉ်) and Tawng Me Thin village.
An airstrike in Tawng me Thin village on 28 February (analysed within this report) led to the displacement of up to 6000 people from neighbouring villages. This was followed by ground attacks in Nam Neint village which left up to 22 people dead.
The Tawng me Thin village Airstrike - 28 February
On 28 February 2023, Tawng Me Thin village was allegedly attacked with an airstrike. Myanmar Witness was able to geolocate footage showing a MAF aircraft carrying out an airstrike in Tawng Me Thin village (Figure 3). In the footage, at the 0.06 second mark, a fighter jet identified by Myanmar Witness as a K-8, passes over the village and drops ordinance at around 19.888637, 96.872788. This immediately causes a flash and smoke to rise from the affected area (Figure 4)..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.95 MB
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Sub-title:
Since the coup in 2021 the carnage has been unceasing, meanwhile Russia and China continue to send weapons
Description:
"The problem is not that governments around the world are unaware of what is happening in Myanmar. It’s that they are not doing nearly enough to stop it.
Since the military seized power in a coup in early 2021, it has terrorised the country, killed, tortured and imprisoned thousands of citizens, broken countless laws, and made a mockery of the UN.
The carnage is unceasing, yet only occasionally does it hit the international headlines. One such moment came in April when the junta bombed the village of Pazigyi, in Sagaing region. More than 160 people, including children, were killed by what Human Rights Watch said was a thermobaric, fuel-air vacuum bomb, followed by helicopter gunship attacks. “The ordnance detonated with deadly impact, ripping the bodies of men, women and children open, turning their skin to ash, and inflicting critical shrapnel wounds,” a UN report said.
Myanmar’s dictator, General Min Aung Hlaing, is as paranoid as he is brutal. He has banned opposition political parties, silenced the media, and jailed the country’s elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. An estimated 1.38 million people have been displaced. That’s in addition to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees, victims of what investigators say may be genocide. “Systematic, gross human rights violations, amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity, [are] being perpetrated daily on the people of Myanmar,” the UN’s special rapporteur declared..
Wanton destruction of Myanmar’s democracy has produced growing, guerrilla-style popular resistance under the umbrella of the People’s Defence Forces, backed by ethnic militias. About 13,000 regime soldiers and police have defected
The result is de facto civil war. The military has lost control of large areas, as we report. A government in exile – the National Unity Government – is trying to rally international support.
The US, the UK and the EU have imposed several rounds of sanctions on the regime, including an arms embargo, but their efforts are undercut by China, Russia, India and others. While condemning the junta, the Asean regional grouping is split – and has proved ineffectual, too.
China could probably stop the killing if it wanted. But it values Myanmar’s natural resources and ports above human rights and democracy. The UN says Beijing has supplied the junta with $254m in arms since the coup.
Russia, whose $400m in weapons sales include the helicopter gunships used to kill the Pazigyi villagers, joins China at the UN to protect the junta from tougher international action..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"1. Prime Minister urges enhanced efforts to maintain effective communication in areas under NUG’s control.....2. Military junta obstructs humanitarian aid delivery.....3. NUG Ministry of Defence reports 700 injuries and 600 fatalities among military troops in March.....4. Maung Swan Htet, a medical student, recognized as a hero of the Spring Revolution.....5. NUG condemns violence against health services by the military council.....6. Assistance provided to households affected by Cyclone “Mokha”..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.2 MB
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Sub-title:
Statement on the Foreign Minister’s meeting with UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Dr. Noeleen Heyzer
Description:
"Union Minister of Foreign Affairs Daw Zin Mar Aung welcomed her in-person meeting with the
UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar Dr. Noeleen Heyzer on 2 June 2023.
In a broad discussion, the Foreign Minister accepted Dr. Heyzer's decision to conclude her
assignment and expressed the National Unity Government’s appreciation for her commitment to
her mandate.
Dr. Heyzer brought considerable energy and experience to her role and made determined efforts,
particularly in pursuing humanitarian assistance for communities in desperate need and in elevating
Myanmar women’s voices.
Yet, as Dr. Hezyer concedes, the significant obstacles she faced as Special Envoy were made worse
by a lack of international resolve on Myanmar. Consequently, during her term the illegal military
junta escalated its widespread atrocities, ignored UN Security Council and General Assembly
demands, and frustrated efforts to implement ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus.
In recent weeks, the junta has also prevented UN agencies from delivering aid to communities
devastated by Cyclone Mocha including in Rakhine state, with UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights Volker Turk stating that the 'damage and loss of life was both foreseeable and avoidable -
and is clearly linked with the systematic denial of human rights’. This exposes the junta’s ongoing
weaponisation of aid for military gain and its sustained persecution of the Rohingya.
It is therefore time for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to take the lead on Myanmar. The
gravity of the situation and the vacuum created by the Special Envoy’s departure requires the
Secretary-General's use of his own good offices.
Over two years ago, the Secretary-General affirmed the 'unwavering support of the United Nations
to the people of Myanmar in their pursuit of democracy, peace, human rights and the rule of law'.
This must see the Secretary-General personally prioritise the stopping of the slaughter and a
political solution that upholds the Myanmar people’s democratic will..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
Size:
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Description:
"Sagaing has been the strongest resistance stronghold during the Spring Revolution in Myanmar. The region hosts the largest number of People’s Defense Forces-Local Defense Forces (PDFs LDFs) leading an armed revolution against the Myanmar’s military regime. The civil war has also produced the largest number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Sagaing. At the same time, the region has seen the worst destruction at the hands of Myanmar army troops, coupled with all forms of brutality.
On the one hand, there have always been disputes between PDFs-LDFs, all of whom have the common goal of eliminating the military dictatorship. Nevertheless, Sagaing’s defensive war against the military regime continues unabated. This is also the region where unarmed, nonviolent strikes still occur on the ground. On the last two days of May, the “Sagaing Forum” was convened and the military and administrative affairs of the region were discussed.
Our Burma News International (BNI) – Myanmar Peace Monitor (MPM) Weekly News Review examines the new military and political landscapes at the Sagaing Forum based on relevant news and data.....စစ်ကိုင်းဖိုရမ်နှင့် စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေး အခင်းအကျင်းအသစ်များကို မျှော်ကြည့်ခြင်း
စစ်ကိုင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များအား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံးဒေသ ဖြစ်သည်။ အာ ဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်အား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲနေကြသော မြို့ပြဒေသအလိုက် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့(PDF-LDF) အများဆုံးဒေသ ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်၏ ဘေးထွက်ဆိုးကျိုးအဖြစ် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးတိမ်း ရှောင်နေကြရသည့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူအရေအတွက်တွင်လည်း နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းလုံးအတွင်း စစ်ကိုင်တိုင်းသည် အများဆုံး ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုစာရင်းတွင်လည်း စစ်ကိုင်းသည် ထိပ်ဆုံးတွင် ရပ်တည်နေသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်မှု၊ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုပုံသဏ္ဍာန်မျိုးစုံကို စစ်ကိုင်းတွင် တွေ့ရသည်။
အခြားတဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြုတ်ချေမှုန်းရေးဆိုသည့် ဦးတည်ချက်တူညီစွာ ပေါက်ဖွား လာကြသည့် PDF-LDF များအချင်းအချင်းအကြား အငြင်းပွားမှုများကို မကြာခနဆိုသလို တွေ့ရတတ်သည်။ သို့ သော် စစ်ကိုင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲရာတွင်တော့ အရှိန်အဟုန်မြင့်တက်နေ ဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ လက်နက်မဲ့အကြမ်းမဖက်နည်းဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်လျက်ရှိသည့် မြေပြင်သပိတ်စစ် ကြောင်းများကိုလည်း စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း တွေ့မြင်နေရဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၃ခုနှစ် မေလ၏ နောက်ဆုံးနှစ်ရက် တွင်တော့ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွက် “စစ်ကိုင်းဖိုရမ်”ကို ကျင်းပကာ တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးဖြစ်ခဲ့ကြသည်ဟု ဆိုပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Peace Monitor
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဒေါက်တာနိုလင်းဟေဇာတို့ တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့မှုဆိုင်ရာ
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဒေါက်တာ နိုလင်းဟေဇာ တို့သည် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂ ရက်နေ့၌ လူချင်း တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့မှု အပေါ် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင် မှ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
ဆွေးနွေးမှုအတွင်း နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးသည် ဒေါက်တာဟေဇာ၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများ အဆုံးသတ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်မှုကို အသိအမှတ်ပြု လက်ခံကြောင်းနှင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ဒေါက်တာ ဟေဇာ၏ နှစ်မြှုပ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့မှုများကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြား ခဲ့သည်။
ဒေါက်တာဟေဇာသည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ တာဝန်များကို ထမ်းဆောင်ရာတွင် မြောက်မြား စွာသော အတွေ့အကြုံ၊ အင်အား စိုက်ထုတ်မှု များဖြင့် စိတ်ပိုင်းဖြတ်မှုခိုင်မာစွာ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် ခဲ့သည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် အကူအညီ အလွန်အမင်း လိုအပ်နေသည့် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများ အတွက် လူသားချင်း စာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများ ရရှိရန်နှင့် မြန်မာ အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ထုတ်ဖော် ဖွင့်ဟမှု အသံများအား မြှင့်တင်ပေးနိုင်ရန်တို့အတွက် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးခဲ့သည်။
သို့သော်လည်း ဒေါက်တာ ဟေဇာ ဝန်ခံ ပြောကြားသည့် အတိုင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်း၏ ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု ကင်းမဲ့ခြင်းသည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် အဖြစ် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ၎င်းရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့ခဲ့ရသည့် အခက်အခဲ အတားအဆီးများကို ပိုမိုခက်ခဲ ဆိုးရွား စေခဲ့သည်။ ရလဒ် အနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် သက်တမ်း အတွင်း တရားမဝင် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ယင်း၏ ကြမ်းကြုတ် ရက်စက် ယုတ်မာမှု များကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် တိုးမြှင့် လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည့် အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေညီလာခံ တို့၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ တောင်းဆိုချက်များကို လျစ်လျူရှုကာ အာဆီယံ အဖွဲ့ကြီးနှင့် သဘောတူညီ ထားသည့် သဘောတူညီချက် (၅)ချက်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကိုလည်း ဟန့်တား နှောင့်ယှက်ခဲ့သည်။
မကြာသေးသော သီတင်းပတ်များအတွင်း စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ် အပါအဝင် ဆိုင်ကလုန်းမိုခါကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရသည့် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများသို့ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ပေးပို့မည့် ကယ်ဆယ်ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ရေး ပစ္စည်းများအား ဟန့်တားခဲ့သည့် အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီး Volker Türkကပင် "အသက်သေဆုံးမှုနှင့် ဆုံးရှုံးပျက်စီးရမှုတို့မှာ ကြိုတင်သိမြင်၍ ရှောင်ရှားနိုင်သည့်ကိစ္စရပ်များ ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို စနစ်တကျ ပိတ်ပင်နေမှုအား ထင်ရှားစွာ တွေ့မြင်နိုင်ကြောင်း" ထုတ်ပြန်ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းလုပ်ရပ်က စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် စစ်ရေးအသာရလိုမှုအတွက် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့မှုများကို လက်နက်သဖွယ် ဆက်လက် အသုံးချနေမှုနှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအား ဆက်လက်ဖိနှိပ်နေမှုကို ဖော်ပြနေခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ရာ ယခုအချိန်သည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အန်တိုနီယို ဂူတားရက်စ်အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ဦးဆောင် လမ်းပြဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့် အချိန်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေကြီးလေးမှုနှင့် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏တာဝန်ရပ်ဆိုင်းမှုမှ ဖြစ်ပေါ် လာမည့် လပ်ဟာမှုတို့ကြောင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား ကောင်းစွာ အသုံးချရန် လိုအပ်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သည့် (၂)နှစ်ကျော်ကာလ၌ "ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တရားဥပဒေ စိုးမိုးမှုဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် မမှိတ်မသုန် အထောက်အကူပေးသွားမည်" ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်က အခိုင်အမာ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးရာ စိတ်ဆန္ဒကို ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်မည့် နိုင်ငံရေး အဖြေတစ်ရပ် ထွက်ပေါ်လာရန် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်ကိုယ်ကျ ဦးစားပေးဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (21/2023) ..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.22 MB
more
Description:
"Executive Summary:
Following the attempted coup on 1 February 2021, thousands of Karenni people participated in the peaceful mass protest movement against military rule that spread across the country. After the regime’s brutal crackdown and killings of peaceful protestors, young people in Karenni State set up barricades and roadblocks and took up arms to defend themselves. Some joined the Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces, while others joined local Peoples Defense Forces groups.
Since May 2021 the junta has attempted to exert control over Karenni State through rapid militarization. Military reinforcements are routinely deployed across townships in Karenni State and neighboring areas. At the same time, the Burmese military has ruthlessly employed its counter-insurgency strategy known as the “four cuts.” This deliberately targets civilians, viewing them as the support base for armed resistance groups, and aims to cut off access to four essentials: food, funds, intelligence, and recruits.
As part of its collective punishment strategy, the Burmese military has occupied villages across Karenni State, razing civilian infrastructure, setting up temporary outposts, and planting landmines around villages. When soldiers from the Burmese military retreat from a village, they typically burn down civilian homes.
The first part of this report documents serious violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law. These include both indiscriminate and targeted attacks on Karenni civilian populations, murder and mass killings, widespread destruction of civilian property, forced displacement on a massive scale, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and cruel treatment, sexual violence, and using Karenni civilians as forced labor and human shields.
It also describes the humanitarian crisis facing at least 180,000 Karenni internally displaced people (IDPs). More than 40 percent of the estimated total Karenni population has been forcibly displaced, the vast majority of them women and children. The five townships of Loikaw, Hpruso, Shadaw, Deemaw Soe and Pekhon have been almost entirely abandoned. Already traumatized by the violations they have experienced, IDPs live in constant fear of renewed attacks by junta forces. Many IDPs have been displaced multiple times. Junta forces continue their assaults on Karenni towns, villages, and IDP sites unabated. In many cases, IDPs’ homes have been destroyed and they have nowhere to return to. The uncertainties they face about the future are paralyzing as they struggle to maintain hope.
The second part of this report contextualizes its findings with legal analysis. In summary, it is reasonable to conclude that members of the Burmese military have committed the war crimes of attacking civilians, attacking protected objects, pillaging, murder, torture, cruel treatment and displacing civilians in Karenni State. The conduct of the Burmese military likely also constitutes the crimes against humanity of imprisonment or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, murder, torture, enslavement, other inhumane acts, and forced displacement when considered in the context of a widespread or systematic ‘attack’ against the civilian population in Burma, committed with the requisite knowledge of the attack.
The Burmese military can commit these atrocity crimes with impunity because the international community does not hold them accountable, even though it has a legal and moral obligation to do so. A series of important steps must be taken to ensure that individual perpetrators from the Burmese military are held accountable. This includes referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, which provides a pathway to justice and reparations for the thousands of victims. Without justice and accountability, there can be no lasting peace for Karenni communities.
This report also urges the international community to take action beyond mere ‘statement diplomacy’ to protect the thousands of civilians who live with the daily threat of being murdered by the military regime. This should include imposing a coordinated global arms embargo on the Burmese military and sanctioning aviation fuel supply in a bid to end deadly airstrikes on civilian populations..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni Human Rights Group, Kayan Women’s Organization, Karenni National Women’s Organization, Kayah State Peace Monitoring Network
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"Sagaing Region has seen some of the strongest and most widespread resistance to the Myanmar military’s February 2021 attempted coup. In the face of the ongoing crisis in Sagaing, where villagers have been subjected to fear, violence and destruction of their villages at the hands of the military junta, a beacon of hope has emerged in the form of the Sagaing Forum as a regional political platform. This new political initiative can in the medium term address the pressing challenges faced by the region’s communities, while aiming to build up local and subnational governance structures to build trust and support cohesion within Sagaing’s pro-democracy movement.
The question here lies in whether the Forum can strengthen local and subnational networks to increase collaboration within Sagaing Region, which could help bring the resistance to the next level.
Plight of villagers and political challenges
For more than two years, the people of Sagaing have endured unimaginable hardships. The military junta’s “four-cuts” strategy, aimed at isolating and weakening resistance movements, has been deployed ruthlessly, leaving villagers trapped in a cycle of violence and oppression. The scorched-earth policy and arbitrary arrests have resulted in the destruction of thousands of villages, leaving communities devastated and displaced. As of Feb. 28, 2023, junta troops and affiliated groups have burned down 60,459 homes across the country, according to Data for Myanmar. In Sagaing alone more than 50,000 houses have been destroyed.
The major challenges faced by local actors and the National Unity Government (NUG) in countering military offensives are substantial, despite the individual strength of civil society and local People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). The absence of involvement by civil society groups in regional policies, and district and township-level appointments, which are directly made by key ministries such as the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Home Affairs within the NUG, has resulted in a lack of ownership. This lack of ownership not only creates a lack of coordination, but also makes it increasingly difficult to counter the military’s offensives. Moreover, in vast territorial regions like Sagaing, there is still a lack of a regional political body that can provide guidance to local PDFs and enable regional administrators to implement responsive and inclusive governance practices and policies.
The birth of the Sagaing Forum
After more than six months of dedicated deliberation, local community groups have come together in a series of bi-weekly Zoom and in-person meetings, totaling almost 20 gatherings. Their purpose has been to navigate through the political storms and remain resolute in their pursuit of establishing a political platform that fosters common ground and shared goals. These deliberations have involved representatives from over 25 out of the 37 townships, making it a comprehensive and inclusive process. Some township administrators directly appointed by the NUG have also attended the Forum. Interestingly, the name “Sagaing Forum” itself was coined by the participating groups.
The Forum’s leadership comprises a diverse range of individuals, including Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) teachers, campaigners, and local PDFs, who demonstrate a remarkable level of resilience, perseverance, and adeptness in navigating the complexities and obstacles that arise during discussions and message management.
As an observer, I have had the privilege of occasionally attending these meetings, including the groups’ informal discussions with the NUG and Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), exploring the group’s aspirations and envisioning their future path. They have had meaningful discussions, though the NUG and CRPH were not well informed enough in advance. It is worth noting that although invited, the Committee Representing Sagaing Hluttaw (CRSH), as a regional people’s elected body, was unable to participate due to their ongoing activities related to “important matters” surrounding politics, administration, defense, and humanitarian aid with the NUG, and they kindly requested an excuse. Though some NLD Sagaing representatives elected in the 2020 election attended individually, I wondered if the Forum (held May 30-31 for the first time) representing local stakeholders from more than 28 townships was not “important” enough for the CRSH to spend time with?
Bottom-up approach
Amid the current chaotic circumstances, the emergence of the Sagaing Forum brings a ray of hope. It represents a fresh and bottom-up approach to addressing the challenges faced by the region. Instead of relying on conventional methods, the Forum aims to foster collaboration, dialogue, and inclusive decision-making processes. Its ultimate objective is to establish a federal unit, advocating the NUG, CRPH and CRSH to be inclusive and responsive, steering away from divisive approaches. The Forum’s efforts are essential in creating a positive path forward for Sagaing, offering a glimpse of optimism amidst the prevailing challenges.
Among political approaches, the Sagaing Forum could stand out as a zero-to-one innovation in a Buddhist Bamar-dominated region. It signifies a departure from the conventional top-down models and embraces a bottom-up perspective, emphasizing the voices and needs of the local communities. By doing so, the Forum recognizes the importance of empowering those directly affected by the crisis and involving them in shaping their own future.
In the face of immense challenges and suffering endured by the people of Sagaing, the Sagaing Forum emerges as a beacon of hope, offering a pathway towards a brighter future. Its bottom-up approach, centered on inclusivity, local empowerment, and collaborative decision-making, signifies a profound shift in political engagement. By prioritizing the immediate needs of affected communities and striving for sustainable solutions, the Sagaing Forum lays the groundwork for a more reconciled and resilient Sagaing Region. As we reflect on the transformative power of changing political dynamics, let us ponder the following questions: How can other regions draw inspiration from the Sagaing Forum? What lessons can we learn about the potential for inclusive approaches to shape a better future for the people of Myanmar? Additionally, we must consider whether the Sagaing Forum can propel the Spring Revolution to new heights, bringing about significant progress and positive change.
Zaw Tuseng, a former pro-democracy activist, is founder and president of the Myanmar Policy Institute (MPI). The MPI was formed recently to mobilize Myanmar researchers to formulate policies and institutionalize the policymaking process for Myanmar. He holds an Executive Master of Public Administration degree from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political History
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"MongMao, Andra & Marte Nilsen (2023) Myanmar’s Interrupted Transition: The Democratic Instinct Survives, PRIO Policy Brief, 4. Oslo: PRIO.
Myanmar’s democratic transition was interrupted by the 2021 coup. Ten years of progress and reform were reversed, returning the country to military dictatorship. Yet the transition has not completely failed. Rather, the coup pushed democratic actors, norms and behavior outside Myanmar’s formal political institutions and processes. These actors have been re-constituted in a broad-based resistance to authoritarian governance, aspiring to civilian rule within a new federal constitution. The changes are transformational. They occur as escalating civil conflict, social resistance and international isolation are eroding the military’s traditional sources of power and legitimacy.
Brief Points
Myanmar’s 2020 election results signaled an epistemic shift in Myanmar society, favoring a democratic system and rejecting a political role for the military.
A new multi-ethnic political and military alliance has emerged since the 2021 coup. The alliance poses a credible challenge to the military’s dominance.
As a result, the military’s ability to control Myanmar’s political and economic affairs appears to be declining.
The opposition is developing an alternative democratic governing structure that may provide a pathway out of the cycle of authoritarian rule and conflict.
Unity within the opposition is fragile, and it currently lacks the strength needed to overcome the military’s advantages derived from controlling state institutions and resources.
International support should focus on actions that promote opposition unity while focusing on critical regime vulnerabilities, especially constraining access to arms and economic resources that are critical to the military’s war effort..."
Source/publisher:
Peace Research Institute Oslo
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"1. NUG launched 1 million USD fund for the Cyclone Mocha affected communities, calling for humanitarian support from the international community.....2. SAC controlled police station taken over in Salin Township, Magway region.....3. NUG remarks ASEAN Chairs should progress commitments made by ASEAN Leaders.....4. SAC’s controlled mobility contributed to hundred of Rohyingya deaths in Cyclone Mocha, NUG Minister remarks.....5. Nealy 7 billion MMK of humanitarian aid distributed in 2 years..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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2.28 MB
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (20/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from May 22 to 31, 2023
Military Junta troops launched an airstrike, heavy artillery attacked, and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Kayin State, and Shan State from May 22nd to 31st. Civilian houses and buildings were destroyed by 500lb highly explosive bombs and attacking heavy and light artillery. The head of the Prison who works for the Military Junta beat and tortured the political prisoners from Myingyan Prison from Mandalay Region, Thayarwady Prison from Bago Region, and Kyaiksagaw Prison as a result some died by being held in solitary confinement. 3 civilians were burned and killed within a week by the Military Junta’s soldiers.
8 civilians including an under-age child were tortured and killed under interrogation by the Junta troop in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. 5 youths were shot and killed on the road No, 2 near Economic University, Ywathagyi, and arrested 16 youths in Sanchaung Township, Yangon Region. SNA under the Military Junta command, is threatening the civilians, forcing and recruiting new soldiers in Banmauk Township, Sagaing Region..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"In accordance with the Federal Democratic Charter Part II, Interim Constitutional Arrangements, Chapter (4) Section (25), Subsections (b) and (c), the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar hereby issues this ordinance as follows:
1. After the coercive usurpation of state power by the terrorist armed forces on the 1st of February 2021, it has come to pass that the banking sector, among numerous others, has experienced substantial decline and degradation. Subsequent to February 2021, the financial institutions falling under the purview of the central banking mechanism controlled by the terrorist armed forces, in disregard of their obligations to safeguard the interests of depositors, have been compelled to operate in accordance with the dictates of the aforementioned armed forces, consequently causing severe and intolerable losses on the populace.
2. Furthermore, the foreign exchange reserves belonging rightfully to the people are being appropriated for the procurement and production of weaponry, including but not limited to jet fuel; these resources being subsequently employed in terrorist acts of violence and killing against the populace.
3. Thus, with the intent to alleviate the losses of the people, to regulate and rectify the banking sector, and to forestall and safeguard the foreign exchange reserves belonging to the people from misuse in terrorist endeavours of the military, the Union Government hereby delegates authority to the Ministry of Planning and Finance to establish and constitute an interim central bank with the following functions and duties:
(a) to conduct international and domestic operations as befitting a central banking authority of Myanmar,
(b) to exercise oversight and issue licences to companies and institutions applying to operate as banks and financial institutions, and
(c) in carrying out functions under clauses (a) and (b) above, to issue orders, regulations, rules and notifications subject to the approval of the National Unity Government.
4. –
(a) The interim Central Bank shall be governed by a Board of Directors,
(b) The chairman of the Board of Directors shall be the Governor of the interim Central Bank; the Union Minister of the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment is hereby appointed Governor of the interim Central Bank in addition to his current duties.
5. This ordinance shall come into effect on the 1st day of June, 2023..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
ဆေးဝန်ထမ်းတပ်ဖွဲ့၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ ခေါ်ယူခြင်း
Description:
"၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်မတော်သည် ပြည်သူ့ရဲဘော်များ၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများနှင့် ပြည်သူများကို ကျန်းမာရေး စောင့်ရှောက်မှုများ အင်တိုက်အားတိုက် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသောကြောင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်း အင်အား တိုးမြှင့်ရန် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ အနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့သင်ယူတတ်မြောက်ထားသော ပညာရပ်များအလိုက် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်မတော်၏ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများတွင် ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ စစ်မှုထမ်း ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် လျှောက်ထားနိုင်ပါသည်။
၂။ လျှောက်ထားနိုင်သည့် ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ-
(က) အထူးကုဆရာဝန်များ/ အထူးကုဘွဲ့လွန်သင်တန်းသားများ (သွားနှင့်ခံတွင်း အထူးကု ဆရာဝန်များအပါအဝင်)
( ခ) ဆရာဝန်များ (သွားနှင့်ခံတွင်း ဆရာဝန်များအပါအဝင်)
( ဂ) သူနာပြုများ
(ဃ) ဆေးနှင့် ဆေးနှီးနွှယ်ဆိုင်ရာ ဒီပလိုမာ၊ ဘွဲ့ရရှိသူများ
( င) တိုင်းရင်းဆေးပညာရှင်များ
( စ) အခြေခံကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ
၃။ လျှောက်ထားသူသည် -
(က) ကျန်းမာရေးကောင်းမွန်သူဖြစ်ရမည်။
( ခ) နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဖြစ်ခဲ့ပါက CDM ပြုလုပ်ထားသူ (သို့မဟုတ်) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၏ လျှို့ဝှက်တာဝန်ပေးချက်အရ စစ်ကောင်စီထံတွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေ သူများ ဖြစ်ရမည်။
( ဂ) နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းမဟုတ်ပါက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ပတ်သက်မှုမရှိသူ ဖြစ်ရမည်။
(ဃ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဆေးရုံ/ ဆေးခန်း/ တပ်ရင်း/ တပ်ဖွဲ့/ စစ်ကြောင်းများတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ တာဝန်ချထားမည့် နေရာ ဒေသများသို့သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ သွားရောက်၍ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နိုင်သူ ဖြစ်ရမည်။
၄။ လျှောက်ထားသူ၏ ပညာအရည်အချင်း၊ အတွေ့အကြုံ၊ စွမ်းဆောင်နိုင်မှုနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေး ၏ လိုအပ်မှုတို့အပေါ်တွင်မူတည်၍ သင့်လျော်သောတာဝန်များ ခန့်အပ်သွားမည်။
၅။ တာဝန်ချထားမည့် နေရာဒေသများတွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မည့် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်း များ၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် စားဝတ်နေရေးတို့အတွက် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာမြေပြင် တပ်ရင်း/ တပ်ဖွဲ့များက တာဝန်ယူဆောင်ရွက်ပေးမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ လျှောက်ထားလိုသူများအနေဖြင့် စာပိုဒ် ၂ တွင် ပါရှိသည့် ရာထူးနေရာများအလိုက် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာသည့်နေ့ရက်မှစ၍ (၃၀.၆.၂၀၂၃)ရက်နေ့ အထိ နေ့စဉ်ပိတ်ရက်မရှိ နံနက် (၁၀:၀၀) နာရီမှ ည (၈:၀၀) နာရီ အထိ Telegram Username - @MedicalServicePDF နှင့် Email- [email protected] သို့ ဆက်သွယ်ပြီး လျှောက်လွှာပုံစံများ ထုတ်ယူ၍ ပေးပို့လျှောက်ထားနိုင်ပါသည်။
(မှတ်ချက်။ လက်ရှိတာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေသော ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ အပါအဝင် တော်လှန်ရေးကာလ ပြည်သူ့ရဲဘော် နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုပ်ငန်းများတွင် ရဲရင့်မြင့်မြတ်စွာ ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်သူအားလုံးကို သမိုင်းမှတ်တမ်း တစ်ခုအဖြစ် လေးစားစွာ မှတ်တမ်းတင် ထားရှိမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။)
ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-01
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"ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း(၂)၊ ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံ၊ အခန်း (၄)၊ ပုဒ်မ (၂၅)၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (ခ)နှင့်(ဂ) အရ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ဥပဒေကဲ့သို့ အာဏာတည်သောအမိန့်ကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။
၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အဓမ္မလုယူပြီးနောက် အဖက်ဖက်မှပျက်စီးယိုယွင်းမှုများအနက် ဘဏ်လုပ်ငန်းကဏ္ဍလည်း တခုအပါအဝင် ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ဗဟိုဘဏ်က ထိန်းချုပ်ထားသော ဘဏ်များသည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလမှ စတင်၍ ဘဏ်တခုအနေဖြင့် စောင့်ထိန်းရမည့် အပ်ငွေအပ်နှံသူ ပြည်သူများ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားကို မကြည့်ရှုဘဲ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အလိုကျ ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အတွက် ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများစွာ ခံစားနေကြရသည်။
၂။ ထို့အပြင် အများပြည်သူပိုင် နိုင်ငံခြားအရန်ငွေ (Foreign Exchange Reserve) များကိုလည်း ပြည်သူများအားအကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်ရာ၌ အသုံးပြုသည့် လေယာဉ်ဆီအပါအဝင် လက်နက်နှင့် လက်နက်ထုတ်လုပ်ရေးပစ္စည်းများ ဝယ်ယူရာတွင် သုံးစွဲလျှက်ရှိသည်။
၃။ သို့ပါ၍ ပြည်သူများ၏ နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို အချိန်မီကုစားနိုင်ရန်၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဘဏ်လုပ်ငန်းကဏ္ဍကို ထိရောက်စွာ ထိန်းကျောင်းတည့်မတ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် နိုင်ငံခြားအရန်ငွေအား အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များတွင် အသုံးပြုနေခြင်းကို တားဆီးကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန် အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရအဖွဲ့သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနအား အောက်ပါတာဝန်များ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် အလို့ငှာ ကြားကာလဗဟိုဘဏ် (Interim Central Bank) အဖြစ် အာဏာအပ်နှင်းလိုက်သည်-
(က) နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့် ဒေသတွင်း ဗဟိုဘဏ်များနည်းတူ ဗဟိုဘဏ်တရပ်အနေဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့် လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန်၊
(ခ) ဘဏ်နှင့် ငွေရေးကြေးရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်း လိုင်စင်လျှောက်ထားလာသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ ကုမ္ပဏီများအား စိစစ်၍ လုပ်ငန်းလိုင်စင်ထုတ်ပေးရန်၊
(ဂ) အထက်အပိုဒ် (က) နှင့် (ခ) ပါ တာဝန်များကိုဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် လိုအပ်သော အမိန့်၊ စည်းမျဉ်း၊ စည်းကမ်း၊ ကြေညာချက်တို့ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ ခွင့်ပြုချက်ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်၊
၄။ (က) ကြားကာလဗဟိုဘဏ်ကို ဒါရိုက်တာအဖွဲ့ ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရမည်။
(ခ) ဒါရိုက်တာအဖွဲ့၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌသည် ကြားကာလ ဗဟိုဘဏ်ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်ပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးအား ကြားကာလဗဟိုဘဏ်ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် ယင်း၏လက်ရှိတာဝန်များ အပြင် ပူးတွဲတာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရန် တာဝန်အပ်နှင်းလိုက်သည်။
၅။ ဥပဒေကဲ့သို့ အာဏာတည်သော ဤအမိန့်သည် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ စတင်အာဏာတည်ရမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-01
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"Executive Summary
Since September 2022, Myanmar Witness has been monitoring events in Kyainseikgyi township, which has been the site of clashes between the KNLA and Myanmar military. This report investigates claims that the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) carried out several airstrikes in the township between October 2022 and January 2023.
On 6 October 2022, at around 0300 hours, a military fighter jet allegedly bombed Mae Kasa village (မက္ကသာရွာ), about 10 kilometres east of the Phayar Taung military post which had been captured by the KNLA a few weeks earlier. Myanmar Witness has identified and geolocated imagery which shows significant damage to a building in the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery grounds (ဓမ္မရက္ခိတဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်း). Additionally, satellite imagery was used to verify a date window within which damage to the roof occurred. The monastery grounds had provided a site of refuge for internally displaced people (IDP).
During November and December 2022, and January 2023, KIC News reported that the MAF carried out four air strikes on the Thabyu mining pits, about 22 kilometres north of Mae Kasa village, killing at least three civilians. Myanmar Witness has identified and geolocated images of the destruction of structures in the area, specifically related to the 16 November airstrike and the 25 January airstrikes.
On 16 November 2022, General Zaw Min Tun, the head of the State Administrative Council's (SAC) press team, confirmed that a MAF offensive to ‘maintain the security of the region’ took place in the township. This confirms that the MAF was operating aircraft in the area and provides added weight to allegations of other airstrikes between October 2022 and January 2023.
Myanmar Witness has provided in-depth reporting on the nationwide use of airstrikes by the MAF in the Eyes on the Sky report, and will continue to monitor and investigate further incidents.
Background and Context
According to online news sources including Myanmar Now and Khit Thit Media, on 28 September, following clashes between the KNLA and Myanmar military, a joint force of the KNLA and the PDF attacked and captured the Phayar Taung military post (ဘုရားတောင်စခန်းကုန်း) situated on the road connecting Kyainseikgyi town (ကြာအင်းဆိပ်ကြီးမြို့) and Phayar Thone Su town (ဘုရားသုံးဆူမြို့). More than 10 SAC troops (exact number differs between 11 and 13) were reportedly killed, including the deputy battalion commander of the Myanmar military, and their weapons were seized.
The Karen National Union (KNU) reported that the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) bombed the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery in Mae Kasa village at around 0300 hours on 6 October 2022, severely damaging a building. The monastery was previously used by local charities, for Shinbyu ceremonies, and religious festivals. It was also used to house internally displaced people (IDP) from Mae Kasa and surrounding villages. The individuals who had been taking refuge in the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery have been forced to relocate to Phayar Thone Su town and nearby places due to the frequent sighting of fighter jets, according to Khit Thit Media.
The township remained a site of tension over the next few months. Between November 2022 and January 2023, three people were killed, eight were injured, and buildings were damaged during MAF airstrikes on the mining blocks of Thabyu Mine (သပြုသတ္တုမိုင်း), about 21 kilometres north of Mae Kasa village (မက္ကသာရွာ), according to reports by Khit Thit Media. There were also reports of ground clashes on the morning of 4 January 2023, when the KNLA and PDF joint forces attacked Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 32 and LIB-283, based in Kyainseikgyi township, and set a number of buildings on fire, according to Mizzima News..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-31
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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Size:
1.45 MB
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"Hip-hop artist Byuhar, who was arrested last week after criticizing the military regime, was remanded in custody at Yangon’s North Dagon Police Station on Monday, according to a family member.
A photograph of Byuhar’s badly beaten face published by pro-junta Telegram channels following his arrest had sparked rumors that he died in interrogation last week.
“He has been remanded in custody until June 9 at the police station. This is all we know so far,” the family member told The Irrawaddy.
Family members were notified about the remand on Sunday. They were allowed to see Byuhar on Monday and give him clothes. They said the singer was in good health, adding it was still unclear what charge the regime would file against him.
According to pro-junta channels, the artist was arrested on orders from Yangon regional command.
“He looks good. He told us nothing special. He only told us to take care,” said the family member.
In a Facebook Live broadcast on May 23, the hip-hop artist, who is popular among youth in Myanmar, strongly criticized the military regime’s leaders and the junta-appointed Ministry of Electric Power for failing to supply enough electricity.
“In the five years under the previous government led by the ‘old lady’ [ousted State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi], we enjoyed discounts on power bills and there were no power blackouts,” Byuhar said.
He added that the junta had shown neither goodwill nor kindness to the people of the country.
The next day, regime forces raided his apartment in Yangon’s North Dagon Township and took him into custody.
Responding to his son’s arrest, Byuhar’s father, composer Naing Myanmar, told The Irrawaddy:
“There are many fathers like me in Myanmar. There are also many men like my son. We are living in an age of repression.”
Junta troops also raided Naing Myanmar’s house on Saturday. The composer was not at home, but the troops took his wife to the local administration office for questioning before releasing her.
Since soon after the 2021 military coup, Myanmar citizens have endured the return of prolonged power outages in the country, even in the commercial capital Yangon and second-largest city, Mandalay.
The situation has worsened since last year, with electricity supply reduced to three or four hours per day on a rotating basis, creating added hardship for people’s daily lives and businesses..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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Description:
"Japan has continued railway improvement projects following the Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt, a Justice For Myanmar investigation based on public sources and leaked documents has revealed.
Japanese multinational corporations have received millions in revenue from Myanma Railways under projects financed by loans from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) that were awarded before the attempted coup.
Myanma Railways is a state agency unlawfully controlled by the junta. Following the coup attempt, an estimated 90% of its 30,000 workers courageously joined the Civil Disobedience Movement, refusing to work under the junta and risking their lives and livelihoods.
The continuation of the railway improvement projects legitimises the junta and provides it with increased logistical capacity.
The junta uses trains to move troops, arms and other supplies as it commits atrocity crimes across Myanmar with total impunity. Through the project, the Japanese government and the corporations involved risk aiding and abetting the junta’s international crimes by providing it with logistical support.
JICA told Justice For Myanmar that under the bilateral agreement, which was made before the coup attempt, the projects shall not be used for military purposes.
However, the Japanese government and the corporations involved are unable to prevent misuse by the junta.
Recently, the junta was caught misusing boats donated by Japan for civilian use to move troops in Arakan State. Japan made a complaint to the junta about it last month, but details of any further action have not been made public.
Under the railway improvement projects, work is being carried out by multinational corporations from Japan and the EU, in partnership with Myanmar military crony companies. Public sources and leaked documents, including from Distributed Denial of Secrets, show:
The Spanish corporation Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles (CAF) and Mitsubishi Corporation are supplying new trains to the junta.
Daiwa House subsidiary Fujita Corporation, Sumitomo Corporation and Nippon Signal Co. Ltd. are doing track and station upgrades, bridgework and work on signal and communication equipment under a contract signed in 2019. Fujita received revenues of 29.7 billion kyat from Myanma Railways for work on the Yangon to Bago section of the project in 2022, equivalent to over US$15 million, according to leaked tax filings.
Tekken Corporation and Rinkai Nissan Construction are working on the Bago to Nyaunglebin section of the track under a deal awarded in 2018, while Tokyu Construction is working on the Nyaunglebin to Taungoo section, with Toenec Corporation doing signalling and communications upgrades.
Justice For Myanmar calls on the Japanese government and the businesses involved in the railways improvement projects to immediately suspend work until Myanmar’s transition to federal democracy.
Japan should stand with the people of Myanmar and fulfil its international obligations by imposing sanctions on the junta and its business interests and suspending all official development assistance projects in Myanmar.
The Spanish government should investigate CAF’s business with the military junta and take swift action if EU sanctions have been breached.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “By allowing its railway improvement projects to continue, the Japanese government is legitimising the junta and providing it with resources that will support its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“Since its illegal coup attempt, the junta has killed more than 3,500 people and arbitrarily arrested over 22,700. Mass atrocities are being committed by the junta daily, including indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, rape and torture.
“By continuing the project, Japan and major multinational corporations risk complicity in these international crimes.
“Japan needs to get on the right track for the people of Myanmar, suspend all official development assistance projects, and impose sanctions on the junta and its businesses.
“Myanma Railways are part of the Myanmar military cartel, and the businesses working with it need to responsibly cut ties, in accordance with their international human rights obligations.
“The role of CAF raises serious questions for the Spanish government and the EU over continued business links with the junta that need to be addressed.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Format :
pdf
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176.62 KB
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"Burma Campaign UK is writing to 40 of the biggest and highest profile jewellery retailers in the UK asking them to demonstrate that the gems they sell are not sourced from Burma/Myanmar in ways which help fund the Burmese military.
Following the attempted military coup, which began in February 2021, the Burmese military now dominates Burma’s gems industry, which is potentially worth $2bn per year. Through its own private companies, control of the state-owned enterprises and government ministries, control of trade routes into areas not under its control, legal and illegal trade, and the business interests of military family members, the Burmese military extracts revenue from the gems industry in numerous ways.
This revenue can be used by the Burmese military to buy arms and equipment and so funds the human rights violations they commit.
Research by Burma Campaign UK shows that most retailers do not specify the origin country of gems, such as rubies, which they sell.
“Some retailers may not be aware of the risks of funding the Burmese military when they sell gems from Burma. We want to draw these risks to their attention and give them the opportunity to do the right thing,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK.
In the United States, a ‘Genocide Gems’ campaign run by the International Campaign for the Rohingya has persuaded Cartier, Harry Winston and Tiffany to stop sourcing gems from Burma.
The Burmese military stands accused of genocide at the International Court of Justice and is being investigated for crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court. Numerous United Nations and human rights organisations have documented war crimes by the Burmese military.
The Burmese military is currently unleashing an unprecedented wave of atrocities and repression across the entire country as it desperately seeks to consolidate the coup.
Weapons designed for fighting armies have been unleashed against the civilian population. Airstrikes and long-range artillery are used on a daily basis, creating a human rights and humanitarian crisis. Schools, hospitals and religious buildings are deliberately targeted, forcing more than 2 million people to flee their homes.
More than 22,000 people have been arrested, with political prisoners subjected to torture and sexual violence after arrest. Executions are taking place again for the first time in decades. There is no freedom of speech, media organisations are banned or heavily censored, and internet access restricted or completely blocked.
Burma’s democracy movement is calling on the international community to do everything it can to help cut the economic lifeline of the Burmese military. Gems are a major potential source of revenue.
Any international company engaging in the trade or retail sale of gems from Burma needs to be able to provide evidence that the gems it is selling have not helped to fund the Burmese military and the human rights violations they commit. If they cannot do so, they must commit to ending sales.
We will be publishing a report based on the responses we receive from companies. Companies which are selling gems from Burma and cannot demonstrate that the gems they sell do not fund the Burmese military will be named and shamed in the report and face public campaigns, including boycotts.
We will then consider high profile campaigns against these companies, including placing them on our ‘Dirty List’ of companies helping to fund the Burmese military, and consumer boycott campaigns.
“People don’t want to wear jewellery which has helped pay for soldiers who rape children and bomb schools,” said Mark Farmaner. “Companies have a responsibility to ensure they are not funding human rights violations and those which don’t act responsibly face significant reputational damage.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Genocide
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
In the wake of Cyclone Mocha, civilians in Burma braced for the worst as the powerful storm threatened lives and caused widespread destruction. While local emergency response teams worked to put preventative measures and safety protocols in place, the military junta continued to bombard civilians with air and ground attacks. Their immense suffering, even in the wake of a natural disaster, did not deter the regime from their attacks.
The cyclone has affected the whole region, and yet days into the first week of May, the military junta deployed a series of targeted airstrikes on civilians in Southeastern Burma. A joint statement with the Karen Human Rights Group and the Karen Peace Support Network condemned attacks on 10 May by soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) #599 under Military Operations Command (MOC) #13, together with other junta-backed infantry divisions and battalions. The attacks killed nearly 20 people, including several children.
Between 7 and 14 May 2023, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) reported that the military was responsible for carrying out three airstrikes which bombed six villages in Ye Township, Mon State, on May 7, 8, and May 14 in western Dawei. These attacks led 1200 to 1500 residents to flee their homes as displacement continued to be fueled by the relentless raids and assaults by the regime. During this period, in Kyaukgyi Township (KNU areas), more than fifty civilian homes were also destroyed by the junta, including a religious building and a school.
Residents have also continued to face abuse and threats by junta-supported administrators. Since the regime reformed its gun laws and made it more accessible to purchase and use weapons, many Administrators in Mudon Township bought guns from the black market. “
“They threaten villagers with their guns,” said a villager.
The junta-backed Ministry of the Interior issued the order to revive the 1977 law allowing ‘loyal’ civilians to bear arms on January 31, 2023, a day before the second anniversary of the attempted coup. Since then, Mon State administrators have obtained guns. To access and own a weapon, any individual must make an application and need final approval from the Ministry of Home Affairs. Still, Administrators in Mudon Township have been able to get them quickly.
Now, junta-backed defence groups such as pro-junta militias and administrators can ‘legally’ take up arms issued to them by the junta, and the military overlooks their misconduct. This could lead to many other problems related to the misuse of these weapons, and we are worrying about the life and properties of the people.
On the other hand, it also means that if ordered, these armed people must cooperate in junta operations against the resistance, according to Mudon villagers. Guns obtained from the black market are illegal, but Administrators are pro-military, and critics of the policy note that the military simply overlooks their misconduct.
Extortion and bribery persist as the junta targets key routes to illicit funds from ordinary people. The military increased the operation of thirty-seven checkpoints along the Tanintharyi Highway and has been committing illegal taxation and extortion against travellers and vehicle drivers, according to local sources and travellers using this 180-mile-long motor highway.
HURFOM fieldworkers were able to speak with various locals and reliable sources. All believed that these were the results of the permission of the central junta administration to their security troops to utilize policies due to inadequate support from the State/Region levels to their security forces: “It is as if they can earn their daily incomes at the bottom level. This means more extortions, illegal levying of taxes, arbitrary arrests, and demanding ransom. As you know, we could only earn a maximum of 12.000 MMK a day, but we are forced to pay various illegal taxes, sometimes extorted money or properties, and unjust taxation. So, imagine how much cash we left in our hands to feed my family? A 50-year-old mini truck driver from Ye, Mon State, stated.
“Even the daily road users, such as local farmers, rubber plantation workers, and even local inhabitants, are suffering,” a 30-year-old Tavoyan rubber plantation farmer from a village in Yebyu Township told reporters, adding, “We have to encounter thieves and criminals in our daily life while crossing their checkpoints and security gates.
From Mahlawe Taung tollgate, Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region, to Myeik Township, Southern Region, travelers and vehicle drivers estimated that various junta forces had operated more than 37 checkpoints and tollgates along the 180 miles long highway.
“Before the coup, there were only seven tollgates for road tax. After the coup, the regime occupied all these tollgates for security reasons and added another thirty tollgates and checkpoints along the road to the Southern Region,” a truck driver who has to use this highway daily said.
“The military will justify their checkpoints for ‘security’ reasons. However, behind the scenes, the daily income from here is not even used to support their military families. Significant top-down corruption exists here,” a former Civil Servant from Myeik Township expressed his view on May 1.
In addition, the junta’s arrest and detainment of innocent people is ongoing. Those who stand firm in their beliefs and pro-democracy opinions are being targeted. Three people were arrested the first week of May, including a young man arrested on May 4. These young people were abducted for their views shared on social media, including their condemnation of the extrajudicial killings committed by the junta.
“The latest arrest case occurred in the early morning of May 4, 2023,” a neighbour told HURFOM. A group of plainclothes police and military intelligence officers surrounded the house of Ko Paing Thu, a young resident of Phet-Kalate village, Kyaik Hto Township, Mon State, who the junta forces have arrested for commenting to condemn the military’s inhumane mass killings.
Two related incidents occurred after civilians were abducted for condemning atrocities committed by the regime. The Administration Department detained and charged all three young men in Kyaik Hto Township.
“Two of them were accused of being associated with the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) after the junta troops inspected their mobile phones,” a reliable source close to the police said.
“My son is innocent, living and working in the welding metals workshop in the family business. We will try to face this case legally,” the father of Paing Thu, told the reporter.
Recently, the junta’s intelligence network has been monitoring youth activist accounts like Paing Thu’s Facebook since the beginning of this year and has conducted in-depth surveillance systems across the State. Anyone caught commenting or writing about the National Unity Government or news related to the pro-democracy movement is tracked by the well-trained technology groups financed and supported by the junta, according to a staff of the Civil Disobedience Movement from the Ministry of Home Affairs, Mon State.
HURFOM also reported aid workers having their rights violated by the junta. The military is weaponizing aid delivery. More than 40 civilians, including members of charity service volunteers, were abducted and interrogated by the Junta Forces in Kawkareik township, Karen State.
HURFOM’s field report stated that 42 people had been abducted between 9 and 11 May. The detainees were members of the free funeral service, rescue ambulance charity members, former school teachers, and ordinary civilians, including former civil servants in Kawkareik.
“Yes, I can confirm all arrests. As far as I know, social workers are based in Kawkareik township. They are now being held in a military interrogation center,” said a family spokesperson.
“For a long time, the administrative council wanted to blame social charity service members and social relief groups for their operations. Now they are targeting them directly,” said a former social group member, referring to the pressure on social workers by the junta council.
“I heard they came to arrest with detailed wanted lists and profiles. This must be the first time many people have been arrested in Kawkareik. Today, they were knocking on the doors of other neighbourhoods who they suspected,” said a woman close to ‘Palae Phyu’ local charity group.
Since the coup, at least five social workers in Kawkareik District have been arrested and charged with violating the counter-terrorism Law in connection with the local armed groups, according to HURFOM records.
Throughout May 2023, HURFOM also reported a rise in the number of people being abducted by the junta and used as human shields. The junta troops are committing crimes against humanity in Tanintharyi Region by arresting local civilians and forcing them to be their guides through armed conflicts. This is also a direct violation of the law of war, reported local Dawei residents.
On April 26, when the military troops marched towards the Ra-nge and Waerik villages in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei District, nearly 100 local people were arrested and released two days later by demanding ransom payments. “Those who can be redeemed with money are released quickly,” said a villager.
Villagers continue to be arrested and subjected to severe abuse. According to International Humanitarian Law, using human shields is strictly prohibited. This is also stated in the Geneva Convention. The fact that the military regime carelessly embarks on missions intended to devastate communities makes it clear that they act with impunity.
According to local sources, the junta forces that entered the villages in eastern Dawei these days arrested at least ten villagers from three villages in the area and used them as human shields along with its troops on 21 May 2023:
“At least five or five villagers from the village of Dar Thwe Kyauk were taken away and forced to go ahead and act as guides. Also, they entered Ah Nya Pyar village, arrested two more people, and then went down to U Yin Kyi village,” said the locals.
A field report from the northern Dawei District indicated that the junta forces and their alliance militias entered the village with about fifty troops. They arrested nearly thirty local workers as human shields on the morning of May 8, 2023. The local sources confirmed that those detained and used as human shields worked in a plantation near Wet Chaung village, Pagaw-Soon village tract, Yebyu Township.
“The local farm workers were arrested on the morning of May 8 when they left for work. After that, the junta forces took the villagers as their protection to the operation area where they wanted to go. The detainees were all taken with hands tied in the back,” said another anonymous source from the administrative area of KNU Brigade No.4.
According to the ground information received by HURFOM, six women were arrested on the evening of May 8, with twenty people from Wet Chaung Village in Yebyu Township.
“The first junta battalion is a joint unit of Infantry Battalion No.273 and Infantry Battalion No.406. The troop force is about 20 or 30 soldiers. They captured people from Wet Chaung village and used them as human shields. Another junta military column entered the nearby Kha Mout Chaung and seized the properties belonging to the locals. They took another ten villagers from Kha Mout Chaung when they left the village,” said an eyewitness source.
Those who escaped said that while stationed at the school in Kha Mout Chaung village, the junta troops broke into some houses in the village and looted valuables and other livestock.
“The use of human shields is a war crime. No other armed actor has done such a despicable act in this age,” a spokesman for the local PDF said while condemning the act as a war crime and a severe crime against humanity.
“Since we are resisting the junta council to minimize the harm to the people, we will not fight if there is a possibility that the people will be affected by the fighting on both sides. The junta military is taking advantage of this and attacking our forces in this area,” he continued.
Another worrying observation by HURFOM over this last month is that the houses and properties of those accused of supporting the revolutionary movement continue to be seized in Karen and Mon states. According to local people, the junta sealed off the houses and properties of those accused of disseminating and supporting the People’s Defense Forces in Karen State and Mon State and issued arrest warrants for the fugitives.
Between 10 to 14 May, soldiers isolated the properties of five civilians. They confiscated their homes in Myawaddy and Kyaik Hto due to unjust accusations.
Across two days between 12 and 14 May, two local people from Kyaik Hto, Mon state, were arrested by the junta and charged with the deeply flawed and controversial anti-terrorism act. Their homes and shops were sealed. The estimated value of the houses and properties contained by the regime is worth more than one hundred million kyats. According to HURFOM’s previous data, there have been eight cases of seized assets in Myawaddy and fourteen cases in Thaton District, including Kyaik Hto in Mon State.
During the last weeks of the month, the military also targeted young women, some as young as 15 and detained them for unjust causes. On May 19, family members reported that the junta in Launglon, Dawei arrested a 16-year-old. She has not been heard from since 22 May.
According to family members and friends, the junta arrested Ma Yin Phuu Pwit, a teenager. She was taken away at a family-owned restaurant in Maungmakan Beach:
“Military intelligence came first in civilian clothes with the exact names of the person and store. Then the junta soldiers from the Moungmakan police station arrived in a car and arrested our daughter.”
Almost all police forces came and arrested her in civilian clothes. The resident said, “Yin Phuu Pwit is a person who sells and buys online, and it is not yet known exactly why she was arrested. Usually, the junta targets successful people. The military constantly watches them. We don’t know precisely whether Yin Phuu Pwit has shared current movement-related posts or written comments,” another resident assumed. “One possibility is that, like previous cases, the junta military arrested her on suspicion of helping the revolution.”
A few days later, another young woman was abducted by the junta. According to local sources, Ma Chaw Su Ther, who lives in Maung Ngan quarter, Mon State, was abducted by the junta intelligence at 3 PM on May 22 for allegedly ‘spreading false news’ on social media. The detainee is 21 years old. She was arrested at home.
The junta said they found information on her Facebook which could ‘negate to the state and public unrest.’ Ma Chaw Su Ther (Mi) was sentenced and charged with 56/2023, section 505-A of the Penal Code at the court. Currently, many social network users are being monitored.
Women and young girls continue to be targeted by the military junta. The lawlessness has also disrupted pathways of accountability for survivors of sexual violence. Mon women’s groups are warning of increased child sexual abuse incidents in villages across Mon State with no action being taken by the authorities.
Women’s groups cannot assist the victims due to the political crisis and security concerns. “We’ve heard many cases of child rape in villages. We’re in a difficult situation to help the victims. The rule of law has failed in Burma, and the police haven’t handled these cases,” said a Mon women leader. Since the coup, the rights of children have been widely violated. The number of domestic violence and sexual abuse cases has also increased. Due to security concerns, it is difficult to get detailed information on the exact number.
Junta-appointed village administrators have blocked the legal trials of cases involving child sexual abuse, making it difficult to pursue justice for the victims. Mon women’s groups also mention the junta for freeing convicted child rapists.
Further, the increasing surveillance and abuse of law show the deeply worrying extent to which the junta is willing to go to create an illusion of legitimacy. In reality, the people have widely rejected the military and will continue working toward their freedom and dismantling militarized systems.
These acts of violence are rooted in the sinister legacy of the military junta. Unless true and meaningful accountability ensures the regime and those complicit in all crimes are held responsible in a court of law, these crimes will continue to occur.
Situation Overview
Karen State
The HURFOM documentation team reported heavy attacks against civilians in Karen State. The assaults came when no active fighting resulted in severe injuries to women and children. Indiscriminate in nature, the ongoing brutalities by the junta have created an atmosphere of deep insecurity and fear throughout the State.
According to the Karen National Union (KNU) Central Information Department from Brigaed No. 3, the junta forces shot a 23-year-old Karen villager dead in Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyuang Lay Bin District Bago region. They inhumanely tortured another two villagers during the interrogation in the military camp.
On May 3 at 7:20 PM, Saw Lay Lay Htoo, a resident of Tagondai Ward, Natthankwin Town, Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyaung Lay Bin District, was reportedly shot dead by security troops in front of Natthankwin General Hospital while returning to work from Yay Twin Kon Ward. A witness who went to help Saw Lay Lay Htoo told reporters the junta soldiers opened fire. The perpetrator was one of the patrolling officers on their sentry duty returning from Bon-Tha-Taw Ward: “I heard a gunshot and found the body on the road. No one dares goes to see him,” she said. The victim’s motorcycle and the body were lying on the road. The wallet and phone belongings were taken away.
Junta battalions are continuously firing at the residences of the local people with artillery weapons. In some cases, although there was no armed conflict in the area, local people, including women and children, were killed or injured when they opened fire on community homes with artillery. On May 5, LIB No. 97, based in Kawkareik Township, fired artillery at 7:30 am. A 58-year-old woman was injured.
“Artillery motors fell into our village and exploded. They continued firing until nightfall, some of which exploded in the courtyard,” said a local source. The victim, Naw Ma Latt, age 58, from the middle quarter of the village, was hit by artillery on the right side of her head. It’s not life-threatening, but it needs a lot of treatment. Currently, there are no medical teams in the village.
LIB No.97 and military troops at Hlaing Wa Hill constantly fired artillery mortars around the town. Due to that random fire, Kawkareik residents are terrified of explosions that sometimes hit their quarters.
“Their military base is at Hlaing Wa Hill, and no one dares to go out to work and eat because they are shooting randomly from there. More than ten people were injured and died when they opened fire. Local people, including their livestock animals, faced every loss of homes, property, and livelihoods. Most of the firing came from LIB No.97. Although there was no fight, they just wanted to shoot randomly. On the one hand, we are facing the risk of life, and on the other hand, we are all facing famine”, said a resident.
Attacks can happen at any time. Artillery shells exploded in the brick factory site near the exit of Kawkareik town, in Karen State, at around 6:00 AM on May 6. One civilian was killed, and six were injured during the explosion. According to an anonymous witness, the military troops were based in the hills on the eastern side of Kawkareik town. They fired many artillery indiscriminate shots toward the local Karen villages.
Many of these shootings fell near residential areas and inside the neighbourhood. Some houses were destroyed and burnt by mortar shells. The villagers fled from their homes when they heard the shots fired. Some of those who couldn’t run were sheltering in trenches.
All six civilians injured by the mortar shells fired by the military troops were not local villagers. According to a resident near the house, they were killed and wounded while temporarily moving here due to job opportunities.
“Almost all the houses and neighbourhoods in this area can be said to be battlefields. The military troops are stationed in at least three places around this area and firing daily. Nowhere can be said to be safe anymore. Travelling from one place to another is no longer easy for work or other matters. It becomes really difficult to work for a living. We also need humanitarian support. Many people are fleeing and staying near this city. I would like to request the donors and social groups to support us,” a fifty-year-old who spoke to HURFOM said.
On 7 May, the junta carried out indiscriminate attacks, despite no armed conflict in the area. The regime deployed airstrikes to bomb a village where Karen people lived in Ye Township, Mon State. It happened twice on the night of May 7 and the morning of May 8. Due to this sudden aerial attack, at least eight local villagers were seriously injured. Three were in critical condition, and an estimated 500 local villagers fled their homes in War Pa Tae village, a Karen ethnic majority village located in Bay Lamu village tract. One of the villagers fleeing the attack said that the military started the aerial attack with an air jet on May 7:
“We heard the sound of a jet plane at 11:00 PM. We immediately realized it was not a typical plane sound and ran to hide in the ditch by our homes. As expected, the sound of a bomb explosion began near the school.” There has not been any fighting or conflict around Chaung Hnit Kwa, War Pa Tae, and Tha Pa Taw villages. “I can’t understand why they came to fight with an airstrike,” said a local villager.
As many as eight villagers were injured in the bomb attack, three of whom were seriously injured. Two Tha Pa Taw village members inside their hut outside War Pa Tae village were also injured by the attack on May 8.
At least five houses, one school, and other village buildings were destroyed. Approximately 500 local people from three villages Chaung Hnit Kwa, Bay Lamu and Tha Pa Taw villages and the surrounding areas, who fled from the attack.
According to independent sources of two villagers from Tha Pa Taw village (a neighbouring village of War Pa Tae village), due to air strikes on May 7th and 8th, residents of Tha Pa Taw and other villages are fleeing the war. Three members of the PDF in the area were killed, and at least five were injured. However, HURFOM is still trying to confirm this information.
At present, the villagers from Chaung Hnit Kwa, Bay Lamu, Tha Pa Taw and other villages who fled from the fighting are hiding in the jungles in the southeast of Ye Township (west side of the mountain) and are areas that rescue and social charity groups cannot reach the moment. Children, women, and the elderly are the most affected by war. Food, drinking water, and accommodation are urgently needed, said a KNU Battalion Medical Team No.16 member.
Destruction of property is yet another crime being committed by the junta during their clearance operations. According to the field data collected from the evening of May 9, at 5 am, a village Church, a primary school run by the community, and an estimated 20 homes were demolished by the Junta artillery weapons in Poe-Lo-Noh-Pho village, Kyaukgyi township, Nyaung Lay Bin district.
“The troops must have been from LIB No.439 or the Artillery Regiment Command No.351. They destroyed these buildings with artillery mortars from their base station, three kilometres from this village,” said a KNU Brigade No.3 member who did not want to be named.
Even earlier that day, the junta troops attacked and raided Lae Wai Gyi village in Kyaukgyi Township, destroying more than 30 houses. A school, a church, and all other buildings of the nursery school and the common area were also burnt down by the same troops, according to the field research conducted by the documentation team from Brigade 3 areas.
Lae Wai Kyi and Poe-Lo-Noh-Pho villages in Kyaukgyi Township have more than 120 houses and a population of more than 1,200. According to KNU Brigade No.3, most residents have been fleeing due to such comprehensive clean-up operations and have been unable to return to their homes.
Since May 13, 2023, the military has been destroying asphalt roads connecting villages in Kawkareik Township, Karen State:
“They also destroyed the road near the Taung Kyar Inn Bridge. The Vice Commander of the LIB 343 LIB supervised the destruction. They destroyed roads with a backhoe. Now about 30 villages have lost connection with Kawkareik. All villagers are in trouble,” said a local farmer.
On May 13, the military also destroyed roadways connecting Southern Kawkareik, and on May 14, they destroyed the section of the road between Kawkareik – Kyaik Done Road and Ka Mile Gone Road. Then, they destroyed an asphalt road nearby Taung Kyar Inn Bridge on May 17.
“We can’t transport fruits from our plantation or sell fruits and vegetables farmed in our villages. We can’t do anything. We have to use the Kyarinnseikyi route to go to Mawlamyine, and it’s very far away. We are all struggling with transportation,” said a Kaw Ka Rate Town fruit seller. After destroying roads, the military junta indiscriminately launched artillery attacks targeting villages alongside the Hong Tha Yaw River.
“They are afraid that the revolutionary forces will enter the town and attack them. This is why they’ve destroyed the roads,” said a Kaw Ka Rate resident.
On 21 May, artillery shots killed an innocent child, injured two, and forced more than 12,000 villagers from nine villages to flee their homes. The junta’s indiscriminate firing into villages with artillery weapons persists in Nyaung Lay Pin District. According to the information received on the morning of May 20, 2023, the junta military’s joint forces LIB No.599, LIB No.590, IB No.44, and IB No.84 opened fire with more than 50 shots in Sa Wae and Kyung Taw villages in Mu Township. These areas are all controlled by the Karen National Union in eastern Bago, on the border of Mon State.
Since the early morning of May 18, these collective forces have been shooting continuously from the outside of the village where they are stationed. Until now, a 14-year-old boy has died. And then, a 47-year-old woman and another 18-year-old boy were injured by mortar shells.
In addition to the casualties, many houses and livestock, including a monastery, were destroyed, confirmed by those fleeing the two villages. According to local officials from KNU Brigade 3, food, supplies and accommodation assistance in new places are urgently needed.
According to a ground report released by KNU Brigade 6’s information Department, on May 23, at 11:30 PM, the junta air forces deployed two bombs with a jet fighter. The attack damaged some homes and a church in Kha Lae Law Kyae village in Maw Khee village tract, Kawkaraik, Karen State.
It is believed to have come directly from the Nay Pyi Taw Air Force Base. There were no casualties, but the church was destroyed entirely. Religious buildings continued to be destroyed, as are places people use often. We have been fighting from war for four decades.”
On May 22, one school, two residential houses, and one common wooden hall were damaged due to two shootings by a drone in Nyaung Kon village, Mu Township, #Karen KNU Administrative area.
According to information from ground service providers, as many as 21,880 civilians were displaced during May 2023 due to indiscriminate aerial attacks and Artillery firing by the
junta council battalions.
Out of the 55 local residents of Kawkareik #Karen who were arbitrarily abducted and interrogated by the Junta forces, only four were released by paying ransom demands, according to the families.
Sources close to the released villagers confirmed that the remaining 50 arbitrarily arrested are being tortured and detained daily, even in an army interrogation center.
Based on groundless accusations of information and financial support to the joint forces of Karen National Liberation Army and People’s Defense Force based in Kawkareik township, a total of 54 people from Kawkaraik were arrested and interrogated in a military camp from May 7 to 22 by the Junta forces.
Last May 25, about 4 people from this group were released because the relevant family members decided to ransom them at the Junta’s demand. Although it could not be confirmed how much was paid for each person, outside information stated that each person was paid more than 20 lakhs Myanmar Kyat.
Sources close to some detainees conveyed that about 50 inmates who could not pay for ransom have lost contact with their family members.
“These people were arrested on false accusations that they were helping Captain Kyaw Thet, who equipped defensive resilience operations in this area and Kyar Phyu (white tiger) armed troops. The perpetrator troop is the Infantry Battalion IB#97, based out of the city of Hlaing Bawk,” he said.
Among the more than 50 residents who were abducted from May 1 to May 21, about 4 have been freed after paying money, but some of them have not been able to communicate with their family members, said a person close to the family members of those arrested.
According to sources close to the village administrator, in addition, the villages outside the town, such as Sawhe, Nyaung Kile, Htee Po San, Hlaing Sein, Nyaung Nile and Yan Kok village administrators were also detained and interrogated on May 22. They were released after being demanded to report the activities of the local defence armed groups to the Junta and the general administrative department.
Currently, the Junta military is working to eliminate village-to-village roads and highways in Kawkareik Township so that the other armed forces in the area cannot easily use them.
Aircraft and drones frequently fly around, firing Artillery upon suspecting villages or areas and persistently making a threat, and the residents are still fleeing from their homes.
Mon State
Indiscriminate junta artillery fire at local villagers in Bilin Township, Mon State continues as civilians are routinely injured due to such attacks. On May 6, at 9 PM, the military fired several artillery mortars into Ah Lu Lay village, Bilin Township. According to the ground news team, at least one woman ..and one man was injured. As a result of the attack, more than 300 villagers fled, and some still could not return homes. A 40-year-old man said that the Army often attacks Ah Lu Lay village.
At least a dozen artillery mortars were fired indiscriminately by the junta forces stationed at the foothills of Along Taung and in front of the school, injuring two civilians from Ah Lu Lay: “Three houses were damaged due to heavy weapons. One couple, husband and wife, also were injured and had to flee.” Although their injuries are not life-threatening, the villagers are overwhelmed with fear due to constant attacks.
These attacks led to another 300 IDPs from this area. There is no opportunity to work for their livelihoods, and a lack of security prevents humanitarian aid.
We are suffering a lot here,” said a resident.
“Artillery mortar shells burst into the village, and U Nay Myo Kyaw’s arm and Daw Khin San Yi’s face were badly hit by the artillery shells,” said eyewitnesses. “It will be difficult to return to a normal state and to return to work to earn a living, even though it was not life-threatening,” said the neighbors who fled to a secure place.
On the morning of 18 May, a witness confirmed that a 35-year-old innocent villager from Ah Nin village, Thanbyuzayat, Mon State, was shot dead in the clash between the junta-backed forces and the KNU troops.
The military and joint forces of the militia entered the village of Ah Nin and deployed troops at night. They raided the houses of unsuspecting people. Many villagers were trapped inside the town. Individuals from outside did not dare to enter. They fled to farms and other villages for shelter. Junta forces have been stationed around the village of Ah Nin in Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State, since the beginning of the evening of May 17. The village has been controlled and blocked, trapping more than 300 villagers.
The KNU came from outside the village to surround the junta’s troops stationed inside. The military started firing their guns, killing a 35-year-old individual. It is still unknown who he was. The villagers are very concerned and afraid of impending disaster from being used as hostages since the military has been stationed around the village.
Tanintharyi Region
The Junta Council sealed off the assets of a local businessman for allegedly supporting the local armed forces and detained him for over a month.
On May 6, in Kawthaung District #southern Taninthayi Region, residents said that a group of junta forces, including the GAD and military officers, seized the property of one local businessman in Bokpyin Township. The victim, U Aung Zaw Oo, is an anti-Regime Activist and a local businessman from Kamar-Chaung village, and his family opened a gas station business a few years ago.
“On that day (May 6), his Gas Station, the house, and the tea shop, as well as the entire plot of land, have been sealed and seized by the joint SAC troops,” according to the local witnesses.
U Aung Zaw Oo was arrested by the junta forces at his home on April 4 on the unjust accusation of supporting the People’s Defense Forces and charged with section 50 (J) of the existing anti-terrorist law. He was arrested and confined until today at the police station in Bokpyin.
On April 4, 4 residents, including U Aung Zaw Oo, were arrested, and 3 of them were released 6 days later, but U Aung Zaw Oo continued to be detained, and more than a month later, his family’s property was sealed.
“Whenever the Junta forces and their intelligence in Bokpyin town receive suspicious information about the revolution, they arrest and inspect people. In some cases, the seizures were carried out before the accused were found guilty in court and had their property confiscated. Meaning the Junta forces have wholly disregarded the law.” A 39-year-old law specialist stated. “The punishment of someone not responsible for any alleged wrongdoing is prohibited under international rules for armed conflict.” He continued.
Homes and other properties belonging to anti-regime activists have not been sealed in Bokpyin township for a long time. “The most expensive assets and properties have been seized (by the Junta) this time,” said a resident of Bokpyin Town told HURFOM.
The Junta troops attacked the People’s Defense Armed Forces and committed two cases of arbitrarily arresting and torturing the residents with false accusations in townships of the Tanintharyi Region. There is a constant flow of violence, sometimes resulting in murder.
According to the field team’s report on May 9, the local eyewitnesses confirmed that two men from the village of Wae Yit village in Thayet-Chaung Township, Dawei District, Tanintharyi Region, were stopped and searched, then arrested and beaten by the junta troops with false accusations and were injured. The incident occurred on the morning of May 9, 2023.
“The victims, Ko Myo Myint Lay, over 40 years old, and Ko Kang Kang, 30, who live from hand-to-mouth, were tied their hands from the back and severely beaten by the soldiers with their gun butts and kicked by the boots.” A 40-year-old eyewitness from Wae Yit said. “The troop must be from Infantry Battalion No.403 or 404. Right now, they are the only ones patrolling around this village and enforcing the military offensive against the PDFs in the areas,” said a 25-year-old resident.
It was not detailed why the two male villagers were arrested and beaten. According to a source close to the victims, the support allegations are likely connected with a local PDF group.
“The forces that arrested and beat Ko Kang Kang were junta military stationed at Tha Win Wa village Police Station. They were from IB No.403. When they went to Ya Nge village, they met Ko Myo Myint Lay again and beat them up. Friends of Ko Kang Kang confirmed that he suffered a fractured head, and Ko Myo Myint Lay had a broken rib due to the beating. “I am pretty sure both detainees were not associated with any political movements or armed groups,” he continued.
On May 9, around 9:30 pm, about 50 military council soldiers were fully armed and stationed at the Ya Nge village monastery in Thayet-Chuang Township. They went around the village to forcefully raid unsuspicious homes and cause irritation. Some villagers (an estimated 70 households) did not dare to stay in their houses and fled to nearby places.
Early morning of May 10, the junta military consisting of more than 30 soldiers from Infantry Battalion No.403 raided Nyaung Zin village in Thayet Chaung Township, #Dawei, abducted about 14 local villagers, including five women, and beat them on the road, according to eyewitnesses.
Before entering the village, they stormed into Nyaung Zin village, threatening to shoot with weapons from two lorries. A 40-year-old villager told the incident on the evening of May 10 that most of those arrested were villagers who went out to shop for food in the morning,
“We usually see that they go in by military trucks and lorries. This time, the junta forces used civilian trucks, like a lorry truck carrying stones or a garbage truck. They indiscriminately fired into the village and grabbed the villagers they saw on the street that morning. The majority of the detainees were young men. Those who refused to detain were kicked in the boots and hit by gun butts. It happened around 6:30 in the morning,” said the residents.
According to the sources of three local villagers, these perpetrators’ units were from the Junta’s Light Infantry Battalion LIB No.403, operating under the Coastal Regiment Command based in #Dawei. “One of us saw their badges and mentioned LIB 403. Some troops searched the houses along the road in the middle village,” said a 50-year-old witness from Nyaung Zin.
All 14 detainees were confirmed interrogated and beaten on the side of the road until 2:00 pm; later on, four men were taken away with their faces covered and their hands tied behind their backs, the residents said.
Nyaung Zin Village is a large village on the Dawei-Myeik highway, about 8 miles away from Dawei. Last April 23, more than 90 local people, including 3 children, were arrested in Ya Nge village by the junta military during the local operation; some were released in the following days. However, the remaining villagers have not been released yet.
According to local sources, the junta has increased their presence in Dawei City, Tanintharyi Region. The city entrance and exit have been more stringent, and suspects have been arrested on various charges. Sources close to the victims confirmed about eight people, including local women, were arrested in one night on May 17.
“All the main roads leading into Dawei, including the small lanes, are under strict control by the junta and Pyu Saw Htee militias. There is suspicion since there is more control and inspection.”
On 17 May, three women and five men were arrested overnight. The youngest person who was abducted at 11:40 pm was a 17-year-old boy. Some of those arrested are not from Dawei, but they hold different regions of ID cards. Patrols and house checks are still being conducted outside the city. Local witnesses said that on May 17, six Dawei residents and two others from far away were arrested in one night.
Residents also stated that they opened fire at several points with heavy weapons before entering the village: “The sound of gunfire and artillery started at 9 PM. We heard around 10 gunshots and several explosions. Their forces consisted of around 150 junta soldiers, and they entered this side yesterday morning,” said a 50-year-old villager from the area.
Villages in this area, such as Pa Kari, Pa Khab and Tha Yat Ngok villages have been repeatedly raided by junta troops for the past 6 months, which also forced most of the local residents (an estimated 8,000) to flee and evacuate for a long time.
Most villagers of U Yin Kyi, Dar Thwe Kyauk, and Ah Nya Pyar villages, which had been raided recently, are local farmers who rely on farming, orchard, and plantation for their livelihoods.
Villagers reported that 9 residents of Bang La Moot village and East Maw Ton village in Tanintharyi township, who have been arbitrarily arrested since May 22, have not been released.
“All 9 were arrested as a group on the night of May 22 by the Artillery Unit No.306 and the joint unit of LIB No.557 for allegedly supporting the Local Defense Forces. It was around 9PM. About 3 women from East Maw Ton village and Panut village were included.
It is confirmed that it was unknown at which military camp they were taken and detained.
Last week, the junta entered Panut village of Bang La Moot village tract and arrested four male villagers. It cannot be confirmed yet whether they have been released or not. The number of disappearances in Tanintharyi, where the arrests are being made, has increased from 5 to 16 now. Due to arbitrary arrests by the junta military, who made various accusations and tortures during the interrogation, three suspected prisoners died while detained and examined. “Nowadays, arrests are often made with specific information.”
This is a sign that informers are always in the community. On May 22, they arrested a lot of men at Panut Nge. They went to the houses and arrested people with the exact list of names. They gave various reasons to arrest. There is even an accusation of involvement in the violence that goes beyond supporting the revolution,” said a local man.
According to the information received this morning, the arrested victims are being detained and examined in Artillery Unit No.306 and LIB No.557. Until now, no one has been released yet.
On May 20, a total of 10, 7 elderly women and 3 men from Yebyu village, Taninthayi township, were arrested by the junta military, and some half of them were released.
Key Findings
Inflation across all target areas has devastatingly affected civilians who cannot meet their basic needs.
The extortion of civilians is ongoing. Residents of Thanbyuzayat reported that the Ward Administrative Chairman is arbitrarily levying money from the people to reconstruct the district administration office that was destroyed by a mine explosion.
Mon women’s groups are warning of increased child sexual abuse incidents in villages across Mon State with no action being taken by the authorities.
Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions move people from their homes.
Police and junta-backed militias continue to initiate door-to-door checks and arrest those on their wanted lists.
Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along critical routes. Civilians are forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs.
Torture remains rampant in Burma and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to gruelling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information.
The international community, including UN bodies and ASEAN, is not responding swiftly enough to the situation in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta.
Military impunity remains deeply ingrained in the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only encourages the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations.
Children are targeted by the military junta and deprived of basic needs, including medical attention, food, education, and the right to live safely.
The junta’s arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas.
Recommendations
The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following:
A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma is to be made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court.
Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated international arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta.
Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma, which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians.
Targeted sanctions on military junta officials and their families and holds on their financial assets and possessions undercut their ability to conduct corrupt business dealings abroad.
Strengthened and renewed protection mechanisms grant civilians who are vulnerable and at risk of assault a position where they can access justice referral and accountability pathways.
Renewed and continued funding support for local organizations responding to the needs of their communities on the ground. Crossborder aid pathways must be accessed, and all humanitarian aid must be in the hands of local actors.
Foreign investors in Burma must immediately cease their operations and withdraw their involvement from all development projects in the country, including but not limited to airports, seaports, and cement businesses.
An abrupt and immediate halt to the use of torture by the military junta, and further, we call for investigations to probe the unlawful deaths of civilians in Burma who have been tortured to death, as well as those who have been forced to endure trauma and long-term injuries as a result..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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Sub-title:
The junta claims she had a document connecting her to the shadow National Unity Government
Description:
"Junta troops have arrested a teacher in Myanmar’s southwestern Ayeyarwady region claiming she has links to the shadow National Unity Government, according to pro-junta Telegram messaging channels.
Residents of Bogale township told RFA Tuesday that 30-year-old Theint Theint Soe was arrested on May 23. She has been working as a teacher for eight years and participated in the civil disobedience movement following the February 2021 military coup, the locals said.
“Her husband was arrested a week earlier. The teacher was arrested on the same day that her husband was released,” said a resident who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals.
“She was arrested for allegedly supporting participants in the civil disobedience movement.”
Residents said Theint Theint Soen was being held at Bogale Police Station but it was not clear what laws she had been accused of breaking.
Telegram channels that support the junta said she was arrested because a document certified by the shadow National Unity Government board of education was found with her.
Nearly 300 civil disobedience movement teachers have been arrested since the 2021 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Anti-coup protesters
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"Reporters Without Borders (RSF) urges the UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar to take up the case of a video reporter who has just been sentenced to an additional ten years in prison on a terrorism charge for covering a flash mob protest in Yangon. The special rapporteur should press for new sanctions against Myanmar’s generals, RSF says.
The ten-year sentence was passed on 26 May on Myanmar Press Photo Agency video reporter Hmu Yadanar Khet Moh Moh Tun in the utmost secrecy inside Insein prison, a notorious jail located in a northern suburb of Yangon, Myanmar largest city.
Asking not to be identified, her lawyer told RSF that Hmu Yadanar was convicted under article 50 (j) of Myanmar’s terrorism law, which penalises the “financing of terrorism.” She was already given a three-year sentence under a separate penal code charge last December.
All she did was film a flash mob-style protest in Yangon on 5 December 2021 that had been organised on social media. Despite sustaining serious head and leg injuries when soldiers ran her down with a military vehicle as she filmed the protest, she has been held ever since.
“By imposing this additional ten-year sentence on Hmu Yadanar, the military junta led by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has yet again demonstrated the extraordinary scale of the tyranny to which reporters are subjected to Myanmar. We urge Tom Andrews, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, to take up this high symbolic case in order to seek effective international sanctions against its military rulers.
Daniel Bastard
Head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk
The three-year sentence that Hmu Yadanar already received last December was imposed on a charge of inciting rebellion under article 505 (a) of the penal code. Her lawyer said she has decided not to appeal against her latest sentence to avoid giving an appeal court any chance to lengthen it.
Hmu Yadanar is one of a total of 70 journalists and media workers currently held in Myanmar’s prisons, according to RSF’s press freedom barometer..."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders (Paris)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Multiple villages in Sagaing Township (စစ်ကိုင်းမြို့နယ်), Sagaing Region (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး):
TheInn Sa Village (အင်းစရွာ) [22.118200, 95.694976]
Taung Kyar Village (တောင်ကြားရွာ) [22.099079, 95.705261]
Mu Thar Village (မူးသာရွာ) [22.106790, 95.658927]
Ma Gyi Kone Village (မကျီးကုန်းရွာ) [22.108310, 95.665611]
Taung Myo Village (တောင်မြို့ရွာ) [22.080650, 95.667137]
Ywar Htaung Village (ရွာထောင်ရွာ) [22.065469, 95.646293]
Ywar Thit Village (ရွာသစ်ရွာ) [22.068687, 95.656561]
Ta Pa Yin Kwe Village (တပုရင်းကွဲရွာ) [22.049150, 95.669937]
Date/Time of Incident:
20 - 24 April 2023
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Light Infantry Division (LID) 99
People’s Defence Forces (PDF)
Summary of Investigation:
It is alleged that the Myanmar military’s LID 99 set fire to eight villages, causing the mass displacement of residents, following PDF activity in the area.
Myanmar Witness verified (to varying levels) six of the eight fires through NASA’s Fire Information for Resource Management System (FIRMS), satellite imagery analysis and analysis of user-generated content (UGC). They occurred in villages in close proximity to one another between 20-25 April 2023.
Fires in Inn Sa and Ta Pa Yin Kwe villages were verified using FIRMS, Sentinel and UGC.
Fires in Mu Thar and Taung Kyar villages allegedly destroyed 400 houses. Myanmar Witness assessed Sentinel imagery and believes that fires occurred between 20-25 April 2023.
While no UGC could be geolocated of the remaining villages, FIRMS registered fire data in Ywar Thit on 23 April 2023, and Sentinel data reveals fire damage in Taung Myo and Ywar Htaung villages between 20-25 April.
The fires in Ma Gyi Kone (မကျီးကုန်းရွာ) and Taung Kyar could not be verified due to a lack of UGC, FIRMS data or satellite imagery.
Following these events, reports of mass displacement and a graphic beheading surfaced online. Myanmar Witness will continue to search for verifiable information.
Summary
On 20 April 2023, a column of around 100 military personnel entered Sagaing through Myinmu Township (မြင်းမူမြို့နယ်), according to Mandalay Free Press. Eight villages were allegedly set on fire between 20 - 24 April 2023 according to multiple media sources, reportedly causing mass displacement and the destruction of civilian infrastructure.
According to Khit Thit, the systematic burning of villages by the military was retaliation for a People Defense Force (PDF) attack in Kywei Pon (ကြွယ်ပုံ) — an alleged Pyu Saw Htee aligned village — on 13 April 2023. The unnamed PDF group allegedly attacked the military’s Thingyan festival in Kywei Pon with a drone. According to a report by the Security Administration Council (SAC), eight people, including five children, were killed and 30 others were injured in the attack. Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify these claims.
Myanmar Witness verified six of the eight fires through FIRMS, satellite imagery analysis and analysis of user-generated content (UGC). They occurred in villages in close proximity to one another between 20-25 April 2023. For example, Myanmar Witness geolocated UGC of the destruction of civilian infrastructure in Inn Sa (အင်းစ) and Ta Pa Yin Kwe (တပုရင်းကွဲရွာ) and chronolocated the UGC to within the time period investigated.
It is claimed that another two villages, Mu Thar (မူးသာ) and Taung Kyar (တောင်ကြား), were set on fire on 21 April 2023, resulting in the destruction of 400 houses. By analysing the visible changes to the ground on Sentinel imagery, Myanmar Witness believes that it is likely that fires occurred between 20-25 April 2023.
While no UGC could be geolocated of the remaining villages, FIRMS registered fire data in Ywar Thit (ရွာသစ်ရွာ) on 23 April 2023, and Sentinel data indicates fire damage in Taung Myo (တောင်မြို့ရွာ) and Ywar Htaung (ရွာထောင်ရွာ) between 20-25 April. The fires in Ma Gyi Kone (မကျီးကုန်းရွာ) and Taung Kyar could not be verified due to a lack of UGC, FIRMS data or satellite imagery.
Social media claims related to these fires, the displacement of civilians, and troop movements places responsibility for the fires and destruction with the Myanmar military. Myanmar Witness has collected these claims; however, has been unable to verify them. The fires occurred in villages in close proximity to one another, in an area where there was alleged PDF activity. Myanmar Witness continues to monitor information related to these events to build a picture for accountability.
Myanmar Witness has been able to verify the following:
Fire in Inn Sa. Geolocation of images of fire-damaged structures, including a monastery, which were likely taken on 21 April 2023. FIRMS and Sentinel data corroborates that Inn Sa was on fire on 21 April 2023.
Fire in Ta Pa Yin Kwe. Geolocation of UGC showing burn damage to structures. FIRMS data indicates the fire damage occurred on 23 April 2023.
Fire in Ywar Thit. FIRMS data indicates fires on 23 April 2023.
Loss of vegetation consistent with fire damage in six of eight villages. Sentinel imagery shows a loss of vegetation, allegedly burned by the military, between 20 April 2023 and 25 April 2023.
The investigation walkthrough
Myanmar Witness has identified UGC, FIRMS data and satellite imagery which has allowed the verification of six out of eight reported fires. Additionally, Myanmar Witness has identified claims related to Myanmar military troop movements which could signal attribution for these fires; however, Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify these claims at present. The following map provides an overview of the investigated events..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Political History
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pdf
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Description:
"According to leaked documents and public sources, the Tokyo-based ASEAN-Japan Centre on Trade, Investment and Tourism provided a grant to the junta’s investment and foreign economic relations ministry for a capacity building program on reforms required to implement international investment agreements.
The grant was awarded for the 2022-23 fiscal year, and financed at least one event held in March 2023, opened by EU-sanctioned junta minister Kan Zaw.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has refused to disclose to Justice For Myanmar the amount of funds provided to the junta, stating that the information is only available to board members.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is an intergovernmental organisation made up of the Japanese government and the governments of each ASEAN member state, including Myanmar.
The Centre is governed by a council, which consists of 11 representatives appointed by each member country.
Myanmar is wrongly represented on the council by Soe Han, the junta’s ambassador to Japan, and this legitimises the junta and facilitates continued support, emboldening the junta’s terror campaign.
Japan is represented on the council by Yutaka Arima, an assistant minister of foreign affairs.
The capacity building grant is one of several ASEAN-Japan Centre initiatives with junta ministries, legitimising the junta, encouraging business engagement and building the capacity of junta staff.
The centre has an active partnership with the junta’s hotels and tourism ministry, supporting the junta’s attempts to promote tourism, which provides it with legitimacy and a source of foreign revenue.
Since late 2021, as the junta’s violent attacks against the people intensified, the junta tourism ministry organised regular trainings and seminars supported by the ASEAN-Japan Centre. These involved the participation of junta minister Htay Aung and Japanese ASEAN-Japan Centre senior members, aimed at promoting Japanese tourism in Myanmar.
In January 2022, the ASEAN-Japan Centre supported the junta to run a Japanese culinary skills training, opened by Htay Aung and ASEAN-Japan Centre Secretary General Kunihiko Hirabayashi.
In late 2022 and early 2023, Htay Aung opened seminars for service providers of Japanese tourists in Bagan and Kalaw with ASEAN-Japan Centre officials, which were featured in junta propaganda.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has also supported the junta to provide Japanese language training for tour guides.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is now promoting tourism to Myanmar as part of the fiftieth anniversary or ASEAN-Japan “friendship and cooperation”, and has launched a website in Japanese. In consultation with the junta, the site includes five ideas for Japanese tourists to visit Myanmar, misleading the Japanese public that it is a safe and ethical destination for a holiday.
That comes despite the clear call from the legitimate National Unity Government (NUG) against tourism to Myanmar. In November 2021, Minister of Planning, Finance and Investment Tin Tun Naing told the Straits Times, “The people of Myanmar are being killed, raped, detained and their houses and possessions seized or destroyed. This is not a time for sightseeing”.
A third junta ministry the ASEAN-Japan Centre works with is commerce, supporting it to promote market access in Japan. Under that program, a workshop was held in January in Naypyidaw and again touted in junta propaganda. The workshop was opened by the permanent secretary of the junta’s commerce ministry, Min Min, and Yuka Kubota, an ASEAN-Japan Centre senior executive.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s actions to include the junta on its council representing Myanmar, to fund junta ministries, to provide capacity building and to promote business links embolden the junta to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
Justice For Myanmar urges the ASEAN-Japan Centre and all other organisations to immediately remove the junta from its council and end all support. As the number of people killed by the junta rises daily, lives literally depend on the international community urgently taking action. Japan has a particular responsibility to end the junta’s killings as a democracy and Asian neighbour with a long historical relationship with the Myanmar military.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN and Japan are now celebrating 50 years of friendship and cooperation.
“Yet this anniversary has so far shown that ASEAN and Japan’s friendship in Myanmar is with the illegitimate military junta, not the people who are being slaughtered in the junta’s relentless attacks.
“The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s activities with the military junta support its illegal and failed attempt to gain control of Myanmar and embolden its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Without an immediate end to ASEAN and Japan’s support for the junta, the fiftieth anniversary of ASEAN-Japan relations will be forever tarnished with the blood of Myanmar people.
“It’s time ASEAN and Japan end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"24 May 2023: PEN International is dismayed at the decision of Myanmar’s military junta to sentence writer, activist, and PEN Myanmar member, Wai Moe Naing to 20 years’ imprisonment for committing high treason. Already serving a 34-year prison sentence following several convictions in retaliation for his peaceful advocacy against the military coup of 1 February 2021, this latest unjust conviction follows rushed legal proceedings that violated fair trial norms. PEN International continues to call for the immediate and unconditional release of all those unjustly detained by the military junta for their peaceful expression in Myanmar, including Wai Moe Naing.
On 19 May 2023, Wai Moe Naing was convicted of high treason for his role as a protest leader and sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment under Article 122 of Myanmar’s Penal Code, narrowly avoiding a potential death sentence. Already serving a sentence of 34 years’ imprisonment, this latest ruling results in a combined total of 54 years in prison.
‘From the military junta's efforts to silence Wai Moe Naing, it is obvious that the regime fears his voice. When he was first assaulted and detained in April 2021, he was engaged in non-violent advocacy, holding peaceful rallies in order to explain how the military's seizure of power violated Myanmar's undemocratic 2008 constitution. It is a cruel injustice that Wai Moe Naing has been convicted of high treason by the same regime that has so brutally betrayed the people of Myanmar. We demand his immediate and unconditional release’, said Ma Thida, Chair of PEN International’s Writers in Prison Committee.
A further trial on a remaining charge of murder remains. The charge is reported to relate to the killing of two police officers in the Monywa district, in central Myanmar but no evidence has emerged that links Wai Moe Naing to the crime. Wai Moe Naing’s friends and family have rejected the accusation of murder on the strongest possible terms.
As reported previously, two of Wai Moe Naing’s legal representatives have been arrested, with many others now unwilling to represent him out of fear of retaliation from the military junta, raising ongoing concerns over Wai Moe Naing’s ability to defend himself according to international fair trial norms.
PEN International considers that Wai Moe Naing’s long-term imprisonment represents a complete disregard of his right to a fair trial and is illustrative of the military junta’s willingness to use Myanmar’s legal system as a means to further its repression of dissenting voices.
Background
Wai Moe Naing is a writer, activist, and member of PEN Myanmar. He began writing as a student, with his first short story being published in Teen Magazine at the age of 13. His writing has since been published in several literary outlets, including Khit Yanantthit Magazine and Pae Tin Tharn Journal.
Prior to the military coup in February 2021, Wai Moe Naing had already developed a reputation as a committed non-violent activist due to his long-standing involvement student unions and youth groups, which included his affiliation with the Peacock Generation, a satirical poetry troupe who had several of its members detained in 2019 for allegedly criticising the military during a performance.
In the immediate aftermath of the military coup, Wai Moe Naing rose to prominence as a leader of the anti-coup protest movement and was among those who popularised the idea of banging pots and pans as a non-violent act of resistance to the military junta’s rule.
Wai Moe Naing was arrested on 15 April 2021 by junta forces after they reportedly used an unmarked vehicle to ram Wai Moe Naing while he was driving on a moped as part of a protest rally in the Monywa district. When he tried to escape on foot, a group of armed men disembarked and attacked him and a female protestor before detaining them both.
On 12 August 2022, Wai Moe Naing was found guilty of multiple counts of incitement under section 505(A) of Myanmar’s Penal Code, which has been routinely used by the military junta to target critics of the regime. Following his conviction, Wai Moe Naing was initially sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment. According to reports, Wai Moe Naing did not appeal the court’s ruling, stating that the allegations were not committed by him, so there was nothing to appeal.
On 20 October 2022, Wai Moe Naing was sentenced to a further four years’ imprisonment on an additional count of incitement and for violating Article 25 of Natural Disaster Management Law, a charge that has been cynically used to clamp down on public rallies following the authorities' classification of COVID-19 as a 'natural disaster'.
On 5 April 2023, Wai Moe Naing was convicted of several charges, including rioting, robbery and incitement, and sentenced to a further 20 years’ imprisonment, resulting in a cumulative total of 34 years in prison.
For more information about PEN International’s work on Myanmar please see Impunity Reigns – Writers resist, PEN International’s 2022 Case List, which documents 115 cases of persecuted writers worldwide, including Wai Moe Naing..."
Source/publisher:
PEN International
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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Description:
"Myanmar’s junta troops have detained more than 40 civilians within a week over alleged links to resistance groups in Tanintharyi Region.
Resistance groups have stepped up attacks on regime forces in Myanmar’s southernmost region, leading to retaliation against civilians.
On Tuesday Guerilla Dawei and Dawei Dragon People’s Defence Force raided Launglon Township police station, the regime’s military intelligence and immigration offices.
The groups issued a statement saying the operations did not involve the Launglon community.
But the junta later detained four Launglon civilians, Ko Hlaing Nay Oo, Ma Swe Zin Htet, Ma Thet Thet Aye and her husband, according to residents.
On Tuesday a junta convoy was attacked with a bomb near Kyauk Ka Nyar village in Yebyu Township, injuring an officer. On Wednesday troops raided homes in the village and detained 20 residents.
Arrests were also reported in Palaw, Tanintharyi, Dawei and Thayetchaung townships.
Seven Kyauk Kar villagers in Palaw Township were detained on May 19 after a junta-appointed administrator was killed by a resistance bomb.
At the weekend 10 owners of food and grocery stalls and tea shops in Yay Phyu village, Tanintharyi Township, were detained after junta informants reported that resistance groups bought food from them, residents said. Only five have been released.
A man and couple in Tanintharyi Township were detained after at least five junta troops were killed in a resistance bomb attack, a resident said.
Six Pa Nat Nge villagers were detained in the township and they remain in custody, a resident told The Irrawaddy.
In Dawei, 12 people were detained as human shields after resistance groups in the township ambushed troops on their way back from burning down houses in U Yin Gyi village on Saturday.
A 17-year-old was held after the others were freed when the troops reached safety.
The teenager reportedly remains in detention because of what the troops found on his phone. His condition is unknown.
On Sunday Maung Kyaw Htet Aung, 17, and a female 15-year-old were detained in Thayetchaung Township after their phones were inspected by junta troops at a checkpoint.
“Their parents are very concerned for them. Now they are still being detained and interrogated,” said a relative of Maung Kyaw Htet Aung.
Wai Yan Soe, a student activist in Dawei. said the junta was now behaving in Tanintharyi Region like it always had in Myanmar’s ethnic-minority states.
“People must be careful and should stay alert to the dangers at all times,” he added.
Southern Monitor, which researches the conflict in Tanintharyi Region, reported that at least 394 people have been killed and over 28,000 displaced since the 2021 coup..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Local URL:
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Description:
"FIVE BRITISH INSURERS ADDED TO ‘DIRTY LIST’ FOR AVIATION FUEL DELIVERIES TO BURMA
May 23, 2023
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Burma Campaign UK added five British insurance companies to the ‘Dirty List’ after they failed to give a commitment to stop providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Burma.
The five companies are: UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard and Shipowners’ Club.
They are mutual insurance clubs which have provided insurance cover (protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance) to vessels which have delivered aviation fuel to Burma. Their role in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma was exposed in the Amnesty International Report, Deadly Cargo. The report is available here.
“The Burmese military are using airstrikes indiscriminately against civilians, even against schools and hospitals, and insurance is a vital part of the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK.
Since the Burmese military began its attempted coup on 1 February 2021, it has increasingly used airstrikes to try to gain control over the country.
On 11th April, a Burmese military airstrike in the Sagaing Region in the north of Burma killed around 170 people, including around 40 children.
In February 2022 the British government issued guidance to British companies to avoid involvement in the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. These companies are ignoring the guidance.
“These insurance clubs have clearly taken a decision not to add delivery of aviation fuel to their cover exclusions, despite knowing this means they may insure aviation fuel that reaches the Burmese military and is used to kill civilians,” said Mark Farmaner. “This is the definition of putting profit before principle.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
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"Military junta troops launched an airstrike and dropped bombs in Myawaddy, Kayin State and Demoso, Kayah State from May 15th to 21st. Junta troops also launched an airstrike, dropped bombs and cut off the Tele communication and mobile data in Mawlite Township, Sagaing Region.Military Junta troops arrested about 60 civilians including the children from Kani Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region as hostages. The military’s head of the prison in Thayarwady Prison established a terrorist group named Eagle Group in the prison and ordered them to commit human rights abuses against the relocated political prisoners by beating, torturing, and forcing labor in Thayarwady Prison.
Military Junta troops and Pyusawhtee force arrested the locals, threatened and still extorted money in Shwebo Township and Kyunhla Township in Sagaing Region. In the East Bago region, the military troops arrested the civilians who were crossing the 4 miles gate which is part of the Taungoo- Thandaung Road and extorted from them.4 civilians died including a child and 2 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light attacks..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"At least 145 people are now known to have been killed in Myanmar (Burma) by a powerful cyclone, the country's military rulers have said.
They say most of the victims of Cyclone Mocha that made landfall last Sunday were from the Rohingya minority.
The junta had earlier put the death toll at 21, but local residents told the BBC that at least 40 had died.
About 800,000 people have been affected by one of the strongest storms to hit the region this century, the UN said.
With winds of up to 209km/h (130mph), Mocha - a category five storm - battered the Rakhine state, in western Myanmar, as well as the regions of Sagaing and Magway.
"Altogether 145 local people were killed during the cyclone," Myanmar's junta said in a statement on Friday, the AFP news agency reported.
According to the statement, among the victims were four soldiers, 24 locals and 117 people from the Rohingya minority.
Before the official statement, there were numerous reports suggesting a much higher death toll than the initial figure of 21, especially in camps where the internally displaced Rohingya live.
Hundreds of homes and shelters have collapsed while communication has been difficult in the country and people are still missing.
In Sittwe, the capital city of Rakhine state, where many people live in low-lying coastal areas, roads have been blocked by uprooted trees and fallen power pylons.
There have also also reports of military attacks on locals following the storm.
Thousands of people fled their homes in the north-western Sagaing region as the army entered villages under cover of the cyclone.
Communities in Sagaing have put up some of the strongest opposition to the military, which seized power in a coup on 2021. The area also houses a large number of anti-government militias, known as the People's Defence Force.
There were no immediate reports of casualties in neighbouring Bangladesh, but the storm c.rushed. thousands of shelters in the world's largest refugee camp at Cox's Bazar. It is home to one million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar.
Mocha came 15 years after one of Asia's deadliest cyclones, Nargis, smashed into Myanmar's Irrawaddy Delta and claimed 140,000 lives.
Cyclones are the equivalent of hurricanes in the Atlantic and typhoons in the Pacific. Scientists say these storms have become stronger and more frequent due to climate change..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Cyclones - regional
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Description:
"Five resistance members accused of shooting dead four police officers on a Yangon train were sentenced to death by a junta court at Insein Prison on Monday, according to lawyers familiar with the case.
Suspects Ko Kyaw Win Soe, Ko Kaung Pyae Sone Oo, Ko San Min Aung, Ko Zayar Phyoe and Ma Myat Phyo Pwint were handed death sentences under the counter-terrorism law and separately given life sentences under the Arms Act (1949).
A court source confirmed the sentence, saying Monday’s verdicts were delivered by a civilian court rather than martial court, as in previous such cases.
On August 14, 2021, six policemen working as guards on a Circular Railway train travelling from Yangon’s Central Station to Kyemindaing in the city’s west were shot at close range by three members of an anti-regime urban guerrilla group. Four of the police officers were killed on the spot while two were injured, and their firearms seized.
The targeted attack came one week after five resistance movement members jumped to their deaths from a four-story building to evade raiding troops. Two of the five died on the spot.
In September, the regime arrested five out of 16 people it suspected of being involved in the train attack.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) also verified that five men detained over the incident were sentenced to death this week.
AAPP said in its daily brief issued yesterday that since the February 1, 2021, coup, a total of 3,520 people, including pro-democracy activists and civilians, have been killed in military crackdowns against the pro-democracy movement.
Junta courts have sentenced a total of 158 people to death since the coup. Among those executed were four prominent pro-democracy figures including politicians U Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters
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Description:
"Jailed anti-junta protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing was found guilty of high treason on Friday and sentenced to an additional 20 years by a junta court on Friday, taking his total sentence to 54 years.
The 28-year-old pro-democracy activist was violently arrested on April 15, 2021, when junta troops rammed him with a car as he led a motorbike protest in Monywa, Sagaing Region.
Ko Wai Moe Naing has faced 10 charges, including sedition, unlawful assembly, abduction with the intent to murder, murder and treason, for his role in Monywa’s protests after the February 1 coup. The junta sentenced him to 34 years in prison under eight charges.
The Monywa Prison court on Friday used Article 122 of the Penal Code to add 20 years to his sentence for high treason.
A source said Ko Wai Moe Naing saw his mother for a few minutes and was in good health.
Monywa People’s Strike Committee denounced the sentence and called for the release of all political prisoners.
“Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing and his fellow junta leaders are the only people to have committed high treason,” the committee said on Friday.
Ko Wai Moe Naing, a former student union leader and committee member, has been held in Monywa Prison since his arrest.
He also faces another murder charge in relation to the killing of two police officers.
Since the 2021 coup, more than 3,500 people have been killed and over 22,400 people have been incarcerated with around 18,000 still behind bars, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations
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Title: Open Letter to G7 on the worrying state of human rights and democracy in Myanmar and Cambodia
Description:
"To: G7 Leaders
H.E. Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada
H.E. Emmanuel Macron, President of France
H.E. Olaf Scholz, Chancellor of Germany
H.E. Giorgio Meloni, Prime Minister of Italy
H.E. Fumio Kushida, Prime Minister of Japan
H.E. Rishi Sunak, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
H.E. Joseph R. Biden, President of the United States of America
19 May 2023
Your Excellencies,
We, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, are writing to express our grave concerns about the state of human rights and democracy in Southeast Asia, particularly with regard to Myanmar and Cambodia.
We are monitoring the increasing authoritarian tendencies in the region, with continued human rights violations and attacks on political opponents and activists by authoritarian governments in Brunei, Viet Nam, and Lao PDR, as well as a trend of shrinking civic space, even in nominally democratic countries such as Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. We are deeply troubled by these developments, and we believe that if the situations in Myanmar and Cambodia are allowed to go on without a serious response from the international community, repressive and undemocratic regimes will be further emboldened, endangering the progress in democracy and human rights that has been achieved in the region in the past few decades.
Since the coup d’etat led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in February 2021, the political and humanitarian situation in the country has continued to deteriorate and has reached alarming levels. In the past two years, the Myanmar military has waged an all-out war on its own people, through he arbitrary arrests of thousands of anti-junta activists and their family members; the routine use of torture of detainees, often with lethal consequences; the shooting of unarmed protesters, air strikes against civilians in Myanmar’s ethnic areas, the burning of whole villagers, and extrajudicial killings.
Last year, the junta also executed four political prisoners, including former lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw and prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’. These death sentences were the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988 and show the increasing brutality of Min Aung Hlaing’s regime.
Most recently, air strikes in the Sagaing Region have killed more than 160 civilians, including children. According to an investigation by Human Rights Watch, the Myanmar military used “thermobaric” munitions during the air strikes, a violation of international human rights law and an apparent war crime.
Throughout all these atrocities, the junta has largely gone unchecked. While ASEAN leaders agreed on a Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar with Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021, the junta leader has since clearly demonstrated that he has no intention to abide by the agreement, and ASEAN leaders have displayed little desire to pressure him to do so. The latest statement from the regional bloc following the 42nd ASEAN Summit earlier this month shows an utter lack of urgency and gives little hope that ASEAN will change its approach to Myanmar.
The International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response to the Myanmar coup (IPI), which was organized by APHR, wrote in its final report last year that the international community has largely failed to support the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar. It is more crucial than ever to correct this failure and make sure that the junta faces consequences for its actions and put an end to their ability to bring further death and destruction upon the people of Myanmar.
We therefore urge the G7 to take swift and firm measures against the illegal military junta led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and provide real assistance to the pro-democracy forces in Myanmar. Those measures should include targeted economic sanctions against the military junta, a comprehensive arms embargo including on aviation fuel, and referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal.
Another worrying situation is the one in Cambodia, whose continuing descent into authoritarianism is of great concern and does not bode well for the region. The situation related to human rights and democracy has drastically deteriorated in Cambodia in recent years, notably since Prime Minister Hun Sen used the country’s courts to dissolve the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) in 2017, shortly after it had run his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) close in successive nationwide elections.
This year alone, Hun Sen has openly threatened opposition supporters with legal and physical violence, while his regime has shut down one of the country’s last remaining independent media outlets Voice of Democracy (VOD) and sentenced former CNRP leader Kem Sokha to 27 years of house arrest on trumped-up treason charges.
Earlier this week, the Cambodian National Election Commission (NEC) rejected the registration of the main opposition Candlelight Party for the upcoming July elections on administrative grounds, in what was clearly a manufactured bureaucratic obstacle designed to block the Candlelight Party from competing in the elections by any means possible.
The government of Hun Sen appears determined to drive the final nail into the coffin of Cambodia’s democracy, which is guaranteed by the Paris Peace Agreements of 1991. Any elections held under the present circumstances cannot possibly be free and fair.
We therefore urge the G7 to pressure the Cambodian government to unconditionally release all political prisoners, halt the constant harassment and prosecution of political opponents, and allow for the will of the people to prevail through a free and fair electoral process, first by creating an environment that allows for opposition parties to register for and compete in the upcoming elections.
If the Hun Sen regime persists in trying to hamstring the opposition, then the G7 must refuse to accord legitimacy to July elections as it is becoming increasingly clear that Hun Sen is intent on using the elections as just another tool to consolidate his power.
Unless the international community takes some form of action now, nothing will prevent Hun Sen from further solidifying his decades-long dictatorship by eliminating any semblance of a democratic system.
Your Excellencies, as you yourselves have come to power in democratically-held elections in countries with strong human rights protections, we are sure that you recognize and understand the importance of human rights and democracy to the prosperity and well-being of a nation. We have confidence in your commitment to these principles and hope that you will demonstrate that commitment by coming to the aid of the people of Myanmar and Cambodia.
Recognizing the powerful role you play as leaders of the largest advanced economies in the world, we urge you to take immediate and decisive action to change the course in both countries. Doing so will have a significant impact on neighboring countries in Southeast Asia and will pave the way for a more politically stable region where lasting peace becomes attainable and where economic development can take place with the people’s best interests at the center.
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
The rotation will bring in new commanders showing even less restraint in targeting civilians to please the junta.
Description:
"Holed up in his palace in Naypyitaw, Myanmar Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, must be apoplectic.
Over two years since seizing power in the Feb. 1, 2021 coup, the military has still not consolidated power. Despite vowing to crush the opposition, the junta leader had to acknowledge recently that 132 of Myanmar’s 330 townships–42 percent–were not under government control.
The shadow opposition National Unity Government, their People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), and allied ethnic resistance organizations, have held their own and enjoy overwhelming popular legitimacy.
The military’s supply lines, through the once safe ethnic majority Bamar heartland, are increasingly vulnerable and casualties are mounting.
The exasperation of the leadership is palpable and manifest in several key ways.
First, the military has increased its attacks on civilians in an attempt to terrorize them into submission through collective punishments and reprisals. The military is waging a scorched earth campaign and has arsoned over 65,000 homes, 48,000 in Sagaing alone.
The regime has stepped up their use of air assaults, a glaring admission that they are unable to deploy troops on the ground. And when they do, they will often dragoon civilians to serve as human shields.
Second, the regime has increased their reliance on pro-military militias and death squads.
Third, so desperate to defeat the NUG this year, the military increased its own budget by 51 percent, despite the moribund economy and diminished revenue streams.
Fourth, the regime has increased its cash rewards for members of the PDFs to surrender with their weapons. These offers are clearly caveated and do not amount to blanket immunity, but the expenditures do factor in the soaring rates of poverty caused by the junta’s mismanagement.
Fifth, when things are going badly, the military leadership tends to micromanage.
In February, Min Aung Hlaing met with the leadership of the Western Command in Rakhine. The following month, he made an inspection tour of the headquarters of the Northwest Command that is overseeing the campaigns in Sagaing and Chin States.
The previous month, the junta placed 14 townships in Sagaing, five in the Magway region, and four in Chin state under martial law.
These trips outside of Naypyitaw are all the more notable because Min Aung Hlaing rarely leaves the fortress capital, and he travels with a small army of bodyguards..
That’s no profile in courage compared to the NUG’s acting president, Duwa Lashi La, who has made multiple trips to visit front line troops.
Light Infantry Divisions
But an unappreciated sign of frustration is the rotation of commanders in the face of battlefield losses and failed offensives.
Myanmar’s military is divided into 14 different Regional Commands and six Bureaus of Special Operations.
Myanmar’s military is smaller than often reported, roughly 150,000 soldiers, with the air force and navy adding 50-60,000 more personnel. Yet only 70,000 are frontline troops.
The majority of kinetic operations are conducted by 10 Light Infantry Divisions (LIDs), which should be about 20,000 men in total, divided into roughly 100 battalions.
The Light Infantry Battalions are the shock and awe troops. They are the best armed and equipped, the most mobile, and by far the most lethal. They are operating at a decreased levels. According to Ye Myo Hein, the majority of these are under 150 men each, well below the already lowered 200-man floor.
They are the troops that the regime has relied on to achieve its strategic goals, including the 2017-2018 ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. Today the 99th LID’s such as the “Ogre Column” in Sagaing do the bulk of the scorched earth operations against civilians.
The majority of forces are territorial, and deployed in static and defensive positions, where they are increasingly surrounded and harassed by PDFs and EROs. Their resupply of food, munitions, and fuel is increasingly perilous and sporadic.
Estimates of the current strength of LIDs, given a conservative casualty rate of 15 percent, is around 16-17,000 men. Recruitment has slowed and the operational tempo for the troops is unsustainable.
All of this compounds poor battlefield performance and the frustration of the leadership.
Even fewer restraints in targeting
One of the most important indicators of the regime’s frustration is rotation of operational commanders.
Between February 2021 and July 2022, only two of the 14 regional military commanders were rotated. In August 2022, five were replaced. Since then, four more others were rotated out, including Major General Myat Thet Oo, the Southeastern Commander in March 2023. Two other lieutenant generals, Khin Hlaing and Thant Hlaing who oversaw operations in Karen and Sagaing States were sacked in February-March 2022.
Since October 2022, three commanders of the six Bureaus of Special Operations, all lieutenant generals, have likewise been rotated out.
At the operational level, there have been fewer rotations in the past six months than expected. The 11th LID commander was promoted to be the commander of the Southeast Regional Military Command. But the heads of the 44th and 77th were transferred to non-operational billets. The commander of the 88th LID had a horizontal transfer to the 77th.
Part of this is the annual reshuffle, though the tempo has increased in the past six months.
Almost all of these officers moved on to non-operational positions including at the Myanmar Economic Corporation or the Defense Services Technological Academy. The junta is careful to make sure all get soft landings. Issues around the rotation of operational level leaders are compounded by battlefield losses, which are not insignificant. Between January 2023 and mid-May, 20 mid-level officers were killed, including four colonels, six lieutenant colonels, and 10 majors, based on open source reporting.
While a sign of frustration, the rotation of commanders is bad news for Myanmar’s people. The replacements will be even more sycophantic and slavish to the State Administrative Council leadership. Zealotry and a desire to prove themselves will lead to even fewer restraints in targeting.
While the NUG has outperformed militarily, it’s incumbent that the regime’s colonels and one-star generals–the people who actually have to execute the war and who are not getting their cut of the windfall of plundered wealth that the leaders of the SAC are taking for themselves–realize that the war cannot be won.
The rotation of commanders should be a further reminder, not just a sign of the leadership’s exasperation..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"Myanmar’s ruling military junta has imported at least $1 billion in weapons and military-related equipment since its bloody coup, according to a new United Nations report which said much of the equipment was coming from individuals and businesses in Russia, China and Singapore.
Army general Min Aung Hlaing seized power in February 2021, ending Myanmar’s brief experiment with democracy, jailing former leader Aung San Suu Kyi and plunging the impoverished Southeast Asian nation into a raging civil conflict that continues to this day.
Battles between the military and resistance groups unfold daily across the country.
Airstrikes and ground attacks on what the military calls “terrorist” targets occur regularly and have killed thousands of civilians, often including children, according to monitoring group.
Whole villages have been burned down by junta soldiers and schools, clinics and hospitals destroyed as a result of the attacks, according to local monitoring groups.
Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, published a new report on Wednesday that detailed transfers of arms and raw materials and identified “254 unique suppliers” to the Myanmar military since the coup.
“Since the coup, the Myanmar military has imported at least $1 billion worth of arms and dual use goods to support the military’s domestic arms manufacturing,” Andrews wrote.
In 94% of the transactions Myanmar’s military was listed as the ultimate receiver “eliminating any doubt of who the end recipient would be,” Andrews added.
The report, which used trade data and spanned more than 50 pages, listed $406 million in sales from Russian entities and $267 million from China, including some state-owned companies.
The report also found $254 million in imports originating from Singapore.
Andrews said he received no informatio indicating that the government of Singapore had approved military sales or transferred arms to Myanmar’s military – unlike with Russia and China.
In response to a request for comment from CNN, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused the special rapporteur of going “beyond his own authorization to smear normal military trade of sovereign countries without warrant, distorting facts and confusing the public.”
The comments did not address the specific allegations or transactions detailed in Andrews’ report.
CNN has also approached authorities in Russia and Singapore for a response on the report’s findings.
Citing a recent deadly attack carried out last month by the Myanmar Air Force on a village in the northwestern Sagaing region, the UN report listed several weapons which were used that included Yak-130 aircraft and Mi-35 helicopters supplied by Russia and raw materials from “private entities in Singapore, China and Thailand.”
“Bombs were released over Pazigyi village in the Kanbalu township, Sagaing region… hitting their intended target: a ceremony attended by approximately 300 people, including dozens of children, marking the opening of a (local) administrativae office,” the report said.
“The ordinance detonated with deadly impact – ripping the bodies of men, women and children open, turning their skin to ash and inflicting critical shrapnel wounds.”
“The attack is yet another example of the Myanmar junta’s probable crimes against humanity and war crimes… and also how (it) is using internationally supplied arms and associated materials to commit atrocities,” the UN said.
Andrews said sanctions against Myanmar’s generals were “easily circumvented” and ineffective.
“Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement,” Andrews said.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member states now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms.”
He called on the international community to stop more arms from going to the Myanmar military.
Singapore has previously addressed the topic of arms sales to Myanmar since the coup.
Speaking during a parliamentary session in February, Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan addressed allegations from experts at the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) who claimed that Singapore was “functioning as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items” contributing toward military production by the Myanmar military.
“Singapore complies strictly with our international obligations on international arms sales and transfers, as well as UN sanctions and embargoes against any country,” Balakrishnan said.
“Singapore submits regular reports to the UN Register of Conventional Arms… the government of Singapore decided to prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar and also decided not to authorize the transfer of dual-use items assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
“We will not hesitate to take action against those who contravene our laws.”...ဓ
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"The Myanmar military junta has imported at least US$1 billion worth of weapons and related materials from Russia, China and other countries in less than two years, according to a new UN report.
“Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Tom Andrews, the UN independent investigator on human rights in Myanmar, said in a press release.
Launched on Wednesday, the report, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: The International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar”, documented over 12,500 purchases that were shipped directly to the Myanmar military or known Myanmar arms dealers working for the military from Feb. 1, 2021 to December 2022.
The report identified $406 million worth of arms-related trade from entities in Russia including state-owned entities, $267 million from China including state-owned entities, $254 million from entities operating in Singapore, $51 million from entities in India including state-owned entities and $28 million from entities operating in Thailand.
Andrews said at a press conference that the diversity and volume of goods provided to the Myanmar military since the coup is staggering.
He identified transfers of fighter jets, attack helicopters, reconnaissance and attack drones, advanced missile systems, tank upgrades, radio and communication equipment, radar complexes, and components for naval ships in the report.
The deadly items were used by the junta to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar, the UN Special Rapporteur said.
He gave examples of the junta’s air attack on Pazi Gyi Village in Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, in which the junta used a Russian Yak-130 fighter jet followed by an attack by Russian Mi-35 helicopters. At least 160 people including 40 children were killed in the attack.
And the junta’s Directorate of Defense Industries domestically manufactured bombs and machine guns, relying in part on raw materials supplied by private entities from Singapore, China and Thailand, the report stated.
Since the coup, 28 Russian entities, including state-owned entities, have transferred fighter jets, advanced missile systems, reconnaissance and attack drones, and spare parts for fighter jets, attack helicopters, and other systems, it said.
Additionally, 41 private and state-owned companies registered in China and Hong
Kong continued to supply the Myanmar military with an extensive array of arms, equipment, and raw materials between October 2021 and December 2022 including advanced trainer jets/light attack aircraft, upgrades to tanks, and overhaul and
repair work for the older Chinese fighter jets that make up the Myanmar Air Force fleet.
Chinese firms also provided essential raw materials directly to the Myanmar military for domestic weapons manufacturing, including aluminum, copper, steel, rubber, and lubricants, it said.
The report also stated that Singapore has become a major source for spare parts, raw materials, and manufacturing equipment especially for the continued operation of Myanmar’s KaPaSa weapons factories.
At least 138 Singapore-based firms have served as intermediaries for the Myanmar military since the coup.
Andrews requested the government of Singapore use the information in the report and enforce its own policies to the maximum extent possible.
The government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorize the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
Unlike Russia, China, and—to a much lesser extent—India, Andrews said he has received no information indicating that the governments of Singapore or Thailand have approved or transferred arms to the Myanmar military.
Rather, arms dealing organizations appear to be using the jurisdictions of Thailand and Singapore, and specifically the banking and shipping sectors there, to facilitate arms transfers, he said.
The report suggest arm dealers may be seeking to use Thailand as an alternative route. It said 12 Thai companies exporting arms and related materials to the Myanmar military were established following the coup, and many were established by sanctioned arms networks already operating in Singapore.
Andrews said that the Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system because sanctions are not being adequately enforced.
“Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement.”
The UN Special Rapporteur urged a complete ban on the sale and transfer of weapons to the military, and urged governments to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member states now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
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Sub-title:
A series of violent events in Sagaing
Description:
"WARNING: GRAPHIC - This report contains extremely graphic imagery and links to graphic imagery shared online. While efforts have been made to blur details, the report contains information which some readers may find distressing.
To read the full report, download the PDF.
Key Event Details
Location of Incidents:
Ma Le Thar village (မလဲသာ) (22.115030, 95.455742) in Ayadaw township
Pa Dat Taing village (ပဒတ္တိုင်း) (22.074770, 95.448303) in Myinmu township
Kan Taw village (ကန်တော်) (22.027901,95.569941) in Myinmu township
Tar Taing village (တာတိုင်) (21.933220, 95.644867) in Sagaing township
Let Ka Pin village (လက္ကပင်) (21.87949944, 95.48097992) in Myinmu township
Swea Lwe Oh village (ဆွဲလွဲအို) (21.79330063, 95.3681488) in Myaung township
Than Bo village (သံဘို) (22.72942924, 95.67418671) in Khin-U township
Ta Ga Nan village (တဂဏန်း) (22.53455925, 95.68533325) in Shwebo township
Date/Time of Incident:
Multiple events between 23 February and 2 April 2023
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Light Infantry Division (LID) 99, based in Meikhtila
LID Commander: Major General Than Htike
No. 8 Military Training School, Shwebo township
Summary of Investigation:
Myanmar Witness has investigated allegations related to 8 incidents of violence in Sagaing. 6 of these incidents involved the beheading of at least one individual.
One mass killing in Tar Taing led to the deaths of 17 individuals, including one beheading.
Myanmar Witness has found that at least 33 people were killed in the 8 incidents investigated, 12 of whom were beheaded.
Myanmar Witness identified, and where possible verified, imagery and video footage associated with these events, including images showing dismembered and beheaded bodies. Myanmar Witness also identified and geolocated footage of a beheading near Myaung.
Many sources claim that the Light Infantry Division (LID) 99, under the command of Major General Than Htike, is responsible for six of the incidents.
Locals report that the beheadings in Than Bo (incident 7) was carried out by the Security Administrative Council (SAC) No. 8 Military Training School from Shwebo township.
Images showing SAC soldiers were identified but not verified in association with events in Let Ka Pin.
The SAC released a statement admitting that SAC soldiers were responsible for a clash in Tar Taing.
Executive Summary
Between 23 February and 2 April 2023, a Myanmar military column reportedly traversed through part of the Sagaing region, conducting mass killings, fires, rapes, and raids in several villages. Myanmar Witness has identified, and where possible verified, imagery and video footage associated with a number of these events, which show bodies that were tortured, beheaded and dismembered. Myanmar Witness has found that at least 33 people were killed in the 8 incidents investigated, 12 of whom were beheaded.
This report investigates claims related to the following events:
Airstrike and ground troop incursion: Ma Le Thar
Myanmar military raid: Pa Dat Taing
Beheadings: Kan Taw
Mass killing and beheading: Tar Taing
Detention, mass killing and beheadings: Let Ka Pin
Beheading: Swea Lwe Oh
Beheadings: Than Bo
Beheading, dismembering and rape: Ta Ga Nan
Sagaing has been a focal point of resistance since the Coup. These 8 incidents identified, and where possible verified, by Myanmar Witness, show a pattern of excessive violence by the perpetrators. In a number of these cases the individuals were killed and then beheaded. As the beheadings serve no functional purpose, they represent a dramatic and horrific warning to those resisting military rule..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-13
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Military History, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"While the defence strategic review shows Australia is focused on building capability through AUKUS, its declassified version fails to note a significant threat to regional security—Myanmar.
Myanmar’s junta is a threat to regional stability that could cause problems for Australia for years to come.
Australia has enjoyed relative stability across its northern outlook for decades, partly due to the peace and economic prosperity offered by ASEAN. While many commentators speculate about threats to ASEAN, such as China’s illegal behaviour in the South China Sea, ASEAN’s failure of unity in responding to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and even the impact of AUKUS, none of these are as serious as its response to the situation in Myanmar.
The international community has relied on ASEAN leadership to address the crisis in Myanmar, yet the bloc has failed to generate meaningful progress.
Non-interference in the affairs of fellow member states is a thread running through ASEAN’s six fundamental principles, but the list is silent on what it should do in cases of genocide or other serious human rights violations. Attempts to influence Myanmar via soft diplomacy have so far failed to end the junta’s rule or its war crimes. ASEAN’s five-point consensus has been utterly ignored by the junta.
In February 2023, it was reported that a Japanese businessman negotiated a ceasefire between Myanmar’s military and an ethnic group in Rakhine state. The Myanmar military has waged war against many ethnic armed organisations like this since independence in 1948, arguably creating the world’s longest civil war.
Since the February 2021 coup in which the military ceased its power-sharing arrangement with Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, state-initiated violence has massively increased, with an estimated 3,400 political prisoners killed and many more imprisoned.
ASEAN’s non-interference principle has left the bloc dithering on what to do about its wayward member, even as its chair, Indonesia, asserts the need to resolve the crisis. Yet it was a Japanese businessman, not ASEAN, who held sufficient influence to broker a ceasefire.
Investment by China has muted the effect of divestment from Myanmar, meaning the junta hasn’t suffered much in terms of drawbacks. There is even talk of China’s using Myanmar to bypass the ‘Malacca dilemma’ of transporting its goods through Southeast Asia to and from the Middle East and Europe. China’s opportunism in Myanmar is at the direct expense of ASEAN and Australian interests.
The lack of consequences for the Myanmar military only serves to encourage other disgruntled actors in the region to act out—consider, for example, Thailand’s various military coups and Cambodia’s crackdown on independent media—and could be a hint of things to come.
ASEAN needs to draw a line in the sand. If a brutal civil war in which the army murders civilians and arrests Australian economic advisers for doing their jobs isn’t enough for ASEAN to take more drastic action, what is? As the situation forces foreign investors into expensive divestment from a once-burgeoning democracy, can they trust that other regional investments won’t go the same way?
Serious sanctions must be on the table. If other member states see the junta as getting away with murder for the sake of maintaining power, it may degrade norms across the region.
If ASEAN’s centrality wanes to the point of regional instability, China will step in, and Australia will be in for a panic much worse than it experienced over Solomon Islands. Decaying norms within ASEAN display a weakness of values at a time when values-based investments are as important to its stability as ever.
ASEAN must choose whether to let this decay continue or to find ways to side with the civilian population of Myanmar and create enduring peace in the region. This decision must occur before Myanmar is scheduled to become ASEAN chair in 2026.
Thirty years from now, we may find that ASEAN’s management of Myanmar over these next few years had a greater influence on Australia’s strategic interests than we appreciated at the time..."
Source/publisher:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
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Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Crimes Against Humanity
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"The United Nations (UN) Special Envoy for Myanmar said a unified regional approach guided by the will of Myanmar people can make progress in solving the country’s crisis during her Tuesday meeting with government officials in India.
UN envoy Noeleen Heyzer met with India’s Minister for External Affairs Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Foreign Secretary Vinay Mohan Kwatra and Joint Secretary (Bangladesh-Myanmar) Smita Pant in New Delhi.
Myanmar has been wracked by violence since the military’s 2021 coup. The putsch met with nationwide public opposition which the military regime responded to with deadly force, triggering armed resistance across the country.
Along with China, India is Myanmar’s most powerful neighbor and has been impacted by the crisis in Myanmar, with over 53,000 refugees from Myanmar currently sheltering in border regions in India, according to the Office of the UN Special Envoy to Myanmar.
During the meeting, the Indian officials told Noeleen Heyzer that there is a need for an immediate cessation of violence by all sides and the fostering of dialogue for the return of peace, stability and democracy in Myanmar.
Heyzer said a unified regional approach supporting Myanmar-led solutions, in accordance with
the will and needs of the people, can make tangible progress on the ground.
“The Special Envoy reinforced the need for concrete steps to resolve the crisis and a return to civilian rule based on the will of the people, such as cessation of violence, immediate release of all political prisoners, including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, and unimpeded humanitarian assistance through all available channels,” said the Office of the UN Special Envoy in a statement.
Prior to her meeting with India’s external affairs minister, Noeleen Heyzer met with China’s foreign minister Qin Gang, and was told that the international community should support all parties in Myanmar and restart the political transition process through political dialogue in order to bring peace to the country.
“We need to act prudently and pragmatically to prevent escalating tensions and a spillover of the crisis,” said Qin.
Currently, both India and China have engaged with the junta in Myanmar. Along with Myanmar’s other neighbors, they participated in the Thailand-initiated Track 1.5 roundtable as a way of opening additional channels for dialogue among stakeholders affected by the Myanmar crisis.
The roundtable — its second meeting was lately hosted by India — came after the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Five-Point Consensus peace plan stalled, after the military regime failed to honor its commitments.
Noeleen Heyzer visited Myanmar last year and met with junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, but no progress was made on breaking the political deadlock in the country..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"Anti-China protests have broken out across Myanmar following last week’s meetings between Beijing’s foreign minister Qin Gang and Myanmar’s military dictators.
China stepped up its engagement with Myanmar’s regime with the visit by the most senior Chinese representative to Naypyitaw since the 2021 coup. Qin met junta boss Min Aung Hlaing and former dictator Than Shwe.
Following the visit, activists, students’ union members and general strike committees across the country launched an online campaign, sharing the message, “Hey China: stop killing Myanmar’s people by supporting fascist criminals,” in Chinese and English.
Protests were staged in Yangon and Yinmabin, Salingyi and Letpadaung in Sagaing Region, where the Chinese flag was burned.
Following the February 2021 coup, the Chinese Embassy in Myanmar faced daily protests in which hundreds of thousands of protesters demanded that their neighbor stop supporting the military.
China said the takeover was an internal affair not requiring foreign intervention and failed to denounce deadly crackdowns on protesters, despite widespread international condemnation. At the time there were calls for a boycott of Chinese products and threats to China-backed projects and pipelines. In the following months, there were a few attacks on China’s pipelines in Mandalay Region.
Letpadaung General Strike Committee in Salingyi, which is home to the Chinese-run copper mines, stated that the Chinese meetings fueled anti-China anger.
“We strongly say that our people do not want any country or government to cooperate with the regime,” the committee announced.
Yangon activists warned China that public anger would grow if it continued to work with the junta.
On Tuesday, a flash mob in the city called on China to respect the will of the people and to respect Myanmar’s sovereignty, instead of protecting dictators Min Aung Hlaing and Than Shwe.
Prominent activist Dr Tayzar San wrote that the neighbors would have to coexist after the fall of the dictatorship and there were many good examples of friendly, close bilateral relations over centuries.
Positive relations cannot be built with a terrorist regime, the activist said.
“If the Chinese government continues to support the fascist military like this, China will enter the list of Myanmar’s common enemies. We have a serious message and both countries will face the consequences,” Dr Tayzar San added.
Myanmar’s civilian National Unity Government also criticized Qin’s visit saying the “terrorist” junta offers no stability with its brutal killings, arbitrary arrests and arson attacks.
It said public consent was the only way to achieve long-term stability in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-10
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, China-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with China
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"I heard a knock while I was sleeping in my apartment; I thought it was too early and I wasn’t expecting any guests. I opened the door and saw my friend’s face, shocked. He said to me: ‘They arrested Aung San Su Kyi.’ I replied, laughing: ‘Is it a prank?’ He showed me a screenshot of a news article and told me it wasn’t a joke. I just looked at him, confused. He kept telling me to pack some things, that they are arresting other activists too. ‘They may also have your profile and it’s safer for you to go back to your hometown.’
I am May and I am a citizen of Myanmar. Just over two years ago, on the night of 31 January, I had gone to bed without any worries for the future I was facing. The night before, I was joking with my friends about a coup. Even though I got some information from the international community about a coup the week before, I didn’t believe it. But then it happened.
I didn’t encounter the 88 uprisings, so I didn’t prepare for anything. I randomly packed some clothes and followed him. When I was out on the main road, Yangon was quiet, like a ghost town. No cars, no buses, just a few people walking the streets in fear. When people saw me with a bag, they suggested that I better stay home, it isn’t safe to travel anymore. I tried to call my mom, but I couldn’t reach her. I was scared and worried about what would happen to us. There was no internet or phone service.
As I was walking to the bus station, I saw people overcrowding the grocery stores. I couldn’t get a bus and there was no taxi willing to take me home. My friend came with me the whole way to the bus station and said I could stay with his family for few days instead.
On the 3rd of February, the labor union started the peaceful protest in Yangon, and I was able to go back home.
My hometown, Bago, started a peaceful protest against the coup the next day. A friend from the Student Union led the protest and I was supporting behind the scenes. The civil disobedience movement got stronger; people were joining the peaceful protest in the hope of getting the democracy back.
I still remember the chanting we shouted in hope:
‘We are youth, give our future back!’ ‘We are youth, we have dreams!’
Sorrowful days
On the 8th of February, a car rammed into the protest group and a civilian, Nyi Nyi Oo was killed in Mandalay. The next day, 19 year old Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing was shot by police and died ten days later. With each passing day, the death toll grew higher. People were arrested arbitrarily. The days were filled with sorrows, and the nights with fear that someone would knock on our door and drag us out.
By the 9th of April, my usually peaceful hometown Bago was facing an inconceivable situation. At 4am I heard the sound of bombing in the area the protest was based in. I tried to support the protestors by offering food, clothes and pepper spray, but I couldn’t reach my friends in the protest camp. The police barricaded those areas, and no one could enter: no ambulance, no cars, no doctors. We heard gunshots and bombing non-stop from 4am until 4pm, but we couldn’t even get close enough to document what was happening.
I reported the situation in Bago to several embassies, asking for help, but all I got back was: “we’re really sorry and hope you are safe”. I was safe, but my friends weren’t. One day saw the killing of at least 82 people. My friend, who was one of the protest leaders, had their house destroyed. The next day, I received strange phone calls – I was somehow being tracked by the junta. For my family’s safety, I left my hometown at great risk. I reached out to a friend from Thailand, who sent me an invitation letter to apply for a visa. I left the country.
When the plane wheels took off, I felt relieved on one hand and guilty on the other.
One day I heard that someone I worked closely with had been arrested. On another I heard that some young people had been killed. On another: the military had set fire to and destroyed an entire village, killing the villagers and children. I heard these stories repeatedly. I am numb to the feelings, though sometimes I know it would be better to cry. I see photos of people being killed and houses being destroyed without even knowing my feelings anymore. I feel hopeless and powerless to help.
Like me, many civilians in Myanmar are in a hopeless situation. Some had to cross the border to Thailand and India, some are stuck in villages without basic supplies. 13,088 people are currently in detention. 121 people have been sentenced in absentia. 139 people have been sentenced to death.Many have lost their jobs, and many became refugees. Yet the citizens of Myanmar haven’t received any protection from United Nations organizations and international governments. The military junta has merely been condemned.
The coup affected everyone, but minorities face more struggles in detention and are targeted more often. In April 2021 a Muslim muezzin was found hanging in a mosque within Yangon Region – he was more likely killed by the military than by suicide. Soldiers opened fire inside the Sule Mosque in Mandalay, killing a person sleeping after fasting. Several churches were bombed by the military in Kayah region. Those who look Indian face more torture in detention and sometimes end up being killed, like Ko Lin Paing Soe, a Gurkha student killed in custody.
Still I hope
Before the coup, I was working for minority rights in Myanmar, based in Yangon and advocating for the citizenship rights of minorities.
Since the day of the coup, we citizens of Myanmar don’t feel safe for our lives and our future.
Things are getting worse day by day. We hope that if we can resist it, we will get our democracy back. We protested peacefully, but the military junta can do everything to hold power. The junta doesn’t care if people live or die.
Myanmar was not a peaceful country before the coup. Yet, we still hoped to build a better community. We worked so hard to raise awareness about religious freedoms and advocate for peaceful communities. But today, everything we had dreamed for minorities has been lost.
The government we voted for was taken away, the democracy we longed for, for years, is gone and the whole country turned into a slaughter field.
I hope to get democracy back. The junta took the future from the youth while our country was moving forward. I hope international governments will deny the military junta as the government of Myanmar and accept the legitimacy of the National Unity Government. I hope the National Unity Government works for the safety and equality of all citizens, including Rohingya and all minorities.
I hope I can return to my family and spend time with them without fear of arrest.
I hope I can see my friends and colleagues again.
I hope that everyone in Myanmar can heal from these nightmares..."
Source/publisher:
Minority Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-10
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"Nicolas Salem-Gervais, Summer Aung, Amber Spreelung, Ja Seng, Jung Benatar, and Chan* outline the evolving language-in-education landscape following the coup, within and beyond military-controlled territory in Part 2 of a 2-part post.
*Some authors used pseudonyms for security purposes.
Read Part 1.
In addition to spurring the partial collapse of the state education system and yielding a confusing language-in-education policy from the SAC (see Part 1), the 2021 military coup has profoundly affected the education landscape outside military-controlled schools and territories, notably in its linguistic dimension. The NUG has indeed committed to a Federal Democracy Education Policy and non-state education systems and schools have been expanding or (re)appearing. In the following sections, we try to outline the NUG’s language-in-education policy, before moving on to three brief case studies.
An evolving language-in-education landscape, amidst conflict
Seemingly inspired to some extent by the National Network for Education Reform pre-coup proposals and in line with the Federal Democracy Charter, the NUG has reiterated its pledge to mother-tongue based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) formulated in its (draft) Federal Democracy Education Policy released in September 2021 (and which should be transformed into a more final document in the near future). This policy entails a trilingual system (mother tongue, national language, international language) in primary and middle schools. This model, in comparison to what was being deployed under previous governments, is thus much more ambitious, with extensively documented, multiple and genuine potential benefits, but also a number of tradeoffs and/or challenges to deal with, particularly in the most linguistically heterogeneous regions. With federalism as a core inspiration, the (draft) Federal Democracy Education Policy entails a great deal of decentralization, with school education councils being in charge to decide, among other things, the language(s) of instruction, and with the possibility for each township and each ethnic region within a Region or State to develop local curricula in accordance with their respective State/Region framework and with the approval of the State/Region Education Council.
Following the coup, pro-revolution higher education institutions such as Spring University Myanmar have been offering online classes for learning several ethnic languages (including Mon, Tai Long, Sgaw and West Pwo Karen, Jinghpaw, Rakhine and Tedim Chin). At the basic education level, multiple education programs, some of them directly accredited or supported by the NUG, have come to provide “interim education” (ကြားကာလပညာရေး) in “people’s schools” (ပြည်သူ့ပညာရေးကျောင်း), among other administrative functions, in regions where the military-controlled state administration has collapsed, which include large parts of Sagaing and Magway Regions. In ethnic minority regions, these education programs rely to different extents on local languages, with both educational and ethnic identity mobilization objectives – in alignment with the perspectives articulated in the Federal Democracy Charter and the Federal Democracy Education Policy – amidst a dramatically disrupted political context and a daily reality marked by conflict, displacement, threats of violence, and often an extremely acute lack of resources.
The sections that follow aim at providing a brief outline of some of the many significant language-in-education post-coup developments. The three case-studies – Kayah/Karenni, Chin and Kachin States – have been selected because of their relevance to our perspectives and the availability, access, and interest of researchers in our team. Other key geographies/organizations are not included here, and a comprehensive understanding of the multiple, complex, and rapidly evolving dynamics taking place in often dramatically difficult contexts is beyond the scope and ambitions of this post.
Kayah/Karenni State
Kayah (Karenni) State has been hit extremely hard by post-coup armed conflict, with up to two-thirds of its population displaced by the crackdown on resistance groups as the military is striving to secure the main roads. According to the Karenni Civil Society Network’s April 2023 figures, since the coup more than 200,000 people in Kayah State have become IDPs, over 1,100 have been killed, arrested or injured, and more than 2,600 CDM education staff have been dismissed. In multiple instances, schools have been directly targeted by military attacks, including airstrikes.
The number of students enrolled in Kayah’s State government schools has plummeted in comparison with pre-coup figures, with SAC MoE statistics showing a drop of 87.5% in students sitting the matriculation exam in 2022-23 when compared with 2018-19. The vast majority of formal education in this state now appears to happen outside of schools controlled by the military regime. Rather, provision occurs through schooling led by CDMers and by Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs), in alignment with the perspective of a federal education as articulated by the NUG but often operating independently of the NUG.
Kayah/Karenni State is one of the many ethnolinguistically diverse regions of Myanmar: a total of nine languages (Kayah, Kayan, Kayaw, Gaybar, Yintelay, Manumanaw, as well as Tai Long, Sgaw Karen and Pa-o) were being introduced as subjects in its government schools in 2019-20 as part of the local curriculum. As elsewhere, this diversity remains one of the key challenges in the post-coup context, and the realization of an inclusive Karenni identity has been set as a priority by the Karenni State Consultative Council, a revolutionary body formed in April 2021 that works in partnership with the NUG and National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC).
Amidst the partial collapse of State administration and a new impetus for a federal education system since the coup, several networks of schools using different combinations of languages have been operating in the midst of conflict and forced displacement, although many face an acute lack of basic school supplies. In townships such as Demoso, community schools run by CDMers are seeking support from local and national resistance organizations, and the Karenni Education Department (KnED) has expanded its network of schools while also developing a MTB-MLE approach in the Karenni/Kayah language. Within interim community-based schools, lessons inconsistent with Federal Democracy — History first and foremost — are being omitted, and a Karenni National History book was finalized in September 2022. Similarly, Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY) has started to implement in 2022-23 a MTB-MLE program through a curriculum produced by the Central Kayan Literature and Culture Committee (using Pekon region’s main dialect, often considered of high status and adopted as the Kayan standard since the early 2000s).
In addition to an education center with a strong focus on Karenni and English languages in eastern Demoso, a number of post-secondary options, such as Youth Academy College and New Horizon, have been working in partnership with Spring University Myanmar toward ongoing projects of creating Diploma programs. These higher education courses include local languages, cultures, and histories, although finding teachers for some of the local languages has constituted a challenge in the current context. New post-secondary education programs have also included a transnational focus, such as preparation courses towards Thai and international universities.
Chin State
Following staunch local resistance and the constitution of the Chin Defense Forces as early as March-April 2021, Chin State has also been extremely disrupted by the coup. Particularly hard-hit regions include Thantalang (see also here), Mindat, and bordering areas of Sagaing and Magway Regions. According to the Chin Human Rights Organization, two years after the coup a quarter of the state’s population has been displaced (including both refugees and IDPs). In addition to hundreds of deaths, close to 1,500 people have been arrested and over 2,000 houses and religious buildings have been destroyed; tens of thousands have fled to the neighboring Indian state of Mizoram, with reportedly thousands of children in government and private schools, as well as many out-of school children.
Characterized by a sharp mountainous topography, Chin State (and its neighboring regions) is home to a great ethnolinguistic diversity, even by Myanmar’s standards: prior to the 2021 military coup, 24 languages and counting were in the process of being introduced as subjects in its government schools, while multiple and often challenging projects to select (or even create) one or several main/common languages were underway. This diversity remains one of the challenges to the mobilization of a common identity, yet the coup has also contributed to strengthening a sense of belonging to an overarching Chin nation.
The Chin State administration and schooling system has collapsed to a significant extent outside of some major towns and roads. Township-level People’s Administration Bodies (PABs), in general alignment with the NUG’s federalist perspectives (but not under its direct authority), have taken over with associated education departments (some community schools also seem to operate independently). These local education systems run in extremely difficult conditions, with volunteer or quasi-volunteer (sometimes CDM) teachers in the context of an acute lack of resources, and deal with major security threats. In some cases, they operate both sides of the border with India: for instance, the Matupi township education committee runs 150 schools, some of which are located inside Mizoram, which lead towards the NUG’s Basic Education Completion Assessment (BECA).
In terms of curriculum, these schools usually follow to some extent the national framework but with various degrees of adaptation to the local contexts. Local Chin languages tend to be included, both as subjects and “classroom languages” (oral media of instruction — a situation which is not new in Chin State). In some cases, most of the schooling seems to be conducted through local Chin languages, which is described as a very positive development by the newly established education administration, and with Burmese as a subject in primary schools. As the national history curriculum in its current version is perceived as irrelevant for Chin State and incompatible with federal education, ongoing projects also include the development of a Chin history curriculum, with 80% on the history of the Chin Nation (ချင်းပြည်ထောင်သမိုင်းကြောင်း) and 20% of local content (မိမိဒေသ သမိုင်းကြောင်း).
Kachin State
Experiencing conflict since 2011, Kachin State has also been profoundly disrupted by the coup and its consequences. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), one of the Myanmar military’s most long standing and redoubtable opponents, has been largely aligned with the NUG’s federal perspectives. In the wake of the coup in 2021 and 2022, the KIO’s education system has experienced a major increase in the number of enrolled students from diverse ethno-linguistic backgrounds, which is not unlike the experiences of the Karen National Union’s (KNU) Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD). However, its model in terms of language-in-education (with, so far, Kachin language and culture as an additional subject alongside the national curriculum and as a “classroom language”) seems to have required less adaptation than KNU’s Karen-medium education system, which recently opened additional Karen language classes to help this new population of students overcome language challenges.
Similar to the KNU, the KIO shelters CDMers from the education sector, who have become involved in a variety of online and in-person education projects. The graduates of KIO’s high schools can enroll in a number of higher education institutions, notably those located in its territory. This includes the newly opened Kachin State Comprehensive University, which was jointly established by the KIO, the NUG, and CDM teachers, and has recently held the first graduation ceremonies of programs in literary and scientific subjects.
In Kachin State, the SAC, in line with previous military governments, has carried on with its divide and rule strategy (a practice itself largely rooted in Myanmar’s colonial past); other regional armed groups have different political stances and strategies vis-à-vis the junta. Some schools controlled by the military regime have been reopening in Kachin State, particularly in the more remote regions where alternatives are lacking and access to the internet is scarce (in addition to other challenges of alternative online schooling). Despite financial incentive, however, the extent of this reopening is limited and the schools’ educational standards often seem questionable.
The Kachin Baptist Convention’s church-based education programs have been revived, retaking to some extent the role churches had between the early decades of the 20th century and the mid-1960s with full-time teaching. These schools tend to at least partially follow the (Burmese language) national curriculum, but some prefer a curriculum in English. Different combinations of Jinghpaw and other local languages are also used in these schools, which seem to gather children from very diverse populations.
Other recent language-in-education developments in Kachin State include an increasing popularity of Chinese schools, which tend to be affordable and open academic, as well as at times professional, avenues towards Taiwan, Hong Kong and mainland China. Several Kachin National Schools (Myusha Jawng / Myu Shalat Jawng), which started before the coup, also run in urban centers and constitute an alternative to government education, using Jinghpaw and English as the main media of instruction.
Amidst dramatic situations of conflict and with new impetus for an education in line with federalist perspectives, the coup has profoundly altered Myanmar’s education landscape, which more than ever resembles a battlefield. Regarding language-in-education policy, the SAC, in contrast with its communication in state-media, has made major legislative steps back in the schools under its control, which have experienced a severe drop in enrolment and attractivity (see Part 1). Meanwhile, non-state education systems and schools in Kayah/Karenni, Chin and Kachin States (and assuredly in other States/Regions) are largely integrating local languages and have been expanding or appearing, often in extremely precarious contexts, in general alignment with federalist perspective, and with various degrees of collaboration with the NUG. At a time of great disruption and great political uncertainties for Myanmar and its populations, one of the few predictions that seems safe to make is that education, ethnic identities and, at their intersection, language-in-education matters will remain among the core aspects of Myanmar’s longstanding and unresolved issues, and thereby one of the key components of any durable political solutions.
This two-part article is dedicated to Mael Raynaud (1976-2022). It is part of a research project involving several organizations, inside and outside of Myanmar, including the Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est Contemporaine (IRASEC), Mahidol University’s Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP), and CASE.
The six authors all work/study in the field of education, in very diverse positions and locations, inside and outside of Myanmar. We wish to warmly thank all the reviewers for their close readings and constructive comments..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
‘Thermobaric’ Strike in Sagaing Region Killed More than 160
Description:
"(Sydney) – The Myanmar military used a “thermobaric” munition for an attack on an opposition building in Sagaing Region on April 11, 2023, that killed more than 160 people, including children, Human Rights Watch said today.
The airstrike using an “enhanced-blast” type munition on the village of Pa Zi Gyi in upper Myanmar caused indiscriminate and disproportionate civilian casualties in violation of international humanitarian law, and was an apparent war crime. Foreign governments should prevent funding, arms, and aviation fuel from going to Myanmar’s military, which continues to commit serous abuses with impunity.
“The Myanmar military’s use of a weapon designed to cause maximum deaths on an area crowded with civilians shows flagrant disregard for human life,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Foreign governments need to cut off the junta’s funding, arms and jet fuel to deter further atrocities.”
About 300 residents from Kantbalu township gathered on April 11, ahead of the Buddhist new year to open an opposition-controlled administrative office in Pa Zi Gyi. Two witnesses told Human Rights Watch that at about 7:30 a.m., a military jet flew overhead and dropped at least one munition, which exploded amid the crowd gathering around the building. Within minutes, a witness said, a helicopter gunship followed and fired cannons, grenades, and rockets into the crowd as people tried to flee.
A resident of Pa Zi Gyi said that members of the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), an anti-junta militia, were at the opening. The office was intended for civilian uses such as filing taxes, township meetings, and judicial processes. The witness said the PDF stored goods, funds, and medicines in the office, but also some ammunition.
“The event agenda had meetings, entertainment, and awards ceremonies,” the witness said. “There were many scouts and guards for security, but they were mainly concerned about possible junta military convoys on the road and not so much about airstrikes, so were taken by surprise.” He said some of his family members including a child were killed in the attack.
A second witness said, “I got there early, and I was standing outside the building when the attack started so I had a chance to run for cover.” He said he jumped into a trench just as a munition detonated near the building. “The first strike was by [a jet plane] that killed everyone inside and destroyed the building. But the subsequent strafing by [a helicopter] that came afterward … attack[ed] and kill[ed] the survivors who were running for their lives into the nearby forest.”
Human Rights Watch reviewed 59 photos of the victims’ bodies and a video of the site following the attacks, and concluded that the initial strike was conducted with a large, air-dropped “enhanced-blast” type munition. This type of weapon is often called “thermobaric” or a “vapor-cloud explosive.” Although enhanced-blast weapons can be used in several ways, they generally function on the same principle: an explosive material is dispersed as a vapor cloud that uses atmospheric oxygen as a fuel when it is detonated. The scale of the blast and thermal damage to the building, as well as the profound nature of the burns and evident soft-tissue and crushing injuries suffered by the victims, are distinctive.
Enhanced-blast weapons are more powerful than conventional high-explosive munitions of comparable size and inflict extensive damage over a wide area, and thus are prone to indiscriminate use when used in populated areas, Human Rights Watch said.
Human Rights Watch also reviewed eight photographs and two videos of the remnants of the weapons posted online and that the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) presented during a news conference on April 14. Human Rights Watch could not positively identify all of the remnants. However, some were consistent with the types of weapons and munitions used by the type of helicopter gunship, an Mi-35, deployed by Myanmar’s military.
On state media on the evening of April 11, the Myanmar military claimed responsibility for the airstrikes. A military spokesman, Zaw Min Tun, said that they targeted People’s Defense Force members and that the casualties were a result of the strikes hitting PDF storage units for explosives and landmines, which then exploded.
The National Unity Government said those killed were mainly civilian residents of Pa Zi Gyi, including 40 children. The youngest victim was 6 months old and the oldest was 76. As of May 5, the NUG said a total 168 people had been killed in the attack. Human Rights Watch was not able to confirm those figures.
International humanitarian law applicable to the non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar obligates all warring forces to distinguish between combatants and civilians and to ensure that the targets of attacks are military objectives and not civilians or civilian objects. Both sides are required to take all feasible precautions to avoid and minimize civilian loss of life and property, and, where circumstance permit, provide effective advance warnings of attacks.
The laws of war prohibit indiscriminate attacks, which include using methods or means of combat that cannot be limited in ways that minimize incidental loss of civilian life and damage to civilian objects. Attacks that can be expected to cause disproportionate civilian harm in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated in the attack are also prohibited.
The presence of opposition combatants and ammunition would make the building a legitimate military objective subject to attack. Even so, the use of an enhanced-blast weapon for the attack was unlawfully indiscriminate because its use in a crowded civilian area could not minimize the loss of civilian life. In addition, the initial strike and ensuing attacks on hundreds of fleeing civilians was almost certainly an unlawfully disproportionate attack, and possibly a deliberate attack on civilians.
Serious violations of international humanitarian law that are committed with criminal intent – that is, deliberately or recklessly – are war crimes. War crimes include deliberate, indiscriminate, and disproportionate attacks against civilians, and a wide array of other crimes. Individuals also may be held criminally liable for attempting to commit a war crime, as well as assisting in, facilitating, aiding, or abetting a war crime. Commanders who knew or should have known about abuses by their forces and failed to take appropriate action may be held liable as a matter of command responsibility.
Recent attacks in which Myanmar’s military may be responsible for laws-of-war violations include airstrikes on April 10 in Chin State that killed nine civilians and in Bago Region on May 2 that killed three civilians. An air and ground assault in Magway Region on April 21 burned a Japan-funded hospital. And in March, after the military captured a town in Shan State, 22 people were summarily executed, with many of the victims bearing marks of torture.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should at its next meeting in Indonesia from May 9-11 signal its support for stronger measures to cut off the military’s cash flow and press the junta for reform.
The United Nations Security Council should follow up on its December resolution on Myanmar and its March follow-up briefing by urgently considering a new resolution to deter the military from committing further abuses, including adopting an arms embargo, referring Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and imposing targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies.
“The Myanmar junta’s abusive military operations depend on its ability to purchase weapons and materiel,” Pearson said. “ASEAN and the UN Security Council both need to reconsider their toothless approaches to Myanmar’s junta and take stronger measures.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Crimes Against Humanity, Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Myanmar military’s budget has increased every year since Min Aung Hlaing became its chief in 2011. The budget of the air force in particular has jumped significantly, as new aircraft have been purchased and the military regime has become increasingly reliant on air attacks to combat the resistance movement.
For the 2023-24 fiscal year, the junta has approved a defense budget of almost US$2.7 billion, an increase of US$920 million on the previous year.
However, until very recently the air force budget was comparatively small. According to a separate defense expenditure list acquired by The Irrawaddy that the military did not submit to parliament, the air force’s expenditure for the 2019-20 fiscal year totaled US$376 million. That amount did not include aviation fuel bills and salaries.
At that time, Myanmar was dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic and holding the 2020 general election. There were some clashes between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army in northern Rakhine State. But overall the period saw the fewest clashes since Min Aung Hlaing became the military chief in 2011.
As the air force’s spending was around US$376 million during that period of relative calm, its spending might reach US$1 billion per year between 2021 and 2023.
But half of the budget usually ends up in the pockets of generals, officers and cronies.
U Kyaw Min Oo, the owner of Sky Aviator Co, who was born to an ordinary family in Ayeyarwady Region’s Mawlamyinegyun Township, amassed huge wealth in the decade after he was awarded licenses to supply the air force. The crony has limited edition Mercedes cars in his garage.
Brigadier-General Kyaw Moe Thet, who served as the commander of an air base in Mandalay’s Tada-U Township, is one of the beneficiaries of business deals involving the air force. He sponsors artists with millions of kyats. Among the artists are Yone Lay and J Fire. The general also owns dozens of land plots in Mandalay, each worth hundreds of thousands of US dollars.
Even richer are the air force chief and his relatives who have accumulated immense wealth within a few years to join the country’s ‘League of Cronies.’
The structure of the Myanmar Air Force was based on the UK’s Royal Air Force, with three key departments — procurement, engineering and administration — designed to exercise checks and balances in procurement and usage of equipment, thereby preventing corruption. But the air force has become increasingly corrupt since 1988.
Under the previous military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the air force stopped inviting open tenders for the procurement of new aircraft, spare parts and maintenance.
Instead, licenses were awarded to those who were close to the air force leadership. Back then, the sister-in-law of Vice Senior General Maung Aye, known as Daw Daisy, was the key middleperson in procuring aircraft for the air force.
Business owners awarded licenses paid commission to the likes of Daw Daisy and the generals. But under Min Aung Hlaing, the children of generals have established their own companies to supply the military.
Notable examples include Ivan Htet, the son of former air force chief General Maung Maung Kyaw, who established Alliance Engineering Service to supply the air force. General Maung Maung Kyaw’s nephew and niece, U Lin Htet and Daw Mon Yee, also made fortunes by supplying and providing maintenance services for the air force.
It was easy money for the generals and their suppliers, as all they need to do is to cook the books by charging higher prices for items and services provided to the air force. So the generals awarded licenses to supply the air force to their relatives.
Companies have to give commission to both the military chief and air force chief for business deals made with the air force. The head of the air force reportedly gets at least five per cent of the value of each deal.
Among the middlemen who helped purchase aircraft, helicopters and parts under former military dictator Than Shwe were U Tay Za, who runs the Htoo Group of Companies, and Dr. Naing Htut Aung, who owns Gate Way International. U Tay Za has close ties with former air force head General Myat Hein. The general’s son worked for U Tay Za’s company.
Since Min Aung Hlaing became the military chief in 2011, his son and daughter, General Maung Maung Kyaw’s children and U Kyaw Min Oo have monopolized business with the air force. U Kyaw Min Oo previously worked for U Tay Za, while his younger brother served as the commander of an air force Mi-17 squadron.
Mahar Sit Thu Gyi Co, which supplies the air force, is owned by Min Aung Hlaing’s daughter Khin Thiri Thet Mon.
Aircraft need different types of maintenance after flying for certain hours. It is a business with huge profits.
The annual maintenance cost for a MiG-29 fighter is over US$4.6 million, while a Yak-130 bomber’s maintenance costs US$2.1 million, according to air force figures. But the actual cost is 50 per cent less, according to some air force officers.
In the 2019-20 fiscal year, the Myanmar military spent US$2.4 million on two Mi-35P assault helicopters from Belarus. One of them crashed in 2021 because they were substandard, according to air force officials.
The military regime is increasingly reliant on its air force to combat the growing resistance movement. But while the junta’s airstrikes cause ever-greater civilian casualties, senior air force officers and their cronies are getting even richer..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
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"Nicolas Salem-Gervais, Summer Aung, Amber Spreelung, Ja Seng, Jung Benatar, and Chan* outline the evolving language-in-education landscape following the coup, within and beyond military-controlled territory in Part 1 of a 2-part post.
*Some authors used pseudonyms for security purposes.
Education ranks high among the sectors most impacted by the 2021 military coup and its aftermath. Following a long history of involvement in Myanmar’s successive political struggles, scores of students and school and university teachers have been at the forefront of the protests and subsequent resistance movements, notably the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Choosing to participate in the revolution either with their chalk (“မြေဖြူကိုင်ပြီးတော်လှန်မယ်”) or trading it for a gun (မြေဖြူကိုင်သည့် လက်မှသည် သေနတ်ကိုင်သည့် လက်အဖြစ်သို့), many have sacrificed their careers, their family life, their homes and even their lives to oppose the return of a military dictatorship.
To a greater extent than at any time in Burma/Myanmar’s history, the education sector itself has become a battlefield. After two years of interruption in response to the Covid pandemic and the immediate repercussions of the coup, the State Administrative Council (SAC) has been attempting to reopen schools and universities, starting with the urban areas under its control. It has aimed for a return to “business as usual” despite an at least 40% drop in overall basic education student enrolments (the drop in matriculation exam enrolment, in 2022-23 as compared with 2019-20, is much steeper: around 83% according to official figures). Amidst the SAC’s official declarations repeatedly asserting the role of schooling in the fostering of core military values, such as “patriotism” and “discipline”, sending or not sending their children back to schools controlled by the military regime has been an extremely difficult choice for many, notably among low-income families.
In contrast, the National Unity Government (NUG) has been striving to set-up a parallel, pro-revolution and progressive-leaning education system, of federalist inspiration, in the regions controlled by the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and other allied groups as well as online. In multiple instances, schools and education personnel have been struck by violent attacks by the military, and at times by other actors, resulting in injuries and deaths of both students and teachers, sometimes in unspeakable circumstances. Teachers working for NUG-affiliated schools have repeatedly been arrested, sometimes condemned to life sentences, and parents also risk prosecution under the Anti-Terrorism Act for enrolling their children in these schools. Predictably, these profound disruptions and climate of violence surrounding education often have disastrous consequences, including on children’s mental health.
For many decades, Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs), which include some of the Ethnic Armed Organizations’ (EAOs) education departments as well as other and newly formed organizations (see Part 2), have been providing education and relying to different extents on their respective languages. In the post-coup context, the EAOs offer diverse and potentially shifting political stances vis-à-vis the junta and the NUG. Some of the major organizations, including the Karen National Union, Kachin Independence Organization, Karenni National Progressive Party, as well as the historical and newly formed Chin groups, are currently in conflict against the SAC. These EAOs, among those sometimes referred to as Ethnic Resistance Organization (EROs), are militarily aligned with the NUG (in accordance with the federalist perspectives it has put forward), actively involved in education (but with diverse levels of actual collaboration with the NUG’s Ministry of Education), and working to different extents with CDMers.
Major legislative steps backward
In this greatly disrupted context, where education is at the heart of battles between vastly different conceptions of the nation, the state and the society — and with the 2008 Constitution being void as far as the NUG and allied groups are concerned, — the SAC amended the 2014-2015 National Education Law in October 2022. This amendment entails, among other things, the nullification of articles allowing the formation of teachers and students’ unions (section 4(c) which was added in the 2015 version of the law, following the 2014 students protests), and the modification of the composition and prerogatives of the National Education (formerly “Policy”) Commission (sections 5 and 6). In terms of language-in-education policy, many observers also did not fail to notice major steps backward at the basic education level, firmly condemning them as evidence of the military’s Burmese chauvinism.
Almost a decade ago, the promulgation of the 2014 National Education Law (which was amended in 2015) sparked controversy around several aspects of its content and was faced by reiterated demands for a proper mother tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) policy. Although debatable in many regards, these legislative developments were nonetheless part of a process, along with UNICEF work and advocacy for multilingual education, to noteworthy steps towards including ethnic minority languages and cultures in government schools in the late 2010s through some extent of decentralization to the States and Regions and including the development of local curricula. Although implementation was often slow, imperfect, and contingent upon many factors, this framework offered the possibility to teach ethnic minority languages as subjects in government schools a few periods every week and to use them as “classroom languages” (oral media of instruction — different from MTB-MLE) when relevant.
The 2022 amendment to the National Education Law by the SAC, in addition to reducing the prerogatives of the regional governments in education (nullification of 49(f) granting them the freedom to administer educational matters), explicitly suppresses the possibility of using ethnic minority languages as “classroom languages” through the amendment of article 43(b), from:
“If there is a need, an ethnic language can be used alongside Myanmar as a classroom language at the basic education level.”
to:
“Myanmar language shall be used as the classroom language at the basic education level.”
Similarly, the amendment of article 44 unambiguously restricts the teaching of ethnic minority languages as subjects to the primary level (Grades 1-5), from:
“In Divisions or States, teaching of ethnic languages and literature can be implemented by Division or State governments, starting at the primary level and gradually expanding (to higher grades). ”
to:
“Learning ethnic literature and languages in regions and states shall be undertaken at the basic education primary level under the relevant region or state government.”
These major steps back towards a more monolingual and monolithic conception of language-in-education policy potentially have two sets of consequences: not only do they limit the usage of ethnic minority languages in government schools themselves, but they also hinder the possibilities of recognition and bridging with non-state ethnic education systems, which typically use their respective languages to a wider extent, as documented in several studies. Many non-state ethnic education systems are far from being on any kind of speaking terms with the military-controlled MoE at the moment, but some of the organizations which are not currently in open conflict may be wondering what the mid-to-long-term implications of such an amendment might be for them. This backwards shift in language inclusion must also be situated in the perspective of a national education system which does not seem on track to offer attractive perspectives in the foreseeable future, including in terms of the development of analytical skills and of recognition outside of Myanmar, while alternatives largely grounded in ethnic identity and often eager to connect with transnational/international avenues are developing in the border areas (see Part 2).
Contradictory signals
Interestingly, in parallel to this tightening legislative framework, the SAC has recently been communicating heartily regarding the teaching of ethnic minority languages in universities and in basic education schools, as well as the hiring and training of the Teaching Assistants (TA) and Language Teachers (LT) in charge of these subjects. In March 2021, the SAC chairman “instructed to appoint more TA/LT and provide decent salaries,” reiterating these instructions in September 2022. Ministry of Ethnic Affairs (MoEA) officials frequently include in their speeches the ubiquitous saying of warning against the “disappearance” of ethnic groups as a consequence of failing to protect their languages (စာပျောက်ရင် လူမျိုးပျောက်မယ် and variations around that formula). During the late months of 2022, short trainings for the improvements of these ethnic language teachers’ skills were organized in several States and Regions (including Karen, Kachin, Mon, Tanintharyi, Ayeyarwady, Magway and Yangon) with ceremonies held in the local Education Colleges and widely reported in military-controlled media.
These were followed in late 2022 and early 2023 by public donations from the MoEA to some of the Literature and Culture Committees (LCCs, some of which may have been compelled to reluctantly participate), including in Mon State (see also here) and Bago Region, as well as other education ceremonies involving some of the LLCs and the regional authorities. Incidentally, perplexing articles (original here) have seemingly advocated for MTB-MLE and could be spotted in the state media for 2023 International Mother Language Day, underlining the contradictions between the SAC’s desire to project an image of inclusivity and actual legislative reforms under its rule.
In 2017 and the following years until the Covid pandemic and the coup, the civilian government began a process of hiring more than 11,000 ethnic languages TAs and creating the opportunity for the matriculation exam holders among them to pursue their training in Education Colleges and to ultimately become full-fledged teachers. In each State and Region, the LCCs attached to each ethnic group were playing a central role in this process by designing the curricula, selecting the teachers, and training them. Although from many stakeholders’ standpoint the overall language-in-education policy was not going far enough, these developments were nonetheless generally perceived (see also here) as a noteworthy step forward, linking ethnic languages to job opportunities and increasing the proportion of teachers able to use and teach ethnic minority languages in government schools, with potentially genuine long-term educational and political benefits for the country. Critically, although the process was still young, some of the EAO’s education departments were involved in the development of their respective State local curricula.
In the post-coup context, however, the SAC’s interest for ethnic languages teachers and willingness to appoint TAs belies other motives. In 2021, after an increase of their salaries, some of the TAs who did not choose to join CDM were promoted in order to “fill the gaps” and replace the missing workforce among primary school teachers. Late 2022 speeches in the Education Colleges suggest that the TAs could be perceived as a reserve of a (rather docile) workforce, constituted of individuals in often precarious positions who would be grateful for a substantial promotion. Wearing colorful ethnic costumes during the ceremonies as reported in the state media, these TAs not only contribute to illustrating the idea of an ethnically inclusive education system but may also be seen as a credible vehicle to convey the military’s national narrative into schooling.
The reports of the trainings given to the TAs in Education Colleges seem to emphasize their role as a kind of civics (စာရိတ္တနှင့်ပြည်သူ့နီတိ) teacher in charge of upholding “Union spirit” (ပြည်ထောင်စုစိတ်ဓာတ်), “patriotism” (မျိုးချစ်စိတ်ဓာတ်), and the “unity of the national races” (တိုင်းရင်းသားစည်းလုံး ညီညွတ်ရေး), all of which have been core concepts of the central state, and particularly of the various military governments, for many decades. Some of these speeches even exhort the TAs to contribute to “အမျိုးစောင့်” (protecting/defending the race/religion), a concept commonly used by Buddhist and nationalist hardliners (probably understood as inclusive of all the “national races” in this case).
Despite this communication and reiterated objectives in the state media, in practice the teaching of ethnic minority languages seems at best very unsystematic in the schools controlled by the military regime that have reopened. While the teaching of some ethnic languages in the schools under the SAC MoE has recently been the topic of bilateral negotiations in order to be more systematic (and possibly going beyond the primary level in some regions), elsewhere the interruption of education due to the pandemic and CDM in reaction to the coup, as well as delayed salaries for the TAs, have often led to the disappearance of local languages classes.
Overall, the opportunistic prioritization of short-sighted political benefits, including the desire to hold elections for which the SAC needs the participation of a credible number of ethnic parties, seems to be at odds with the military’s monolithic conception of the Myanmar nation. This contradiction is also found in the SAC’s language-in-education policy, which is rather confusing: a desire to seize upon previous governments’ reforms to project an image of inclusivity in its political communication; a drive towards using ethnic language teachers to instill the military’s values and conception of the nation in the students’ heads; the granting of privileges to groups willing to negotiate with the military in the frame of what resembles a classic divide-and-rule strategy; but also decisive legislative steps backward and very unsystematic teaching of ethnic minority languages in the schools controlled by the junta MoE. Meanwhile, in large chunks of the country’s territory, non-state education systems, largely relying on local languages, have been expanding or have appeared since the coup (see Part 2).
This two-part article is dedicated to Mael Raynaud (1976-2022). It is part of a research project involving several organizations, operating inside and outside of Myanmar, including the Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est Contemporaine (IRASEC), Mahidol University’s Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP), and CASE.
The six authors all work/study in the field of education, in very diverse positions and locations, inside and outside of Myanmar. We wish to warmly thank all the reviewers for their close readings and constructive comments..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
An excerpt from Advox research on digital authoritarianism in Myanmar
Description:
"Authoritarian regimes have long had a complicated relationship with media and communications technologies. The Unfreedom Monitor is a Global Voices Advox research initiative examining the growing phenomenon of networked or digital authoritarianism. This extract is of the executive summary of the report on Myanmar, from the series of reports to come out of the research under the Unfreedom Monitor. Read the full report here.
The classic debate about whether technology is neutral or not has continued to be widely discussed in the 21st century. Alongside the rise of authoritarianism in general, digital authoritarianism has become a phenomenon of note throughout the world. This report is going to explore characteristics of digital authoritarianism in Myanmar. First, in order to provide the political context of Myanmar, a brief history of democratisation of the country is discussed. After that, the political aggressions that came along with the military coup in 2021 are explained in detail.
Then, the report analyses the situation of digital authoritarianism in Myanmar, discussing the oppressive behaviour of the government in cyberspace at length. There are five categories of digital repression of the Myanmar military: internet shutdowns, online censorship, surveillance, targeted persecution of online users, and social media manipulation and disinformation. Against this backdrop comes the digital resistance to the dictatorship by the people of Myanmar through circumvention, migration to and from platforms, and innovative crowdfunding initiatives by the resistance, among others.
The intent of this report is to provide a general understanding of digital authoritarianism in Myanmar amid the political unrest as well as a sense of technology’s role in repression by and resistance to a dictatorship.
***
By learning about both the repression and resistance sides of Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is evident that digital technology is playing a critical role in this revolution. The military is using every possible technology to repress people, inject fear into society and manipulate it. The revolutionists are also employing digital technology to circumvent the restrictions of the military and to employ innovative ways to build the state. The digital resilience of its society will be one of the determining factors of the revolution of Myanmar. This scenario of digital repression is one of the many manifestations that indicate that cyberspace has become a new sovereign territory different from land, sea and air. Information freedom, internet freedom, digital literacy, and media literacy cannot be taken for granted anymore as they now have an impact on people’s physical and digital survival. Therefore, Myanmar’s ongoing revolution to fight against the military’s dictatorship is not just physical anymore — the fact is that whoever harnesses the power of technology in the right way will become the game changer of the revolution..."
Source/publisher:
Global Voices
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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2.78 MB (Original version) - 19 pages
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"On Wednesday, Myanmar’s military junta announced it would release 2,153 prisoners. These include some convicted under section 505A of the Penal Code, which the junta has used to suppress peaceful dissent in the country. Families will welcome the releases of their loved ones, but the junta’s oppressive policies and practices remain unchanged.
Section 505A is a sweeping law that makes any criticism of the junta a criminal offense punishable by up to three years in prison. Many political activists arrested since the coup in February 2021 have been convicted by junta courts under section 505A.
The junta stated that the releases were based on “humanitarian grounds” and “for the peace of mind of people” ahead of a Buddhist holiday. It is not clear how many of those released are political prisoners: people arrested for the peaceful exercise of their political rights.
Myanmar traditionally marks Buddhist holidays by granting amnesties to prisoners, but data suggests that political prisoners make up only a small fraction of those released. In November last year, the junta released 402 political prisoners out of more than 5,000 prisoners amnestied, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). In January, another amnesty released 7,000 prisoners, including 306 political prisoners. In April, just 13 political prisoners were among 3,000 prisoners released.
The junta should immediately be releasing all its political prisoners: 17,000 people who should not have been arrested in the first place. The relatively few released each amnesty really just shows that the junta still does not recognize their detentions are unlawful.
Myanmar’s military juntas have long used amnesties as a tool to gain credibility and deflate international pressure ahead of global events. It is unsurprising that the latest amnesty comes ahead of an important meeting of the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
ASEAN foreign ministers should not be fooled when they meet in Indonesia on May 9. They should avoid lending credibility to the military junta and instead press for the release of all political prisoners, an end to abuses against the junta’s critics, and the return of Myanmar to civilian democratic rule..."
Source/publisher:
Junta’s Gesture No Substitute for Lasting Human Rights Changes
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"Myanmar: Deadliest military airstrike since the coup carried out in Sagaing region April was the deadliest month in Myanmar for military airstrikes targeting civilians since the military coup. On 11 April, around 170 people, including dozens of women and children, were reportedly killed in a military airstrike in Kanbalu township in Sagaing region. The airstrike targeted villagers as they gathered to mark the opening of a new office of the People's Administration Team (Pa Ah Pha) under the National Unity Government (NUG) in Pa Zi Gyi village.1 The military reportedly dropped two bombs on the area from a fighter jet before opening fire on the crowd using a Mi-35 helicopter gunship.2 Over a week after the initial attack, the military dropped six bombs on the village from a fighter jet. No villagers were injured as most were still in hiding after the previous attack.3 The military claimed that the airstrikes targeted the People's Defense Force, which it claimed was present.4 The military has increasingly resorted to airstrikes targeting civilians as it fails to consolidate control over the country amid ongoing anti-coup resistance..."
Source/publisher:
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.64 MB
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Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-05
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
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852.95 KB
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"The Australian Centre for International Justice (ACIJ), Justice For Myanmar and Stop Adani condemn Adani Ports & Special Economic Zone Limited (Adani Ports) for its continued development of the Ahlone International Port Terminal 2, which provides a revenue stream and a lucrative future asset for the Australian, Canadian, EU, UK and US sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).
After announcing in October 2021 an intention to withdraw from the project, Adani Ports has pumped millions of dollars into developing the port and procuring valuable cranes that will ultimately benefit MEC.
Details of Adani Ports’ development of the Yangon port after the company announced its intention to withdraw has been revealed in a Justice For Myanmar investigation.
In addition, new evidence from leaked documents shows that following the Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt, Adani Power Limited submitted an expression of interest to a US-sanctioned junta minister for the import of coal into India from the Sagaing Region of Myanmar and to seek cooperation in the development of the coal mining industry in Myanmar. At the time, the junta was waging a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar in the very region where Adani was seeking to purchase coal. The junta’s attacks on the people of Myanmar continue today in Sagaing and across the country, in what amounts to ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
On April 11, the junta carried out a shocking aerial attack against a gathering of people in Pazigyi village, Sagaing, killing at least 168 people, including many children. The youngest was a six-month old child.
Leaked documents published by Justice For Myanmar also raise concerns over the propriety of the US$22 million “land clearance fee” that Adani Ports paid to MEC in 2019. Details of the payment was first reported by ACIJ and Justice For Myanmar in 2021, and now confirmed in new evidence leaked from the Myanmar Investment Commission. The payment is non-standard, grossly inflated, and may amount to a kickback. Adani Ports should be independently investigated over its payments to MEC, including for land clearance.
The Ahlone International Port Terminal 2 project is a partnership with MEC under a build-operate-transfer deal, which as the UN warned makes Adani Ports complicit in the Myanmar military’s ongoing atrocity crimes. Adani Ports’ deal with MEC came after the Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of genocide against the Rohingya and was identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission in their report on the Myanmar’s military’s economic interests, which called for all businesses to cut ties with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates.
In March 2021, ACIJ and Justice For Myanmar published Port of Complicity, a report into Adani Ports’ business in Myanmar that included new evidence of payments to MEC and the company’s direct relationship with the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing, increasing pressure on investors. Adani Ports’ initial response was to deny the stark evidence of its business relationship with MEC.
In June 2021, Adani Ports disclosed that they had paid US$90 million to MEC.
In August 2021, ACIJ and JFM wrote to the US Treasury urging them to reject a request from Adani Ports for a general licence to exempt them from US sanctions on MEC.
In May 2022, Adani Ports announced that they had signed a binding share purchase agreement on a “completed project basis”, stating that the company would ensure full recovery of its investment. Adani Ports has refused to disclose the identity of its buyer.
Adani Ports’ business dealings in Myanmar and Australia have severely damaged the company’s reputation. In April 2021, Adani Ports was removed from the Dow Jones Sustainability Index after human rights and environmental groups submitted a case for review due to Adani Ports’ links to the Myanmar port project and the Adani Carmichael coal project in Australia. Adani Ports set up the Bowen Rail Company who will soon begin hauling coal from Adani’s mine to Adani’s coal port on the Great Barrier Reef, the North Queensland Export Terminal, which is operated by Adani Ports. Investors continue to exclude the company citing environmental and human rights concerns.
In March 2022, Norway’s sovereign wealth fund, Norges Bank Investment Management (NBIM) added Adani Ports to its watch list and in February 2023, it dumped it entirely by divesting from it and other Adani Group companies. Other investors should follow suit.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung said:
“Adani Ports has been duplicitous in its dealings with the Myanmar military from the start, bankrolling a secretive and corrupt military conglomerate that is implicated in international crimes.
“Rather than exiting by the 2021-22 financial year as originally announced, Adani Ports has misled the people of Myanmar and its own shareholders, refusing to disclose the buyer and proceeding to develop a lucrative financial and logistical asset for the Myanmar military as it wages a campaign of terror against the people.
“Adani Power’s attempt to buy coal from the junta would, if successful, amount to misappropriation and help fund the junta's ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Adani’s complicity with the junta’s atrocity crimes and apparent payment of kickbacks has been enabled by the Indian government, which has pursued business and arms sales in a blatant disregard of its international responsibilities. India should change course, stand with the people of Myanmar and impose targeted sanctions and an arms embargo on the junta.”
Rawan Arraf, Executive Director at the Australian Centre for International Justice said:
“Adani Ports has misled the public, investors, creditors, the human rights community, but most importantly the people of Myanmar and their supporters who had welcomed the news of Adani’s announcement to exit Myanmar.
“Adani continued to build the Yangon port to sell an asset which will remain in the hands of the MEC and the criminal junta.
“This dishonest behaviour must be condemned, and we urge investors to take responsible steps and divest from Adani Ports once and for all.
“Governments in Australia have emboldened Adani Group companies through lucrative climate-wrecking licenses, and have failed to take account of Adani’s shady deals with the junta. Sovereign wealth funds like the Future Fund have shown a complete disregard for their human rights responsibilities, and should follow the lead of Norges Bank and dump Adani entirely.
“Those complicit with human rights abuses and international crimes must be held to account.”
Fahimah Badrulhisham, campaigner with #StopAdani said:
“US short seller Hindenburg recently exposed Adani Group’s accounting fraud, stock manipulation and money laundering.
“Hindenburg has highlighted how Adani Group moves money around its vast corporate empire so that any investment in any Adani company could end up financing Adani’s dirty coal projects and their business with the Myanmar military.
“Adani’s investors like Blackrock and Barclays must do their due diligence on Adani and its immoral business practices that are funding the Myanmar junta’s massacres of peaceful protestors, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, torture and the forced displacement of over 1.6 million since February 2021.
“Blackrock and Barclays should stand with the people of Myanmar and for human rights and immediately withdraw their money from Adani Group.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
200.69 KB 170.55 KB
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"CRISIS OVERVIEW
It has been just over two years since Myanmar’s military staged a coup in February 2021 and established itself as the military junta in power, officially known as the State Administrative Council (SAC). Since then, the country has been in a state of emergency, which was extended for an additional six months on 31 January 2023. The state of emergency has enabled the military to assume all government functions and gives the head of the military junta, Min Aung Hlaing, legislative, judicial, and executive powers (AP 01/02/2023).
Mass protests against the military junta started immediately after the coup and became part of a wider peaceful civil disobedience movement, which included strikes and road blockages across the country (BBC 22/02/2021 and 17/02/2021). The opposition to the junta eventually grew into organised armed resistance, as several local ethnic armed groups separately fought the junta in a multifront conflict, partnering to different extents with the People’s Defence Force (PDF) (UK Parliament 17/04/2023).
As at 14 April 2023, the country had reported more than 34,400 casualties and 18,300 incidents of political violence since the February 2021 coup. Of the incidents of political violence, 4,200 involved violence against civilians, and 7,100 involved explosions and remote violence, such as air strikes (ACLED accessed 20/04/2023 a). Between February 2021 and January 2023, there were at least 600 reported incidents of air strikes (ACLED accessed 20/04/2023 a; BBC 31/01/2023; IISS 15/11/2022). The air strikes and clashes have damaged schools, medical facilities, sites of religious significance, civilians’ homes, and other infrastructure (Fairplanet 23/03/2023; The Guardian 21/09/2022; BNI 05/10/2022).
Countrywide, an estimated 17.6 million people are in humanitarian need, including 4.5 million with severe needs, mainly in rural conflict-affected areas (OCHA 06/04/2023). Compared to other regions, Sagaing has had the highest increase in the number of people with humanitarian needs in 2023, with the number reaching 2.6 million as at January 2023. This is already a 35% increase from the 900,000 people in need reported in 2022 (OCHA 15/01/2023 Myanmar ranks the highest for hazard and exposure in the INFORM Risk Index, scoring 9.2/10. The country scores 10/10 for hazards and exposure to human conflict and has a vulnerability score of 5.5/10, with development, deprivation, and inequality being the highest concerns. It has a 6.1/10 lack of coping capacity, which is largely institutional. The country ranks 16th on the INFORM risk list because of high hazard and exposure, vulnerability, and a lack of coping capacity (INFORM accessed 14/04/2023).
Myanmar ranks the highest for hazard and exposure in the INFORM Risk Index, scoring 9.2/10. The country scores 10/10 for hazards and exposure to human conflict and has a vulnerability score of 5.5/10, with development, deprivation, and inequality being the highest concerns. It has a 6.1/10 lack of coping capacity, which is largely institutional. The country ranks 16th on the INFORM risk list because of high hazard and exposure, vulnerability, and a lack of coping capacity (INFORM accessed 14/04/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
ACAPS
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.2 MB
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Description:
"Joint Statement on action taken against illegal acts of some members o f the Village
People’s Defence Force Chaung Oo Township, Sagging Division
1. On 8th August 2023, in Chaung Oo Township, Sagging division, one male, two
young adolescent males, one female and three young adolescent females, a total of 7
people, purported to be intelligence personnel from the terrorist military council, was
arrested by the Village PDF responsible person and his team. Subsequently, all of them
were unlawfully killed on 30th August 2022.
2. Four members of the Village PDF team, including the responsible person, were
detained instantly on 30th August 2022, and the remains were excavated, and necessary
investigations were carried out on 31st August 2022 morning.
3. On September 22, 2022, the People's Defence Team of Chong U Township
transferred the arrested persons to the People's Administration Group of Chong U Township.
Then the People’s Security Forces opened a case and detained them separately.
4. As soon as a complaint was received on 26th January 2023, the Ministry of
Women, Children and Youth Affairs of the National Unity Government started working on
the case together with the Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration,
Ministry of Justice, regional defence teams, People’s Security Force, People’s Administration
Group, to take legal actions.
5. This incident not only breaches the military’s Code of Conduct but also violates
women’s and children’s rights and human rights. Using the military/civilian judicial
platforms, the National Unity Government is consistently working to reveal the truth and
to take legal actions as soon as possible in accordance with the law, and we will inform
you about the progress of the actions taken.
6. To enforce the rule of law, the National Unity Government will punish anyone
who commits a crime in accordance with the existing laws, regardless of their background..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Reporting torture: resources, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
30.93 KB
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Description:
"In late-February / early-March the MAU conducted a third-round survey of displaced households in Sagaing Region to understand challenges they face. The study is based on a probability sample representing 2700 households currently or previously enrolled in cash assistance programs. MAU reports are available online at www.themimu.info/market-analysis-unit.
KEY FINDINGS
Ninety-five percent of households were still displaced in early-March—up from 85% in December—and most still lived in temporary makeshift shelters;
Nearly half of households surveyed were redisplaced again since December;
More households described security as "poor" in March, rising from 38% in December to 53% in March;
Fewer households struggled to access shelter goods in March, but access to other goods was unchanged;
The portion of households without work doubled since December, with 54% saying access to work was "poor" and 39% saying no one in their home had work;
Fewer households bought food with cash transfers or work income, while the use of credit remained high;
Some food insecurity indicators improved slightly, but nutrition in households with small children and pregnant / breastfeeding women remained poor for many.
The number of internally displaced persons in Sagaing Region continued to grow in early-2023. According to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Project (ACLED), the monthly count of conflict-related events in Sagaing Region jumped between December 2022 and March 2023, following several months of lower counts (see Figure 1). The United Nations estimated that the total number of IDPs in Sagaing Region grew by 15% during this period, increasing from 616,500 at the start of December to 707,200 at the start of March, with a particularly sharp increase in January.1 As of early-March, basic safety and access to shelter remained major concerns for many IDPs, many of whom also continued to struggle with limited freedom of movement and poor access to work. As armed conflict continues to disrupt critical market systems, more data is needed on the ability of IDPs to meet these and other basic needs.
In early-March the MAU surveyed current and former IDP households from eight Sagaing Region townships about their living conditions and market access. The survey of roughly 400 households represents a population of more than 2700 currently- or previously-displaced households enrolled in one or more cash assistance programs. The study focussed on displacement status, household living conditions, financial resources, access to markets and goods and food security. The study is not intended to represent all IDPs in Sagaing Region, nor is it intended as an evaluation of the effectiveness of cash programs. This report is based on a third-round survey of the same population contacted in September and December 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.18 MB
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Description:
"Joint Statement on action taken against illegal acts of some members of the Village People’s Defence Force Chaung Oo Township, Sagging Division..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Reporting torture: resources, National Unity Government (NUG), Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
271.57 KB
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Description:
"Telegram တွင်လည်း နေ့စဥ် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအကျဥ်းချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှု့နိုင်ပါသည်။
https://t.me/modnugmyanmar
ရန်သူ့စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များစသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သတင်းများကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
Size:
296.62 KB
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Description:
"Responding to news that Myanmar’s military authorities have pardoned 2,153 prisoners jailed under a law that makes it illegal to encourage dissent against the military, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns Ming Yu Hah said:
“This long overdue release should mark the first step towards the immediate release of all individuals who have been arbitrarily detained for exercising their basic rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly or other human rights. Amnesty International remains deeply concerned about the further thousands of individuals who are still unjustly languishing in prisons across the country where they face torture and other ill-treatment.
“Anyone imprisoned for peacefully opposing the military coup in Myanmar should never have been jailed in the first place. Upon release they should be provided with the necessary medical, psychological and social support to help them recover from their ordeal. Peaceful dissent is not a crime, it is a human right.
“Prisoners released today were charged and sentenced under a law specifically used by the military to smother dissent after the coup. However, the military warned it would detain them again if they are deemed to have committed the same ‘crime’ in the future, which effectively places a chilling effect on many people wanting to exercise their basic rights and freedoms.”
Background:
Myanmar’s military authorities on Wednesday pardoned 2,153 prisoners serving sentences under the 505(a) section of the criminal code. The law makes it illegal to promote dissent against the military and has been widely enforced since the military coup on 1 February 2021.
The military said in a statement it was pardoning the prisoners on “humanitarian” grounds to mark a Buddhist holiday, but that those who reoffended would be jailed again. It did not provide names of those released.
Myanmar’s military has arrested more than 21,000 people since the coup and more than 17,000 are still detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The detainees include many senior leaders of the ousted civilian government as well as journalists, human rights defenders and medical workers.
Since the coup on 1 February 2021, Amnesty International has documented widespread human rights violations, including war crimes and possible crimes against humanity as part of the military’s crackdown on the opposition across the country.
Amnesty International’s 2022 report “15 Days Felt like 15 Years” documented the situation after the coup inside prisons and interrogation facilities. It showed that torture and other ill-treatment was routinely used to punish dissent..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
Local URL:
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Sub-title:
The country’s neighbors continue to treat the military administration like a viable sovereign entity. They risk being left behind by events.
Description:
"The military junta that attempted to seize control of Myanmar in February 2021 has failed. Free movement of its personnel is now reduced to the areas south and west of Mandalay in the country’s core. Even there, it is facing daily assassinations and bomb attacks and is barely able to govern due to widespread civil disobedience and a lack of public trust. The Naypyidaw junta, as it is aptly becoming known, is bunkering down wherever it can, reliant on its air force and roaming bands of methed-up soldiers to sow chaos in areas outside of its control.
Nonetheless, a group of Myanmar’s neighbors, India, Thailand, Bangladesh, and Laos, seem adamant about treating the junta like a single sovereign entity and nursing it back to strength. Through what’s being called a Track 1.5 dialogue, these countries are seeking to marginalize the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which has been placed by the United Nations and the wider international community in the driving seat of international Myanmar policy. ASEAN had been inching towards a more moderate and critical position on Myanmar, until Thailand launched a separate track of talks aimed at undermining this approach. Track 1.5 talks have included junta officials and aim to bring stability back to the country, in the hope the junta can force through a transition to a slightly more democratic-looking political arrangement, despite continued exclusion of its much more popular political opponents.
Even for states that couldn’t care less about the junta’s extreme human rights abuses or other moral concerns, this junta-first approach makes minimal sense, on realist grounds.
Naypyidaw’s Loss of Effective Control
Maps recently produced by the Free Burma Rangers (FBR), a humanitarian organization working in resistance areas, demonstrate just how limited the Myanmar army’s movement has become since the coup, as a result of the widespread nationwide uprising. The maps show how most major roads outside of the country’s core center are no longer under central authority. The military can still use some of these roads but only as part of well-organized military operations and not without great human and monetary cost.
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A panel of senior diplomats called the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar last year released research showing that the junta only had stable control of around 20 percent of the country’s townships. The others were either controlled or heavily contested by ethnic resistance organizations (EROs) and local defense forces.
Since the coup, I have spent time in some of the FBR maps’ “white areas” – those where the junta’s movement is “very limited”. The situation varies greatly on the ground, but the maps provide an accurate bird’s eye picture. Some of these areas have been under the control of EROs for decades, some since the country’s independence in 1948.
Other “white areas” are newly liberated territories, often where multi-ethnic communities are working together to build bottom-up administration with guidance from EROs, defense forces, the opposition National Unity Government (NUG), or other actors. Many other “white areas” are still vulnerable to incursions by roving bands of the Naypyidaw junta’s military units, who rape, burn, and dismember their way through the townships as part of an “ogre” strategy intended to strike fear into all those who resist. In practice, these units are always defeated and the abuses have simply spurred even more committed resistance from those communities and millions of people across the country.
Air strikes and long-range artillery are the most destructive universal threat. Millions of people in resistance areas live under constant remote surveillance by drones, knowing that at any moment this could be followed by a devastating air force sortie. Long-range artillery is a daily occurrence in most resistance areas. During my travels in numerous areas, the sounds of shells followed by reports of civilian casualties have been a daily occurrence.
As the FBR maps indicate, the resistance started from a very low bar, given the unmatched power that the Myanmar military had amassed since the last major uprising in 1988. But the key thing to watch is the trajectory of the conflict. The resistance has become increasingly better organized, increasingly more united, in terms of cooperation between EROs, political parties, and activist groups, and has remained consistently determined to see the revolution through. Many analysts have repeatedly claimed the resistance will be crushed or will collapse into disunity but the over-arching trends have consistently moved in the opposite direction.
In March, Mandalay Region, the symbolic and strategic heart of the country, became the most active conflict zone in terms of the number of clashes. Meanwhile, rocket attacks on previously well-defended air bases and weapons factories have increased. Conflict is raging in numerous townships within 50 kilometers of the military’s fortress capital Naypyidaw and analysis firms have predicted that clashes in the capital district and surrounding areas will increase considerably this month.
It is unlikely that the Naypyidaw junta is on the verge of immediate collapse but it is increasingly looking like a rump state, hunkered down in its trenches, wildly lobbing grenades into the surrounding areas.
Nonetheless, for as long as the generals have the most conspicuous elements of state infrastructure down in the trench with them, neighboring countries and the U.N. seem very willing to pretend it is the “de facto authority” of the whole country. Some even want to take steps towards “normalizing” foreign relations with Myanmar in the hope that they can do a re-run of the resource rush that took place under military rule in the 1990s.
Dead-end Efforts to Dress the Junta Up as the State
Regardless of any basic moral considerations, which neighboring countries may see as a liberal distraction, treating the Naypyidaw junta as a reliable authority is simply impractical. The junta is just not able to implement its political or economic decisions across most of the country’s territory. This is most stark along the country’s long borders with India and Thailand, where its military and police outposts are isolated and starving, and where its administrators were mostly pushed out by local communities two years ago.
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For all the obvious problems with China’s extractive economic interests in Myanmar, there are lessons to learn from Beijing’s outcome-oriented pragmatism and its awareness of what is really going on in the country. China half-heartedly recognizes the Naypyidaw junta as the holder of key central infrastructure like visa offices, airports, and banks, but hedges its engagement considerably through its bilateral relations with at least seven powerful ethnic armed organizations and various political parties. China is able to keep its pipelines flowing and its trade gates open in spite of the collapsing Naypyidaw junta, not because of it.
Some in neighboring countries claim that the military is holding the country together, fearing an imagined “balkanization” scenario in which Myanmar collapses into an even deeper form of chaos. Aside from the odd implication that Yugoslavia would have been better off as a single country for all eternity, this entire narrative is based on falsehoods. In practice, the resistance movement is far more united across ethnic lines than anything linked to the majoritarian extremist junta ever could be. EROs at the heart of the movement have stated emphatically that their number one priority is keeping the country together and that the military is the source of all division.
The NUG was appointed by a National Unity Consultative Council, represented by over a dozen major political parties, ethnic resistance organizations, strike leaders, and others. It is holding talks regularly with a wide range of EROs, including some that are close to China, and its defense forces are cooperating with their armed wings across three area commands. Despite the inevitable and much-discussed internal tensions and ongoing challenges of this political project, unity has only increased month on month, and the levels of ground-level cooperation between disparate forces from different national communities is astounding. The Federal Democracy Charter they agreed on in April 2021 and amended in January 2022 is the foundation for a new union based on ethnic equality and democratic rule. Their political roadmap is miles ahead of anything put forward by the junta, whose only discernible objective is to change the title of its dictator from commander-in-chief to president.
The only way it would make any realist sense for Asian countries to continue supporting the junta’s survival is if they believe they stand to benefit from never-ending chaos and instability in Myanmar. This provides an inexhaustible source of cheap labor and ensures their neighbor remains an inward-looking buffer state that could never post a strategic threat. But it also comes with huge economic and social risks and is simply unsustainable.
More likely than such Machiavellian machinations, these countries probably just have very limited intelligence of the ground situation and so remain hitched blindly to a failing military that they assume will somehow repeat the events of the 1990s and establish a firm grip on the country. They may want to sign new infrastructure deals with the Naypyidaw junta but it lacks the capacity to provide a modicum of security for such projects, let alone the bureaucracy to manage their implementation or the capital to help finance them.
Time for Clarity
Unless these states come up with a more realistic and rational strategy, the most likely outcome of the track 1.5 dialogue and their ongoing engagements with the generals is that these states will become increasingly irrelevant and distant from what is actually being implemented on the ground. Countries, companies, and international agencies that find ways to work with resistance actors will be the only ones who can actually have an impact, for better or worse.
This also means that countries across the world currently deferring to ASEAN leadership on Myanmar desperately need a new approach or they too will become increasingly irrelevant, while resource-hungry China remains the only country with well-defined goals and a strategy for implementing them. It is time for foreign democracies to take a more direct approach, perhaps through an “ASEAN plus” grouping including Japan, India, Bangladesh, and Western countries. Among the first of their concrete objectives should be to help the resistance remove the military from politics for good, while strengthening state and union-level democratic institutions.
The fact that no foreign democracy is able to even explicitly articulate such obvious solutions to this entirely man-made crisis is a strong indication of why so little has been achieved.
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Military History
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Introduction
1.16th April 2023 marked the second anniversary of the formation of the National Unity Government (NUG) with the consent of National Unity Consultative Committee (NUCC). The NUCC is a coalition of political forces representing Myanmar’s people. It includes the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, whose de jure legitimacy rests on electoral victory in the 2020 general election. The NUCC also includes representatives of ethnic revolutionary organizations, civil society, and other political forces with de facto legitimacy derived from their high level of public support. Domestic and international observers deemed the 2020 general election free and fair. Turnout was 75.96%. Over the two years, the NUG has exercised its authority as a legitimate government, recognized and backed by the Myanmar public and has worked hard to reward the public’s trust in cooperation with all the revolutionary forces.
International Relations
2. In the last two years, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been meeting with ASEAN, EU and officials from many other countries, informing them of the current political conditions of Myanmar. The Ministry has also worked consistently to mobilize humanitarian aid, seek economic sanctions against the military junta and their family members, seek prosecutions, and help restore democracy in Myanmar. Meetings have also been held with foreign ministers, members of the United States Congress and Senate, and the National Security Adviser to United States President Joe Biden. Not only has the NUG been able to open representative offices in eight countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, Czech Republic, Australia, France, Norway, South Korea, and Japan, it has also managed to give assistance and protection to resident Myanmar citizens, in liaison with relevant authorities in these countries. In addition, it advocated for the incorporation of the Burma Act 2022 into National Defence Authorisation Act 2023. It has also established liaison with parliaments in seven countries. The NUG is also in the process of implementing the Policy on Rohingya in Arakan State. As announced in 2021, NUG policy is that Rohingya will be repatriated with dignity and of free will and be given equal rights in all aspects of law.
The NUG has also systematically collected evidence and collated data on 171 atrocities committed by the military junta. These include crimes against humanity and mass killings of ethnic groups. The NUG has submitted the evidence to the UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) of the Human Rights Council so that justice can be served in the post revolution period. On 1st February it announced that all objections against the case of Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya People brought against Myanmar by Gambia in the International Court of Justice were withdrawn. With the help of expert organisations with special interests in universal jurisdiction, cases have been brought against the military junta in Germany, Argentina, and Turkey. There will be more prosecutions brought forward in other countries with their help. A case has also been filed against the military council in the International Criminal Court in accordance with the Rome Statute Penal code 12 (3) on 17th July 2021. We will continue to strive to achieve truth and justice.
Military Affairs and Defections to the People’s Embrace
3.Within this two-year period, we have been able to assemble a fighting force with manpower stronger than our enemy by, with more than 300 battalions of the People’s Defence Forces (PDF) plus village-based people’s defence forces in 250 townships.
By becoming allied with Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations, we have been able to establish a Central Command and Coordination Committee (C3C) and Joint Coordination Committee (J2C), aiming to develop a systematic chain of command in each theatre of the conflict. With monetary help from the Myanmar public and by allying with the Ethnic Revolutionary Forces we have been able to arm the PDFs to a certain standard. We have also been successful in manufacturing arms and munitions ourselves. However, to be able to achieve victory against a well-armed enemy, we are trying hard to source much-needed anti-aircraft weapons.
Based on the guerrilla warfare ethos of village-based forces encircling towns, we have been able to make territorial gains in villages and village tracts with the aim of threatening townships and districts held by the enemy and disrupting their line of communications and chain of command as the next step. What started as a phase of strategic defence, has now progressed to the phase of strategic equilibrium. For us to move on to the next phase of strategic counter-offensive we are in the process of trying to acquire strategic armaments. According to our records, during the phase of strategic defence, there was an estimated loss of enemy’s 30,000 lives lost, with 10,000 or so injured. In addition, 13,000 men and women have defected from the army and police force to the public side, acting on their dissent against the coup.
Development of Interim Local Government
4. After the development of Interim Local Public Administration Central Committee and its policy advancement in September 2021, to date the NUG has been able to establish Township People’s Administration in 171 Townships in the NUG controlled Free Zones and District level Administrations in 10 districts as well. Administrative offices were set up at the same time as the People’s Police Force was formed for the safety of the public, on 7th June 2022. A 169-strong police force in interim administrative areas is in place, where basic police training takes place together with criminal investigations and gathering of information on the military council with the intention of averting their atrocities. A taxation system has also been instituted in these areas and 10 billion Myanmar Kyats revenue has been collected. The income from taxation has been used for defence and the rebuilding of the local area and humanitarian aid. Regular discussions and consultations with State Consultative Councils and Committees Representing Hluttaw take place to ensure that regional administrations take place in respective in Regions, Divisions and Federal units. On 5th June 2021 the NUG organised and formed the Ministry of Justice with civil servants, judiciary officials, judges and academics who were all part of the Civil Disobedience Movement in order to afford justice and uphold the rule of law for the public during the interim and transition periods. At the moment, in this interim period, there are 25 township law courts with 118 judges who are able to pass judgement on criminal and civil cases.
Alliance Relationship
5. The various ministries of the NUG are continually collaborating with our ethnic allies on various aspects of management. This cooperation has not only improved relationships, but also created a strong bond. The Alliance Relationship Committee (ARC) was formed on 4th January 2022 and together all political, military, security, defence and administrative concerns were being coordinated and resolved. The Alliance Relationship Committee, collectively with Ethnic Organisations including the Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations, political parties, revolutionary forces and various consultative councils have all been in consultation and have worked together in matters ranging from humanitarian aid to military affairs, defence, health and education. There have been conferences and meetings to achieve more unity and consensus to rid the country of military dictatorship and work towards building a future federal democracy.
Public Services
6. A force of over 100,000 teachers and education officials, who took part in the Civil Disobedience Movement are providing primary education, higher education, vocational training, and teachers’ training nationally, either through online teaching or face to face on the ground teaching and use of digital-based learning methods. There are 70 online schools, 5000 schools on the ground where face-to-face teaching takes place with 60,000 teachers and a student population of over 750,000. There are also pupils using the Digital-based learning methods. There are 304 townships where township education boards have been formed with links to the Ministry of Education. Education Policy of Federal Democracy is being drafted by a combined committee of the NUG-NUCC. Primary Education Congress and Higher Education Congresses have been held and the motions passed at these meetings are being implemented. Basic Education Completion Assessment (BECA) was held February 2023 and April 2023 and 23,000 candidates took part online and 38,877 students sat for the assessment at 329 centres.
NUG was able to provide humanitarian assistance worth of 66 billion Myanmar Kyat (USD 2.3 million). This food assistance reaches over 200,000 internally displaced each month. Temporary accommodation, such as tents, has been provided for and to date a total of 2239 tents had been provided for. 798 bomb shelters have been built in schools for pupils to take protection from the terrorist council’s air strikes, and 117 million Kyats has been spent from donation money. Educational leaflets were also printed to inform people about the full range of dangers. 352 aid workers from different states and regions were trained on community level harm reduction and emergency response measures. A needs assessment on humanitarian aid was carried out in 39 townships within Sagaing and Magway divisions, where the number of internally displaced is highest. The assessment has been shared with donor countries, the United Nations, and the ASEAN. In order to reduce civilian casualties and to provide safe humanitarian aid corridors, an inclusive humanitarian aid forum is being established with the help of allied ethnic forces, civil society organisations and allied countries. The “Mind Healer” social media Facebook page, a mental health support program has assisted 823 civilians and 422 CDM civil servants.
Support has also been provided to 469 political prisoners, including some transgender prisoners, 400 adolescent political prisoners, 111,914 pregnant and lactating women, and 3,000 people those who needed emergency safe houses and camp training. Data on crimes committed by the military council against children are being documented and reported. The dissemination of information on children’s rights and the prevention of recruitment of child soldiers are widely done. The medical and surgical treatment of people wounded by the military council, providing prosthesis to amputees and performing emergency caesarean sections to deliver babies are all part of the care that is being provided by NUG.
The military council is conducting air strikes against hospitals and clinics, as well as ground raids, attacks and arson. To prevent aerial attacks and offer emergency aid, we are providing the necessary training in first aid and procuring emergency kits. In 198 Townships (60% of the townships in the country), there are 66 hospitals, 159 clinics, 250 mobile clinics providing routine and emergency health care with a total of 3,832 health workers of whom 78% are professionals who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement. In addition, the ethnic health organizations have a significant health work force. The total healthcare expenditure was US$ 2,000,000.
Civil Disobedience Movement
7. In order to support all civil servants who take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), the CDM Success Committee was formed on 27th April 2021 with Union Ministers, deputy Ministers, representatives from CRPH and an extensive network of CDMers. This committee submitted the September 2021 CDM Report to UN credential, published the one-year anniversary CDM Information Report and collected the CDM surveys. In addition, budget calculations are being carried out to award the CDM prizes and to make salary payments. About 4,000 million Myanmar Kyats was used to support the emergency needs of 20% of the CDM heroes out of all CDM heroes (210,639) connected with the CDM Success Committee. Ministries are also supporting the CDM staff of their relevant ministries. A CDM/Non-CDM policy was drafted in September 2021 and was approved by the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) on 20th January 2023. The CDM Success Committee has now formed a sub-committee to draft the CDM related civil servant law according to the paragraph (3) of the approved “Civil Servant CDM Policy”.
Finance & Business Sector
8. The Ministry of Commerce and other ministries, revolutionary forces and strike groups conducted a public boycott campaign of and export prevention of military products. A total fund of 171,677,440 Myanmar Kyat was raised to offer small and medium enterprise loans and for the revolution.
The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment is stopping the fund flow to the military council, while also raising funds required to fulfil the people’s wish of establishing a federal democracy union. We are working closely with the public, international governments, agencies, revolutionary forces, civil society organisations and community-based organisations. We have published the list of military associated commodities targeted by the boycott, with the aim of reducing the flow of funds to the military council.
Regarding the income generation for the necessary funds for the development of the Federal Democratic Union, the following table describes the breakdown of incomes from Spring Lottery, United Bond, End of Dictatorship, Early Partnership Program, NUG pay, Income tax, Revenue and penalties of the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment.
Table showing National Unity Government’s 2-year Income and Expenditure
No Period Programs Income Expenses Comment
USD MMK
1 Apr 2021-Apr 2023 Spring Lottery 918,800,000 CDM support 30% was used for Spring Lottery prizes and 70% was used for CDM support
2 Apr 2021-Apr 2023 United Bond 48,000,000 NUG Ministries, Revolutionary forces Cabinet, Security and Defence, Finance Commission agreed projects
3 Apr 2021-Apr 2023 End of Dictatorship 13,500,000
4 Apr 2021-Apr 2023 Early Partnership Program 94,648,000
5 Apr 2021-Apr 2023 NUG Pay 12 billion NUG Pay users DMMK Management team is overseeing the cash flow
6 Apr 2021-Apr 2023 Revenue, tax, Penalties 10 billion Distributed and used according to the NUG Revenue Policy Expenses made as per supervision of Interim Local Governance Central Committee
Summary
9. The National Unity Government will continuously analyse its successes and challenges, in order to implement the one-year plan. We are committed to implement the processes that will determine the final battle. We hereby affirm that the National Unity Government, which is based on the will of the entire people, will continue along the path laid out in the Federal Democracy Charter principles towards a Federal Democratic Union, which is the goal of all the revolutionary forces..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"Brave journalists in Myanmar are risking their lives every day to expose the genocidal military’s crimes against humanity in Myanmar. All independent media have been targeted and closed down by the brutal military junta for reporting the facts about atrocities, crimes, and in particular, crimes against humanity committed by the junta. Media freedom is absolutely essential, and is the cornerstone of democracy and human rights. We salute and express our heartfelt thanks to all journalists and independent media organisations working tirelessly for the cause of freedom, federal democracy, and human rights in Myanmar. It is vitally important that the international community support and promote independent media, especially those journalists who are taking on great personal risk to uncover and report the truth. The protection of freedom of speech is critical, and the people of Myanmar must be allowed their fundamental rights to freedom of expression. The brutal military is desperate to hide their crimes and massacres of which there have been well over 70 since attempted coup, and over 600 aerial bombardments.The most recent massacre in the Village of Pazigyi, Sagaing was a clear example of the brutal dictatorship’s blatant violations of human rights in their campaign of terror, and a typical attempt to incinerate the victims and village to hide their crime from international eyes. We have seen the same pattern of behaviour against the Rohingya minority where the brutal military in their genocidal operation would repeatedly and brutally assault Rohingya villages, killing thousands and driving hundreds of thousands to flee, then attempt to cover up their crimes by incinerating the victims’ bodies, homes, civilian properties and subsequently attempt to dupe the international media and community by falsifying reports and staging crime scenes.
Since the first of February 2021, this same genocidal military has killed nearly 4,000 innocent civilians, arrested more than 21,000 innocent people, and burned and destroyed more than 65,000 buildings, including homes, churches, schools, and monasteries. The only crimes their victims committed were yearning to be free, and demanding the right to free speech and expression to protest a murderous and corrupt military generals. The brutal junta have largely done this with impunity as they have implemented their infamous “four cuts policy” which begins with cutting off communication. Before committing their heinous crimes, the military will sever telephone and internet services in the target area so that victims cannot call for help or broadcast their plight to the world.
Despite the actions of the genocidal military, through the brave professional- and citizen-journalists of Myanmar, we have collected recorded evidence of over 10,000 attacks by the brutal military against the innocent people of Myanmar. These attacks have displaced more than 1.7 million people and driven ten times that number to hunger and starvation. In a country of 54 million people, nearly one third do not have sufficient food. Worse still, these attacks have claimed the lives of nearly 4,000 civilians so far, many of whom were killed by Russian and Chinese-made heavy weapons and jet fighters.
When rapportage on the Myanmar crisis dies, with it will die our hopes for humanity, democracy, and freedom. So today, we reiterate our sincerest appreciation to the brave journalists and brave citizens of Myanmar for continuing to record and report on the genocidal military's war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar. Our solidarity with independent media in Myanmar is steadfast. Our commitment to democracy, human rights, press freedom, and freedom of speech is unwavering. Our resolve to protect our brave journalists and citizens is unshakeable..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"၁။ ယနေ့သည် ဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာဝင်များ၏ အလေးအမြတ်ထားရာ နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ်တစ်ရက်ဖြစ် သလို ဗုဒ္ဓသက္ကရာဇ် ၂၅၆၇ ခုနှစ်သို့ ကူးပြောင်းရောက်ရှိရာ နေ့တစ်နေ့လည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဤမွန်မြတ်သော နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ် အချိန်အခါသမယတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာ နိုင်ငံတော်၏ နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားများအားလုံး ကိုယ်စိတ်နှစ်ဖြာကျန်းမာ ချမ်းသာကြပါစေ ကြောင်း မေတ္တာပို့သလျက် နှုတ်ခွန်းဆက်သအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ဗုဒ္ဓနေ့တွင် အလောင်းတော်ဖွားမြင်တော်မူခြင်း၊ သဗ္ဗေညုတဉာဏ်တော်ကိုရရှိခြင်း၊ ပရိ နိဗ္ဗာန် စံဝင်တော်မူခြင်းဟူသော ဖြစ်စဉ်များသည် ကဆုန်လပြည့်နေ့တွင်သာ တိုက်ဆိုင် စွာ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် အလွန်ထူးခြားသော နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ်တစ်နေ့ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လောကတွင် အကြောင်းအကျိုးမှ လွတ်ကင်းပြီး မည်သည့်အရာမျှ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခြင်းမရှိ ကြောင်း လက်တွေ့ကျင့်ကြံသိရှိတော်မူခဲ့ပါသည်။
၃။ မြတ်စွာဘုရားရှင်သည် သဗ္ဗေညုတဉာဏ်ကို ရရှိတော်မူပြီး နှစ်လအကြာ ဝါဆိုလပြည့် နေ့မှ စတင်ကာ သူ၏ အယူဝါဒများကို လောကတခွင် ပျံ့နှံ့အောင် ကြိုးစားတော်မူခဲ့ ပါသည်။ သံသရာမှ လွတ်မြောက်ရာလမ်းကို မိမိကိုယ်တိုင်လည်း ရရှိအောင် ကြိုးစား အားထုတ်ခဲ့သလို သတ္တဝါအများကိုလည်း ထိုလမ်းကို ကောင်းမွန်စွာ လျှောက်လှမ်းနိုင် အောင် လမ်းညွှန်ပြသခဲ့ပါသည်။ ရှေ့ဆောင်ပြီး ကိုယ်တိုင်ကျင့်ကြံခဲ့သလို အများကို လည်း ကျင့်ကြံစေခဲ့ပါသည်။ မိမိသွားလိုသော၊ မိမိရယူလိုသောအရာကို ကိုယ်တိုင်ရယူ မှသာ အောင်မြင်ရယူပိုင်ဆိုင်နိုင်ကြောင်းကို လက်တွေ့အားဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်ကျင့်ကြံကာ ဟောကြားတော်မူခဲ့ပါသည်။
၄။ ထို့ကြောင့် မိမိတို့လိုလားတောင့်တအပ်သော နိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကို ကြိုးပမ်းရာတွင် မြန်မာ ပြည်သူ၊ ပြည်သားများ၏ ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်မှုသာ အဓိကကျသည်မှာ ဧကန်မလွဲပင်ဖြစ် ပြီး ပြည်သူများ၏ မဆုတ်မနစ်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်မှုများကြောင့် ယခုဆင်နွှဲနေသော နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် မုချဧကန်အောင်မြင်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်ရင်း အသက်ပေးလှူသွားကြသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားများ မြင့်မြတ်ရာ ဘုံဌာနတွင် ရောက်ရှိ ခံစားနိုင်ကြပါစေကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သလျက် ကဆုန်လပြည့် (ဗုဒ္ဓနေ့) အခါသမယတွင် ဗုဒ္ဓမြတ်စွာ၏ စံနမူနာပြုထိုက်သော အကျင့်တရားများကို ကျင့်ကြံအား ထုတ်ပွားများနိုင်ကြပါစေကြောင်း ဆန္ဒပြုရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
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"Telegram တွင်လည်း နေ့စဥ် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအကျဥ်းချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှု့နိုင်ပါသည်။
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ရန်သူ့စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များစသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သတင်းများကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
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"၁။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့သည် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲလေ့လာစောင့် ကြည့်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက လွတ်လပ်၍တရားမျှတသော ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခဲ့ကြပြီး မဲပေးပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိသူဦးရေ၏ ၇၅.၉၆ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းမဲပေးခဲ့ကြသည့် ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲရလဒ်ကို အခြေခံကာ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာခဲ့သည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီက ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲမှရရှိသော လူထုထောက်ခံမှုအရ တရားဝင်မှု (De Jure Legitimacy) ကိုကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် အခြားနည်းလမ်းများဖြင့် ရရှိသော လူထုထောက်ခံမှုအရ တရားဝင်မှု (De Facto Legitimacy) ကိုကိုယ်စားပြုသော နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစု များ၏ တပ်ပေါင်းစုအဖြစ်ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ သဘောတူညီမှုဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ဖွဲ့စည်းကြောင်း ကြေညာခဲ့သည်မှာ (၂) နှစ်တင်းတင်းပြည့်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါ (၂) နှစ်တာကာလအတွင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူလူထုက ပေးအပ်ထားသော ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အဖြစ် တာဝန်များကို တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစု များအားလုံးနှင့် လက်တွဲကာ ဦးလည်မသုန် ကြိုးစားထမ်းရွက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ပြည်သူလူထုထံသို့ အစီရင်ခံ တင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေး
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ (၂) နှစ်တာအစိုးရသက်တမ်းတွင် နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနသည် အာဆီယံ, EU အပါအ၀င် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ တာဝန်ရှိသူများနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ပကတိအခြေအနေများကို နိုင်ငံတကာကသိရှိစေရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများရရှိရေး၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအား တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရေး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ဆက်စပ် မိသားစုဝင်များအား စီးပွားရေးအရပိတ်ဆို့ အရေးယူနိုင်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံတကာခုံရုံးတွင် ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြန်လည်ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရေး တို့အတွက် တောင်းဆို မှုများ၊ ဆွေးနွေးမှုများကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ်လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများ၊ လွှတ်တော်ကော်မတီ ဥက္ကဌများ၊ လွှတ်တော်အမတ်များ၊ US သမ္မတဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒင်၏ အမျိုးသားလုံခြုံရေးအကြံပေး တို့နှင့်ပါ တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ ယူကေနိုင်ငံ၊ ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ၊ သြစတြေးလျနိုင်ငံ၊ ပြင်သစ်နိုင်ငံ၊ နော်ဝေနိုင်ငံ၊ တောင်ကိုရီးယားနိုင်ငံ၊ ဂျပန်နိုင်ငံစတဲ့ နိုင်ငံပေါင်း (၈) နိုင်ငံတွင် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံးများကို ဖွင့်လှစ်နိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး အကြောင်းအမျိုးမျိုးကြောင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာခဲ့ရသော မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံသားများအရေးနှင့် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းပြည်သူများ၊ ပြည်ပတွင် အခက်အခဲကြုံနေရသော ပြည်သူများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေး သက်ဆိုင်ရာနိုင်ငံများနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် အမေရိကန် ပြည်ထောင်စု အမျိုးသားကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အက်ဥပေဒ ၂၀၂၃ တွင် The Burma Act of 2022 ကို ပေါင်းစပ်ထည့်သွင်းနိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခြင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံပေါင်း (၇) နိုင်ငံရှိ လွှတ်တော်များနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက် ခြင်းများကို ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားခဲ့သည့် “ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်ရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများဆိုင်ရာ မူ၀ါဒသဘောထား” နှင့်အညီ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများ မိမိတို့နေရပ်သို့ မိမိတို့ကိုယ်ပိုင်ဆန္ဒသဘောဖြင့် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိရှိ ပြန်လည်အခြေချ နေထိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဥပဒေအရ တန်းတူအခွင့်အရေးရနိုင်ရန်အတွက် လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများအတွက် ဤတော်လှန်ရေး ကာလအလွန်တွင် တရားမျှတ မှုရရှိရေးအတွက် ၎င်းတို့ကျုးလွန်နေသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် မျိုးနွယ်စုအလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို စနစ်တကျ မှတ်တမ်းကောက်ယူ၊ ပြုစုသိမ်းဆည်းပြီး သက်သေခိုင်လုံသော (၁၇၁) မှုကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂစုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေးအဖွဲ့ (IIMM) ထံသို့ပေးပို့ပေးပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (ICJ) တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနဲ့ ဂမ်ဘီယာနိုင်ငံတို့အကြား တရားရင်ဆိုင်နေဆဲအမှုဖြစ်သော ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများ အပေါ် လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး ကနဦးကန့်ကွက်ခဲ့မှုအားလုံးကို ပြန်လည်ရုတ်သိမ်းကြောင်း ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက် ၂၀၂၂ တွင် ပေးပို့အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ကျွမ်းကျင်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းပြီး နိုင်ငံ၏တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာယန္တရား (universal jurisdiction) ကိုအသုံးပြုကာ စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဂျာမနီ၊ အာဂျင်တီးနားနှင့် တူရကီတို့တွင် တရားစွဲဆိုထားပြီး အခြားနိုင်ငံများတွင်လည်း ဆက်လက်စွဲဆိုနိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး (ICC) တွင်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီအား အမှုတင်သွင်း အရေးယူနိုင်ရန် ရောမသဘောတူစာချုပ် (Rome Statute) ၏ ပုဒ်မ ၁၂(၃) နှင့် အညီတရားစီရင်မှုကိုလက်ခံကြောင်း ဇူလိုင်လ (၁၇) ရက် ၂၀၂၁ တွင်တင်သွင်းခဲ့ကာ အမှန်တရားနဲ့တရားမျှတမှုကိုရရှိရန် ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
စစ်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်ခိုလှုံမှုအခြေအနေ
၃။ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးတွင် PDF တပ်ရင်းနှင့် စစ်ကြောင်း စုစုပေါင်း (၃၀၀) ကျော် ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြု ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (ပကဖ) များကို မြို့နယ်ပေါင်း(၂၅၀)ကျော်တွင် စနစ်တကျဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်ထား ပြီး လူအင်အား (Man Power) အရ မိမိတို့၏တိုက်ခိုက်ရေးအင်အားသည် ရန်သူ့ထက် “သာလွန် အင်အား” ဖြစ်အောင် ဤအချိန် (၂) နှစ်အတွင်း စုဖွဲ့တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
မဟာမိတ် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များနှင့် အတူပူးပေါင်းကာ ဗဟိုကွပ်ကဲရေးနှင့် ပေါင်းစပ် ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ (Central Command and Coordination Committee - C3C) ၊ ပူးပေါင်းညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ (Joint Coordination Committee - J2C) တို့ကို စုဖွဲ့လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိသည်။ အစိုးရသက်တမ်း (၂) နှစ်တာ ကာလအတွင်း မဟာမိတ် ERO များနှင့် ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများမှတဆင့် စနစ်ကျသော ထိန်းချုပ်ကွပ်ကဲမှု စနစ်တစ်ခုအောက်တွင် စစ်ဆင်ရေးနယ်မြေအလိုက် Chain of Command တည်ဆောက် ခြင်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံး၏ လှူဒါန်းကူညီမှု၊ မဟာမိတ်တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များနှင့် လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်မှုတို့ကြောင့် PDF တပ်မတော်အတွက် လက်နက်တပ်ဆင်မှုကို အတိုင်းအတာတစ်ခုအထိ တပ်ဆင်နိုင်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကိုယ်ပိုင်လက်နက်ခဲယမ်း ထုတ်လုပ်ခြင်းကဏ္ဍ သည်လည်း များစွာအောင်မြင် ပေါက်ရောက်နိုင်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ရန်သူနှင့် ကောင်းစွာနှိုင်းယှဉ်နိုင်သည့်၊ ပွဲသိမ်းအဆင့် တိုက်ခိုက်နိုင်သည့် လက်နက်အင်အား အခြေအနေသို့ရောက်ရန်၊ လေကြောင်းရန်ကို တန်ပြန် တိုက်ခိုက်နိုင်ရန်၊ ခုခံနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဗျူဟာမြောက် လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ အလုံအလောက် ရရှိနိုင်ရန်လည်း ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသည်။ “ကျေးလက်ကို အခြေပြု၊ မြို့ပြကို ဝန်းရံ” ဟူသည့် အခြေခံ ပြောက်ကျားစစ်နည်းဗျူဟာနှင့်အညီ ယခုအခါ ကျေးလက်ဒေသအများစုကို မိမိတို့စိုးမိုးနယ်မြေအဖြစ် တည်ဆောက်ခဲ့နိုင်ပြီး တော်လှန်ရေး၏ နောက်တဆင့်အဖြစ် မြို့ပြဒေသများကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်နိုင်ရေး၊ ရန်သူ့ဗျူဟာမြောက် ဆက်သွယ်ထောက်ပို့ရေးလမ်း ကြောင်းများ (Line of Communication) ကို ဖြတ်တောက် ထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ စစ်မဟာဗျူဟာအရ ခံစစ် (Phase of Strategic Defense) ဖြင့် စတင်ခဲ့ရသော ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်သည် ယခုအခါ တန်ပြန်ထိုးစစ်အကြိုကာလ (Phase of Strategic Equilibrium) သို့ အပြည့်အဝရောက်ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ နောက်ဆုံးအဆင့်ဖြစ်သော စစ်မဟာဗျူဟာအရ တန်ပြန်ထိုးစစ်ကာလ (Phase of Strategic Counter Offensive) သို့ ဆက်လက်တက်လှမ်းနိုင်ရေးအတွက် မဟာဗျူဟာမြောက် စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ ရှာဖွေတပ်ဆင်မှုကို အားစိုက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ မှတ်တမ်းများအရ ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်အတွင်း ခန့်မှန်းရန်သူ့အင်အား ၃သောင်းခန့် ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးသည် အထိ ချေမှုန်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး (၁) သောင်းကျော် ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိစေခဲ့သည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို လက်မခံသည့် တပ်မတော်သားနှင့်ရဲ (၁၃,၀၀၀)ဦးကျော် ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်ခိုလှုံ လာခဲ့သည်။
ကြားကာလဒေသန္တရ ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဖော်ဆောင်မှု
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကြားကာလဒေသန္တရ ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဖော်ဆောင်မှု ဗဟိုကော်မတီကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလမှစတင်၍ ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ကြားကာလဒေသန္တရ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဖော်ဆောင်မှု လုပ်ငန်းများအား မူဝါများချမှတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိ အချိန်အထိ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေများတွင် မြို့နယ်ပြည်သူ့ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့များကို (၁၇၁) မြို့နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး ခရိုင်ပေါင်း (၁၀) ခရိုင်ကိုလည်း ခရိုင်အဆင့် ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးရုံးများနှင့်အတူ ပြည်သူလူထုဘဝလုံခြုံစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်လျက် ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ကို ဇွန်လ (၇)ရက် ၂၀၂၂ တွင်စတင်ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီး ယခုအခါ ကြားကာလအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး နယ်မြေ ဒေသများတွင် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်အင်အား (၁၉၆) ဦးနှင့် အခြေခံရဲသင်တန်းများပို့ချခြင်း၊ ရဲမှုခင်းများစစ်ဆေးခြင်း၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏သတင်းများ စုဆောင်းပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်နှိမ်နှင်းခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
အဆိုပါနယ်မြေများတွင် အခွန်စနစ်ကိုလည်း စတင်ကျင့်သုံးနေပြီး ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ အခွန်နှင့် ဒဏ်ကြေးအတွက် မြန်မာကျပ်ငွေ ၁၀ ဘီလီယံကျော်ကောက်ခံရရှိပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းအခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများကို မြို့နယ်များအတွင်း လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသော ဒေသကာကွယ်ရေး၊ ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် လူသားစာနာလုပ်ငန်းများတွင် ပြန်လည်ခွဲဝေသုံးစွဲလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ပြည်နယ်အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီများ၊ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြု ကော်မတီများနှင့်လည်း ပုံမှန်ဆွေးနွေးတိုင်ပင်မှုများပြုလုပ်၍ သက်ဆိုင်ရာတိုင်း ဒေသကြီး/ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ ဒေသန္တရအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးလုပ်ငန်း အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်မှု များကို တိုင်ပင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြားကာလနှင့် အသွင်ကူး ပြောင်းရေးကာလများတွင် ပြည်သူများကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မှုပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် တရားဥပဒေ စိုးမိုးစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ တရားရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနကို ဇွန်လ (၅) ရက် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်တွင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှု၌ ပါဝင်ခဲ့သော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ ဥပဒေအရာရှိများ၊ တရားသူကြီးများ၊ ဥပဒေပညာရှင်များနှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပါသည်။ ယခုအခါ မြို့နယ်တရားရုံး (၂၅)ရုံးတွင် တရားသူကြီး (၁၁၈)ဦး ခန့်အပ်ထားရှိပြီး တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာများ စတင်ကျင့်သုံးဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရာဇဝတ်မှုနှင့် တရားမမှုများကို ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေပြီဖြစ် သည်။
မဟာမိတ်ဆက်ဆံရေး
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများအနေဖြင့်လည်း ၎င်းတို့သက်ဆိုင်ရာကဏ္ဍအလိုက် တိုင်းရင်းသားမဟာမိတ်အင်အားစုများနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ကာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပြီး ပိုမိုအားကောင်းသောဆက်ဆံရေးကို ထူထောင်နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ တစ်ဖက်တွင်လည်း မဟာမိတ်ဆက်ဆံရေး ကော်မတီ (ARC) ကို ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၄) ရက်နေ့မှစတင်ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စစ်ရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေး၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို လက်တွဲညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ပါသည်။
မဟာမိတ်ဆက်ဆံရေးကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားအဖွဲ့အစည်း ERO များအပါအဝင်၊ နိုင်ငံရေး ပါတီများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီများနှင့် သီးခြားတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပြီး လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စများအပါအဝင် စစ်ရေး၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး၊ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ ပညာရေး ကဏ္ဍများတွင် ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအား ဖြုတ်ချနိုင်ရေးနှင့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ထူထောင်ရေးတို့အတွက် နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူညီချက်များရရှိကာ ယခုထက်ပိုမိုသည့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို စုစည်းညီညွတ်စွာ ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရေး ဆွေးနွေးပွဲများစဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ဆောင်မှု လုပ်ငန်းများ
၆။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ပညာရေးအဆက်ပြတ်မှု မဖြစ်စေရေးအတွက် CDM ဆရာ/မများ၊ ပညာရေးဝန် ထမ်းများ စုစုပေါင်းအင်အားတစ်သိန်းခွဲကျော်ဖြင့် အခြေခံပညာ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာ၊ သက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်း ပညာနှင့် ဆရာအတတ်သင်ပညာရပ်များကို တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအတိုင်းအတာဖြင့် online, on ground သင် ကြားရေး များအပြင် Digital Based Learning စနစ်များဖြင့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများ ပေးလျက်ရှိသည်။ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသော online ကျောင်း (၇၀)ကျော်ရှိပြီး အသိအမှတ်ပြုမူဝါဒနှင့်အညီ ဖွင့်လှစ် သင်ကြားခြင်း၊ on ground ကျောင်းပေါင်း (၅၀၀၀) ကျော်၊ ဆရာ/မပေါင်း (၆၀,၀၀၀) ကျော်နှင့် ကျောင်းသား/ သူပေါင်း (၇၅၀,၀၀၀) ကျော်ခန့် ပညာသင်ကြားလျက်ရှိသည်။ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ပြီး မြို့နယ်ပညာရေးဘုတ်အဖွဲ့ကို (၃၀၄) မြို့နယ်တွင်ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပညာရေးပေါ်လစီကို NUG-NUCC ပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ငန်းကော်မတီ၏ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုနှင့် ဆက်လက်ရေးဆွဲ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်လျက်ရှိသည်။ အခြေခံပညာညီလာခံ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာညီလာခံတို့ကို ကျင်းပနိုင်ခဲ့ကာ အဆိုပါညီလာခံများမှရရှိသော ဆွေးနွေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များကို အခြေခံ၍ ပညာရေး အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်နေပါသည်။ BECA (Basic Education Completion Assessment) အခြေခံပညာပြီးမြောက်ကြောင်း စစ်ဆေးအကဲဖြတ်ခြင်းကို ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလမှ ဧပြီလအထိ online, offline ဖြေဆိုခဲ့ရာ online အနေဖြင့် ကျောင်းသားပေါင်း (၂၁၀၀၀) ကျော်ဖြေဆိုခဲ့ပြီး စာစစ်ဌာန (၃၂၉) ခုတွင် ကျောင်းသားပေါင်း (၃၈၈၇၇) ဦးဖြေဆိုခဲ့သည်။ PDF ရဲဘော်များလည်း ပါဝင်ဖြေဆိုခဲ့ကြသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး (၂) နှစ်တာကာလအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကြောင့် ဘေးဒုက္ခရောက်နေရသော ပြည်သူများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် ၆.၆ဘီလီယံခန့် (USD ၂.၃ မီလီယံ) လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ တစ်လလျှင် ပျမ်းမျှစစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူ ၂ သိန်းကျော်ကို စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ ထောက်ပံ့ပေးနိုင်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကြောင့် နေအိမ်များဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည့် ပြည်နယ်နှင့်တိုင်း အသီးသီးတို့မှ ဒေသခံပြည်သူများအတွက် ယာယီတဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆောက်လုပ်ပေးခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်အထိ ပြည်သူကလှူဒါန်းသည့် ရန်ပုံငွေဖြင့် ယာယီတဲပေါင်း (၂,၂၃၉) လုံးဆောက်လုပ်ပေးပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးရမှု လျှော့ချနိုင်ရန် ရန်ပုံငွေကျပ် (၁၁၉) သန်းခန့်အသုံးပြု၍ ကြားကာလပညာရေးဖော်ဆောင်နေသော စာသင်ကျောင်းများတွင် ဗုံးခိုကျင်း (၇၉၈) ကျင်းတူးဖော်ပေးခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ထို့အပြင် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်အမျိုးမျိုးနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် အသိပညာပေးခြင်း၊ စာစောင်များထုတ်ဝေ ဖြန့်ဖြူးခြင်းနှင့်စာသင်ကျောင်းများတွင် ဇာတ်တိုက်လေ့ကျင့်ခန်း များ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးမှ လူသားစာနာတာဝန်ခံ စုစုပေါင်း (၃၅၂) ဦးကိုလည်း အရပ်သားထိခိုက်မှုလျှော့ချရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းဆိုင်ရာ သင်တန်းများ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာမှ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများရရှိနိုင်ရေးအတွက် စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူအများဆုံးရှိသည့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးအတွင်း မြို့နယ်ပေါင်း (၃၉) မြို့နယ် တွင် လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီမှုဆိုင်ရာ လိုအပ်ချက်ဆန်းစစ်လေ့လာခြင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပြီး အစီရင်ခံစာ ကိုလည်း အလှူရှင်နိုင်ငံများ၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့်အာဆီယံသို့ ဖြန့်ချီပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အရပ်သားထိခိုက်မှု လျှော့ချရေးနှင့် ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီပေးရေးစင်္ကြန်များ ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန် အလို့ငှာ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးမဟာမိတ်များ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ အားလုံးပါဝင်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီမှုဆိုင်ရာဖိုရမ်တစ်ခု ကျင်းပနိုင်ရေးကိုလည်း စီမံ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ Mind Healer စိတ်ခွန်အားပေးသူများ Facebook စာမျက်နှာမှ အကူအညီလိုအပ် သူများအား နှစ်သိမ့်ဆွေးနွေး အကြံပေးခြင်းကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်ပေးလျက်ရှိရာ စုစုပေါင်း ပြည်သူ (၈၂၃) ဦးနှင့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်း (၄၂၂) ဦးကို ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
ထောင်တွင်းမတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသူများနှင့်လိင်စိတ်ကွဲပြားသူ(၄၆၉) ဦး၊ လူငယ် နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသား (၄၀၀) ဦး၊ ကိုယ်ဝန်ဆောင်မိခင်နှင့်နို့တိုက်မိခင်များ (၁၁၁,၉၁၄) ဦး၊ အရေးပေါ် အခြေအနေတွင် နေထိုင်ရန်လိုအပ်မှုနှင့် camp အုပ်ချုပ်မှုသင်တန်း (၃,၀၀၀) ဦးတို့ကို ထောက်ပံ့ပေး ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အတူ ကလေးများအပေါ် စစ်ကောင်စီမှကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ခြင်းနှင့် အစီရင်ခံခြင်း၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များ ဖြန့်ဝေခြင်းနှင့် စုဆောင်း ခြင်း၊ ကလေးစစ်သားစုဆောင်းမှုတားမြစ်ခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းများကိုလည်း ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသော ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရမှုများအား ကုသမှုပေးခြင်း၊ ခွဲစိတ်ကုသမှုပြုလုပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြေလက်အင်္ဂါဆုံးရှုံးသူများအား ခြေတုလက်တုတပ်ဆင်ပေးခြင်း၊ အရေးပေါဗိုက်ခွဲကလေးမွေးဖွားပေးခြင်း အစရှိသော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုများကိုလည်း လုပ်ဆောင်ပေး လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုပေးနေသော ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်းများအား အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လေကြောင်းရန်တိုက်ခိုက်မှု၊ စစ်ကြောင်းထိုးတိုက်ခိုက်မှု၊ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုစသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ရပ်များမှကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ စာသင်ကျောင်းများ၊ ဆေးရုံများတွင် လေကြောင်းရန်ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်ရှေးဦးသူနာပြုစုရေးတို့အတွက် လိုအပ်သောသင်တန်းများနှင့် အရေးပေါ်ဆေးအိတ် ဝယ်ယူရေးအတွက် ထောက်ပံ့မှုများကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြေပြင်တွင် ဆေးရုံပေါင်း (၆၆) ခု၊ ဆေးခန်းပေါင်း (၁၅၉) ခု၊ ရွေ့လျား ဆေးခန်းပေါင်း (၂၅၀) ကျော်တို့ဖြင့် အရေးပေါ် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့် ပဏာမကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြို့နယ်ပေါင်း (၁၉၈) မြို့နယ် (တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံး၏ ၆၀ %) တွင် မြို့နယ်ကျန်းမာရေးတာဝန်ခံများရှိပြီး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့်လက်တွဲ ချိတ်ဆက်၍ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးနေသည့် ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သားစုစုပေါင်းမှာ (၃,၈၃၂) ဦးဖြစ်ကာ ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သားများ၏ (၇၈%) မှာ CDMers များဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုလုပ်သားစုစုပေါင်းထဲတွင် တိုင်းရင်းသား ကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့များ၌ရှိသော ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သားများအင်အားပါဝင်ခြင်း မရှိသေးပါ။ ကျန်းမာရေးအသုံးစရိတ် အနေဖြင့် အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၂ သန်း သုံးစွဲခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု(CDM)
၇။ အာဏာဖီဆန်လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသော CDM ပြည်သူ့သားကောင်းများအား ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှု ပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ၂၀၂၁ ဧပြီလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများ၊ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးများ၊ CRPH ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များပါဝင်၍ CDM Success Committee အားဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ကာ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သူများနှင့် CDM ကွန်ယက်ချိတ်ဆက်ခြင်း၊ CDM ဆောင်ရွက်မှုအစီရင်ခံစာအား ၂၀၂၁၊ စက်တင်ဘာလတွင် UN Credential အတွက် ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုတစ်နှစ်ပြည့် အထိမ်းအမှတ်အဖြစ် CDM အချက်အလက်အစီရင်ခံစာအား ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း၊ CDM စစ်တမ်းကောက်ယူခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် CDM ဆုချီးမြှင့်ရေးနှင့် လစာဘတ်ဂျက်တွက်ချက်မှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း၊ နှစ်ပတ်လည်လုပ်ငန်း တိုးတက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စစ်တမ်းကောက်ယူ၍ ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သောလုပ်ငန်းစဥ်များ ဖော်ဆောင်ရန်လည်း ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ CDM Success Committee နှင့်ချိတ်ဆက်ထားသော CDM နိုင်ငံ့သူရဲကောင်း (၂၁၀၆၃၉) အနက်မှ (၂၀%) နှုန်းခန့်၏ အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်ချက်များအတွက် မြန်မာကျပ်ငွေသန်း (၄,၀၀၀)ခန့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးနိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများအနေဖြင့်လည်း ဌာနအလိုက် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား အသီးသီး ကူညီထောက်ပံ့လျက်ရှိသည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလမှစတင်၍ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDM/ Non CDM မူဝါဒမူကြမ်းအား နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDMများ၏ သဘောထားခံယူဆွေးနွေးရေးသားခဲ့ပြီး အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီ လ ၂၀ ရက်တွင် အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်ပေးခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် “နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDM မူဝါဒ” အပိုဒ် (၃) နှင့်အညီ ဥပဒေကြမ်းတစ်ရပ် ပေါ်ထွန်းလာရေးအတွက် CDM အောင်မြင်ရေးကော်မတီသည် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေမူကြမ်းရေးဆွဲရေး ကော်မတီတစ်ရပ် ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ ဥပဒေမူကြမ်းရေးဆွဲလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးကဏ္ဍ
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီးပွားရေးနှင့် ကူးသန်းရောင်းဝယ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ မြေပြင်သပိတ်အဖွဲ့များ၊ ပြည်သူများနှင့်ပူးပေါင်း၍ စစ်တပ်ထုတ်ကုန် သပိတ်မှောက်ကမ်ပိန်းအား ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် CDM Product များအား ပြည်ပနိုင်ငံများသို့ တင်ပို့ရောင်းချ ခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ MSME ချေးငွေများထုတ်ပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် တော်လှန်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်သောကဏ္ဍများအတွက် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီနိုင်ရန် ရံပုံငွေရှာဖွေခြင်းများကိုလည်း ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကာ ကျပ်သိန်းပေါင်း (၁၇၁,၆၇၇,၄၄၀) ထိ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကာင်စီထံ စီး၀င်လာမည့် ဘဏ္ဍာငွေကြေးအထောက်အပံ့များကို တားဆီးပိတ်ပင်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ လိုလားတောင့်တချက်နှင့်အညီ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာမည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရာတွင် အထောက်အပံ့ရစေမည့် ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများ ရရှိစေရေးမူဝါဒ (၂) ရပ် ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဝင်ငွေဖြတ်တောက်ပိတ်ဆို့ရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်သူလူထု၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများနှင့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးအစုအဖွဲ့များ၊ CSO/CBO များနှင့် လက်တွဲပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထုတ်ကုန် ပစ္စည်းများကို မသုံးစွဲရေး (Boycott) ပြုလုပ်ရန် စစ်တပ်ထုတ်ကုန်ပစ္စည်းများ၊ စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများကို ပြည်သူလူထုသိရှိစေရန် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာထားပါသည်။
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရာတွင် အထောက်အပံ့ရစေမည့် ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများ ရရှိစေရေးနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော အောင်လံလွှင့်ချီနွေဦးထီ၊ United Bond, EOD, Early Partnership Program, NUGPay, အခွန်၊ အကောက်၊ ဒဏ်ကြေးစသည်တို့မှရရှိသော ဝင်ငွေနှင့်သုံးစွဲမှုခြေပြဇယားမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
နိဂုံး
၉။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် တစ်နှစ်တာအစီအမံ၏ ရည်မှန်းချက်များ ပေါက်မြောက်အောင်မြင် ရေးနှင့် စိန်ခေါ်မှုများအားကျော်လွှားနိုင်ရေးတို့ကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ်လေ့လာသုံးသပ်ကာ အဆုံးသတ်တိုက်ပွဲ အတွက် အဆုံးအဖြတ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်း အကေင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ သဘောထားဆန္ဒအပေါ် အခြေခံထားသည့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့်တကွ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများအားလုံး၏ ရည်မှန်းချက်ပန်းတိုင်ဖြစ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုဆီသို့ ပြည်သူလူထုက ဆုံးဖြတ်ပြဌာန်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ် လမ်းကြောင်းအတိုင်း ဦးလည်မသုန် ချီတက်ခရီးဆက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာပြု အစီရင်ခံအပ် ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.92 MB
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Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Hsawng Phwe Hospital (ဆောင်းဖွေးဆေးရုံ), Pekon Township (ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်), Shan State (ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်) [19.669828, 96.889449]
Date/Time of Incident:
25 April 2023 around 1300 local time
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Myanmar Air Force (MAF)
Summary of Investigation:
On 25 April 2023, reportedly around 1300 local time, there were claims of an airstrike in Pekon that affected a local hospital and a nearby internally-displaced people (IDP) camp.
Myanmar Witness verified damage to a medical facility, including damage consistent with an possible air attack.
Pro and anti-military media appear to agree that the military attacked the area, however pro-military sources claim that the attack took place due to People’s Defence Force (PDF) personnel hiding in the area.
Myanmar Witness also verified one injured individual in a nearby IDP camp.
Summary
According to multiple pro-democracy news sources, including Khit Thit Media and MeKong News, the Myanmar military are alleged to have conducted an airstrike close to Hsawng Phwe Hospital, a medical facility in southern Shan state. The attack allegedly impacted civilians in the area, injuring three people including a nurse.
Radio Free Asia has claimed that a military Mi-35 attack helicopter was responsible for the damage, but local Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) media stated that a fighter jet was used. People Media, a pro-military media outlet, states that the airstrike was conducted because local PDF and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) members were present at this location. Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify this claim, but has verified damage to a medical facility in the area and at least one injured individual in a nearby IDP camp. The attack represents a steady escalation in the use of air power against civilians that has been addressed in the recent report Eyes on the Skies, and is being actively monitored by Myanmar Witness.
Myanmar Witness has been able to verify:
The location of a damaged medical facility, likely caused by an airstrike after further analysis of the damage caused.
Medical equipment in the structure, suggesting it was being used as a medical facility.
The location of a refugee camp nearby.
The location of at least one person in the refugee camp, an older woman, who sustained injuries to the head.
Currently unidentified munitions geolocated to the same area of the potential airstrike; one of the munition fragments allegedly located in the area of the attack could be air-delivered, and is likely associated with the incident.
Myanmar Witness is actively monitoring:
Claims that the military were involved in the attack and which groups are specifically implicated - Myanmar Witness hasyet to verify user-generated content (UGC) of an aircraft potentially involved. However, the use of aircraft suggests military responsibility, as the only group with access to such military assets.
Claims that more than the one individual already identified were injured during the attack.
Investigation Walkthrough
The military are alleged to have attacked an area in Pekon with airstrikes on 25 April 2023, resulting in the destruction of a medical facility and the injury of civilians in a nearby IDP camp..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.38 MB
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Description:
"Telegram တွင်လည်း နေ့စဥ် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအကျဥ်းချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှု့နိုင်ပါသည်။
https://t.me/modnugmyanmar
ရန်သူ့စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များစသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သတင်းများကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
287.76 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ယနေ့ ကျရောက်သော ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ (KNPP) တည်ထောင်ခြင်း (၆၆)နှစ်ပြည့်နေ့တွင် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတရပ်လုံး ဘေးရန်ကင်းကွာရှိကြပါစေဟု ဆုမွန်ကောင်း တောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကရင်နီပြည်၏ သီးခြားလွတ်လပ်မှု၊ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်များကို ကာကွယ်ရန် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးကို စတင်ခဲ့ပြီး ၁၉၅၇ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ (၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံရေးဦးဆောင်မှုပေးနိုင်ရန် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ (KNPP) ကို ကရင်နီပြည်၊ လိုပွာခရိုင်၊ ပိုဝေါ်မြို့နယ်၊ ဟီလူ (ကသိုးခီး)ရွာတွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်ခဲ့သည်။
၃။ (၆၆) နှစ်တာ ကာလအတွင်း ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ၏ ဦးဆောင်မှုအောက်တွင် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတရပ်လုံးသည် တော်လှန်ရေးလှိုင်းတံပိုးများကို ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံလျက် အာဏာရှင်အား မဆုတ်မနစ် ခုခံတွန်းလှန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ မတရား အာဏာသိမ်းယူပြီးနောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးသည် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စစ်ရေး အရှိန်အဟုန်မြင့်မားစွာဖြင့် ဆက်လက် ချီတက်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၄။ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ကရင်နီပြည်အား အဆမတန် သာလွန် အင်အားဖြင့် အလုံးအရင်း ထိုးစစ်ဆင်လျက်ရှိပြီး ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ (KNPP) နှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတရပ်လုံးသည် သတ္တိဂုဏ်ရောင် ပြောင်စွာ ရွပ်ရွပ်ချွံချွံ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်လျက် ရှိသည်။
၅။ ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးတလျှောက် အသက်၊အိုးအိမ်၊စည်းစိမ်များစွာ စွန့်လွှတ် ပေးဆပ်ပြီး တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့သော ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား အာဇာနည်သူရဲကောင်းများ အားလုံးကိုလည်း မမေ့မလျော့ ဦးညွှတ်ဂုဏ်အပ်ပြုပါသည်။
၆။ နှစ်ကာလများစွာ ပြည်သူအားဖိနှိပ်ဗိုလ်ကျလာသည့် ဘုံရန်သူအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အား အပြီးတိုင်ဖယ်ရှားပြီး ကိုယ်ပိုင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့်၊ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတမှု များကို အာမခံသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုသစ်ကို တည်ထောင်နိုင်ရန် အတူတကွ လက်တွဲ ရုန်းကန်ကြိုးစားကြမည်ဟု တော်လှန်ရေးသန္နိဌာန်ပြုလျက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား တိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ (KNPP) အနေဖြင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားထု တရပ်လုံး၏ မျှော်မှန်းချက်များကို ပြည့်ဝစွာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်း တောင်းလျက် ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် မေလ (၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သော (၆၆) နှစ်ပြည့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ (KNPP) တည်ထောင်ခြင်း အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့သို့ ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Karenni (Kayah) - cultural, political
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Format :
pdf
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259.42 KB
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"Telegram တွင်လည်း နေ့စဥ် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအကျဥ်းချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှု့နိုင်ပါသည်။
https://t.me/modnugmyanmar
ရန်သူ့စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များစသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သတင်းများကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
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538.8 KB
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Description:
"Labour Day, also known as International Workers' Day, is an important occasion to celebrate and recognize the contributions of workers around the world. In Myanmar, Labour Day is celebrated on May 1st each year, and it holds great significance for the country's workforce.
The first May Day celebration in Myanmar started in 1938, when workers went on strike against the British-owned Burmah Oil Company (BOC) in Yenanchaung, in the central region of Myanmar, before the country's independence. The strikes were part of a larger movement known as the "Revolution of 1300", named after the year in the Myanmar Calendar. After Myanmar gained independence, Labour Day was designated a "national holiday".
Before the military coup in 2021, Labour Day was celebrated with the labour ministry, business leaders, and representatives from international organizations attending ceremonies. Workers from various industries would rally in the industrial zones and march to demand their rights. Since the coup, these celebrations have not been possible. But workers have continued to organize and resist: garment workers went on strike despite police and military intervention, and delivery riders organized themselves for collective action.
We also want to take this opportunity to thank those workers who participated in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and stood firm against the genocidal military and refused to work under the terrorist dictatorship. In fact, peaceful acts of protest such as the CDM are much more powerful than the genocidal military's acts of terrorism against the civilian’s population of Myanmar. Because of these heroes, the brave and courageous workers who participate in the CDM, our revolution has gained momentum and we are headed down the path of success. They are no more and no less than the heroes of peace and the vanguard of our freedoms and federal democracy for ALL the people of Myanmar.
Labour Day is an important occasion to acknowledge the hard work and dedication of Myanmar's workers and to renew our commitment to fighting for better working conditions and workers' rights. It is a day to celebrate the achievements of workers and to recommit to the ongoing struggle for labour rights, even in the face of challenges and obstacles..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Format :
pdf
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31.63 KB
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Description:
"၁။ ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံအသီးသီးနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း မှီတင်းနေထိုင်ကြသော ကာယ၊ ဉာဏ အလုပ်သမားများအားလုံးနှင့်တကွ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူပြည်သားများ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ကမ္ဘာ့အလုပ်သမားနေ့(မေးဒေး)တွင် အလုပ်အကိုင်အခွင့်အလမ်းများ တိုးပွားရရှိ နိုင်ကြပြီး အလုပ်သမားများ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများ အပြည့်အဝပိုင်ဆိုင်ခံစားနိုင်ကာ အလုပ်ခွင် အတွင်း ကျန်းမာဘေးကင်း လုံခြုံကြပါစေကြောင်း ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြု ကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် အလေးအနက် ဆန္ဒပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်ပေါင်း (၁၀၀)ကျော်တွင် အလုပ်သမားများ၏ ညီညွတ်မှုအင်အားကို ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းသို့ ပျံ့နှံ့ရောက်ရှိစေခဲ့ကာ ရရှိသင့်ရရှိထိုက်သော အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးများ အဖြစ် တစ်နေ့လျှင် အလုပ်ချိန် (၈)နာရီ သတ်မှတ်နိုင်စေရန် တောင်းဆိုတိုက်ပွဲဝင်နိုင်ခဲ့သည့် သမိုင်းဝင်နေ့ရက် မေလ(၁)ရက်နေ့အား ကမ္ဘာ့အလုပ်သမားနေ့အဖြစ် ၁၈၈၉ ခုနှစ်တွင် ပြင်သစ် နိုင်ငံ၊ ပါရီမြို့၌ ပြုလုပ်ကျင်းပခဲ့သော အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ဆိုရှယ်လစ်ညီလာခံကြီးက ဆုံးဖြတ် နိုင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။
၃။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနောက် နိုင်ငံသားတို့၏ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများသည် ဆိုးရွားစွာဆုံးရှုံးနေရပြီး အလုပ်သမားထုတို့သည်လည်း အာဏာရှင် လက်အောက်ခံတရားမဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ၏ အကျင့်ပျက်ခြစားမှုနှင့် ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှု လုံးဝပျက်စီးနေခြင်းကြောင့် ဖိနှိပ်မှုများ၊ ခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်မှုများ၊ ဖိအားပေးစေခိုင်းမှုများကဲ့သို့ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများ လုံးဝဆုံးရှုံးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ယနေ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် အလွှာ အသီးသီး၏ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများ ပြည့်ပြည့်ဝဝ ရရှိခြင်းနှင့်အတူ လွတ်လပ်၍ ငြိမ်းချမ်း သာယာသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်သွားရန် အလုပ်သမားထုကြီး အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများက ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၄။ မိမိတို့နိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အား ရဲဝံ့စွာ ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်ကာ လူမျိုးစု အသီးသီး၊ အလွှာအသီးသီးအတွက် အခြေခံရပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို ပြည့်ဝစွာ အာမခံချက် ပေးနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည့် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အရေးတော်ပုံများတွင်သာမက ယခုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင်လည်း တခဲနက် ရှေ့တန်းမှတိုက်ပွဲဝင် ပါဝင်နေကြသည့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ အလုပ်သမားလူထုကြီးအား အလေးအနက် ဂုဏ်ယူဦးညွှတ်လျက် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ကမ္ဘာ့အလုပ်သမားနေ့(မေဒေး)အခမ်းအနားသို့ ယခုသဝဏ်လွှာအား ဝမ်းမြောက်စွာ ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Labour issues in Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
290.71 KB
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Description:
"၁။ ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ မြန်မာအလုပ်သမားများအားလုံး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အမြစ်ဖြတ်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတည်ဆောက်ရေး နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးမှာပါဝင်နေသော ရဲဘော်ရဲဘက် များအားလုံး စိတ်၏တည်ကြည်ကြံ့ခိုင်ခြင်း၊ ကိုယ်၏ကျန်းမာခြင်းပြည့်စုံစေရန် ဆန္ဒပြုပါသည်။
၂။ လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်ပေါင်း တစ်ရာကျော်က အခြေခံအလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးတွေ ရရှိအောင် ညီညွတ်စွာ စုပေါင်းတောင်းဆိုအောင်မြင်ခဲ့တဲ့ ကမ္ဘာအရပ်ရပ်က အလုပ်သမားထုကို ဂုဏ်ပြုပြီး သတ်မှတ်ထားတဲ့ ဒီမေဒေးနေ့မှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာဏာရှင် တော်လှန်ရေး များ၌ ပြည်သူနှင့် တသားတည်း ရပ်တည်ပြီး ရှေးတန်းက ဦးဆောင်ပါဝင်တော်လှန်နေတဲ့ ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ မြန်မာအလုပ်သမားများအားလုံးရဲ့ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံမှုကို ဦးညွှတ်ပါသည်။
၃။ တော်လှန်ရေးကာလ ၂ နှစ်ကျော်ကြာလာသည့်တိုင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဦးဆောင် မှုအောက်တွင် တော်လှန်အင်အားစုအားလုံးနဲ့အတူ မဆုတ်မနစ် ပူးပေါင်းတိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေမှု အတွက် များစွာ ဂုဏ်ယူအားထားပါသည်။
၄။ ဒီအလုပ်သမားများအချင်းချင်း၏ ညီညွတ်မှု၊ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်းအားစုအားလုံးရဲ့ ညီညွတ်မှုကို အခြေခံ၍ နိုင်ရာတာဝန်ကို အပြည့်အဝတာဝန်ယူပြီး ဒီတော်လှန်ရေးအောင်ပွဲကို အရောက်လှမ်း ကြမည်ဆိုသော ရည်မှန်းချက်ဖြင့် ဒီနှစ်အတွက် ကမ္ဘာ့အလုပ်သမားနေ့(မေဒေး) ဆောင်ပုဒ်ကို “လုပ်သားထုရဲ့ သွေးစည်းသံ တချီတည်းရုန်းပြီး အောင်ပွဲခံ” “United Voice of Workers Fight for Federal Future” လို့သတ်မှတ်ထားပါသည်။
၅။ အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများ၏ ဦးဆောင်မှုနှင့် ဒီတော်လှန်ရေးဖြစ်စဉ်တစ်လျှောက် ရဲဝံ့စွာ ကိုယ်ကျိုးစွန့်ပြီး တတ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ဘက်စုံတော်လှန်နေသော ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ အလုပ်သမားထုရဲ့ တော်လှန်မှုက တော်လှန်ရေးရှေ့ရောက်ဖို့ ကြီးမားတဲ့ ခွန်အားဖြစ်စေပါသည်။
၆။ အလုပ်သမားများသည် မိမိတို့လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ ကျောရိုးဖြစ်သဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက ဦးဆောင်ဖော်ထုတ်နေသည့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမူဘောင်များ တွင် အလုပ်သမားများ၏အခွင့်အရေးကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက် မြှင့်တင်ပေးမည့် ကတိကဝတ်များ ပါဝင်အောင်ဆောင်ရွက်ထားပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိတွင် အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန အပါအဝင်၊ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများပူးပေါင်းပြီး အလုပ်သမားများအတွက် ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးလုပ်ငန်း များ၊ စွမ်းရည်တည်ဆောက်မြှင့်တင်ခြင်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပြီး တိုးမြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် လည်း ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၇။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကို ဖြုတ်ချပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရေး အပါအဝင်၊ အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကို အိုင်အယ်လ်အို (ILO) တွင် အရေးယူနိုင်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများနှင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ အဖွဲ့ဝင် အလုပ်သမားများ တော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပိုမိုထောက်ခံပါဝင်ကူညီလာရန်၊ ပြည်သူက ချေမှုန်းမှုများအတွက် အရေးကြီးသော စစ်တပ်၏ နိုင်ငံခြားဝင်ငွေရလမ်းများ ပိတ်ဆို့မှုလုပ်ငန်းများ မှာ ကိုယ်တိုင်ဦးဆောင်၍ရော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ မြန်မာအလုပ်သမားထု ၏ မဆုတ်မနစ် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ်ပါသည်။
၈။ တော်လှန်ရှည်ကြာသည်နှင့်အမျှ ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးခံစားရတဲ့ ကိုယ်၊ စိတ်ဒုက္ခတွေ ဆတိုး နေပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို အစီအစဉ်တကျ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းချိုးဖောက်နေတဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်လက်အောက်မှာ အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများက ပုံမှန်လုပ်ငန်း တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ် နေခြင်း၊ အလုပ်သမားများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးအမဲ့ အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများကိုလည်း မတရား အသင်းကြေညာခြင်း၊ သမဂ္ဂခေါင်းဆောင်များနဲ့ အဖွဲ့ဝင်အလုပ်သမားများကို မတရား ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည့်ဖိနှိပ်မှုမျိုးစုံကို စိတ်တိုင်းကျ ဆောင်ရွက်၍ ဖြိုခွင်းထားတဲ့အခြေအနေမှာ ပြည်တွင်းအလုပ်သမားများရဲ့ လူမှုဒုက္ခပေါင်းစုံမှာလည်း တော်လှန်ရေးအမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မှသာ ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်မဲ့ အခြေအနေဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၉။ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိပြီး အခြေခံအလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးများ အပြည့်အဝအာမခံချက်ပေးမည့် နိုင်ငံတစ်ခု တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ဖို့ တော်လှန်ရေးမှာ တတ်နိုင်တဲ့နည်းဖြင့် မဖြစ်မနေပါဝင်နေမှုကို ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်ကြရန် အလုပ်သမားထုကြီးကို လေးလေးနက်နက်တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။
၁၀။ နိုင်ငံတကာအလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများနှင့် အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် အလုပ်သမား အခွင့်အရေးကို အလေးထားသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအစိုးရများ၊ အိုင်အယ်လ်အိုအဖွဲ့၊ အိုင်အိုအမ် အဖွဲ့အပါအဝင် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီး၏ လက်တွေ့ဆန်သော ကူညီမှုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် မှုများကို မိမိတို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား အမြန်ဆုံးလုပ်ဆောင်ပေးကြရန် အလေးအနက် ထား ထပ်မံတောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။
၁၁။ ကမ္ဘာ့သမိုင်းတွင် မတရားမှုဆန့်ကျင်ရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီဖော်ဆောင်ရေးအတွက် ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံ တော်လှန်အောင်မြင်ခဲ့သည့် စံနမူနာ နိုင်ငံတစ်နိုင်ငံအဖြစ် ရပ်တည်နိုင်ရန် ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ မြန်မာအလုပ်သမားထုအပါအဝင် အင်းအားစုပေါင်းစုံနှင့် ညီညွတ်စွာ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်ပွဲကို အရယူရန် ဒီကမ္ဘာ့အလုပ်သမားနေ့မှာ ထပ်လောင်း သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချမှတ်လိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-01
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Sub-title:
Statement on Meeting with Mr Ban Ki-moon
Description:
"1. Deputy Minister U Moe Zaw Oo of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar had a virtual meeting with Mr Ban Ki-moon, Deputy Chair of the Elders and former Secretary-General of the United Nations on 27th April 2023.
2. The meeting centred around Mr Ban Ki-moon’s recent visit to Myanmar and involved a productive exchange of perspectives on how to effectively move forward to address the current crisis facing Myanmar.
3. In the meeting, Deputy Minister U Moe Zaw Oo expressed his appreciation for the insights shared by Mr Ban Ki-moon, particularly on the significance of finding “a path to an end to violence” and “the importance of all parties playing a role in securing a lasting solution, including the National Unity Government”. Despite Mr Ban Ki-moon’s sincere intentions for his recent visit to Myanmar, Deputy Minister expressed his concern that the junta may seek to exploit this visit for their own advantage. Accordingly, he requested that any further visits to Myanmar be made in consultation with important stakeholders in Myanmar, including the National Unity Government. Deputy Minister also pointed out that the military junta has no right to hold elections and that elections should be conducted according to the newly drafted constitution that is acceptable to all stakeholders and to all ethnic groups in Myanmar. Furthermore, Deputy Minister underscored the need for more coordinated pressure and sanctions from the international community on the military junta which has failed to abide by the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus and the Security Council Resolution 2669.
4. The meeting concluded with an agreement to establish a collaborative working relationship to discuss potential pathways towards resolving the ongoing crisis in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
NUG နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဒုတိယဝန်ကြီး နှင့် မစ္စတာ ဘန်ကီမွန်း တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့မှုနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description:
"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးဦးမိုးဇော်ဦးသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်ဟောင်း ၊ The Elders ၏ ဒုတိယ ဥက္ကဌဖြစ်သူ မစ္စတာ ဘန်ကီမွန်းနှင့် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဧပြီလ ၂၇ ရက် က အွန်လိုင်းမှတဆင့် တွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မကြာသေးမီက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်ခဲ့သည့် မစ္စတာဘန်ကီမွန်း၏ ခရီးစဉ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အဓိကထားဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြပြီး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်ရှိ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် အကျပ် အတည်းများကို ထိရောက်စွာ ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရန် ရှေ့ဆက်လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်မည့် နည်းလမ်းများနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အမြင်များ ဖလှယ်ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြပါသည်။
၃။ မစ္စတာ ဘန်ကီမွန်း က “အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများအား အဆုံးသတ်ရန် လမ်းကြောင်း” ရှာဖွေမှုမှာ အရေးပါကြောင်းနှင့် “ရေရှည်တည်တံ့သော အဖြေတစ်ခုကိုရရှိရေး၌ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအပါအဝင် ပါဝင်သည့် အစုအဖွဲ့အားလုံး၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍမှာ အရေးပါကြောင်း” စသည် တို့ကို ထောက်ပြပြောဆိုသည့်အပေါ် ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီး ဦးမိုးဇော်ဦးက ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်း ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ဆက်လက်၍ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးက မစ္စတာ ဘန်ကီမွန်း၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံခရီးစဉ်သည် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်မှန်ကန် ကောင်းမွန်သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီက ယင်းခရီးစဉ်အား ၎င်း၏အကျိုးအတွက် အသုံးချရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမည်ကို စိုးရိမ်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ ထပ်မံသွားရောက်မည့် ခရီးစဉ်များရှိပါက အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ အရေးပါသော သက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် တိုင်ပင်ဆွေးနွေးမှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံခဲ့ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများ ကျင်းပရန် အခွင့်မရှိ သကဲ့သို့၊ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများ ကျင်းပမည်ဆိုပါကလည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူများအားလုံးနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား အဖွဲ့အားလုံးက လက်ခံနိုင်မည့် အသစ် ရေးဆွဲထားသော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေအရသာ ကျင်းပ ပြုလုပ်ရမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးက ထောက်ပြပြောဆို ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် (၅)ရပ်နှင့် လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အမှတ် (၂၆၆၉) တို့အား လိုက်နာရန် ပျက်ကွက်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် ပို၍ ဝိုင်းဝန်း ဖိအားပေးမှုနှင့် အရေးယူ ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် လိုအပ်ကြောင်းစသဖြင့် ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးက အလေးပေး ပြောကြားခဲ့ ပါသည်။
၄။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ လက်ရှိဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော အကျပ်အတည်းများအား ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဖြစ်နိုင် ချေရှိသည့်လမ်းကြောင်းများနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ဆွေးနွေးမှုများ ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်မှု ဆက်ဆံရေးတစ်ရပ် တည်ဆောက်သွားကြမည်ဟူသော သဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် တွေ့ဆုံမှုအား အဆုံးသတ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"Telegram တွင်လည်း နေ့စဥ် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအကျဥ်းချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှု့နိုင်ပါသည်။
https://t.me/modnugmyanmar
ရန်သူ့စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များစသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သတင်းများကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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416.66 KB
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"Canal+ and its satellite partner, Thaicom, are broadcasting Myanmar military junta propaganda against their responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines, and international law and norms.
The illegal Myanmar military junta uses television for psychological warfare as part of its campaign of terror against the people, in breach of international law, and this content is broadcast by Canal+ and Thaicom.
Canal+ operates a subscription television business in Myanmar in partnership with the crony company Forever Group, launched in 2018. Forever Group is a longstanding broadcast partner of the military and was formerly sanctioned by the EU.
Canal+ is a subsidiary of the French corporation, Vivendi SA, which also owns Gameloft, Dailymotion and Havas Group.
In 2019, Canal+ signed a capacity agreement with the Thai publicly listed satellite corporation Thaicom to broadcast content through the satellite, Thaicom 6.
Thaicom has deep links to the Myanmar military. It formerly broadcast the army’s Myawaddy TV (MWD) channels and Thaicom has its own service agreement with Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV), which was renewed in 2021.
MWD is run by the Directorate of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare of the Office of the Commander-in-Chief (Army), Soe Win, who is sanctioned by the EU. MRTV is run by the Ministry of Information, illegally controlled by the military. The junta’s information minister, Maung Maung Ohn, has also been sanctioned by the EU.
By broadcasting MWD, MRTV and the junta’s international propaganda channel, MITV, Canal+ and Thaicom regularly distribute images of individuals that the junta has captured as claimed members of the People’s Defence Forces, and are routinely subject to torture, arbitrary imprisonment and death in junta custody.
The broadcast of these images are against the spirit of Article 13(2) of the Third Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War (1949): “prisoners of war must at all times be protected, particularly against acts of violence or intimidation and against insults and public curiosity.”
Article 13(2) can be interpreted as applicable to “any materials that enable individual prisoners to be identified must normally be regarded as subjecting them to public curiosity and, therefore, may not be transmitted, published or broadcast.”
While Article 13(2) originally applied to international armed conflict, Protocol II extends the application of the Geneva Conventions to non-international armed conflicts.
France and Thailand have both ratified Protocol II, and as such have a responsibility to prevent companies in their territory from violating the Geneva Conventions.
Images of prisoners shown on MRTV and broadcast by Canal+ and Thaicom include close-ups of individuals detained by the junta with signs of torture, such as swollen faces and with their names identified.
Canal+ and Thaicom also broadcast content that refers to Rohingya as “Bengali”, a term associated with the military's genocidal intent because it is intended to Other and dehumanise Rohingya.
By doing so, the junta, which unlawfully claims to be the government of Myanmar, is disregarding the Provisional Measures imposed by the International Court of Justice in The Gambia v. Myanmar case under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide prohibiting, among other actions, incitement to genocide.
Recent content include footage of Rohingya arbitrarily detained when trying to flee the conditions imposed on them by the genocidal military, which include confinement in camps that amounts to the crime of apartheid.
Canal+ has enhanced corporate human rights responsibilities because of its status as a multinational enterprise. It should follow the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises that obligates multinational enterprises to "consider additional standards" and to pay particular attention to situations of armed conflict and the applicability of international humanitarian law.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "The genocidal Myanmar military is waging a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, in which it uses media for psychological warfare, spreading fear, disinformation and hate.
“By broadcasting MWD, MRTV and MITV, major weapons of the junta’s propaganda arsenal, Canal+ and Thaicom are blatantly disregarding their human rights responsibilities and obligations under international law.
“Through the broadcast of the junta’s images of captured PDFs, Canal+ and Thaicom are making a commodified spectacle of prisoners of war, against the spirit of the Geneva Conventions, which their home countries, France and Thailand, are signatory to.
“The fact that Canal+ and Thaicom also transmit content that refers to Rohingya as 'Bengali', disregards the Provisional Measures imposed by the ICJ that prohibit the direct and public incitement of genocide.
“Canal+ and Thaicom are broadcasting MWD and MRTV's use of the term ‘Bengali’, knowing it is a genocidal slur.
“We call on Canal+ and Thaicom to immediately stop broadcasting junta propaganda and to abide by their responsibilities under the OECD Guidelines and international law.
“France and Thailand, who are responsible for the conduct of companies in their territories, should take urgent steps to ensure that their companies are upholding international law and norms in their business in Myanmar.”
Canal+ and Thaicom did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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Format :
pdf
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143.23 KB
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"The Swedish engineering firm AFRY has announced its intention to withdraw from Myanmar, where it has been involved in controversial hydropower projects for over two decades. The undersigned organisations welcome the move to stop doing business with the military junta but remain deeply concerned about AFRY’s delayed response and failure to realise the gravity of its dealings with the Myanmar military.
AFRY’s decision to leave Myanmar comes after criticism from local and international human rights organisations. AFRY allegedly disregarded sustained opposition from communities affected by its dam projects, and continued to cooperate with and receive payments from Myanmar authorities after the military coup in 2021. According to leaked documents, obtained by Justice For Myanmar, AFRY received almost USD 5 million in consultancy fees directly from the Department of Hydropower Implementation of the junta’s electricity ministry.
AFRY’s conduct in Myanmar raises serious questions about the company’s human rights due diligence procedures. It took the company more than two years after the attempted military coup to announce its exit, and it chose to do business with the Department of Hydropower Implementation after it was illegally taken over by the Myanmar military, which stands accused of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. AFRY’s cooperation with the junta continued despite EU sanctions on the State Administration Council and junta leadership.
Now that AFRY has announced its intention to withdraw from Myanmar, we urge the company to:
Immediately end all technical support and cooperation with the military junta.
Make public its human rights due diligence in relation to its Myanmar operations, including the evidence to support its conclusion that “AFRY has not contributed to any violations of human rights.”
Take all measures necessary to ensure a responsible exit from Myanmar in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
Investigate any negative impact on human rights that might have occurred as a result of AFRY operations in Myanmar, in close dialogue with affected local communities. All negative impact must be properly remediated.
The company’s shareholders and financiers, including several big Swedish banks, should also act to ensure that the company takes these necessary steps, which are in line with the investors’ own human rights commitments..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
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Local URL:
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"Myanmar junta soldiers killed a PDF commander and his assistant on Wednesday in the resistance stronghold of Sagaing Region, according to local sources.
The fighters from Kawlin People’s Defense Force (PDF) Battalion 1 were killed in Kawlin Township.
Eight members of Kawlin’s People’s Administration Team and Public Security Group were also killed by junta soldiers at around 6.00am on Thursday.
The charred bodies of the commander of Kawlin PDF Battalion 1 and his assistant were found on Thursday near Thea Kaw Village, according to a member of Kawlin’s People’s Administration Team.
“They were reportedly arrested at around 10.00am on Wednesday. Their burned bodies were found near Thae Kaw Village and were cremated on Thursday,” he said.
A local source confirmed that the late commander had been newly transferred from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) to lead Kawlin PDF Battalion 1. The KIA is one of Myanmar’s most powerful ethnic armed organizations. It has been fighting against the regime, as well as providing support and training to resistance fighters in Sagaing.
“The deceased commander was recently transferred to Kawlin PDF Battalion 1”, said a source with connections to Battalion 1.
In a separate incident, military regime troops ambushed eight members of Kawlin’s People’s Administration Team and Public Security Group early Thursday morning near Pay Pin Chaung Village. They were then killed and their bodies burned, according to locals.
“Eight members of the People’s Administration Team and Public Security Group were shot dead and their bodies were burned by junta troops. They also torched the cars,” said the local.
Fighting between regime troops and Kawlin PDF Battalion 1 intensified near Thea Kaw Village after junta troops captured the PDF commander and his assistant on Wednesday.
Kawlin PDF’s Battalion 1 has been clashing with two columns of around 160 regime soldiers since April 25.
The junta columns entered Kawlin Township on April 23. The following day, almost 100 residents of Kyauk Pyin Thar Village in the northeast of Kawlin were detained by regime troops..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"1. Implementation of the foundation of federal democratic higher education.....2. Acting President pays respects to Islamic community.....3. NUG arms battalions in Mogok.....4. NUG delivers aid to Pazigyi victims..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
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1.33 MB
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Description:
"၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ(၂၃)ရက်နေ့၊ ညနေ(၄)နာရီခန့်တွင် မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ဆောမြို့နယ်၊ ကျောက်ထုဒေသ၊ ကျောက်ထု အမြှောက်တပ် (၃၆၈)မှ ထွက်လာသော ရန်သူ့အင်အား (၁၃၀) ဦးခန့်ကို ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF) ဂန့်ဂေါခရိုင် တပ်ရင်းအမှတ် (၁၃) နှင့် CDF မင်းတပ် တို့ပူးပေါင်း တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ရာ ရန်သူ့ဘက်မှ ထိခိုက်ကျဆုံးမှု ရှိခဲ့ပြီး ရန်သူ့ဘက်မှ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသမ်းပစ်ခတ်သဖြင့် CDF မင်းတပ်မှ ရဲဘော်တစ်ဦး ဒဏ်ရာ အနည်းငယ်ရရှိခဲ့သည်။ည(၈:၀၆)နာရီတွင် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF) ဂန့်ဂေါခရိုင် တပ်ရင်း အမှတ်(၈)က ကျောက်ထု အမြှောက်တပ်(၃၆၈)နှင့်ကျောက်ထုလေတပ်ကို Rocket များဖြင့် ထပ်မံပစ်ခတ် တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး အထိအခိုက်မရှိ ပြန်လည်ဆုတ်ခွာနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ဧပြီလ(၂၄)ရက်နေ့၊နေ့လည်(၁၂:၁၅)နာရီခန့်တွင် မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ပေါက်မြို့နယ်၊ ပင်တောင်ကျေးရွာ (ပျူစောထီးရွာ)မှ နယ်မြေခံ ပျူစောထီးများက လုံခြုံရေး ကင်းယူလျက် ယောချောင်းအတွင်း ငါးဖမ်းနေစဥ် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF) ပခုက္ကူခရိုင်တပ်ရင်းအမှတ် (၁၈) - တပ်ခွဲ (၃) - နဂါးမျိုးအဖွဲ့၊ ပေါက် မြို့နယ် အခြေပြု ဗိုလ်တစ္ဆေအဖွဲ့၊ ပေါက်ကျေးရွာကာကွယ်ရေး အဖွဲ့များ နှင့် မြိုင်မြို့နယ် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ - မြိုင် ပကဖ တပ်ရင်း (၁) - တပ်ခွဲ(၅) - တပ်စိတ် (၂၊ ၄) တို့က ပြောက်ကျားစနစ်ဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ် တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ရန်သူ့တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် (၄) ဦး နေရာ၌ပင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး (၁) ဦး ပြင်းထန်ဒဏ်ရာဖြင့် ထွက်ပြေး လွတ်မြောက်သွားခဲ့သည်။ ဧပြီလ(၂၄)ရက်နေ့၊နေ့လည်(၁:၃၅)နာရီခန့်တွင် သေဆုံးသွားသော ရန်သူ့တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် ရုပ်အလောင်းများကို ရန်သူ့တပ်နှင့်ပင်တောင်ကျေးရွာ၊ သစ်ချိုကုန်းကျေးရွာ နှင့် ဝန်ခြုံးကျေးရွာများ မှ နယ်မြေခံ ပျူစောထီးများက လာရောက်သယ်ဆောင်ခဲ့ကြပြီး သပြေအေးကျေးရွာသို့ ဝင်ရောက်ကာ ပြည်သူပိုင် နေအိမ် များကို အကြမ်းဖက် မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့သောကြောင့် ပြည်သူပိုင်နေအိမ်များ မီးလောင်ပြာကျခဲ့သည်။ ရန်သူ့တပ်နှင့် ပျုစောထီးများက ဒေသခံ ပြည်သူများ၏ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာများကို အကြမ်းဖက်ခိုးယူသယ်ဆောင် သွားခဲ့သည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Format :
pdf
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309.12 KB
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (17/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
Size:
2.22 MB
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Description:
"၁။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်းများအပါအဝင် ကျန်းမာရေး ကဏ္ဍအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများမှာ တစ်နေ့တခြား ပိုမို ဆိုးရွားလာလျက်ရှိသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများကို ကုသပေးနေသည့် ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်းများအပေါ် လေကြောင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ကို ယခုဧပြီလအတွင်း ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ထား၍ အရှိန်တိုးမြှင့်ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ၏ ပထမ (၁၈) ရက်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ကျန်းမာရေး ကဏ္ဍအပေါ် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် (၂၀-၄-၂၀၂၃) ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၃) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။
၃။ ထိုသို့ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာပြီးနောက် (၅) ရက်အကြာ (၂၅-၄-၂၀၂၃) ရက်နေ့တွင်လည်း ရှမ်း ပြည်နယ်တောင်ပိုင်း၊ အနောက်ကယန်းဒေသ၊ ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်၊ ယင်နွဲ့ကျေးရွာအုပ်စုရှိ. ဆောင်းဖွေး ပြည်သူ့ဆေးရုံ၌ လူနာများ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူ များ ရှိနေစဉ်မှာပင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက တိုက်လေယာဉ်ဖြင့် ငါးကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း ဗုံးသီး (၁၀) လုံးကျော် ဗုံးကြဲပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့ပြန်သည်။ ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် အသက် (၁၅) နှစ် အရွယ် ကလေးတစ်ဦးအပါအဝင် စုစုပေါင်း ပြည်သူ (၅) ဦး ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာ ရရှိခဲ့သည်။ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာ ရရှိသူများအနက် ကလေးမီးဖွားပြီး (၂) ရက်သာ ရှိသေးသူ အမျိုးသမီးလူနာ မပန်းလဲ့ဦး၊ အသက် (၁၈) အရွယ်၏ ဦးခေါင်းတွင် ဗုံးစဖောက်ဝင်ဒဏ်ရာ ရရှိပြီး အသက် အန္တရာယ်ရှိသောအခြေအနေတွင် ရှိပါသည်။ ဆေးရုံ အဆောက်အအုံအများစု၊ ဆေးနှင့် ဆေး ပစ္စည်းများ၊ ဆိုင်ကယ်နှင့် ကားအချို့လည်း ပျက်စီးသွားခဲ့သည်။
၄။ ထို့အတူ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ (၂၄) ရက်နေ့ကလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကရင်နီ/ ကယားပြည်နယ်၊ ဒီမောဆိုမြို့နယ်၏ အရှေ့ဖက်ခြမ်းရှိ ဒေါတမကြီးဆေးရုံကို လေယာဉ်ဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ရာ ဆေးရုံမှာ လုံးဝပျက်စီးသွားခဲ့ပြီး ဆေးရုံအနီးရှိ ပြည်သူတစ်ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ထိုကဲ့သို့ ကျန်းမာရေးကဏ္ဍအပေါ် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပစ်မှတ် ထား၍ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်နေခြင်းသည် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗန်းရှင်း (Geneva Conventions) ၊ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများနှင့် ပြည်တွင်း ဥပဒေများကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်း အနေဖြင့် အမြန်ဆုံး တားဆီးအရေးယူရန် မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် အသိပေးတိုက်တွန်း ခဲ့သော်လည်း နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်း၏ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များမှာ နှေးကွေး၍ မသိကျိုးကျွန် ပြုနေကြဆဲ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့်မူ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ရှိနေသည့်တိုင် ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများ ကို သူရဲကောင်းကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ ဒေသခံအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ နှင့်လက်တွဲ၍ စွမ်းစွမ်းတမံ ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Health - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
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485.92 KB
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"KEY HIGHLIGHTS
95,000 people received core relief items comprising kitchen sets, blankets and sleeping mats, ensuring their basic needs were met.
11,500 people received shelter support for safe and dignified living conditions while in displacement.
8,300 people with specific needs benefited from cash assistance to meet their basic needs.
POPULATION OF CONCERN 1.8 M
Internally displaced people (IDP) living in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayin, Kayah and Mon States, and Bago (East), Tanintharyi, Sagaing and Magway Regions (as of 31 March 2023). According to UN sources, an estimated 1,4 million people have been displaced due to the resumption and intensification of clashes between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and/or People’s Defense Forces (PDF) after 1 February 2021. 630,000 Estimated Rohingya in Rakhine State, of which some 147,000 are living in displacement camps as well as among the host community since 2012..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"WASHINGTON —
This week former United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon went on an unannounced trip to Myanmar, where he met with the country’s military rulers and urged them to find a peaceful resolution to their more than two-year-old violent political crisis.
The statement released about his visit did not say if he met with any opposition leaders, which a member of Myanmar’s opposition National Unity Government criticized in an interview with The Associated Press. Nay Phone Latt, an NUG spokesperson, said international leaders should not meet with the leaders of what he called the country’s “terrorist army.”
“If they want to solve the problem of Myanmar, it is important not to ignore the will of the people,” he told AP.
For more about Ban’s visit and the effort to find a peaceful resolution in Myanmar, VOA spoke with Chris Sidoti, who was a member of the U.N. Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar from 2017 to 2019. More recently he has formed, along with two other former U.N. experts, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, which describes itself as an international group working for human rights, peace, democracy and accountability in Myanmar.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
VOA: What is your initial reaction to Ban Ki-moon’s surprise visit to Myanmar?
Chris Sidoti, member of the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar: Well, it was a surprise. It's been known for a while that Ban Ki-moon, on behalf of the Elders, the organization of which he is deputy chair, was keen to go to Myanmar. But there was no indication that the visit had been accepted by the military there, or that it was about to take place. So it was a surprise when it happened. Initial reaction on my part was very much wait and see; it's very hard at this stage to react to the visit as to whether it was worthwhile or not. Because at this point, we don't know very much about it.
Mr. Ban has issued, or the Elders have issued on his behalf, a statement about the mission. And in that statement, it indicated what Ban Ki-moon had said to the general, but there was no indication of what the general had said to Ban Ki-moon. So it's very difficult to know - in fact, it's impossible to know at this stage - whether the visit was worthwhile or not, whether it accomplished anything at all, and whether it will achieve its principal purpose of bringing an end to the violence. So we all wait and see.
VOA: Why do you think Senior General Min Aung Hlaing invited the former secretary-general to Myanmar during this time of increasing violence?
Sidoti: There are a couple of possible explanations. But in the end, we don't know. The possible explanations are that on the one hand, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing might be feeling increasingly isolated and sees a need to attempt to reach out to the international community to show some willingness to engage. Because to date, he has not shown any willingness whatsoever to engage with anybody, not even ASEAN, the primary alliance in which Myanmar is a member. It may be that there is some connection with the obligation of Myanmar to report to the International Court of Justice by around the 24th of May on its implementation of the court's orders in the genocide case. The military tried to postpone the next report until next year. But the International Court of Justice only last week refused that application and ruled that Myanmar must issue its report by the 24th of May. So it could be that Min Aung Hlaing simply wanted to have something positive to say in that report. But this is all speculation. Ultimately, we don't know.
Whatever his motives are, however, whether the visit was worthwhile or not will only be able to be judged on the basis of what results are produced. No matter what the general’s motivation was, he has to respond and respond positively to Ban Ki-moon's demand that there be a cessation of the violence for him to get any credit out of this visit at all.
VOA: The Myanmar junta focuses on holding elections. Opposition groups like the NUG don't accept the elections, calling them illegitimate. What is your view on the possibility of legitimate elections, given the current environment in Myanmar?
Sidoti: Legitimate elections under the junta are absolutely impossible. There are no conceivable circumstances in which free and fair and legitimate and acceptable elections can be held under the junta. It's as simple as that. And that's why, really, they have eased off their preparations for the elections. Originally, they were talking about holding an election in August. But then in February, they extended the state of emergency, and they can't hold an election while the state of emergency is continuing. And just before that, Min Aung Hlaing himself, the head of the junta, acknowledged that the junta controlled less than half the country and was not able, therefore, to conduct elections in more than half the country. So it's absolutely impossible for elections to be held. And although the military is continuing some measure of preparation for the elections, I don't anticipate we will see any attempt to hold an election this year. And indeed, waiting to next year, the military will continue to find it impossible to hold an election that is going to be free and fair and internationally accepted.
VOA: We have the ASEAN five-point consensus and the U.N. Security Council's resolution on Myanmar. But we haven't seen implementation of any of these by the junta. The Special Advisory Council on Myanmar has called for more pressure on the military regime to end violence. The NUG has called for anti-aircraft weapons and alarm systems to prevent attacks on civilians. Do you think there is support for that in the international community?
Sidoti: The international community has been very slow to provide support for the democratic movement in Myanmar, beyond rhetoric, beyond words, and this is a tragedy. The NUG is calling for defensive weapons. I don't see any prospect at the moment of that being responded to by other countries.
But there is much that the international system can do short of providing weaponry. The United Nations itself and ASEAN itself have been notable failures in their commitment to resolving the Myanmar situation. Yes, there is a five-point consensus. Yes, there was a Security Council resolution last December. Both were very positive moves. But both fell far short of what is required.
I'm afraid that the Myanmar situation condemns the ineffectiveness of ASEAN and the United Nations. The reputation of these two international organizations is on the line in relation to Myanmar. There is much to be done short of providing weapons, but to date, the U.N., ASEAN and other states have not been prepared to do it..."
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-27
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Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Japan Should Suspend Non-Humanitarian Aid to Junta
Description:
"On April 26, after months awaiting a response, Japan’s Foreign Ministry announced it had received confirmation from Myanmar’s military junta that it misused two Japan-funded civilian vessels to transport soldiers and weapons in Rakhine State in September 2022.
A Japanese Foreign Ministry spokesperson said Japan protested the misuse and the junta “expressed regret over the situation,” saying it will do its “utmost to prevent recurrence.”
Human Rights Watch first revealed the incident in October 2022 after analyzing letters from Myanmar officials that stated that two of three vessels delivered by Japan between 2017 and 2019 had been used to transport more than 100 soldiers and materiel to the town of Buthidaung in Rakhine State, where the military is fighting the Arakan Army, an ethnic armed group. The Japanese government had been requesting information from the junta following that reporting.
Since Myanmar’s military staged a coup on February 1, 2021, security forces have killed more than 3,400 people and arrested over 21,000, with more than 17,000 currently detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. In recent weeks, the military has been implicated in airstrikes in Sagaing State that killed dozens of civilians, and a ground assault in Magway Region that burned a Japan-funded hospital. In March, 22 people were massacred after the military captured a town in Shan State, with many of the victims bearing marks of torture, according to the coroner.
Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s security forces committed crimes against humanity and genocidal acts against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State, forcing them to flee to Bangladesh, where nearly a million Rohingya are currently living in overcrowded refugee camps. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, where they are subject to persecution and violence, denied proper freedom of movement, and cut off from access to adequate food, health care, education, and livelihoods.
The Myanmar military’s egregious and ongoing rights violations should be reason enough for the Japanese government to reject the junta’s hollow promise to abide by international law.
A lukewarm response will only embolden the junta at the expense of Japan’s reputation, including with the people of Myanmar whom the Japanese government seeks to assist. Japan should instead suspend non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar and impose targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned conglomerates..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-27
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations
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