The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Individual Documents
Description:
"Updating journalists at the daily media briefing in New York, Stéphane Dujarric cited humanitarians in saying that “conflict, food insecurity, natural disasters and COVID-19” have left some three million women, children and men in urgent need of life-saving assistance and protection.
“This includes one million people who were in need at the start of the year, plus an additional two million people identified as needing help after the military takeover on 1 February”, he said.
At that time, following a general election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won by a landslide, the military seized control of the country and declared a year-long state of emergency.
As protesters took to the streets, security forces imposed curfews and other restrictions, leading to widespread alleged human rights abuses, thousands of arrests, and hundreds of deaths.
Displaced and vulnerable people
Since then, clashes between Myanmar Armed Forces, different ethnic armed organizations and people’s defense forces have left some 219,000 people newly displaced, said Mr. Dujarric.
This comes as a recent wave of COVID-19 has exacerbated the dire humanitarian situation. At the same time, floods in Rakhine and Kayin states, have left tens of thousands without water and sanitation.
“The UN once again calls on parties concerned to ensure that aid can be scaled up to reach people affected by the continued armed conflict”, said the Spokesperson.
Despite conflict and COVID, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and its partners have been able to reach more than 33,000 people with water and sanitation supplies.
Mr. Dujarric also said that UNICEF continues to help nearly 150,000 internally displaced people and others in Kachin, Northern Shan, Rakhine and Sagaing.
Families flee
Meanwhile, the agency on Monday posted a detailed account of the deteriorating situation in Mindat – located in the southern Chin state of western Myanmar – which has been under martial law since May.
According to a UN humanitarian report, Mindat is one of the worst affected places in the country, with residents there urgent need of support.
Amid continuing armed clashes and a devasting third wave of the pandemic, UNICEF told the story in a blog post of Hay Mar and her husband, who, like many others, decided to flee the violence, forced to leaving behind some of the most vulnerable - including elderly relatives, and heavily pregnant women.
“My mother-in-law could have run with us, but she said she didn’t want to. She wanted to stay in her home”, said Hay Mar.
The family fashioned makeshift shelters in the forest, which left them with little protection from the monsoon rains.
Future of uncertainty
Two weeks after Hay Mar and her family left, she began to worry about her mother-in-law.
With her three children in tow, she decided to return to the town.
Although her youngest was petrified as they re-entered, she said that he is now slowly showing signs of overcoming the trauma and is returning to the lively boy he once was.
While Hay Mar is happy to see positive changes in him, she is unsure how long this period of peace and calm will last.
Like most of the other children in Mindat, her 12 and 17-year-olds have been out of school for almost two years – first because of the pandemic and then due to the life-threatening security crisis.
“If we live in this situation, how will my children grow? I’m very worried about their future. I just want to live in peace”, she told UNICEF..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, UN System humanitarian assistance, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
22,000 Estimated refugee movements to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
980,000 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 31 December 2020
206,000 Estimated total internal displacement within Myanmar since 1 February 2021
370,000 Estimated internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 31 December 2020
HIGHLIGHTS
The security situation across the country continues to be volatile and fluid, including in south-east Myanmar, Kachin/Shan (North), and Chin States. Some 206,000 people have been displaced internally in Myanmar as of end July, due to armed conflict and unrest since 1 February 2021. This includes some 170,000 IDPs in Southeast Myanmar and Shan (South). This total number of IDPs has remained steady since the last update.
The situation of internally displaced people within Myanmar has been compounded by the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic. Myanmar has reported record numbers of cases and deaths and is experiencing its most severe wave of infections so far. As a result, access restrictions have been introduced in many areas with, in some cases, IDPs and other communities going into self-imposed lockdowns.
The humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been further exacerbated by heavy floods, particularly in the south-east of the country, at the end of July.
There have been no significant movements of refugees in the reporting period, including into India and Thailand. Some 7,000 refugees crossed into Thailand in March and April, almost all of whom subsequently returned but remain displaced in Myanmar.
There have been reports of groups continuing to gather in border areas on the Myanmar side close to Thailand, including opposite Thailand’s Mae Sariang, Khun Yuam and Mueng districts. The groups have not yet demonstrated an intention to cross.
There are also continued reports of arrests, which have though decreased in July compared to June, of Myanmar nationals attempting to enter Thailand irregularly in the Kanchanaburi/Ratchaburi area. Thai authorities consider them “illegal migrant workers” for whom there is no systematic identification of people in need of international protection..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-08-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.47 MB
more
Description:
"The people of Myanmar face an unparalleled national three Cs (coup, COVID and climate change) crisis today as we confront a failed military coup, catastrophic third COVID-19 wave, and natural disasters engineered by changes in the climate. As the third wave of COVID-19 spreads rampantly throughout Myanmar, it is possible that the next COVID-19 variant could arise out of Myanmar; this is a major threat to regional and global public health security, a threat that must be immediately addressed by ASEAN and Myanmar’s neighboring countries as well as the international community.
For six months, the military junta has robbed the people of Myanmar of their sense of security and dignity. The military has murdered 940 people, including over 70 children as young as 6 years old. They have arbitrarily detained over 5,400 people. Of those, 19 percent are women who have been at the forefront of leading anti-junta protests on the streets. The Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs has reported rape and sexual violence against girls and women in detention. Along with peaceful LGBTIQ protesters, they have been sexually assaulted and harassed, made to conduct humiliating and degrading acts that amount to torture in detention.
Meanwhile, food insecurity is growing, the banking sector is in crisis, and the economy is collapsing with the World Bank forecasting Myanmar’s economy to shrink by 18 percent, and the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the decades of military rule, and the mismanagement of essential administration, including in the health sector. Instead of funding education and health, the military focused on stealing wealth from the people of Myanmar to fund their decades-long civil war against ethnic communities, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in ethnic areas and genocide against the Rohingya with impunity. As a result, more than half a million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar. This is the reason why Myanmar requires such dire levels of international assistance today.
In the face of these challenges, the people of Myanmar, and the National Unity Government (NUG) have repeatedly called on ASEAN and the international community for rapid and expanded humanitarian aid intervention. We welcome the generous support that has been provided by the regional and international community in response to the humanitarian crisis so far, particularly in dialogue with the NUG and NUG-aligned administrative bodies, as well as civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs), but the needs are far greater and require a more robust and coordinated intervention.
Responsibility for this human rights and humanitarian crisis rests squarely with the military junta, which, rather than tackling these issues to the benefit of the people of Myanmar, continues to weaponize COVID-19 and humanitarian aid for its own political gain.
It is vital that humanitarian assistance programs be designed and implemented in a way that ensures that they are not being used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta.
ASEAN and the wider international community must coordinate with and empower existing governance structures that are supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, particularly through NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas for localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground.
The NUG’s people-centered response to humanitarian aid prioritizes the immediate needs of the people of Myanmar. The “People First” approach places the people’s well-being and health services as our first priority, as we endeavor to work with all UN agencies and development partners to bring equitable access to healthcare and COVID-19 vaccination for all people of Myanmar in accordance with international standards, including those laid out by the WHO and UNICEF.
We urge ASEAN, and its humanitarian assistance through the AHA Center, to adhere to certain principles in provision of humanitarian aid. While the people in Myanmar are in desperate need of assistance, support must reach those most in need in a way that does not legitimize the junta, which is the cause of the people’s suffering.
While recognizing that communication with the military may be unavoidable in some instances in providing humanitarian aid, all ASEAN, UN and international partners are strongly urged to avoid communications with the military junta, which will imply or provide it with legitimacy or recognition. To this end, we strongly urge ASEAN to have regular, meaningful and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders as set out in its five point consensus, in particular by holding dialogue with the NUG and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) as well as ethnic armed organizations.
By AUNG MYO MIN 5 August 2021
The people of Myanmar face an unparalleled national three Cs (coup, COVID and climate change) crisis today as we confront a failed military coup, catastrophic third COVID-19 wave, and natural disasters engineered by changes in the climate. As the third wave of COVID-19 spreads rampantly throughout Myanmar, it is possible that the next COVID-19 variant could arise out of Myanmar; this is a major threat to regional and global public health security, a threat that must be immediately addressed by ASEAN and Myanmar’s neighboring countries as well as the international community.
For six months, the military junta has robbed the people of Myanmar of their sense of security and dignity. The military has murdered 940 people, including over 70 children as young as 6 years old. They have arbitrarily detained over 5,400 people. Of those, 19 percent are women who have been at the forefront of leading anti-junta protests on the streets. The Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs has reported rape and sexual violence against girls and women in detention. Along with peaceful LGBTIQ protesters, they have been sexually assaulted and harassed, made to conduct humiliating and degrading acts that amount to torture in detention.
Meanwhile, food insecurity is growing, the banking sector is in crisis, and the economy is collapsing with the World Bank forecasting Myanmar’s economy to shrink by 18 percent, and the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the decades of military rule, and the mismanagement of essential administration, including in the health sector. Instead of funding education and health, the military focused on stealing wealth from the people of Myanmar to fund their decades-long civil war against ethnic communities, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in ethnic areas and genocide against the Rohingya with impunity. As a result, more than half a million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar. This is the reason why Myanmar requires such dire levels of international assistance today.
In the face of these challenges, the people of Myanmar, and the National Unity Government (NUG) have repeatedly called on ASEAN and the international community for rapid and expanded humanitarian aid intervention. We welcome the generous support that has been provided by the regional and international community in response to the humanitarian crisis so far, particularly in dialogue with the NUG and NUG-aligned administrative bodies, as well as civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs), but the needs are far greater and require a more robust and coordinated intervention.
Responsibility for this human rights and humanitarian crisis rests squarely with the military junta, which, rather than tackling these issues to the benefit of the people of Myanmar, continues to weaponize COVID-19 and humanitarian aid for its own political gain.
It is vital that humanitarian assistance programs be designed and implemented in a way that ensures that they are not being used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta.
ASEAN and the wider international community must coordinate with and empower existing governance structures that are supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, particularly through NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas for localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground.
The NUG’s people-centered response to humanitarian aid prioritizes the immediate needs of the people of Myanmar. The “People First” approach places the people’s well-being and health services as our first priority, as we endeavor to work with all UN agencies and development partners to bring equitable access to healthcare and COVID-19 vaccination for all people of Myanmar in accordance with international standards, including those laid out by the WHO and UNICEF.
We urge ASEAN, and its humanitarian assistance through the AHA Center, to adhere to certain principles in provision of humanitarian aid. While the people in Myanmar are in desperate need of assistance, support must reach those most in need in a way that does not legitimize the junta, which is the cause of the people’s suffering.
While recognizing that communication with the military may be unavoidable in some instances in providing humanitarian aid, all ASEAN, UN and international partners are strongly urged to avoid communications with the military junta, which will imply or provide it with legitimacy or recognition. To this end, we strongly urge ASEAN to have regular, meaningful and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders as set out in its five point consensus, in particular by holding dialogue with the NUG and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) as well as ethnic armed organizations.
It is crucial that resources be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively meet the needs on the ground in a way that does not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta. By resourcing CSOs, CBOs, ethnic administrations, and in some circumstances services through CDM health professionals, ASEAN and international support can meet the needs of the people without causing greater harm. This can also ensure that COVID-19 support and vaccinations are not used as a weapon against the people and those participating in the CDM.
Commitment to providing cross-border assistance is key to meeting the urgent needs of the people of Myanmar. Cross-border aid can be delivered through CSOs and CBOs with decades of experience in provision of essential services, particularly in ethnic administrations. The COVID-19 Task Force set up by the Ministry of Health, NUG and ethnic health organizations is central to such provision of assistance at this time.
Decentralized and localized aid is reflective of the emerging federal democratic union that we aspire to build and cross-border aid is currently essential in the realization of inclusive and equitable provision of aid.
These above positions of the NUG in regards to humanitarian aid are clearly laid out in the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management position paper issued on June 19. On July 18, reiterating these calls, the NUG sent a letter to the UN Secretary General, requesting a robust and well-designed intervention from the international community.
Every day that passes without ASEAN and the international community’s urgent action is a day that we lose more lives. The military exists to serve its own interests and has demonstrated over the past six months that it will not act in the best interest of the people of Myanmar. Rather, it serves to perpetuate its own status quo, which will only be further emboldened by the inaction of ASEAN and the wider international community.
The attempted coup has failed. It is the people of Myanmar, despite the immense challenges and against all odds, who are keeping the future of Myanmar from falling into decades-long military rule once again. But we require immediate support.
ASEAN must act, and it must act NOW. Not only for the sake of the people of Myanmar but for the sake of ASEAN. Their continuing insistence on working through the junta is an affront to its own founding Charter, with its declaration of “adhering to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”.
History is repeating itself once again. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is an aspiring dictator, a third-generation military chief who is following in the footsteps of previous dictators, appointing himself as the “caretaker” of Myanmar. This is a threat to global stability and security, and while ASEAN has an important role to play, the world must no longer wait for ASEAN to act. The current human rights, humanitarian and COVID crisis requires robust and immediate action by the UN Secretary General and the UN Security Council. Their immediate action is needed to save lives.
Aung Myo Min is Minister of Human Rights in the National Unity Government of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
more
Sub-title:
The Writer Says That Asean Must Deliver Humanitarian Aid Directly To The People Of Myanmar Without Waiting For The Junta's Consent.
Description:
"Three months have passed since Asean agreed to a five-point consensus plan on how to respond to the crisis in Myanmar. During this time, the situation in Myanmar has drastically deteriorated.
Yet, the five-point plan remains little more than a piece of paper, with few signs to date of any steps towards implementation.
Meanwhile, the bodies are still, quite literally, piling up on the streets of Myanmar. Earlier this year, the police and soldiers massacred hundreds who joined peaceful protests against the military coup. These days, it is the junta's deadly weaponising of a third wave of the coronavirus that is filling up morgues and causing untold destruction.
The pandemic is wreaking havoc across the country. Acute oxygen shortages and a collapsed healthcare system mean that very few people are getting the treatment they need. The five-point consensus included an agreement that Asean would provide humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. That has still not materialised, even as the need for life-saving aid has become ever-more desperate.
This week, Brunei will host the 54th Asean Foreign Minister's Meeting. It is expected that the long-overdue appointment of the Asean special envoy to Myanmar - also agreed to as part of the five-point consensus - will be announced.
But the announcement of the special envoy, meant to lead regional efforts to end the crisis, will be irrelevant if there is still no clear idea of what Asean will do next.
What should happen next? The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, of which I am a founding member, has outlined a way forward. Supply lines must be opened across Myanmar's borders to allow life-saving assistance into the country. Asean plays a key political role in this, with Asean member states neighbouring Myanmar.
Asean must engage with local health and other service providers already on the ground. The National Unity Government has established a joint Covid-19 task force with Ethnic Health Organisations.
It is led by highly respected humanitarian leaders who have decades of experience getting emergency services to people fleeing from the Myanmar military. They know how to deliver assistance safely and securely, and Asean must support them.
There is no more time to waste. With every day that passes, Asean's complacency moves closer to complicity in the junta's brutal assault on the people of Myanmar.
The leader of the junta, General Min Aung Hlaing, stated last week that he is seeking the release of Covid-19 funds from Asean, making a mockery of regional efforts to combat the virus.
After launching his coup in February, he abandoned Myanmar's testing and vaccination programme and decimated the country's healthcare system, his soldiers are using hospitals as military bases and targeting medical professionals, forcing thousands into hiding.
In recent weeks, his forces have opened fire on crowds of people anxiously waiting to refill oxygen cylinders, and then seized what scarce supplies of oxygen there are left. They have looted and destroyed medical supplies, including personal protective equipment, and continued to abduct doctors and nurses who are working undercover to treat patients, all the while in fear for their own lives.
Asean member states would be fools to give Covid-19 relief money to the junta. As I stated in 2018 as chair of a United Nations (UN) fact-finding mission on Myanmar, General Min Aung Hlaing should be investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The only way for humanitarian assistance to reach the Myanmar people is for it to be delivered directly to them. In 1948, the Berlin Airlift overcame a Soviet blockade to see food, water and medicine reach the people of besieged West Berlin. There are no excuses.
It is unacceptable for Asean to wait for the junta's consent to begin implementing any part of the five-point consensus. If the special envoy cannot be appointed, the Asean chair and secretary-general must take the lead.
At this week's ministerial meeting, Asean must finally start acting in the interest of the principles enshrined in the Asean Charter; respect for fundamental freedoms, promotion and protection of human rights and the promotion of social justice, as well as peace, security and stability in the region.
People in Myanmar are struggling to breathe. But in the struggle for relevancy, this could be Asean's last gasp.
The writer is a founding member of the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
South Asia Monitor
Date of publication:
2021-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
more
Sub-title:
If Myanmar becomes a failed state it will only be because the outside world failed to come to the country’s aid.
Description:
"Since the military coup in Myanmar in February of this year, fears have grown that the country is becoming a failed state, or even sliding into all-out anarchy. While the murderous junta has certainly tried its best to drive the country to the brink of ruin, the fact is that it has not been able to do so. Myanmar is not a failed state, but a failed coup – thanks to the resourceful and resilient people of the country.
Across Myanmar, an almost parallel state has emerged, comprised of a broad coalition of democratic forces. This network provides healthcare, safety, and other vital services in the vacuum left by the illegal junta over the past six months. With a deadly wave of COVID-19 ravaging the country, it is crucial that the international community works with the National Unity Government (NUG) and other actors who are trying to save lives.
The global attention on Myanmar since the coup has been welcome, including headlines highlighting how at least 936 people have been killed by the junta and many thousands detained arbitrarily. Myanmar is now faced with a spiraling third wave of COVID-19, which the junta has weaponized by hoarding medical supplies for itself and its cronies and denying treatment to those who do not support it.
This is where Myanmar’s brave pro-democracy movement has stepped in. This movement has blossomed from workers’ strikes, peaceful protests, and boycotts of military-owned businesses into de facto state organs serving the people where the Tatmadaw will not.
What has emerged is a decentralized web of local responders, ethnic service providers, civil society organizations, humanitarian actors and groups aligned with the NUG and Civil Disobedience Movement. This network, held together by the common thread of building a democratic, inclusive Myanmar, is fighting to ensure the provision of vital services and life-saving humanitarian aid for millions of people.
Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
Committed residents have formed their own local administrative committees, shutting out the junta and planting the seeds of a new democracy. These parallel civilian structures operate in many important ways: former government health workers have volunteered at mobile and underground clinics, at the risk of their lives, while ethnic administrations are enrolling new students in primary schools. They are also distributing aid to the displaced in Chin, Karenni, Kachin, Shan, and other states.
We should not underestimate the scale of the problems. Millions face food shortages and hundreds of thousands have fled the junta’s brutality, cut off from food, water and medical supplies in the mountains and jungles. Others have sought refuge across Myanmar’s borders. In this context, the third wave of COVID-19 is bringing the country to its knees.
However, despite the damage already done, it is wrong to assume that is only a matter of time before Myanmar joins the wretched list of failed states. If Myanmar becomes a failed state it will only be because the international community failed to come to its aid.
The international community has a significant role to play, not least in ensuring that Myanmar does not become a forgotten crisis. Last week the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, of which we are the founding members, called for an urgent humanitarian intervention, mandated by the United Nations Security Council, to support the desperate battle against COVID-19.
The international community must recognize the NUG as the legitimate representatives of the people of Myanmar and work with it to get medical supplies and health professionals to the areas most in need. The Tatmadaw has hoarded medical supplies, underreported case numbers, and even seized the oxygen that the sick and vulnerable need to breathe. Their impunity must end, and they must be held to account for decades of atrocities – and certainly not allowed to lead any COVID-19 response.
The world must support the democratic movement holding the country together. The NUG and ethnic health organizations have formed a COVID-19 Task Force, with which the international community must now engage. For decades, ethnic service providers, civil society groups, and humanitarian actors have used their own well-established systems in the border states to get life-saving humanitarian aid to people who need it. Food, water, cash, medical supplies, and COVID-19 vaccines must be directed through the COVID-19 Task Force to these networks.
The cooperation of neighboring States – Bangladesh, China, India, Laos, and Thailand – will be essential to enable humanitarian supplies to cross their borders into Myanmar. That is the kind of international help that is needed, not the sale of more arms by Russia to the junta.
Another important moment will come in September, when the U.N.’s credentialing committee will decide on who will represent Myanmar at the body. The current ambassador to the U.N., Kyaw Moe Tun, has emerged as a powerful pro-democracy voice on the world stage since the coup. The U.N. must recognize the NUG as the legitimate representatives of the people of Myanmar before the U.N. General Assembly meets. Opting for a junta-appointed representative would be a betrayal to the people of Myanmar and legitimize military horror.
We strongly believe that when Myanmar’s history is written, it will be not of a failed state, but of a failed coup. The world must now do everything to make this a reality..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, National Unity Government (NUG), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
Language:
more
Description:
"Summary: The situation in Myanmar (Burma) is grave. The Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, is
continuing its violent crackdown on protestors, which has led to hundreds of deaths and
thousands of disappearances. A crisis of this scale requires swift, coordinated action,
and the many thousands of people who have been displaced by the violence urgently
require humanitarian assistance.
The UK holds a number of unique roles and responsibilities which allow it to lead on
preventing further violence and ensuring essential humanitarian support reaches those
who need it. The Government has taken some strong measures in response to the coup
and the violence, but there is much more that it can do. In this report we recommend a
number of actions the UK Government should take to help reduce the violence against
civilians. At a time when the Government is planning greater engagement with the
Indo-Pacific, Myanmar presents a test of how effective our policy in the region can be.
We recommend that the Government take further steps to secure a binding arms
embargo on Myanmar, widen its sanctions approach to include a much broader range
of people and organisations, provide humanitarian and logistical support to ethnic
advocacy and media organisations, and take steps to ensure that those perpetrating
these crimes will face justice in the future.
Effective mediation in Myanmar requires concrete action. Failure to do so in the past
has led to the crisis we see today. Failure to do so in the future will only lead to further
violence, instability and loss of life.....Introduction: 1. In February 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup which led to the deposition and
detention of the country’s democratically elected representatives, and the military taking
control of the country. The protests and violence that have followed the coup have led to
hundreds of deaths, thousands of disappearances, and tens to hundreds of thousands of
displaced people. Evidence from diaspora groups paints a harrowing picture: many speak
of family members who have been unlawfully detained and many others who are beyond
contact.1
2. The Tatmadaw2 staged this coup and declared a state of national emergency following
their claims that the 2020 General Election was compromised by mass voter fraud. It
has provided no evidence for these claims.3 The election has been found by international
observers to “reflect the true will of the electorate”.4
3. While there has been much international condemnation of the coup and the military
junta’s violence against protestors, there has been little substantial action taken. Months
on from the coup, clear proof that the junta is committing serious crimes against the
Myanmar people continues to surface regularly. Statements of condemnation have not
and will not prevent these crimes—only clear action will.
4. The need for this action is urgent. Dr Sasa, the Minister for International Cooperation
in the democratically elected National Unity Government (NUG), said:
It is a pivotal movement in our history. The darkest hour in our history
which was heading to the great civil war and genocide. Some 54 million
brave people of Myanmar are facing the cruellest military junta.5
The UK has a unique role to play. As the United Nations Security Council ‘penholder’ on
Myanmar, and as an accepted Dialogue Partner to the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN),6 there are several fronts on which the UK can exert further diplomatic
influence. This crisis is also a major test of the effectiveness of the UK’s tilt to the IndoPacific region, as announced in the Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development
and Foreign Policy.7 If the Government is serious about building its influence in the region
it should show a willingness to take moral leadership and prevent further conflict and loss
of life. This report sets out what more the UK Government could and should do..."
Source/publisher:
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee
Date of publication:
2021-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, Sanctions - general, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
330.89 KB
more
Sub-title:
2020 IN REVIEW MYANMAR HUMANITARIAN FUND AT A GLANCE
Description:
"2020 IN REVIEW
MYANMAR HUMANITARIAN FUND AT A GLANCE
HUMANITARIAN CONTEXT
Humanitarian situation in 2020
The humanitarian situation in Myanmar remained complex over the reporting period. By the end of 2020, the active conflict in Rakhine and parts of Chin states resulted in a cumulative displacement of over 97,000 people in 194 sites. Despite an absence of largescale clashes in Kachin State since mid-2018, close to 96,000 people remained in displacement sites set up after fighting broke out in 2011, of whom roughly 40,000 were in areas controlled by non-state armed actors. The volatile security situation in northern Shan also continued to drive small-scale short-term displacement, with over 8,700 people temporarily displaced over the course of the year. In parts of Kayin State and Bago Region in the southeast, military operations generated additional internal displacement from December, with latest reports indicating up to 5,300 people displaced due the clashes. According to the 2021 Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO), by the end of 2020, more than one million people in Myanmar were in need of some form of humanitarian aid, due to armed conflict, vulnerability to natural hazards, inter-communal tensions or other factors.
COVID-19 pandemic
The outbreak of COVID-19 and subsequent control measures established by the Government created additional challenges in humanitarian settings across the country, and increased the humanitarian caseload, due to urgent humanitarian needs of returning migrants. The rapid increase in locally transmitted COVID-19 cases across the country from mid-August 2020 has further complicated an already challenging humanitarian situation, with Rakhine State emerging as a key epicenter, in addition to Yangon Region, which has seen the largest number of cases. The Government has also put in place strict measures on international and domestic travel and cumbersome processes to obtain visas and entry permits.
People in need
Some 336,000 displaced people (of whom 29 per cent are women, 20 per cent are girls and 21 per cent are boys) remain in camps or displacement sites in Kachin, northern Shan, Rakhine, southern Chin, eastern Bago and Kayin. In addition, an estimated 470,000 non-displaced stateless persons in Rakhine remain in need of various forms of humanitarian support due to significantly reduced access to livelihoods and critical services including education and healthcare caused by movement restrictions, inter-communal tensions and other factors. Other vulnerable persons are the members of host communities, other conflict-affected populations, and persons in the process of pursuing durable solutions to internal displacement.
Severity of needs
While the drivers and underlying factors triggering humanitarian needs have had an impact on all crisis-affected people to varying degrees in Kachin, northern Shan, Rakhine, southern Chin, Kayin and eastern Bago states, specific population groups and locations have been more severely affected than others and this has been factored into the needs analysis process and consequent humanitarian response.
Among the four population groups, internally displaced and stateless persons (in Rakhine) are in general experiencing the highest levels of inter-sectoral needs, with women, girls and other at-risk population groups being disproportionately affected within these categories. There is also a strong correlation between severity of need and levels of armed conflict.
Security and access constraints
The humanitarian crisis was further compounded by the insecure operating environment. A combination of access related constraints continued to impede the ability of humanitarian partners to reach people in need in a timely manner. Following global trends for the containment of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government established strict measures resulting in an extended disruption of humanitarian assistance in Rakhine State in particular. This is in addition to the pre-existing humanitarian access challenges, which remained largely in place, including due to security risks, bureaucratic impediments, blanket bans on eight townships in Rakhine over the course of the year, in addition to continued challenges with access to mobile Internet data in eight townships in Rakhine and Paletwa of Chin states..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3 MB (Reduce version) - 62 pages
more
Description:
"မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သဘောထားရပ်တည်ချက် မြန်မာ ဘာသာပြန် အပြည့်အစုံ
လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်လျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လာရောက်ထိတွေ့ ပူးပေါင်း ညှိနှိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ကာ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေး နည်းလမ်းများအားဖော်ထုတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေး ကို ဦးတည်လျက် ဤသဘောထားရပ်တည်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။
(ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် အင်္ဂလိပ် မြန်မာ ဘာသာ နှစ်မျိုးစလုံးကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာန website https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org တွင် ရယူနိုင်မည် ဖြစ်ပြီး pdf file လိုအပ်ပါက email မှ တဆင့် ဆက်သွယ်တောင်းခံနိုင်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.69 MB
more
Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့်
ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၀၁/၂၀၂၁
၁၃၈၃ခုနှစ်၊ နယုန်လပြည့်ကျော် ၇ ရက်
(၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်)
လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးကော်မရှင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း
(Forming of Commission for Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response)
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အတွင်း ဘေးအန္တရာယ်အမျိုးမျိုး ကျရောက်ချိန်များတွင် ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အထောက်အပံ့များ ပေးအပ်ရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးတို့အတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုကိစ္စရပ် များကို ကြီးကြပ်လမ်းညွှန် ပေးနိုင်ရန် လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေး ကော်မရှင်ကို အောက်ပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည်။ အဆိုပါကော်မရှင်အတွက် လိုအပ်ပါက အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ တိုးချဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းကော်မတီများ ထပ်မံ ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
559.76 KB
more
Description:
"Urgent call for responsible and ethical humanitarian assistance
The NUG calls for rapid and expanded humanitarian assistance to save the lives of all people
in Myanmar. The recent military coup and ongoing atrocity crimes committed by the junta
have yet again plunged our people into a complex political and humanitarian emergency.
The NUG’s humanitarian policy is led by the needs of our people on the ground. These needs
are acute, and are the direct result of the unlawful actions of the military. Since 1 February
2021, the military has killed more than 900 individuals, including many children; it has
unlawfully detained thousands, subjecting many to torture; and it has precipitated a banking
crisis and rising food insecurity, with the World Food Program estimating that an additional
3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the military’s decades of misrule and
criminal behavior, which are the reason why Myanmar has required such high levels of
international assistance. More than half a million people are now internally displaced.
People across Myanmar require urgent assistance. The military is ill-equipped to manage the
economy and meet the needs of our people. This same military is impeding access and
recourse for life-saving humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar. The military
continues to target the general public as well as healthcare and humanitarian workers.
Humanitarian assistance should prioritize the immediate needs currently called for by
communities. There are serious needs across all sectors. We echo calls for an emphasis on
basic needs: food, water, medicine, and shelter, and/or direct financial support.
The NUG respects and supports the basic values of humanity and impartiality in
humanitarian aid, which seek to protect life and health, and ensure respect for human beings
on the basis of need alone. The NUG and the people of Myanmar are struggling to free our
country from military dictatorship and establish a peaceful federal democratic union. As
such, we expect humanitarian agencies to respect the fundamental rights of Myanmar's
citizens to determine their own political future, and to recognize and support us as we do so.
The NUG also calls for all international humanitarian actors to agree to certain guiding
principles to ensure that their activities do as much good as possible and avoid the risk of
benefiting the military in its campaign to control the country through mass violence.....Goal: The NUG calls on all international humanitarian aid to be provided in a way that meets the
needs of people most in need and is rooted in a localization approach that respects the
people's democratic right to organize the delivery of their own relief.....Guiding Principles: 1. International humanitarian assistance should be provided to all those in need, without
discrimination and be designed to reach the specific needs of the most vulnerable.
2. International assistance must reflect the needs and will of the local public.
3. International humanitarian assistance programs must be designed and implemented to
ensure they are not used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the
military junta.
4. International humanitarian assistance should be coordinated with and empower
existing governance structures supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar,
including NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered
areas, for a localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground.
Principles for international humanitarian assistance in Myanmar/Burma:
Strong principles and conditions are required to ensure that humanitarian work does not in
practice serve the harmful interests of the military. Assistance must reach those most in need
and must not in any way legitimize the junta that is the cause of the people’s suffering.
We urge international humanitarian actors to collectively agree to the following principles
when considering the provision of assistance to areas controlled by the junta:
1 . Avoid substitution policies or undermining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)
The people of Myanmar are using their agency to peacefully oppose the unjust military coup.
This involves making difficult sacrifices, including not participating in the military
administration. The people do not want international actors to undermine this peaceful
resistance strategy. Respect their decisions. It would be unethical to substitute international
provision of services, such as healthcare, education, or others, where the CDM is actively
choosing to not provide these services through the military administration.
Instead, resources should be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively
provide these services in ways that do not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta.
By resourcing established civil society organizations and ethnic administrations, depending
on the location and including to provide services through CDM professionals, international
assistance can help ensure that needs are met without causing greater harm..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
118.33 KB
more
Description:
"Dear friends, brothers and sisters, thank you for having me!
On behalf of the people of Myanmar, I want to say a warm thank you for giving me this
opportunity to present the plight of the people of Myanmar and appeal for your prayers and
support in this darkest hour in the history of Myanmar. The National Unity Government of
Myanmar and the brave people of Myanmar greatly appreciate you all for your prayers, your
support and for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the most pivotal
moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the
balance, the strong and continued support and prayers from you all are absolutely crucial in
stopping this reign of terror. More so than ever, the 54 million courageous citizens of
Myanmar need the continued strong friendship, coordinated support and prayer from you
all in fulfilling our hopes, aspirations, and dreams. The people of Myanmar have suffered so
much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their
regimes.
I want to take this opportunity to appeal to you all for your prayers, support and action:
According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million
civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta's reign of terror.
There is nothing normal about 1.2 million innocent civilians in Myanmar being forced to flee
their homes due to this oppressive military junta.
The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is predicting that over half of the
population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a
year. There is nothing normal about 27 million innocent civilians in Myanmar facing this harsh
poverty.
The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million
people in Myanmar are going to face starvation by the end of October of this year. There is
nothing normal about 6.4 million innocent civilians dying from starvation and thirst. It will be
heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun directly as a result
of the terroristic actions of this brutal military junta in Myanmar.
We cannot allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar People being violently forced to
flee from their homes because of a Military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the
normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation, nor can we allow
the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty
because of the greed of a few old generals.
Injustice cannot be made into justice. Since the failed coup in Myanmar on the first of
February 2021:
There can be no justification whatsoever for the brutal murder of over 915 people, including
72 children, by the military junta forces. We will never allow the normalization of the murder
of innocent civilians, and it is a matter of justice and accountability. There is no justification
whatsoever for illegally arresting and detaining more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people
without cause, including our elected officials, our State Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr.
President U Win Myint and dozens of brave journalists, by the illegal military junta. There is
no justification whatsoever for the torture and intimidation by the military junta of innocent
civilians and forcing over 2,000 of them to flee from illegal arrest warrants, for the mere
'CRIME' of expressing their fundamental and universal Human Rights.
The illegal military junta committed another crime against Humanity on the 16th of June 2021
by burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes), in Sagaing Region of
Myanmar, and burning elderly people to death who were trapped inside their homes. This is
not a first, however, as this military junta is guilty of war crimes, genocide, crimes against
Humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people and the people of Karen,
Kachin, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, and Chin States, which account for over 40% of the population
of Myanmar.
This violence we are seeing instigated by the military junta in Myanmar is both systematic
and widespread. The brutal junta forces are attacking Churches, Schools, Villages, Towns
and Cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied Churches,
Schools, Community halls and Hospitals nationwide to use as Barracks and Supply Depots.
These junta forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with guns and bullets; replacing
Bibles and Hymnals with Mortars and bombs; and replacing live-saving Hospital equipment
with weapons of destruction and death.
It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school
children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and
community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities,
Pastors, Monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our
Hospitals, Colleges, Universities, Banks, and Economy is crashing due to this military reign
of terror. It is not normal that our Teachers, Tutors, Professors, Doctors, Nurses, Midwives,
Engineers, Scholars and Civil Servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their
peaceful movement of CDM which is more powerful than the military junta’s acts of terrorism
against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
97.02 KB
more
Description:
"The pro-democracy protests continued across the country in different townships despite the continuing lethal attacks by the junta forces and arrested of protests and the youth. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) figures showed that as of 9 May, 780 people have been killed by the junta, 3,826 are currently under detention while 84 were sentenced. 1,540 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment.
The military junta also said that it would not agree to a visit by a Southeast Asian envoy until it could establish stability. Maj. Kaung Htet San, a spokesperson for the junta’s State Administration Council said in an online news conference: "Whether we will follow the suggestions of ASEAN or not will depend on the situation of the country."
Explosions and killings have been reported in several states and regions including Yangon in the past week while growing numbers of clashes between the military and the civilian defense forces are also reported in Chin State state, Magway and Sagaing regions. Four administrators appointed by the junta were killed in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing regions, while a NLD MP and four other people were killed in the explosion of a parcel bomb in Bago region.
Local media also reported the fighting between the military and the KNLA and KIA in Kachin and Kayah States and the military air raids in those areas left dozens of civilians injured. It is also reported more than 7,000 people in Papun district in Karen State are hiding as their villages are being attacked while more than 3,000 fled into Thailand. People of Salween River Basin Network, a civil rights group based in Mae Hong Son, urged the Thai government not to push the refugees back. The CSOs also repeatedly requested humanitarian organisations and relief agencies to take part in the distribution. In addition, more than 200 local and the international NGOs called on the UN to impose Myanmar arms embargo.
The junta also banned three media outlets including Myitkyina Journal, The 74 Media based in Kachin state and Tachileik News Agency from Shan state, totaling up to 8 abolished media outlets since the coup. The detained Japanese journalist, Yuki Kitazumi, was charged for spreading “fake news”.
The National Unity Government (NUG) set up a “people’s defence force” to protect civilians and outlined 35-point basic principles for its defense ministry, after the junta announced that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People Defense Force (PDF) are terrorist organizations..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
716.59 KB
more
Description:
"The protests continued for the 10th week that protesters have used different methods to express their resistance towards the military coup such as “bleeding dye strike”, “marching shoes strike”, “flash strike” while the internet shutdown also continued at night time and all the wireless and broadband services were shut down since last week throughout the country.
In Bago region, more than 80 protesters have been killed by the junta with use of heavy weapons on 9 April and the residents in Bago also fled their homes following the attacks. On the other hand, 19 people have been sentenced to death at courts under the martial law declared by the junta.
There are a high number of Myanmar people displaced from their villages to ethnic army areas and Thai-Myanmar border. Currently, there are shortages of basic necessities, food, shelter, medicine in the displaced persons communities.
UN’s special envoy for Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener has arrived in Thailand to start a tour in Asian countries to step up diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. However, it was reported that Myanmar's military has turned down her request to visit Myanmar.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners 706 people have been killed by the junta as of 11 April and 3059 people are currently under detention, 64 are sentenced and 657 arrest warrants have been issued targeting pro-democracy activists, political party leaders, government officials, celebrities and social media influencers..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
241.18 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"The protests continued for the 12th week across the country despite the brutal crackdown. After a weeks-long absence, protesters returned to the streets in downtown Yangon ahead of the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. The media also reported that more than 110 people, many of them student activists and youth protesters, were abducted by the junta. Some of the protest leaders’ houses were raided while some of them fled to avoid the arrests.
The ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting was held on 24 April in Jakarta, Indonesia and was represented by junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing despite strong objection from the people of Myanmar and both local and international CSOs. The calls to invite the National Unity Government (NUG) to the meeting in order to address the issue of Myanmar were not fulfilled. The meeting ended with the issue of a “Five Points of Consensus”, which was criticised for not including the call for the release of political detainees in Myanmar. Deadly crackdowns on the protesters and the attacks on ethnic communities by the junta continued even during the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting.
The World Bank forecast the Myanmar economy will decline by 10 percent this year due to the impact of the military coup. Around 200,000 workers in the garment industry have lost their jobs and nearly a third of the garment industry jobs have been wiped out with many other industries. The World Food Program (WFP) analysis also shows up to 3.4 million or more people will struggle to afford food in coming months with urban areas worst affected as job losses mount in manufacturing, construction and services and food prices are in rise.
As air raids and the continuing fights between the Myanmar military led thousands of people to cross the border to Thailand and India. The humanitarian organizations also stressed the importance of unfettered access to everyone fleeing Myanmar to provide lifesaving aid and other services, including healthcare, food and water.
There are nearly 250,000 displaced persons inside Myanmar or neighbouring countries like Thailand, India. However, there is no proper humanitarian assistance for these victims and it was discussed in many CSOs forums for immediate actions, specially from the Thai government, UN and other international relief groups.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners figures show that as of 25 April, 751 people are confirmed killed by this junta. 3,431 are currently under detention while 79 are sentenced. 1,159 arrest warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
222.47 KB
more
Description:
"Protests continued over the past week across the towns and cities in Myanmar despite the strong crackdown by the military and the police. The people of Myanmar protested using innovative ways, such as “garbage strikes”, “flower strikes” and “Easter egg strikes” throughout the week.
Due to the air strikes in the Kayin state and severe crackdowns nationwide, thousands of civilians flee to Thailand and India to seek refuge. However, the Thai authorities reportedly blocked them at the border and India’s border state of Manipur issued an order to turn away refugees crossing over from Myanmar (the order was withdrawn later).
Nightly internet shutdown continues along with the nationwide mobile internet cut. The media reported that the military junta ordered internet service providers on 1 April 2021 to shut down all the wireless services and telecommunications which started on 2 April 2021. Only fiber connections are functioning at the moment.
In the past week, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CPRH) declared the abolishment of the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar and replaced it with the Federal Democracy Charter as the Federal Democracy Interim Constitution. The move was supported by the ten ethnic armed groups who signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement.
As of 4 April 2021, 564 people have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Save the Children reported that among those killed at least 43 are children. There are 2,667 people currently under detention and 38 among them have been sentenced. The junta has issued 425 arrest warrants including the recent list of at least 60 celebrities and social media influencers..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-04-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
215.07 KB
more
Description:
"• An estimated 177,500 people have been displaced in southeastern parts of Myanmar due to violence, armed clashes and insecurity since 1 February. This includes around 103,500 people displaced in Kayah State following an escalation of clashes since 21 May.
• In Chin State, clashes between the Chinland Defence Forces (CDF) and Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) continued across a number of townships until early June and more than 20,000 people are currently hosted in over 100 displacement sites in five townships in Chin State, one in Magway and another in Sagaing regions.
• In Kachin State, the displacement of 2,000 people has been verified in two townships. A total of 11,650 people have been internally displaced across Kachin since mid-March 2021; more than 10,200 of them remain displaced to date.
• Armed clashes were reported for the first time in Kyethi and Mongkaing townships in southern areas of Shan State in 2021, leading to the displacement of an estimated 1,660 people in June. Since the start of 2021, around 17,730 people have been internally displaced across 14 townships in north and southern parts of Shan State.
• The security situation across Rakhine remains relatively calm and despite a lull in hostilities since November 2020, thousands of displaced people who remain in camps and sites are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection services.
• The Myanmar Humanitarian Fund (MHF) First Standard Allocation will disburse US$12.1 million ($1.8 million increase from the initial strategy) to enable partners to strengthen the response in line with the 2021 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP). The allocation will also target additional life-saving activities to address the emerging humanitarian needs in other areas. The HRP, which seeks US$276.5 million remains only 21 per cent funded..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
618.49 KB
more
Description:
"The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:
Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman met with UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener today in Washington, D.C. Deputy Secretary Sherman and Special Envoy Burgener discussed the international community’s efforts to help bring an end to the Burmese military’s violence and repression, including by urging ASEAN to hold the Burmese military accountable to the five-point consensus and supporting the people of Burma in their efforts to return Burma to the path of democracy. They also discussed efforts to ensure access to vital humanitarian aid for vulnerable populations inside Burma and to encourage countries in the region to provide assistance and safe haven to refugees and asylum seekers..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"On this World Refugee Day celebrated annually on June 20, the Ministry of Human Rights, the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and the Ministry of Women, Youths
and Children Affairs of the National Unity Government have issued a joint statement to honor the resilience of refugees from around the world including from Myanmar.
This year marks the 20th year since World Refugee Day was first established in 2001 to celebrate and honor refugees from around the world. The theme of World Refugee Day 2021 is “Together
we heal, learn and shine." According to United Nations statistics, some 79.5 million people around the world have been
forced to flee their homes. Among them are nearly 26 million refugees who have crossed international borders and are taking refuge in foreign countries. Myanmar has the highest refugee
population among the world’s countries.
Decades of armed conflicts, violence, and human rights violations have forced many Myanmar people including Rohingyas to flee to other countries including neighbors like Thailand,
Bangladesh and India. And there have been many more new IDPs in Chin, Karenni, Karen, Kachin, Shan, Magwe,
Sagaing, Ayeyarwady and Taninthayi as a result of the junta’s attacks on innocent civilians. According to UNHCR, there are about one million IDPs in Myanmar before the military coup
and the junta’s attacks after the coup forced around 200,000 people flee their homes. On this World Refugee Day, our ministries make the following demands:-
(1 ) The military regime must immediately end armed conflicts, human rights violations, and
(2) The military regime must immediately end disrupting humanitarian aids and arresting
humanitarian aids providers;
violence;
(3) We urge the neighboring countries to help temporarily shelter Myanmar refugees who
have fled from junta’s violence on humanitarian grounds and do not force them back
while dangers remain in Myanmar;
(4) The cross-border humanitarian aid shall be allowed to provide to IDPs in cooperation
with experienced humanitarian agencies and local organizations:
(5) We urge the international governments to coordinate with local CBOs and CSOs to
provide aids to IDPs who are in urgent need of food, shelter, and medicines, need which
are the causes of displacement.
(6) We urge the international community to take action together against the military regime
which is committing international crimes and worsening the refugee crisis.
On this World Refugee Day, we call for a collaborative effort to help refugees from around the
world including from Myanmar “heal, learn and shine together."
Ministry of Human Rights, Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and
Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs
National Unity Government
Dated 20 June 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights, Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs
Date of publication:
2021-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Groups working with/for refugees from Burma/Myanmar, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
34.32 KB 429.76 KB 424.77 KB
more
Sub-title:
In Myanmar, international action is needed urgently to prevent “mass deaths” there, after civilians fled attacks by so-called “junta bombs”, a top independent UN rights expert has warned.
Description:
"“Mass deaths from starvation, disease and exposure could occur in Kayah State after many of the 100,000 forced to flee into forests from junta bombs are now cut off from food, water and medicine by the junta. The international community must act”, UN Special Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, tweeted late on Monday.
In his alert, Mr. Andrews noted that the Kayah state attacks were just the latest in a series throughout Myanmar that had caused mass displacement and suffering, from Mutraw in Karen state to Mindat in Chin state and Bago city.
The independent rights expert, who reports to the Human Rights Council, emphasised that that the lives of many thousands of men, women and children were under threat from indiscriminate attacks, on a scale not seen since the 1 February coup, “that likely amount to mass atrocity crimes”.
The development echoes concern by the UN Country Team in Myanmar, which on Monday underscored the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State and other parts of the country, linked to protests caused by the military takeover.....Basic needs blocked: Citing credible reports, Mr. Andrews said that people were in dire need of food, water, medicine and shelter after reported clashes with volunteer community militias, while the UN country team said that many had also sought safety in host communities and forests across Kayah and southern parts of neighbouring Shan state.
Aid deliveries had been allegedly blocked to those forced to flee their homes to escape bombing raids and artillery fire and the military had also placed landmines on public roads, said the Special Rapporteur.
“Any pressure or leverage UN Member States can put on the junta must now be exerted” to encourage junta leader Min Aung Hlaing to allow lifesaving aid in, and to stop “terrorising the population by ceasing the aerial bombardment, shelling and shooting of civilians”.....Medical teams a target: In its appeal, the UN Country Team reiterated earlier calls for all parties to protect all civilians and civilian infrastructure, “particularly medical units and health workers”.
Despite that fact that UN aid teams and their partners had supplies that were ready to be deployed “insecurity, travel restrictions imposed by security forces, and poor road conditions are delaying the delivery of supplies”, the team said in a statement.
The team called on "the security forces to allow for a safe passage of humanitarian supplies and personnel and to facilitate our ability to directly provide aid to all those who need it."
“Now, more than ever, the international community must cut off access to the resources that the junta needs to continue these brutal attacks on the people of Myanmar,” Mr. Andrews said..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and militarisation in Burma, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The President of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Peter Maurer, visited Myanmar to meet with Commanderin-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, on 3rd June 2021.
During the meeting, President Maurer emphasized that ICRC's humanitarian activities in Myanmar have significantly developed and diversified over the past years.
"Caught between armed conflict, COVID-19 and the current situation, people in Myanmar are in need of urgent assistance and protection," said President Maurer.
"This visit aimed to share ICRC's concerns on the current humanitarian situation and reinforce ongoing eorts to ensure space for neutral and impartial humanitarian action".
Given the scope and the scale of current needs, President Maurer made a case for broader humanitarian access including in Chin, Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Shan and Rakhine States.
He also expressed the importance for the ICRC to resume its purely humanitarian visits and activities in places of detention, which have been on hold since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Such visits and activities are essential to secure humane treatment and conditions of detention for all detainees and to restore communication between detainees and their families.
In the framework of ICRC's confidential dialogue with military and security forces in Myanmar, President Maurer also raised key humanitarian issues including the use of force during security operations.
Finally, President Maurer reiterated ICRC's commitment to reinforce its support to the Myanmar Red Cross Society's humanitarian work, especially in the area of first aid, ambulance services, emergency response and COVID-19 prevention. This support is in close cooperation with other Red Cross Red Crescent Movement partners in Myanmar.
The ICRC has been helping people aected by armed conflicts and violence in Myanmar for more than 30 years. Its exclusively humanitarian mission is to protect the lives and dignity of victims of armed conflict and other situations of violence and to provide them with assistance. The ICRC also endeavours to prevent suering by promoting and strengthening international humanitarian law (IHL) and universal humanitarian principles..."
Source/publisher:
International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Humanitarian assistance, international standards and principles, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, International Humanitarian Law (reports of violations in Burma)
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
55.17 KB 556.79 KB
more
Description:
"Children and the elderly make up a large proportion of the people taking refuge in camps in northwest Myanmar to escape fighting between the army and insurgents, residents said on Thursday, as France called for an urgent delivery of humanitarian aid.
In the past week, Chin State bordering India has seen some of the most serious fighting since Myanmar's military seized power in a coup on Feb. 1 and removed the elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
India said this week that more than 15,000 people had crossed the border to seek refuge, but residents in Chin State said many of the most vulnerable were sheltering in camps around the town of Mindat after it was overrun by the army.
"Children and the elderly make up a big proportion of the groups. Some didn't have sandals. They trekked through the forest barefoot for days," said a 34-year-old resident helping look after the displaced but asked not to be identified.
He said that villages around Mindat were caring for about 2,000 displaced people in camps and churches, while access to the town once home to more than 40,000 people had been blocked.
"We will face food shortage after a week," said the resident, adding that petrol supplies were about to run out.
At least 10 people have been killed in Chin State in the past week, according to figures from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group.
It puts the countrywide death toll since the coup at 807, a figure disputed by the army.
Pleading for international aid, another Mindat resident said the camp he was at had 13 bags of rice and would see shortages soon, with the 140 people there now expected to swell to 300.
Those fleeing say thousands of people left Mindat after the army attacked to root out fighters of the newly formed Chinland Defence Force, who are aligned with a National Unity Government (NUG) formed by the junta's opponents.....'IMMEDIATE NECESSITY': The French Embassy in Myanmar blamed a "disproportionate use of force and war weapons against civilians by the military" for causing a loss of human life and the displacement of thousands in Chin State.
"The restoration of access to water and electricity as well as the delivery of humanitarian aid for population in need are an immediate necessity," the embassy said in a statement on its Facebook page.
Fighting in the area is continuing, and a citizens' administrative group said in a post on social media that Chin militia had killed three soldiers on a road out of Mindat on Wednesday.
The United Nations said nearly 10,000 people had been displaced in Kachin State in the north by renewed fighting since mid-March. Thousands have also been displaced by clashes in the east and northeast.
A spokesman for the military council did not answer calls for comment.
The junta has struggled to impose its authority in the face of daily protests, paralysing strikes and an upsurge of fighting against old and new groups of ethnic minority fighters.
Attacks on junta-appointed local administrators have increased in recent weeks, with state media on Thursday reporting "terrorists" and "insurgents" had killed or wounded officials with knives, guns and home-made bombs.
It also reported arson attacks on state-owned property in several cities. Witnesses and local media reported explosions on Thursday in Mandalay and the biggest city, Yangon.
Anti-coup marches took place in different parts of the country by day, with candle-lit strikes and protests by night on Thursday, all calling for the overthrow of the military, many with signs backing the unity government.
The NUG on Thursday announced the formation of a commission to draft a new federal constitution, hoping to follow through with a pledge by Suu Kyi's party to replace the current military-drafted charter.
Myanmar's constitution had long been a source of friction between the army and Suu Kyi's government, which was intent on amending it to reduce the military's political powers, which included parliamentary seats and control of defence and interior ministries.
The junta has been hit by Western sanctions and widely condemned over the coup and its violent suppression of protests, but has found a diplomatic friend in Russia, a key source of its defence hardware.
News outlets in both countries on Thursday reported a Myanmar military delegation was visiting Moscow to attend an exhibition showcasing Russian helicopters..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Chin State, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK is calling on the British government to reverse cuts in international aid, and to protect the aid budget for Burma in light of the military coup and growing humanitarian crisis in the country.
No announcement has yet been made on expected cuts in the Burma aid budget. The 2020-2021 aid budget for Burma was £88 million.
The humanitarian situation in Burma was already dire, with hundreds of thousands of people homeless because of attacks and human rights violations by the military, and millions living in poverty.
Since the military coup in February the situation has got much worse. More than half the population is living in poverty and another 60,000 people have fled their homes because of bombing attacks by the military. It is highly likely that conflict will escalate and the humanitarian crisis will get worse.
“Aid to Burma needs to be increased, but instead it’s going to be cut at a time when the need has never been greater,” said Karin Valtersson, Campaigns Officer at Burma Campaign UK. “The aid budget for Burma must be protected. Aid should be given to local civil society organisations who know best how to help their own communities.”
Following the coup, the British government was right to stop development aid in cooperation with the government, as the military controls the machinery of government. However, stopping these projects should not be seen as an easy way to cut money from the aid budget. Instead the money should be redirected to the most vulnerable in the country.
As a result of successful campaigns by Burma Campaign UK, there were already strict rules in place to prevent aid reaching the military.
In particular Burma Campaign UK is asking for aid to be prioritised for:
Internally displaced people (IDPs), and refugees from Burma. The support for these groups was already underfunded before the coup.
Increasing cross-border aid, which is often the only way to reach the most vulnerable people in ethnic states.
To channel support to and through local, grassroots organisations, which have real knowledge about the needs on the ground. These groups have always been underfunded and are playing a crucial role right now in supporting activists fleeing central Burma to hide from the military in the jungle, as well as providing food and shelter for the increasing numbers of IDPs.
To support local grassroots organisations documenting human rights abuses.
“Dominic Raab’s aid cuts coming on top of the military coup, and the human rights violations and economic damage which has followed, would be a cruel blow to the people of Burma and a betrayal by the British government,” said Karin Valtersson..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
more
Description:
"In my capacity as the Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation of the National Unity Government (NUG), I hereby announce Mr. Aphu Doe as the Department Director of the Department of Humanitarian Cooperation of the MOIC.
The Dopartmont of Humanitarian Cooporation of the Ministry of International Cooperation (MOIC-HC) shall cooperate directly with the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management, the Ministry of Health, other Ministries, the International Community and organizations to facilitate relief aid. supplies and humanitarian assistance to the citizens of Myanmar as needed. Aphu Doe is a pre-med graduate and active CDM. Gen-Z. and resistance leader among the brave people of Myanmar, and has been coordinating relief efforts across the nation to get food and basic necessities to CDM participants. IDPs. and refugees.
He also served as a volunteer during the 2020 Covid response efforts in a number of Clinics and labs, and has a heart to help the people of Myanmar in any way he can. We are glad to welcome Aphu Doe to our team, and together with you. the brave people of Myanmar, we WILL win!..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Humanitarian assistance, international standards and principles, Anti-coup protesters
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
32.21 KB 182.37 KB
more
Topic:
Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Topic:
Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Description:
"On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup and ordered a year-long state of emergency under sections 417 and 418(a) of the 2008 constitution, promising that new elections would be held one year after what they labelled ‘fraudulent elections’ in November 2020 (Myanmar Times 02/02/2021; Reuters 16/02/2021 and 01/02/2021). This coup transferred all legislative, executive, and judicial powers of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the Commander in Chief of the Defence Services (Reuters 01/02/2021). In response, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) was immediately formed as a parliament, primarily by democratically elected members of the 2020 general election. CRPH recognises itself as the only legitimate government (CRPH 20/02/2021). By mid-April, a National Unity Government was established (CRPH 16/04/2021). This move, coupled with the formation and growth of a civil disobedience movement (CDM) and associated protests, has severely constrained the military junta’s ability to consolidate power and rule of law (01/02/2021).
Countrywide protests are ongoing, with the military junta using systemic and arbitrary violence against anti-coup protesters. The use of live ammunition, raids, strip searches, beatings, and detention has been reported..."
Source/publisher:
Assessment Capacities Project (Geneva) via "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Public Health, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.19 MB
more
Topic:
Education, Food and Nutrition, Health, Logistics and Telecommunications, Protection and Human Rights, Shelter and Non-Food Items, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Topic:
Education, Food and Nutrition, Health, Logistics and Telecommunications, Protection and Human Rights, Shelter and Non-Food Items, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Description:
"This regular humanitarian update, covering the period from 20 January to 24 February, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UNHCR. The next update will be issued towards the end of March 2021.....HIGHLIGHTS: The UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar reaffirms the commitment of the UN and its partners to stay and deliver humanitarian assistance and protection services and calls for donor support for the 2021 Humanitarian Response Plan, which seeks US$276.5 million to respond to the needs of 945,000 people.
Humanitarian response efforts are affected by operational challenges resulting from the recent developments, such as cash shortages and concerns for staff safety and security.
In northern Shan, around 2,300 people were newly displaced in Kyaukme,
Namtu and Hsipaw townships in February due to armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) or between EAOs. Another 1,000 people remain displaced in Kyaukme in northern Shan since January.
In Lashio and Laukkaing townships in northern Shan, nine people were reportedly killed and eight others, including an unidentified number of children, injured due to armed clashes on 5 February.
Over 5,300 people remain displaced in Kayin State and Bago Region since late December; sporadic clashes continued to be reported between the MAF and the Karen National Union (KNU) throughout February..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Water resources of Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
200.29 KB
more
Topic:
Protection and Human Rights
Sub-title:
The international community has a responsibility to protect the people of Myanmar, under attack from their own military, the UN independent human rights expert on the country argues, in the second part of our in-depth interview, calling also for refuge to be given to those who have fled for their lives to neighbouring countries.
Topic:
Protection and Human Rights
Description:
"Over 700 people are reported to have been killed in the crackdown on peaceful protesters by security forces since the military takeover on 1 February. There are also reports that several hundred people have fled areas hit hard by violence, including many who have sought refuge in neighbouring countries.
Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, highlights the need for neighbouring countries to protect and care for those who arrive on their borders.
“The responsibility to protect means preparing for the refugee crisis, that if things continue the way they are, will be inevitable…we need to be sure that the bordering countries respect people’s fundamental right to enter their country those who are literally running for their lives from this brutality.”
“And I think the international community needs to support those countries in their care of the refugees. This is all part of the responsibility to protect approach”, he added.
In part two of this extensive UN News interview, the Special Rapporteur addresses the responsibility to protect the people of Myanmar from violence, and his hopes for the country’s future.
You can read part one, here.
The interviews have been edited for clarity and brevity.
**UN News: There have been a lot of calls by the people of Myanmar for the responsibility to protect, what is your opinion regarding these calls … is R2P a possibility that should be explored under the current circumstances? Or is it too drastic or unrealistic? **
**Special Rapporteur: **No, I think It is very reasonable. First of all, responsibility to protect is very clear that governments, nations themselves have the responsibility to protect their people.
But then it goes on and recognizes that sometimes those nations cannot always act to protect their people. Then there are instances in which countries will not act to protect their people. And in this instance, here is a country that is actually attacking its people.
So, according to the responsibility to protect, the international community, therefore, has a responsibility to do what it can to protect the lives of innocent people in countries that are unable or unwilling to do so, or are in fact attacking them.
I think that is definitely appropriate, this is exactly the situation in which we do have a responsibility to protect. And Chapter VII [of the UN Charter, by which the Council can use force]; using this is one of the reasons that the Security Council exists, to engage in just this kind of emergency.
So, the question becomes, what to do, how to act, what is the best way to act? Some have the belief – it is an erroneous belief – that responsibility to protect or R2P means military engagement. It is not what it means. Military engagement is an option, but it is not what R2P is.
R2P means going in to protect, in the best way possible. We need to look at options within certain parameters. Options that have the most potent impact on the junta, but also, that will have the minimum negative impact on the people. Protect the people of Myanmar.
And I am afraid that any kind of military intervention would lead to a massive loss of life.
Already the military has been making up stories about what it is facing. From the very outset, it said that it is using utmost restraint – its language – to contend with violent protests, but we saw nothing of the kind. We saw increasing violence and increasing brutality by the military. And we saw very peaceful, unarmed protesters.
And that is also the reason why information has been cut off, the reason the junta is doing everything possible to cut off the flow of information is because it was finding that its appeals to the world to not believe our own but believe its propaganda – was not working.
The junta, I think, are trained to deal with an enemy wielding weapons of war. That is their training. They have a significant arsenal of weapons, and a very large military force. But they are showing themselves unable to deal with an opposition wielding weapons of peace.
With this incredible civil disobedience movement that we are seeing across the country, this powerful, creative, tenacious movement in which people are using a range of ingenious tactics, including civil disobedience, boycotts of businesses owned by the military.
That is extremely powerful and it has generated great admiration and respect for the people [of Myanmar] from the world.
So, it would be a mistake if, in fact, this became a full military confrontation. I think that the brutality unleashed would be even more horrific than what we are seeing now. It would be a significant increase in the loss of innocent lives, and that needs to be avoided.
I understand, listen, if my wife, my child, my brother or sister were killed, murdered by this regime, I too, would want revenge. That would be my instinct. I totally understand where people are coming from, but it would be, in my view, a mistake, a very grave mistake, and I am hopeful that it will not come to that.
UN News: So R2P yes, but military intervention no?
Special Rapporteur: Yes, that is correct.
UN News: What other forms of R2P, then?
Special Rapporteur: What we are seeing right now, but in a much more focused, much more significant way. I would like to see there be a summit of countries who are willing to take action, in which they could work together to link up their actions, so that they are coherent, clear, and linked together. That would be extremely important.
And the diplomatic initiatives, increasing the isolation of the junta, working more closely with the CRPH [the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, in effect, representatives and lawmakers exiled by the military], civil disobedience movement, others who are trying to truly protect and defend the country, rather than attacking it.
There needs to be a significant increase in humanitarian aid, and it should not go through the junta certainly they will just steal it, but channelled through International NGOs and CSOs (Civil Society Organisations) on the ground.
And R2P means preparing for the refugee crisis, which will be inevitable if things continue the way they are.
We have already seen people heading to the border. I think we need to be sure that the neighbouring countries respect people’s fundamental right to enter their country, as they are literally running for their lives from this brutality. They need to protect them, care for them. And the international community needs to support those countries in caring for the refugees.
That is all part of the responsibility to protect or R2P approach.
UN News: What do you think will happen next for Myanmar, will the military regime take hold, will the people win the battle on the street, or will there be something in between?
Special Rapporteur: It is a very, very good question. It is a very good question.
I must admit I am not good at predictions. My prediction was, when people ask me, would there be a coup, before the coup, I said, no, I said the generals wrote the constitution, they are not going to overthrow their own constitution, they have enormous control and power and wealth and so forth. So put what I am saying into that context.
But the coup has failed. The junta has failed to wrestle control of the country. The thousands and thousands of civil servants are on strike. The economy has been devastated by the civil disobedience movement and strikes across the country. Opposition to the junta is deep and widespread. I have never seen anything like it, it is unified the country to a degree that I have never seen, people of all ages, all ethnicities, all social and economic groups, united in opposition.
Then the leadership – the young people that are in the front lines of this movement have shown incredible, courage, tenacity and creativity, with their various approaches, in their efforts to save the country.
So I think that the opposition will prevail. I predict it is going to be extremely challenging. I am afraid that there are going to be many dark days before there is light. But the military junta has no respect or credibility within the country.
All the junta have, are the guns, that is all they have. And I think people recognize them as a criminal gang, a criminal enterprise that is robbing, murdering and terrorizing the people, hoping that this escalation of terror and murder will somehow subjugate the people eventually. But it is having just the opposite effect. It is making people even more resolved to not let this stand.
So the important thing, I think, in terms of looking forward, is to do everything we can, working, supporting the people inside the country, the true patriots of Myanmar who are trying to defend the country, with the international community to support them in every way that we can and to stand with them.
For, number one, stopping the violence and the killing. And number two, release the prisoners, including the hostages that were taken, elected leaders of the country, that they be released, and then, to stand down from this illegal act.
And let me just say this, I am in awe at the people of Myanmar, the courage that they have displayed, and the resolve they have displayed, so I believe that they will prevail, it is going to be many dark days between now and when this is resolved.
UN News: So you still have faith.
Special Rapporteur: I do. I do. I do..."
Source/publisher:
UN News via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"Southeast Asian leaders said they had agreed on a plan with Myanmar's junta chief on Saturday to end the crisis in the violence-hit nation, but he did not explicitly respond to demands to halt the killing of civilian protesters.
"It's beyond our expectation," Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin told reporters after the leaders' meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that was also attended by Myanmar's Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
"We tried not to accuse his side too much because we don't care who's causing it," Muhyiddin added. "We just stressed that the violence must stop. For him, it's the other side that's causing the problems. But he agreed that violence must stop."
ASEAN leaders wanted a commitment from Min Aung Hlaing to restrain his security forces, which an activist monitoring group says have killed 745 people since a mass civil disobedience movement erupted to challenge his Feb. 1 coup. They also wanted the release of political prisoners.
"He did not reject what was put forward by me and many other colleagues," Muhyiddin said.
According to a statement from group chair Brunei, a consensus was reached on five points - ending violence, a constructive dialogue among all parties, a special ASEAN envoy to facilitate the dialogue, acceptance of aid and a visit by the envoy to Myanmar. The five-point consensus did not mention political prisoners, although the chairman's statement said the meeting "heard calls" for their release.
"He (Min Aung Hlaing) said he heard us, he would take the point in, which he considered helpful," Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong told reporters.
"He was not opposed to ASEAN playing a constructive role, or an ASEAN delegation visit, or humanitarian assistance."
But Lee added the process had a long way to go, "because it is one thing to say you will cease violence and release political prisoners, it is another thing to get it done".
It was not clear why Lee referred to the release of political prisoners when this was not in the five consensus points.
There was no immediate comment from Min Aung Hlaing.
A regular nighttime news bulletin on the military-run Myawaddy TV reported his attendance of the meeting and said Myanmar would closely cooperate with ASEAN on various issues, including "the political transition in Myanmar, and the process that will be implemented in the future".
Charles Santiago, head of the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights group, called for the release of Myanmar's political prisoners and a timeline for an end to violence.
"ASEAN must now act swiftly and set a clear timeline for Min Aung Hlaing to deliver on ending the violence, or stand ready to hold him accountable," he said.
'RESTORE DEMOCRACY'
The ASEAN gathering was the first coordinated international effort to ease the crisis in Myanmar, an impoverished country that neighbours China, India and Thailand, since the coup that overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi's elected government. Myanmar is part of the 10-nation ASEAN, which has a policy of consensus decision-making and non-interference in the affairs of its members.
Myanmar's parallel National Unity Government (NUG), comprised of pro-democracy figures, remnants of Suu Kyi's ousted administration and representatives of armed ethnic groups, said it welcomed the consensus reached but said the junta had to be held to its promises.
"We look forward to firm action by ASEAN to follow up its decisions and to restore our democracy," said Dr. Sasa, spokesman for the NUG.
It was unusual for the leader of a military government in Myanmar to attend an ASEAN summit - usually the country has been represented by a lower-ranked officer or a civilian.
The leaders of Indonesia, Vietnam, Singapore, Malaysia, Cambodia and Brunei were at the meeting, along with the foreign ministers of Laos, Thailand and the Philippines.
While ASEAN's non-interference policy makes it difficult to tackle contentious issues, the body is seen by the United Nations, China and the United States as best placed to deal with the junta directly.
"We in the [@UN] Security Council eagerly await the outcome of the @ASEAN meeting on Burma, which deserves serious and immediate attention," U.S Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield tweeted..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-04-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Five-point consensus includes end to violence and a special envoy after talks attended by junta chief
Description:
"Asean leaders have agreed to a five-point consensus on the crisis in Myanmar, including an immediate end to violence, according to a statement released at the end of talks held on Saturday in the Indonesian capital.
The consensus also included allowing humanitarian help in the country, releasing political prisoners and appointing a special Asean envoy for the Myanmar crisis.
The agreement came even as the military cracked down on anti-coup protesters on Saturday, killing at least one person in the capital Nay Pyi Taw, according to a witness.
Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG), said it welcomed the “encouraging” news of the consensus among leaders of the 10-country bloc.
The NUG “looked forward to firm action by Asean to follow up on its decisions and to restore our democracy and freedom for our people,” Dr Sasa, its spokesman and minister of international cooperation, said in a statement.
Formed last month, the NUG includes pro-democracy figures, remnants of Aung San Suu Kyi’s ousted administration and representatives of armed ethnic groups. It says it is the legitimate authority in Myanmar but it was not invited to Saturday’s meeting.
Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief who led the Feb 1 coup, attended the talks, which were closed to the news media.
Leaders who spoke afterward expressed cautious optimism that a way forward might be found, following nearly three months of turmoil in which 740 people have been killed by security forces and at least 3,000 imprisoned.
Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said Min Aung Hlaing was not opposed to a visit by a delegation from Asean.
“He said he heard us, he would take the points in which he considered helpful, that he was not opposed to Asean playing a constructive role, or an Asean delegation visit, or humanitarian assistance, and that they would move forward and engage with Asean in a constructive way,” Lee said in comments reported by Channel NewsAsia on its website.
Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin declared the meeting a success, noting the junta chief’s agreement to end violence.
“We have succeeded. It’s beyond our expectation in getting the outcome from today’s meeting,” the Bernama news agency quoted him as saying.
The text of a speech delivered by Mr Muhyiddin indicated that Min Aung Hlaing heard some pointed criticism during the closed-door session.
“There is an echo of distress among Asean member states to learn, on a daily basis, what is unfolding in Myanmar,” the Malaysian premier was reported to have said. “Many around the world want an explanation and we are finding it increasingly tough to explain.”
“The deplorable situation in Myanmar must stop immediately.”
Indonesian president Joko Widodo reiterated his position that the junta must release all political prisoners if any progress toward peace is to be made.
Diplomats and government officials who asked not to be named said many Asean leaders came into the talks wanting a commitment from Min Aung Hlaing to restrain his security forces.
“This is what Myanmar must avoid: geographical, political, social and national disintegration into warring ethnic parts,” said Philippines Foreign Secretary Teddy Locsin on Twitter. “Myanmar on its own must find peace again.”
Saturday’s talks were attended by most heads of government, but Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha sent Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai to represent him. Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte also sent his foreign minister.
Small protests outside the Asean Secretariat headquarters in Jakarta were dispersed by security personnel. (story continues below).....‘Murderer-in-chief’:Min Aung Hlaing’s presence in Jakarta angered activists, human rights groups and the National Unity Government.
“Meetings that contribute to a solution to the deepening crisis in Myanmar are welcome,” the latter said in a statement released earlier on Saturday.
“(But) meetings that exclude the people of Myanmar but include murderer-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing … are unlikely to be helpful.”
The lawmakers called on the junta to “stop murdering civilians”, release more than 3,000 political prisoners and return power to the country’s democratically elected government.
“The crisis initiated by a murderous and unrepentant Myanmar military has engulfed the country, and will cause severe aftershocks — humanitarian and more — for the entire region,” the rights group Amnesty International said ahead of the meeting.
“The Indonesian authorities are duty-bound to investigate Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other Myanmar military officials who may join his delegation to Jakarta.”.....‘Be realistic’: But Asean generally takes a hands-off approach to members’ internal affairs.
Few analysts were expecting major breakthroughs from the meeting, saying instead it represented a chance to bring Myanmar’s military to the table and pave the way for a possible resolution.
“We have to be realistic here. I don’t think the summit is going to bear out a full-blown plan on how to get Myanmar out of the conflict,” said Mustafa Izzuddin, senior international affairs analyst at Solaris Strategies Singapore.
“But rather I think it will start the conversation and perhaps lay the parameters as to how a resolution could be found.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Rohingya Refugees are being fenced in and communication blocked, just as coronavirus cases are confirmed in camps, MPs hear
Description:
"The crowded and unsanitary conditions in the Rohingya camps are likely to confound efforts to stop coronavirus spreading, warns the International Development Committee in its report, Humanitarian crises monitoring: the Rohingya.
Most countries around the world are relying on social distancing to contain coronavirus. The population density of the refugee camps for the Rohingya makes this impossible. Overcrowding at service distribution points and the lack of washing facilities make efforts to control a possible outbreak difficult. Further, with a severe shortage of PPE and isolation beds, and no ventilators in the region, there is little help that cases can be effectively treated.
The Rohingya also have no access to online information on avoiding infection and are unable to easily report symptoms to medics, due to a ban on internet access and owning SIM cards by the Bangladesh authorities. The Committee also received reports of fences being built around and between the camps, potentially further restricting access to services and to each other.
International Development Committee Chair, Sarah Champion MP, said:
“The suffering of the Rohingya has moved us all, and as they face coronavirus, I find myself wondering, when will they get a break?
“They have been suffering for far too long in crowded, stressful and often unsanitary camps – conditions perfect for coronavirus to thrive. The UK Government must continue to lead the international response to support the Rohingya and apply its diplomatic muscle to preventing a humanitarian catastrophe..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2020-05-21
Date of entry/update:
2020-05-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
330.12 KB
more
Description:
Der Abzug der Gelder des UN Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria stellt einen schweren Einschnitt in die Gesundheitsversorgung Burmas dar. Laut ?ffentlicher Aussage des Global Fund sind die Rahmenbedingungen f?r eine effektive Implementierung der Programme aufgrund zunehmender Restriktionen des Regimes nicht mehr gegeben. Gleichzeitig soll der Global Fund jedoch von den USA und dortigen Menschenrechtsorganisationen unter massivem politischem Druch zum R?ckzug aus Burma bewegt wroden sein. Unter internationalen Akteuren im humanit?ren Bereich besteht noch immer keine Einigkeit dar?ber, ob in Burma humanit?re Hilfe geleistet werden soll und - wenn ja - in welcher Form.
keywords: UN Global Fund, humanitarian aid, AIDS, NGOs
Jasmin Lorch
Source/publisher:
Asienhaus Focus Asien Nr. 26; S. 65-71
Date of publication:
2005-12-29
Date of entry/update:
2010-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN programmes and funds etc., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, HIV/AIDS - Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Deutsch, German
more
Description:
"Ending the Waiting Game: Strategies for Responding to Internally Displaced People in Burma" argues that the crisis in Burma has reached a point where displaced people and other vulnerable populations simply cannot wait any longer for outside assistance, including health services, education, food production and building the capacity of civil society organizations in the country. U.S. sanctions against Burma?s military regime currently prevent the provision of significant humanitarian aid."...Table of Contents
Executive Summary i
Introduction 1
Types of Displacement and Conditions of the Displaced Population 4
Displacement Resulting from Counter-insurgency 5
Displacement in Ceasefire Areas 6
Development-induced Displacement 7
Urban Displacement 7
Summary of Displacement by Geographic Area 8
Displacement as a Consequence of Economic Vulnerability 10
Conditions of the Displaced Population 10
Humanitarian Response Inside Burma 13
The Government of Burma 13
Burma-based Agencies 13
Thailand-based Agencies 17
The Debate Over Aid and Engagement 19
The Aid Dilemma 19
Concern about Aid Reaching People in Need 21
Sanctions vs Engagement 23
The International Community?s Response to Burma 24
Rationale for International Assistance Inside Burma 31
Towards a More Effective Response to Internal Displacement 34
Burma-based Agencies 34
Thailand-based Agencies 36
The Government of Burma 37
Refugees International?s Recommendations 38
Kavita Shukla
Source/publisher:
Refugees International
Date of publication:
2006-06-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
Executive Summary:
"The impact of decades of military repression on
the population of Burma has been devastating.
Hundreds of thousands of Burmese have been
displaced by the government�s suppression of
ethnic insurgencies and of the pro-democracy
movement. As government spending has concentrated
on military expenditures to maintain its
control, the once-vibrant Burmese economy has
been virtually destroyed. Funding for health and
education is negligible, leaving the population at
the mercy of the growing AIDS epidemic, which
is itself fueled by the production, trade and intravenous
use of heroin, as well as the trafficking of
women.
The Burmese people, whether displaced by government
design or by economic necessity, whether
opposed to the military regime or merely trying to
survive in a climate of fear, face enormous challenges.
Human rights abuses are legion. The government�s
strategies of forced labor and relocation
destroy communities. Displacement, disruption of
social networks and the collapse of the public
health systems provide momentum for the spreading
AIDS epidemic�which the government has
barely begun to acknowledge or address. The
broader crisis in health care in general and reproductive
health in particular affects women at all
levels; maternal mortality is extremely high, family
planning is discouraged. The decay�and willful
destruction�of the educational system has created
an increasingly illiterate population�without the
tools necessary to participate in a modern society.
The country-wide economic crisis drives the
growth of the commercial sex industry, both in
Burma and in Thailand.
Yet, international pressure for political change is
increasing and nongovernmental organizations and
some UN agencies manage to work within Burma,
quietly challenging the status quo. The delegation
met with Aung San Suu Kyi, General Secretary of
the National League for Democracy, who is considered
by much of the international community as
the true representative of the Burmese people.
Despite her concerns that humanitarian aid can
prop up the SPDC, she was cautiously supportive
of direct, transparent assistance in conjunction
with unrelenting international condemnation of
the military government�s human rights abuses and
anti-democratic rule.
The delegation concluded that carefully designed
humanitarian assistance in Burma can help people
without strengthening the military government.
And, until democracy is restored in Burma,
refugees in Thailand must receive protection from
forced repatriation, and be offered opportunities
for skills development and education to carry
home. On both sides of the border, women�s
groups work to respond to the issues facing their
communities; they are a critical resource in
addressing the critical needs for education, reproductive
health and income generation." ADDITIONAL KEYWORDS: forced resettlement, forced relocation, forced movement, forced displacement, forced migration, forced to move, displaced
Source/publisher:
Women?s Commission on Refugee Women and Children
Date of publication:
2000-03-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
182.55 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
Who�s Aiding Who?
After meeting with visiting Japanese foreign minister Yoriko Kawaguchi in Rangoon this past August, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi softened her stance by announcing that she now welcomes foreign aid.
Editorial
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 6, July-August 2002
Date of publication:
2002-08-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Up to a million people have fled their homes in eastern Burma in a crisis the world has largely ignored.
Burma?s refusal to release Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, and the boycotting of the constitutional convention this month by the main opposition, has thrust Burma into the spotlight again.
But unseen and largely unremarked is the ongoing harrowing experience of hundreds of thousands of people in eastern Burma, hiding in the jungle or trapped in army-controlled relocation sites. Others are in refugee camps on the Thai-Burmese border.
These people are victims in a counterinsurgency war in which they are the deliberate targets. As members of Burma?s ethnic minorities - which make up 40 per cent of the population - they are trapped in a conflict between the Burmese army and ethnic minority armies.
Surviving on caches of rice hidden in caves, or on roots and wild foods, families in eastern Burma face malaria, landmines, disease and starvation. They are hunted like animals by army patrols and starved into surrender.
In interviews... refugees told Christian Aid of murder and rape, the torching of villages and shooting of family members as they lay huddled together in the fields. They recalled farmers who had been blown up by landmines laid by the army around their crops.
This report, based on personal testimonies from refugees, tells the story of Burma?s humanitarian crisis.
On the brink of the Burmese government?s announcement of a ?roadmap to democracy? for a new constitution, Burma?s Dirty War argues that any new political settlement must include the crisis on the country?s eastern borders.
Burma?s refusal to free Aung San Suu Kyi promises more intransigence and an even slower pace of change - with predictable human costs.
This report calls on the UK and Irish governments, the EU and the UN to use what opportunity remains from the roadmap to democracy to press for an end to the conflict in negotiations with ethnic minorities.
It also argues that the UN must gain access to the areas in crisis - despite the Burmese government ban on travel there by humanitarian agencies.
Key recommendations include:
* that the Burmese government cease human rights abuses, allow access to eastern Burma by humanitarian agencies including UN special representatives, and engage in dialogue with ethnic minority representatives
* that the UK and Irish governments, the EU and the UN fund work with displaced people inside Burma and continue to support refugees in Thailand
* that the UK and Irish governments, the EU and UN Security Council condemn Burma?s human rights abuses against ethnic minorities, demand that it protect civilians from violence and insist that Burma allow access to humanitarian agencies
The report argues that governments must seize the opportunity presented by the roadmap to push for genuine negotiations between the government, the National League for Democracy and ethnic minority organisations which can bring out a just and lasting peace..."
Source/publisher:
Christian Aid
Date of publication:
2004-05-24
Date of entry/update:
2010-11-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
"...Threats to civilian populations in south-east Burma include murder, rape, torture, looting,
forced labour and arbitrary taxation, hunger, land confiscation, and the destruction of entire
villages. People living in conflict zones are often subject to ?multiple masters?, paying taxes (or
other forms of ?tribute? – such as labour, or the conscription of their sons) to two or more
armed groups. Protection against hunger is also a major concern. For vulnerable communities,
the distinction between livelihoods and other forms of security is minimal.
People manage or avoid these risks through a variety of strategies, including trade-offs, some
of which may appear very negative. Often, people have to balance risks against each other,
and choose the ?least-worst option?. Individuals, families and communities? limited selfprotection
options depend on the resources available, including money, relationships, and
information. The standing and quality of community leaders also appear to be crucial.
Particularly important is the development of protective ?social capital?.
In the absence of protection by the state or international agencies, community-based
organizations play important roles in providing limited amounts of assistance to vulnerable
communities in south-east Burma. Civil society networks operating cross-border from Thailand
include a range of CBOs, some of which can be characterized as the welfare wings of armed
ethnic groups. These organizations provide often life-saving assistance to IDPs and other
vulnerable civilians, with funds provided by many of the same donors who also support the
refugee regime along the border. Monitoring of these relief activities is very tight and little, if
any, cross-border aid is diverted to insurgent organizations. However, the close association
between several of the more prominent cross-border aid groups and the armed conflict actors
with which they work serves to legitimize the latter, who are involved in the distribution of
internationally funded relief supplies.44
Humanitarian donors and organizations must ensure that their interventions ?do no harm? to
intended beneficiaries. Discussion of the relationships between aid and conflict has not been
prominent within humanitarian networks along the Thailand-Burma border.45
Such caveats notwithstanding, locally designed and led humanitarian activities can help to
mobilize communities. Local (especially faith-based) leaders do often help to build trust and
?social capital?. International donors can and should do more to engage positively with such
initiatives..."
Ashley South with Malin Perhult, Nils Carstensen
Source/publisher:
Chatham House
Date of publication:
2010-09-21
Date of entry/update:
2010-09-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
551.23 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Burma, also known as Myanmar, is an important
case study in wider international debates on the
politics of sanctions versus constructive engagement,
and the role of companies and NGOs in controversial states.
Since 1962 Burma has been ruled by a succession of
military and quasi-military regimes. All the main political
actors, including the armed forces, agree that it should
eventually return to some form of democratic rule. The
questions are: when and by what route? And how, if at all,
can the international community assist?
One of the most important features of the Burma
debate is the role played by non-state actors ? particularly
NGOs, but also companies. A loose coalition of advocacy
groups has put pressure on Western governments to
impose sanctions on Burma, and on companies to
withdraw from the country. Petroleum companies, in
particular, have been accused of collaborating with an
illegitimate regime. But such campaigns raise further
questions: what role should advocacy groups play in
foreign policy-making? And what are the real responsibilities
of international companies in controversial states?..."
John Bray
Source/publisher:
Royal Institute for International Affairs (Briefing Papers, New Series No. 24)
Date of publication:
2001-10-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-09-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Political, social and economic dimensions of investment in Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
The Myanmar Listening Project was a joint venture between CPCS, Nyien/Shalom Foundation of Myanmar and CDA Collaborative Learning Projects of the United States. It sought to listen to recipients and deliverers of international assistance as a means of improving international assistance practices.
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies. Shalom Foundation
Date of publication:
2009-12-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
684.4 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
* Crucial developments are taking place in Burma / Myanmar?s political landscape.
Generation change, the change of the nominal political system, and the recovery
from a major natural disaster can lead to many directions. Some of these changes
can possibly pave the way for violent societal disruptions.
* As an external actor the international community may further add to political
tensions through their intervening policies. For this reason it is very important that
the international community assesses its impact on the agents and structure of
conflict in Burma / Myanmar.
* This study aims at mapping the opportunities and risks that various types of
international aid interventions may have in the country.
* The study utilizes and further develops the peace and conflict impact assessment
methodology of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
Timo Kivimaki & Paul Pasch
Source/publisher:
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (PCIA - Country Conflict-Analysis Study)
Date of publication:
2009-10-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, International and Regional Involvement, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, EU economic development assistance
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.28 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
Cyclone Nargis struck southern Burma on May 2-3, 2008, killing at least 140,000 people and
bringing devastation to an estimated 2.4 million people in the Irrawaddy Delta and the
former capital, Rangoon. The Burmese military government?s initial reaction to the cyclone
shocked the world: instead of immediately allowing international humanitarian assistance
to be delivered to survivors, as did countries affected by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, the
ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) prevented both foreign disaster relief
workers and urgently needed relief supplies from entering the delta during the crucial first
weeks after the cyclone.
The military government blocked large-scale international relief efforts by delaying the
issuance of visas to aid workers, prohibiting foreign helicopters and boats from making
deliveries to support the relief operation, obstructing travel by aid agencies to affected areas,
and preventing local and international media from freely reporting from the disaster area.
Rather than prioritizing the lives and well-being of the affected population, the military
government?s actions were dictated by hostility to the international community, participation
in the diversion of aid, and an obsession with holding a manipulated referendum on a longdelayed
constitution.
?I Want to Help My Own People? 8
In the face of the government?s callous response, Burmese civil society groups and
individuals raised money, collected supplies and traveled to the badly affected parts of the
Irrawaddy Delta and around Rangoon to help survivors in shattered villages. Many efforts
were spontaneous, but as the relief and recovery efforts gained pace, dozens of communitybased
organizations and civil society groups organized themselves and gained
unprecedented experience in providing humanitarian relief and initiating projects.
Access for United Nations agencies and international humanitarian organizations improved
starting in late May 2008 after UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited the delta, and the
UN and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) brokered a deal with the
Burmese government. They established the Tripartite Core Group (TCG), which became the
central vehicle for coordinating aid, improving access for humanitarian organizations to the
delta, and carrying out the ensuing recovery efforts.
The two years since Cyclone Nargis have seen an unprecedented influx of humanitarian
assistance to the delta, with a visible presence of local and international aid workers and
improved access to provide humanitarian relief. While this opening has been rightly
welcomed, it has not been the unmitigated success that many Burma analysts have
portrayed it to be.
Humanitarian access to the delta improved significantly by Burma standards following the
establishment of the TCG mechanism, but it has remained far short of international
standards. And partly because of the access restrictions imposed by the SPDC, humanitarian
funding has not been sufficient to meet the needs of people in the cyclone-affected zones.
As a result, two years after the cyclone, the recovery of many communities in the delta
remains limited, particularly communities far from the towns where most relief efforts were
organized. Such communities face continuing hardships and difficulties obtaining clean
water and adequate sanitation, health resources, needed agricultural support, and recovery
of livelihoods. Had the SPDC not continued to place unnecessary restrictions on the
humanitarian relief effort in the delta, the cyclone-affected population would be much
farther down the road to recovery.
The Burmese government has failed to adequately support reconstruction efforts that benefit
the population, contributing only paltry levels of aid despite having vast sums at its disposal
from lucrative natural gas sales. Although the government has not announced total figures
dedicated for cyclone relief and reconstruction, it allocated a mere 5 million kyat
(US$50,000) for an emergency fund immediately after the storm. It is clear that its
subsequent spending has also not been commensurate with available resources. Burma?s
government is estimated to have more than US$5 billion in foreign reserves and receives an
9 Human Rights Watch │April 2010
estimated US$150 million in monthly gas export revenues. The Burmese government
channels the limited assistance it does provide through its surrogates and contracts
awarded to politically connected companies, in an effort to maintain social control. In
addition, the government?s distribution of aid has been marred by serious allegations of
favoritism.
In most areas of Burma outside of the cyclone-affected areas, international humanitarian
access is much more limited than in the delta, despite significant levels of preventable
disease, malnutrition, and inadequate water and sanitation, particularly in the central dry
zone and the ethnic minority areas of the border states. All of the UN staff, Burmese aid
providers, and international humanitarian organization representatives Human Rights Watch
spoke with in Burma in early 2010 praised the humanitarian opening in the delta, but then
added that humanitarian space in the rest of Burma remains a major challenge. As one
senior aid official told us: ?We were all hoping that the Nargis experience would be the
wedge to open a lot of things, but this hasn?t happened.?
The statistics speak for themselves: approximately one-third of Burmese citizens live below
the poverty line. Most live on one to three US dollars a day, and suffer from inadequate food
security. Maternal mortality is the worst in the Asian region after Afghanistan. While the
economies of many of its neighbors rapidly develop, the people of Burma continue to suffer.
The SPDC fails to invest its own available resources to address urgent social and economic
needs and blocks the humanitarian community from doing all it can to help meet those
needs in other parts of the country.
A number of humanitarian aid experts we spoke with were hopeful that after national
elections scheduled for the end of 2010 are completed, they will then be able to build on
what was achieved in cyclone-affected areas, and expand the delivery of humanitarian aid to
other areas in Burma where it is desperately needed. While the record of the Burmese
government to date suggests this will be an uphill battle at best, the UN, ASEAN, and other
influential international actors in Burma should make it a priority to continue to press for
such expanded access.
Natural disasters can sometimes work as a catalyst for peace-building and reform in conflict
wracked societies, as occurred in Aceh, Indonesia, following the 2004 tsunami. In Burma,
the military government is stronger and more confident two years after the cyclone, but it is
no more accountable or respectful of basic rights...Finally, this reports details an under-appreciated positive legacy of the cyclone response:
the development of a group of new, truly independent and experienced civil society
organizations in Burma, which now seek to use their skills to address other humanitarian
and development challenges in the country..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch
Date of publication:
2010-04-29
Date of entry/update:
2010-05-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Cyclone Nargis: Individual documents, Civil Society
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.73 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"...While international humanitarian access in Burma has opened up over the past decade and a half, the ongoing debate regarding the appropriate relationship between politics and humanitarian assistance remains unresolved. This debate has become especially limiting in regards to protection measures for internally displaced persons (IDPs) which are increasingly seen to fall within the mandate of humanitarian agencies. Conventional IDP protection frameworks are biased towards a top-down model of politically-averse intervention which marginalizes local initiatives to resist abuse and hinders local control over protection efforts. Yet such local resistance strategies remain the most effective IDP protection measures currently employed in Karen State and other parts of rural Burma. Addressing the protection needs and underlying humanitarian concerns of displaced and potentially displaced people is thus inseparable from engagement with the ?everyday politics? of rural villagers. The present article seeks to challenge conventional notions of IDP protection that prioritize a form of State-centric ?neutrality? and marginalize the ?everyday politics? through which local villagers continue to resist abuse and claim their rights. (This working paper was presented on the panel ?Migration within and out of Burma? as part of the 2008 International Burma Studies Conference in DeKalb, Illinois in October 2008.)..."
A working paper by Stephen Hull,
Karen Human Rights Group, for presentation on the panel
Migration within and out of Burma? as part of the
2008 International Burma Studies Conference
DeKalb, Illinois, October 2008
Stephen Hull
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Right Group (KHRG Articles & Papers)
Date of publication:
2008-10-20
Date of entry/update:
2009-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Migration within Burma, Right to self-determination: specialist NGOs and academics (global, regional and Burma/Myanmar), Discrimination against the Karen, Village and urban resistance, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
79.16 KB
more
Description:
In the past year, humanitarian assistance to Burma has been primarily focused on victims of Cyclone Nargis, which struck the Irrawaddy delta on May 2, 2008. Though the initial delivery of assistance was hampered by government obstruction, the aid programs that have since developed in the delta have benefited from an ease of operations unseen in other parts of the country. Relief work in the delta is progressing smoothly, but attempts to expand access to the rest of the country are struggling. Nonetheless, to capitalize on the existing gains, the U.S. should provide significant funding for programs throughout the country....Policy Recocommendations:
"...The United States should join other donor nations in making a significant appropriation for humanitarian
aid in Burma. It should allocate $30 million for FY10, with plans to increase its contribution to $45 million in FY11 and $60 million in FY12.
* The United Nations should strengthen its support for the Burma Country team by hiring a Senior Humanitarian
Advisor to work with the RC/HC and ensure that teams in Bangkok and New York are providing adequate guidance and support.
*ASEAN should look to apply the Tri-Partite Core Group model for use in the discussion of other issues
of concern with Burma, such as the Rohingya.
In the past year, humanitarian assistance to Burma has been primarily focused on victims of Cyclone Nargis, which struck the Irrawaddy delta on May 2, 2008. Though the initial delivery of assistance was hampered by government obstruction, the aid programs that have since developed in the delta have benefited from an ease of operations unseen in other parts of the country. Relief work in the delta is progressing smoothly, but attempts to expand access to the rest of the country are struggling. Nonetheless, to capitalize on the existing gains, the U.S. should provide significant funding for programs throughout the country..."
Source/publisher:
Refugees International
Date of publication:
2009-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2009-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"YANGON, 19 March 2009 (IRIN) - The positive aspects of the Cyclone Nargis response in the Ayeyarwady Delta have yet to translate into better access or more funds for aid operations in the rest of Myanmar, where needs are great and often unmet, according to aid workers..."
Source/publisher:
IrinNews (UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs)
Date of publication:
2009-03-19
Date of entry/update:
2009-03-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
A letter written by representatives of United Nations agencies in Rangoon has brought the debate over giving aid to Burma back into the international spotlight... "The debate over humanitarian assistance to military-ruled Burma has been around ever since the army seized power after gunning down students and pro-democracy activists over a decade ago. The issue is a very sensitive one. And every time it has surfaced, the international community—United Nations agencies, non-governmental organizations, labor and human rights groups, as well as the exiled community—remained as divided as ever on the matter. A recent controversial letter calling for more aid, signed by all nine UN representatives in Rangoon, is a case in point. In the letter, the nine UN representatives collectively called on their respective headquarters and the international community for a "dramatic overhaul of the budget allocations" for Burma because the country is "on the brink of a humanitarian crisis". The letter, dated June 30, 2001, and distributed to the agencies? heads throughout the world, was leaked to the press in early August..."
Don Pathan
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol 9. No. 6
Date of publication:
2001-07-00
Date of entry/update:
2008-05-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Burma urgently needs humanitarian assistance; the country?s HIV/AIDS sufferers are dying and require medical attention.
But the generals who rule the country are not ready to acknowledge the humanitarian crisis facing the country. Worse still, they prevent aid workers from delivering assistance to the needy.
Burma?s political prisoners—including Buddhist monks and nuns—are denied proper medication and food. The International Committee for the Red Cross ceased prison visits in 2005 due to persistent restrictions imposed on them by the regime..."
Editorial
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 2
Date of publication:
2008-02-00
Date of entry/update:
2008-04-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Northern Arakan State is one of the main pockets of acute poverty and vulnerability in Burma. This region, adjacent to the border with Bangladesh, experiences what many refer to as a ?chronic emergency” and there is an absolute consensus among the local population as well as humanitarian actors that international aid is, despite its limited impact, essential to avert a new mass outflow of refugees to Bangladesh..."
Chris Lewa
Source/publisher:
The Arakan Project
Date of publication:
2006-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2008-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
102.43 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
Response by the Office of the (UN) Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar to the report, "Development by Decree: The politics of poverty and control in Karen State" published by the Karen Human Rights Group on 24 April 2007.
Source/publisher:
United Nations Information Centre, Yangon
Date of publication:
2007-04-25
Date of entry/update:
2007-05-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
9.73 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"A former program monitor looks at how restrictions on aid agencies in Burma hide the true extent of the country?s needs...
Soe Khine - not his real name - was ordered to appear immediately at a local police station. The NGO township monitor had committed no crime, but he did hold a meeting with local residents in a township in Mon State to discuss an HIV prevention and education project designated for the area.
As a monitor of project implementation in Mon State, Soe Khine had forgotten that in Burma, monitors must also have their monitors..."
Htet Aung
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 5
Date of publication:
2007-05-00
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"In pursuit of domestic submission and international recognition of its legitimacy the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) currently ruling Burma pronounces daily on the manifold military-implemented development programmes initiated across the country which, it argues, are both supported by and beneficial to local communities. Villagers in Karen State, however, consistently reject such claims. Rather, these individuals describe a systematic programme of military expansionism with which the junta aims to establish control over all aspects of civilian life. In the name of development, the regime?s agenda in Karen State has involved multifarious infrastructure and regimentation projects that restrict travel and trade and facilitate increased extortion of funds, food, supplies and labour from the civilian population, thereby exacerbating poverty, malnutrition and the overall humanitarian crisis. Given the detrimental consequences of the SPDC?s development agenda, villagers in Karen areas have resisted military efforts to control their lives and livelihoods under the rubric of development. In this way these villagers have worked to claim their right to determine for themselves the direction in which they wish their communities to develop. Drawing on over 90 interviews with local villagers in Karen State, SPDC order documents, official SPDC press statements, international media sources, reports by international aid agencies and academic studies this report finds that rather than prosperity, the SPDC?s ?development? agenda has instead brought increased military control over civilian lives, undermined villagers? rights and delivered deleterious humanitarian outcomes contradictory to the very rhetoric the junta has used to justify its actions."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG 2007-01)
Date of publication:
2007-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.97 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"(Bangkok, April 26th 2007) ? On Wednesday April 25th 2007, the United Nations Office of the
Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar released a statement in response to KHRG?s recently
released report Development by Decree: The politics of poverty and control in Karen State.
KHRG welcomes the UN?s response and appreciates the Office of the Humanitarian
Coordinator?s acknowledgement that it agrees with the report?s findings on the problems
confronting the delivery of humanitarian aid in Burma. KHRG is encouraged about the
possibility for greater openness and discussion regarding the methods used by aid agencies in
the implementation of their programmes.
However, a number of points in the UN?s media statement need clarification..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group Commentaries (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2007-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
GAO Report to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives...
International Organizations...
Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma...What GAO Found: "
United States Government Accountability Office
Why GAO Did This Study
Highlights
Accountability IntegrityReliability
April 2007
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Assistance Programs Constrained In Burma
Highlights of GAO-07-457, a report to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives
The United Nations and other international organizations have undertaken numerous efforts aimed at addressing Burma?s most pressing problems, which include forced labor, harsh prison conditions, ethnic conflict, an HIV/AIDS epidemic, and poverty. The International Labor Organization (ILO) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) have sought to monitor forced labor and prison conditions in Burma by allowing victims to voice their complaints without interference from the regime. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and ICRC seek to assist populations in conflict areas near Burma?s border with Thailand. International organizations also attempt to provide food to vulnerable populations, promote local economic development, improve health conditions, and strengthen the Burmese educational system. For example, several UN entities provide assistance to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, and drug abuse, as well as to improve reproductive health.
Burma?s military regime has blocked or impeded activities undertaken by many international organizations in Burma over the past 3 years. In 2004, the regime distanced itself from these organizations and began adopting increasingly restrictive policies. In 2006, it published formal guidelines to restrict international activities in Burma. These guidelines, which have yet to be fully implemented, contain provisions that UN officials consider to be unacceptable. The regime?s restrictions have had the greatest impact on international efforts to monitor prison conditions, investigate claims of forced labor, and assist victims of ethnic conflict. The regime has blocked ICRC efforts to monitor prison conditions and, until recently, ILO efforts to address forced labor. The regime has also restricted UNHCR and ICRC efforts to assist populations living in areas affected by ethnic conflict. To a lesser degree, the regime has impeded UN food, development, and health programs by restricting their ability to (1) move food and international staff freely within the country and (2) conduct research needed to determine the nature and scope of some of Burma?s problems. Despite these restrictions, several international organization officials told us they are still able to achieve meaningful results in their efforts to mitigate some of Burma?s humanitarian, health, and development problems..."
Source/publisher:
United States Government Accountability Office (GAO-07-457)
Date of publication:
2007-04-06
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"1. On December 8, the International Crisis Group issued a ?Briefing” entitled, ?Myanmar: New Threats to Humanitarian Aid.” A main focus of the Briefing was a decision in August 2005 by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria to withdraw a grant of $98 million over five years for Burma after, according to ICG, ?intense pressure from U.S.-based groups undermined sensitive negotiations with the government over operational conditions.” The consequence, said the Crisis Group ?was a serious setback, which put thousands of lives in jeopardy.” The report bears a dateline of Yangon/Brussels and was written by a consultant for ICG who conducted research in Yangon (or Rangoon) but, it appears, not elsewhere.
Crisis Group Comment: ..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (ICG) via ReliefWeb
Date of publication:
2007-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2007-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"The delivery of humanitarian assistance in Burma/Myanmar is facing new threats. After a period in which humanitarian space expanded, aid agencies have come under renewed pressure, most seriously from the military government but also from pro-democracy activists overseas who seek to curtail or control assistance programs. Restrictions imposed by the military regime have worsened in parallel with its continued refusal to permit meaningful opposition political activity and its crackdown on the Karen. The decision of the Global Fund for AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria to withdraw from the country in 2005 was a serious setback, which put thousands of lives in jeopardy, although it has been partly reversed by the new Three Diseases Fund (3D Fund). There is a need to get beyond debates over the country's highly repressive political system; failure to halt the slide towards a humanitarian crisis could shatter social stability and put solutions beyond the reach of whatever government is in power..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group -- Asia Briefing N°58
Date of publication:
2006-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2006-12-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
198.71 KB
more
Description:
"Over the years there have been attempts to portray key Burma campaign
organisations and indeed Burma?s National League for Democracy (NLD) as
opposed to humanitarian assistance to Burma. This position paper, supported
by the undersigned, has been drafted so that no further confusion should arise.
This amounts to clarification of a long-held policy position and does not signify
any change in policy on the part of the undersigned.
Agencies? is used throughout this document to refer collectively to United
Nations (UN) agencies, Donor Governments and national/international non-
Government Organisations (NGO/INGOs).
Summary
We the undersigned share the concerns of the United Nations (UN) and the
international community regarding the humanitarian situation in Burma. We are
concerned about the long-term consequences for the country and believe the
situation needs immediate attention.
Recognising the urgency of the situation, especially with regard to HIV/AIDS,
Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, in addition to high malnutrition and child
mortality rates and emerging health threats such as avian influenza, we
support and encourage the provision of humanitarian assistance to Burma.
There must however be transparency, accountability and monitoring of all
aspects of the provision of this assistance in order that it reaches intended
recipients and does not benefit the military authorities. (See The Right Kind of
Aid? below). In addition, Burmese nationals employed by agencies operating in
the country, must be afforded protection from any reprisals by the regime for
working on assistance or development programmes.
In supporting humanitarian assistance we emphasise that it is the lack of
accountable governance in Burma that is at the heart of the current crisis. It is
therefore imperative that humanitarian assistance complements and does not
replace or undermine political pressure for democratic change. Both are
essential and must be pursued simultaneously. Although not always
appropriate for the same actors to pursue both strategies (for the UN and
Donor Governments this is imperative), it?s vital that all agencies recognise the
political roots of the humanitarian crisis. We ask agencies to be vigilant in
avoiding indirect and inadvertent contribution to the root of the problem and to
be respectful to the perspectives of those working towards political solutions.
Mutual respect for and support of both strategies is of paramount importance.
We encourage all agencies to creatively explore opportunities for supporting
the promotion of democracy both directly and across their projects. A
democratic society in Burma is vital to ensuring truly effective humanitarian
assistance that directly benefits all Burma?s people.
5
We support the suspension of all non-humanitarian and development aid to
Burma with certain exceptions (See Non-Humanitarian and Development Aid?
below). The principles that should be adopted for administration of effective
aid in these exempted areas should mirror those proposed for strictly
humanitarian assistance.
Our position on humanitarian aid complements our policy on effectively
targeted economic sanctions. We continue to advocate for smart? sanctions as
called for by the National League for Democracy - that target the regime and its
support base but not ordinary Burmese people. We do not support the
introduction of former Iraqi-style sanctions that would impact negatively on
Burma?s people. Nor do we call for the broader isolation of Burma.
Our position on humanitarian assistance reflects that of the National League
for Democracy, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
(NCGUB), Ethnic Nationalities Council (Union of Burma) and 88 Generation
Students..."
Source/publisher:
The Burma Campaign UK
Date of publication:
2006-07-28
Date of entry/update:
2006-07-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Burmese pro-democracy advocate and former student leader Min Ko Naing was last month named one of this year?s winners of the Civil Courage Prize, awarded annually by the New York-based Northcote Parkinson Fund. The Fund is a private foundation that supports economic and political liberalism and honors ?steadfast resistance to evil at great personal risk.? Min Ko Naing—nom de guerre of Paw Oo Htun—was arrested in March 1989 and served more than 15 years of a 20-year prison sentence. He declined his share of the Civil Courage Prize—US $25,000—saying he wants the money to be used for humanitarian aid for his country. In a phone interview with The Irrawaddy, Min Ko Naing talked about the current situation in Burma...We need to understand the root cause and immediate context of the problems. We need to clearly examine these two factors; we shouldn?t pretend that we don?t recognise these issues. It is important to accept the reality of our country. In this country, crisis has existed for many years, while the change of democratic reform is delayed. All these things are related to international events. We will continue to endure the current crisis as long as Burma is rejected by the international community and under an economic situation of non-cooperation. Consequently, we will see massive unemployment problems, some people will lose their jobs and many will face everyday hardships. That is why I would like to urge the present government, the political forces and civil society to discuss together how to work towards a solution..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11
Date of publication:
2005-11-00
Date of entry/update:
2006-05-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
What do opposing academic views on Burma achieve?... "...academics should work with organizations, journalists, aid workers, activists, and grass-roots groups in exchanging ideas, sharing information and suggesting strategy to contribute to debates. Many toil away without involving themselves in public debate, they just provide another perspective. So why then are some so prominent? Because they choose to be...Take the European Commission?s recent ?Burma Day.? Robert Taylor and Morten Pedersen were commissioned to write a report based on their credibility as academics: Taylor as a semi-retired professor from London University and Pedersen as an analyst with the International Crisis Group and PhD student. The report was designed to avert further EU sanctions and increase aid to Burma. What resulted was a crescendo of disapproval by many observers who accused both authors of being pro-engagement apologists for military rule..."
David Scott Mathieson
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 6
Date of publication:
2005-06-00
Date of entry/update:
2006-04-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"The issue of how International Non Governmental organisations (INGOs) should approach operating in Burma is a thorny one. This was particularly so in the early 1990s. Many development workers and the expatriate democracy movement felt that an NGO presence would provide the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)[i], with much needed legitimacy. Warnings were sounded: INGOs would fall prey to the SLORC's manipulation, aid would be stolen and sold to profit the government, INGOs would be used in SLORC propaganda and meaningful development would not reach those it was intended for. They would become ?willing minions” executing the SLORC?s agendas. INGOs were urged that their priority should be the large refugee populations in neighbouring countries who were the most visible and accessible victims of the SLORC's misrule.
Despite the heat of the debate in 1993, some fifteen INGOs have entered Burma and more continue to arrive to explore the environment (and some have subsequently withdraw).[ii] What has their experience been? As Burma approaches its thirty-fifth year of military rule, what are the issues for INGOs wanting to work with Burmese? What possibilities could be explored for facilitating the growth of civil society? What attitude should INGOs adopt towards the democracy movement inside Burma? This paper examines these questions, with a focus on INGO experience, and begins by outlining a theoretical model for understanding the variety of INGOs and how their approach to operating in Burma might be categorised..."...
This paper is one of four presented at the conference organised by TNI and the Burma Centrum Nederland on December 4 and 5, 1997 in the Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam, 'Strengthening Civil Society in Burma. Possibilities and Dilemmas for International NGOs'. A book of the same name, containing edited versions of the papers, an introduction and notes on the authors was subsequently published by Silkworm Books, Chiangmai 1999.
Marc Purcell, Australian Council for Overseas Aid
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute/Burma Centrum Nederland
Date of publication:
1997-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2005-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Civil Society, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
htm doc
Size:
275.78 KB 166.5 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"...The peaceful and lasting solution to the long-running ethnic conflicts in Burma is, without doubt, one of the most integral challenges facing the country today. Indeed, it can not be separated from the greater challenges of social, political and economic reform in the country at large. Since the seismic events of 1988, Burma has remained deadlocked in its third critical period of political and social transition since independence in 1948. However, despite the surface impasse, the political landscape has not remained static. During the past decade, the evidence of desire for fundamental political change has spread to virtually every sector of society, and, at different stages, this desire for change has been articulated by representatives of all the major political, ethnic, military and social organisations or factions. That Burma, therefore, has entered an era of enormous political volatility and transformation is not in dispute..."...
This paper is one of four presented at the conference organised by TNI and the Burma Centrum Nederland on December 4 and 5, 1997 in the Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam, 'Strengthening Civil Society in Burma. Possibilities and Dilemmas for International NGOs'. A book of the same name, containing edited versions of the papers, an introduction and notes on the authors was subsequently published by Silkworm Books, Chiangmai 1999.
Martin Smith
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute/Burma Centrum Nederland
Date of publication:
1997-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2005-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Civil Society, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
htm doc
Size:
254.9 KB 149.5 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"The development and maintenance of civil society - that is, free associations of citizens joined together to work for common concerns or implement social, cultural or political initiatives which compliment, as well as compete with the state - depends upon the citizens of any state being able to enjoy fundamental freedoms: freedom of thought, opinion, expression, association and movement. Underscoring and defending these freedoms must be an independent judiciary and the guarantee of the rule of law. In Burma today, none of these conditions exist.
There is no freedom of the press in Burma: government censorship is heavy-handed and pervasive. While the opening up of the economy since 1988 had lead to a proliferation of private magazines and access to affordable video and satellite equipment has also resulted in a massive expansion of small scale video companies and TV/Videos parlours around the country, the organs of state censorship have kept pace with these developments, and virtually every sentence and every image which is produced by the indigenous media has to passed by the government's censorship board, and all non-local media are also carefully monitored and controlled. The Burmese services of the BBC, VOA and the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma are often jammed; CNN and World Service broadcasts which include issues sensitive to the government mysteriously loose sound. New laws have been promulgated to restrict access to the internet, and it has been reported that the government has also purchased technology from Israel which can monitor and censor e-mail messages, and other equipment from Singapore to monitor satellite phones...".... This paper is one of four presented at the conference organised by TNI and the Burma Centrum Nederland on December 4 and 5, 1997 in the Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam, 'Strengthening Civil Society in Burma. Possibilities and Dilemmas for International NGOs'. A book of the same name, containing edited versions of the papers, an introduction and notes on the authors was subsequently published by Silkworm Books, Chiangmai 1999.
Zunetta Liddell
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute/Burma Centrum Nederland
Date of publication:
1997-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2005-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Civil Society, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
htm doc
Size:
90.45 KB 71 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"More aid to Burma?s border regions is a good idea, but not when the International Crisis Group is only telling half the story...
By making the case for increasing aid to Burma,the ICG stands accused of using dirty tactics.
... The report, Myanmar: Aid to Border Areas, advocates increased development projects in predominantly ethnic border regions, often in ceasefire zones or post-conflict areas, by depoliticizing aid and appealing to the immense humanitarian crisis facing Burma. By obscuring the junta that is largely responsible for the country?s socio-economic atrophy, the Brussels-based think tank is promoting more engagement isolated from Burma?s complex political impasse.
Utilizing the vague SPDC term ?Border Areas?, the report outlines a strategy for ?the empowerment of ordinary people.? It details ways for international non-governmental organizations, or INGOs, to nurture networks of community-based organizations, or CBOs, religious groups and other civil society networks in more ?bottom-up? development methods, and away from authoritarian ?top-down? projects..."
David Scott Mathieson
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 12, No. 9
Date of publication:
2004-10-00
Date of entry/update:
2004-11-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Multilateral economic development assistance
Language:
English
more
Description:
Yangon/Brussels, 9 September 2004: "International assistance to Myanmar?s Border Areas is needed to consolidate peace and lay the foundations for a more open, democratic system.
Despite continuing state repression in Myanmar and widespread international unwillingness to deal directly with the regime, properly targeted developmental and humanitarian aid can and should be given to help a limited and particular part of the country.
Myanmar: Aid to the Border Areas,* the latest report from the International Crisis Group, lays out in detail why the Border Areas are different and discusses how expanded international assistance could be implemented without strengthening the present government.
"The international community has tended to disregard the needs of the Myanmar?s desperately poor ethnic minority communities", says Robert Templer, Asia Program Director at ICG. "Foreign aid for the Border Areas should be seen as complementary to diplomatic efforts to restore democracy."
The remote, mountainous areas along the borders with Thailand, Laos, China, India and Bangladesh, largely populated by ethnic minorities, have long suffered from war and neglect, which have undermined development. Extreme poverty is widespread, though the area contains more than a third of the country?s population and most of its natural resources. The Border Areas also link to some of the world?s fastest growing economies. The prospects for Myanmar?s peace, prosperity and democracy are thus closely tied to the future of these regions.
International assistance could also reduce refugee flows and the dangers from cross border threats such as the spread of drugs and AIDS, and environmental damage from deforestation.
Much of the world has been reluctant to have any direct dealings with the regime. The political stalemate which has prevailed since the military suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1988 continues unabated. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains in custody, and there is no sign that the National Convention reconvened in May 2004 will produce any meaningful change. Without movement on these two fronts a comprehensive way forward that steers a course between sanctions and over-eager engagement will have few attractions for the international community.
"But if it can overcome its distaste somewhat and at least agree to work with local authorities to a limited extent, the outside world can play a very positive, perhaps even catalytic, role inside this particular region of Myanmar", says Templer. "Although the linkages between peace, prosperity and democracy are complex, international help for the Border Areas provides an important organising principle and practical means for their realisation."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group
Date of publication:
2004-09-09
Date of entry/update:
2004-09-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Multilateral economic development assistance, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
410.83 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
Free access not available anymore! The document needs to be purchased.
Foreword:
"An intellectual ?tectonic shift? is underway, making a precarious policy even harder to
justify. This rather unusual issue of the NBR Analysis does not stem from an NBR-sponsored
project or study. Instead, it emerged as an initiative from an extraordinary assemblage of
Burma scholars, all of whom regard last year?s announcement of a ?road map? for constitutional
change, the ongoing progress toward cease-fires with ethnic insurgents, and the worsening
impact of sanctions on the general populace, as an opportunity to re-examine U.S. relations
with Burma. Recognizing that the current situation may be conducive to taking a fresh
perspective, and noting the significance of so many top Burma specialists reaching similar
conclusions and working together, we decided to publish their essays.
The scholars in this volume represent a range of perspectives. What is especially notable
is that they collaborated in this enterprise and concur that the U.S. policy of sanctions is not
achieving its worthy objective—progress toward constitutional change and democratization in
Burma. Moreover, as some of these authors argue, viewing U.S.-Burma relations solely through
this lens, important as it is, may be harming other U.S. strategic interests in Southeast Asia,
both in terms of the ongoing war against terrorism and long-term objectives regarding the
United States? role as a regional security guarantor. The desperate humanitarian situation in the
country, as detailed in many of these essays, and concerns about possible WMD-related
activities only underscore the importance of looking at this issue again. U.S. policymakers in
particular ought to consider whether it is now appropriate to take a more realistic, engaged
approach, while easing restrictions on humanitarian assistance, programs to build civil society,
and the forces of globalization that are needed for the Burmese peoples? socio-economic
progress and solid transition to civilian government and democracy..."
Richard J. Ellings,
President,
The National Bureau of Asian Research...
"Strategic Interests in Myanmar" - John H. Badgley;
"Myanmar?s Political Future: Is Waiting for the Perfect
the Enemy of Doing the Possible?" - Robert H. Taylor;
"Burma/Myanmar: A Guide for the Perplexed?" - David I. Steinberg;
"King Solomon?s Judgment" - Helen James;
"The Role of Minorities in the Transitional Process" - Seng Raw; "Will Western Sanctions Bring Down the House?" -
Kyaw Yin Hlaing; "The Crisis in Burma/Myanmar:
Foreign Aid as a Tool for Democratization" - Morten B. Pedersen;
John H. Badgley (Ed.); Robert H. Taylor, David I. Steinberg, Helen James, Seng Raw, Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Morten B. Pedersen
Source/publisher:
"NBR Analysis" Vol.15, No. 1, March 2004 (The National Bureau of Asia Research)
Date of publication:
2004-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2004-02-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political, social and economic dimensions of investment in Burma, USA-Burma relations, The 7-Step Roadmap, General/Strategic, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Sanctions
Language:
English
more
Description:
Delivered at the EU â? Burma Day 2003 Conference..."In contrast to the Thai-Burma border, very little international attention has been given to conditions on the Bangladesh-Burma border. Consequently, Arakan State has remained a largely ignored region of Burma. Awareness is generally limited to the cycle of exodus and repatriation of Rohingya refugees.
But Arakan is no less than a microcosm of Burma with its ethnic conflicts and religious antagonisms, and is by far the most tense and explosive region of the country. The refugee outflow to Bangladesh does not result from counter-insurgency strategies to undermine ethnic armed resistance, as it is the case for the Shan, Karen and Karenni along the Thai-Burma border, but is the outcome of policies of exclusion against the Rohingya community..."
Chris Lewa
Source/publisher:
Forum Asia
Date of publication:
2003-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2003-10-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
English
Format :
htm
Size:
100.47 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"The Thai-Burma border has become a breeding ground for poorly conceived aid projects, leaving
the real needs of refugees and exiles unattended...
Relief agencies first began working on the Thai-Burma border in 1984 to support nearly ten thousand ethnic
Karens who had fled from persecution by the Burmese army. Four years later, as Burmese activists,
politicians and intellectuals began fleeing to Burma?s borders with Thailand and India to escape a brutal
crackdown on the nationwide democracy uprising of 1988, the need for emergency assistance increased
dramatically. Now, with an ethnic refugee population in Thailand that numbers over 135,000, and another
100 Burmese dissidents also believed to be sheltering in the country, Burma?s displaced persons have
become one of the region?s major targets of relief efforts...
Aung Zaw, John S. Moncrief
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 9, No. 9
Date of publication:
2001-12-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles
Language:
English
more
Description:
Since her release in May this year, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has become more pragmatic in dealing with Burma�s medieval generals as well as in her outlook on the country�s problems.
Immediately after being freed, Suu Kyi was confronted by the humanitarian crisis wracking the country and its citizens. She did not deny the enormity of existing problems, and quickly affirmed that as long as aid reaches people in need, she has no objections. But she also called for transparency, accountability and independent monitoring of assistance given to Burma.
Editorial
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 10, No. 9
Date of publication:
2002-11-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
(On the suggestion that NGOs should go into Burma)
"SLORC's shift into longer-term planning has not changed its basic military logic. The military no doubt hopes that NGO involvement in Burma will further its Low-Intensity Conflict strategy, whose final goal is control over all the "liberated areas" currently administered by the non-burman ethnic groups. Hard collective bargaining with SLORC and insistence on specific conditions will reduce this danger...
NGOs should not go into Burma at this time. If they do decide to go in, however, they should negotiate collectively with SLORC, and stick to firm guidelines as suggested in this memo..."
Burma Peace Foundation April 1994/August 1995
David Arnott
Source/publisher:
Burma Peace Foundation
Date of publication:
1995-08-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Humanitarian assistance in Burma/Myanmar -- guidelines, regulations etc.
Language:
English
Format :
htm
Size:
77.77 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"INGOs inside Burma are trying to keep a humanitarian crisis at bay. But what can they accomplish
with such a controlling and corrupt regime still firmly in place?
Burma is facing a dire humanitarian crisis and without the proper assistance the situation is going to get
worse before it gets better. The nostrum of increasing international aid is decidedly more complex than it
initially seems, especially for the International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) already working in
Burma. With the secret talks in Rangoon between Burma?s ruling State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi entering their second year, the answer to the question of
increasing aid is still not clear..."
Tony Broadmoor
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 9, No. 9
Date of publication:
2001-12-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"HIV prevalence is rising rapidly in Burma/Myanmar, fuelled by population
mobility, poverty and frustration that breeds risky sexual activity and
drug-taking. Already, one in 50 adults are estimated to be infected, and
infection rates in sub-populations with especially risky behaviour (such as
drug users and sex workers) are among the highest in Asia. Because of the
long lag time between HIV infection and death, the true impact of the
epidemic is just beginning to be felt. Households are losing breadwinners,
children are losing parents, and some of the hardest-hit communities,
particularly some fishing villages with very high losses from HIV/AIDS, are
losing hope. Worse is to come, but how much worse depends on the
decisions that Myanmar and the international community take in the coming
months and years... Myanmar stands perilously close to an
unstoppable epidemic. However large scale action targeted at helping those
most at risk protect themselves could still make a real difference. Action on
the scale necessary will inevitably involve working through government
institutions, possibly in partnership with NGOs. The international community,
and bilateral donors in particular, should look for ways to channel resources
to Myanmar in ways that encourage political commitment and capitalise on
the emerging willingness to confront the HIV epidemic..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group
Date of publication:
2002-04-02
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Myanmar's military government has long been treated as a pariah with
which most Western governments, non-governmental organisations and
human rights groups have maintained minimal contact. The country's
humanitarian crisis and the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS are now so serious,
however, that a significant increase in international assistance is needed.
Widespread concern that such re-engagement in Myanmar could undermine
the quest for political change is misplaced and should not block increased
humanitarian aid. International donors, the government and the NLD should
recognise that the country's pressing humanitarian problems cannot wait for
the slow political process to work itself out..." This well-researched and -argued report challenges international NGOs, international donors, the UN system, the Burmese military, the National League for Democracy and the overseas supporters of the Burmese democracy movement.
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Asia Report N° 32)
Date of publication:
2002-04-02
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
What can you learn from visiting the office of a foreign non-governmental organization NGO in Rangoon, capital of one of the world?s most repressed nations? Not much, unless you happen to catch somebody eating lunch in their garden.
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7. No. 3
Date of publication:
1999-03-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"...[R]eport on the Women?s Commission Reproductive Health Project site visit in February 2000 to the Mae Tao Clinic in Mae Sot, Thailand [Dr Cynthia?s clinic].
One key finding in this report is that reproductive health data collection has steadily improved at the Mae Tao Clinic. This is a
good sign of progress as data collection is essential to establish a baseline of information about the community that a provider is
assisting. The data allows the Clinic staff to objectively identify and prioritize community health problems and thereby design
their health services to address these problems.
In addition, the Clinic family planning program contraceptive user-rate has increased annually due to family planning education
conducted by the staff. The significant unmet need for family planning services, however, is evident in the numbers of women
and girls presenting to the Clinic with complications of unsafe abortion. An alarming 23% of the 277 women presenting to the
Clinic with abortion complications in 1999 were under 20 years old and almost the same percentage had already had one
abortion."
Source/publisher:
Women?s Commission for Refugee Women and Children
Date of publication:
2000-02-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Health of Burmese refugees and migrants, Refugee Health Care
Language:
English
more
Description:
A PEACE OF THE PIE? AID & POLITICS: PEACEBUILDING & NATIONAL RECONCILIATION:
National Reconciliation, Humanitarian Aid & �Neutrality�,
From �Secret Talks� To Tripartite Dialogue;
THE HUMANITARIAN 'CRISIS':
Taking The Politics Out Of Aid, Leaked UN Memo;
�BETTER GOVERNANCE IS THE ANSWER� -
Transcript Of Interview With Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, August 2002;
THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT;
THE ETHNIC NATIONALITIES:
The �No AID� Position;
THE SPDC;
WHOSE RESONSIBILITY?:
Causes Of Humanitarian problems in Burma, Oppression Of Civil Society,
SPDC Society, Armed Conflict, Human Rights Violations, Killings, Forced Labour, Rape, Food Security, Forced Relocation & Dislocation, Economic Mismanagement, The Way Forward;
ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT AID:
Building Civil Society And Pluralism, Gongos, Independence Of Ingos,
Reducing Conflict, Assistance To The Most Needy, Strengthening State Capacity For Responsibility, Lack Of Expertise, Aid Cannot Wait, Witnessing Human Rights, Corruption, Complementary Work, Bums-On-Seats;
�THE RIGHT WAY�:
Transparency, Accountability, Monitoring, The Role Of Aid Agencies,
Donors and The International Community;
CHRONOLOGY;
APPENDIX 1: NGOS & DONORS IN BURMA:
International Ngos In Burma, Donors, Donor/Government Policies,
Multilateral Organisations, Corporate;
APPENDIX II: POLITICAL & NATIONAL RECONCILIATION
by Dr. Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe;
APPENDIX III: Myanmar: a silent humanitarian crisis in the making;
APPENDIX IV: DCI � SPDC�s newest weapon;
BIBLIOGRAPHY;
RESOURCES FROM ALTSEAN-BURMA.
Source/publisher:
Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma)
Date of publication:
2002-10-13
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
htm doc
Size:
935.43 KB 393.5 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
The issue of giving humanitarian assistance to Burma has recently returned as a subject of discussion in the international media. In fact, the Japanese government has already resumed non-emergency humanitarian assistance to the Burmese regime, and some oil companies operating in the country are also funding development projects to counter criticism of their involvement with the junta. But now, there are some in the United States government who are questioning the wisdom of a ban on aid to Burma.
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7. No. 3
Date of publication:
1999-03-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"The term 'civil society' has been prominent in the history of Western intellectual thought for about two hundred years. Its connotative vicissitudes, its origins and previous political uses from Hegel and Marx and beyond in a sense reflect a microcosm both of political and social science theory. For a period reflection on civil society was out of style, an anachronistic concept replaced by more fashionable intellectual formulations. Today, however, the term has once again come back into significance. Here, however, we are not concerned with its history, but rather with its contemporary use, as defined below, as one means to understand the dynamics of Burmese politics and society..."...
This paper is one of four presented at the conference organised by TNI and the Burma Centrum Nederland on
December 4 and 5, 1997 in the Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam, 'Strengthening Civil Society in Burma.
Possibilities and Dilemmas for International NGOs'. A book of the same name, containing edited versions of the papers, an introduction and notes on the authors was subsequently published by Silkworm Books, Chiangmai 1999.
David Steinberg
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute/Burma Centrum Nederland
Date of publication:
1997-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Civil Society, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
htm doc
Size:
85.2 KB 66.5 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
Research Paper by the Burma UN Service Office - New York, December 2002 (published, March 2003)...
Executive Summary:
"The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma?s (the NCGUB) position on humanitarian aid is that the dire humanitarian situation should be one of the first items on the agenda of a substantive dialogue between the SPDC and the NLD. Joint consultative mechanisms should be established to ensure that aid reaches the right people in the right way. The objective of these mechanisms would be to ensure transparency and accountability and independent monitoring of the provision of humanitarian aid to the most vulnerable populations in Burma. Once these modalities are agreed upon, humanitarian aid by the international community should increase. Initially, to ensure the implementation and enforcement of the joint mechanisms, the NCGUB would prefer funds to finance small-scale projects managed by international NGOs." ...
Contents: Executive Summary;The General Humanitarian Situation in Burma:
Poverty; health; HIV/AIDS; education; food insecurity; displacement; landmines.
Why is there a Humanitarian Crisis in Burma?
Economic mismanagement; oppression of civil society; ongoing conflict, displacement, human rights abuses and access.
The National League for Democracy?s Position; ;
Current Humanitarian Assistance in Burma:
Specific challenges faced by international aid agencies; past incidences of concern involving international aid agencies; building the capacity of civil society; the joint principles of operation/code of conduct for INGOs.
Humanitarian Cease-fires: Potential Peace-Building Tool;
Potential Institutional Processes for the Provision of Humanitarian Assistance;
A Possible Humanitarian Assistance Model for Burma ;
ANNEXES:
Annex I: Summary of UN Agencies and Projects Inside Burma;
Annex II: List of International NGOs Inside Burma;
Annex III: Joint Principles of Operation of International Non-Governmental
Organizations (INGOs) Providing Humanitarian Assistance in Burma/Myanmar;
Annex IV: The Sphere Project ? Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards
in Disaster Response;
Annex V: Case Studies of Humanitarian Intervention;
Annex VI: Guidelines Table for the Arrangement of Humanitarian Cease-Fires;
Source/publisher:
Burma UN Service Office - New York/Burma Fund
Date of publication:
2002-12-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-04-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
htm doc
Size:
628.13 KB 453.5 KB
more