Spring Revolution

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Title: Myanmar Junta Achieves Nothing Without Shelling and Airstrikes: Army Defector
Description: "As Myanmar’s junta continues to lose ground to resistance forces, former army captain Lin Htet Aung, who joined the nationwide civil disobedience movement in March 2021, is helping others to defect. He recently talked to The Irrawaddy about the revolution, how the junta’s tactics might change and the effect of the regime’s scorched earth attacks. Why is the junta conducting so many airstrikes and shelling attacks on resistance and civilian targets? The ground troops cannot meet the regime’s goals. Without shelling and airstrikes, the troops achieve nothing. There is a slogan, “The military will fight with heavy explosives”. They think they can win with explosives and they are prepared to use them plentifully whenever they are attacked. Can the junta use any more extreme tactics? The next step might be to use chemical weapons. The junta expected to have toppled the resistance by now. It is now also using politics and religion to break public support and stop supplies from reaching the resistance. It is suffering badly militarily, which is why we see more shelling. Junta forces burn people’s homes while arbitrarily arresting and killing civilians. These acts are among their high efforts. Chemical weapons and cluster bombs are the next steps. Does the junta have chemical weapons and cluster bombs? The junta will not admit it but we have learned that its factories are producing those weapons. Personnel who have defected from those factories said the military is designing and producing cluster bombs with 120mm explosives. We hear the junta has produced chemical bombs but we have no documents. Defectors from the factories say the regime has been collecting these weapons for several years. How is the junta trying to reduce public support for the revolution? The junta’s airstrike on Pazi Gyi village was a message that anyone who supported the revolution would be killed. Troops burn villages based on accusations they are sheltering resistance fighters. In Magwe Region, the regime banned oil drilling to stop supplies to the resistance. This is nothing new. We used to use these tactics in conflict areas. They follow stages: block off the whole conflict area, conduct violence to divide the revolutionary organizations from the people and, if that fails, kill civilians to increase fear. This is a familiar strategy. Is it easy to conduct airstrikes? In the past, the military used its air force sparingly. Helicopters were sometimes used in clashes with the Arakan Army in Rakhine State. Now fighter jets and helicopters are used in every situation. Helicopters are deployed at many bases and fighter jets are always on standby. The junta uses its aircraft for almost every incident, no matter how small because the routes for reinforcements are controlled by revolutionary forces. In the past, the use of helicopters was restricted due to the costs. Does the junta consider any code of conduct to avoid harming civilians? The regime does not follow any code of conduct. There are also rules about taking up positions near civilian areas but the regime ignores them. They use civilians as human shields during operations. There is no distinction between civilians and military targets. Anyone who opposes military rule is an enemy. Does the regime worry about violating the Geneva Conventions? There are war crimes and crimes against humanity committed but to the junta there is no such thing. It only respects its own rules. From the bottom to junta boss Min Aung Hlaing, they all have the same attitude. Could the revolution succeed if the regime lost its airpower? The resistance groups are much stronger now in tactics and capabilities. They have really improved while junta troops have weakened. The regime is losing ground, despite using 120mm rounds or heavy machine guns that cause great damage. Helicopters and fighter jets have become the main strike force. Everything would change if we could stop the airstrikes. But the revolutionary forces need weapons to match the junta troops. With their current weapons, revolutionary groups can still not counter and protect themselves from junta offensives..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: A closer look into the urban resistance in Myanmar
Sub-title: Flash mobs, longyi campaign, and voices from the protest frontlines
Description: "The pro-democracy movement in Myanmar continues to challenge the junta which grabbed power in a coup in February 2021. The opposition government, ethnic armed groups, urban activists, and exiled media are all demanding the end of the military dictatorship, restoring civilian leadership, and reviving the nation’s transition to democratic rule. Massive rallies opposed the junta and a civil disobedience movement emerged against the military dictatorship immediately after the coup. The junta responded by violently suppressing protest actions, revoking the licenses of independent media outlets, and designating the opposition government as a terrorist group. A systematic crackdown on dissent targeted youth activists, opposition leaders, journalists, and ordinary citizens suspected of supporting the pro-democracy movement. Despite the mass arrests and violence, opposition against the junta continues to garner public support as seen in the coordinated “silent strike” across the country. Activists either joined the armed resistance in rural communities or sustained the opposition in urban centers. READ MORE: Myanmar's Spring Revolution Through the help of a solidarity network, Global Voices interviewed the Yangon Revolution Force (YRF) and the Artists Collective about the status and prospect of the urban struggle against the junta. After the violent dispersal of rallies, activists organized flash mobs to evade security forces while spreading the message of the resistance. Oakkar, a spokesperson of YRF, explained how flash mobs are organized. Our flash mobs initially included 30–40 people, but when crackdowns became lethal, we downsized to groups of 10–20. Eventually, most of us were apprehended, and we had to operate in even smaller units. The Artists Collective, a group of rebel artists, affirmed the value of flash mobs in the overall resistance. Soft strikes and flash mobs are highly effective. We must always show the fascists that they're not in control. We believe these campaigns are gaining significance over time. Images and videos of flash mobs often go viral reflecting the online support of Myanmar internet users. Oakkar shared how activists are maximizing multiple platforms to reach more people: When the junta began brutally cracking down on peaceful protests and restricting internet access, we started organizing flash mobs. We didn't expect our campaigns to go viral or receive applause; we simply acted as necessary and relayed information to the media. The public's support has given us the strength to continue. We've also leveraged platforms like Telegram and Instagram. It's risky for people to engage with our Facebook posts due to potential repercussions, but we continue innovating ways to demonstrate that the junta cannot govern. Another innovative protest is the Longyi campaign which involves the posting of protest messages in Myanmar’s traditional attire. The Longyi campaign is a source of pride for us. Longyi is our traditional attire, a wrap-around skirt worn by both men and women. We wrote revolutionary messages on the fabric that would become visible when adjusting the Longyi in the crowd. The campaign received significant praise and global support, marking a proud moment for us. Another risky form of protest is talking to strangers in the streets about the anti-junta campaign. Another risky campaign involved our members approaching random people on the street to discuss the junta's upcoming sham election. This task was dangerous; if the people we approached were spies or junta supporters, we risked imprisonment. But we managed to execute it successfully. Oakkar narrated the difficulties they face in waging guerilla tactics in urban centers: It's extremely risky for our comrades to operate in Yangon. Increased patrolling, more spies, and advanced surveillance make it difficult and resource-intensive to operate in the city. Despite the ruined economy, locals are willing to rent safe houses to our members for a higher price. Operations cost is high due to the necessity of employing several scouts for safety. The Artists Collective underscored the role of collaboration among different members of the pro-democracy movement: As long as our comrades, who are in riskier situations, are willing to revolt, we're ready to help in any way to ensure the success of this spring revolution. For instance, during Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday, we stayed up all night on a video call to guide our comrades in Yangon on how to draw the banner. Oakkar highlighted the sacrifices of those who decided to join the anti-junta resistance: Our members have had to make tremendous sacrifices. Our security is a constant worry, day and night. Many of us are unable to sleep peacefully, as the threat of midnight raids looms large. One of the most heart-wrenching realities is being cut off from our families. Additionally, unlike most young adults in their 20s, we don't have the luxury of enjoying regular pastimes and leisure activities. Our commitment to this cause, however, makes these sacrifices bearable. He also shared an appeal to the international community: We understand that everyone has their own responsibilities and tasks. However, we would greatly appreciate it if they could provide donations to support war victims fleeing to the borders, assist immigrants, or offer free online education to students supporting the Civil Disobedience Movement The Artists Collective cited the contribution of artists in the pro-democracy movement: As artists, we knew we could contribute by creating artworks to support the revolution. The fact that people are printing our artwork or using the digital versions online brings us immense satisfaction. We support the revolution through our art. Working together, we create banners, convey important messages, and assist with designs. Seeing our art pieces printed, displayed in marches, and online during flash events fills us with pride. The group is confident that the revolution against the junta will lead to success: We've seen a significant number of women and people of diverse sexual orientations and identities in deadly combat. This unique situation has brought people of different ages together to fight against the regime that has systematically oppressed our nation for 70 years. We believe the world will witness the establishment of a new federal democratic order in our country..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Global Voices"
Date of publication: 2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Spring Diary
Description: "I used to be a university teacher. As a teacher, I was proud of my work as a mentor to students, our young gems for the future. I highly valued my job, and I’d devoted myself to teaching as I had few skills for another profession. As my husband was an employee at a private bank, we had to manage living on a fixed income since we were both salary earners. We’ve brought up our children to be content with life, doing our best to make a happy family, although it was not fully provided. But my dreams were shattered one morning in spring. That day was 1st February 2021. My life, steady until that point, was struck by an immense change. On that day, the military announced a state of emergency and staged an illogical coup. I felt like a motherless child, like someone who had lost her future. It felt like I had travelled back in time. I had no motivation to work, and I felt even more lonely when the internet connections were cut off. Nobody could tell what would happen next or what had happened. People would voice their random ideas, and the department, the school, the town, and the entire country became silent with people deeply immersed in their own thoughts. The movement started in Mandalay. Two days after the military coup, motorbike riders expressed their distress by honking on the streets. The whole street and residential quarters were noisy with honking sounds. Later, a silent strike was staged with a three-finger salute. Posters bearing the images of the three-finger salute spread throughout the country—it was not long before we heard the frustrated voices of people protesting the dictatorship. Educators and staff from universities across the country also took part in protests by holding up posters of three-finger salutes. The once silent university came alive without the orchestrated but simultaneous chanting of slogans. At the same time, universities were closed, but staff continued to rotate teaching work due to the high rates of COVID-19 infections. The presence of teaching staff that day was a clear sign of how much civil servants loathed the dictatorship. Multiple ethnic groups, students, and civil servants participated in various anti-dictatorship activities. People resented the unjust acts committed by the authoritarian government, especially since the time for a newly elected government was just an arms-length away. Despite these challenges, our university’s strike column marched daily. I could not participate in these marches as I had to take care of my daughter’s security, but my inability to join the marches gave me a guilty conscience. I felt like I was being unfaithful to the movement. I tried to counteract my guilty conscience by banging pots and pans harder at 8pm, a symbolic act to drive out the evil dictators. Continuing work as an educator became a big challenge. It took time for me to decide about what to do, since I’ve always been a responsible person who highly valued my work. I discussed it with my colleagues, friends, family, and parents. My supervisor explained the pros and cons of standing bravely for the truth. As they did, the State Counsellor’s quote, “people matter,” echoed in my mind. My husband supported me in resisting the dictatorship within my own capacity. It was with such support that I was able to make a strong decision. From the 8th of February, I decided to join the CDM movement and withhold my labour—proudly contributing to the revolution alongside my colleagues at the university. Three weeks after the coup, the CDMers’ personal security was threatened when the military forces and police entered our university under the pretext of security. On 6th March, a month after we commenced our refusal to work with the slogan “don’t go to the office but struggle for freedom”, I went to my parents’ place with my daughter. My son and his father stayed behind in Yangon because of their respective responsibilities. About 10 days after I reached my parents’ village, a close friend and colleague informed me that she was going back to the office and asked me if I wished to recommence my duties. If so, she would submit my name. Soon after, my supervisor whom I so revered informed me that they would be resuming their duties out of fear for their security and arrest. We discussed with our colleagues how we could support them. We will not surrender, and we will fight till the end. At the end of April 2021, I received news that my nephew, a young university student had been shot dead by military forces the night before. The sad news broke me. On that day, Tedim was completely silent. The soldiers, whose duty was to protect the life and property of the people, were brutally killing innocent people for no reason. I prayed that such incidents would not take place again for anyone—but my prayers were not answered. Many people’s lives were sacrificed. If we did not resist this horrible system, then who would? In May 2021, I was expelled from my post for standing for the truth. It was a profession that I invested my heart and soul in for several decades, and I felt as though my arms and legs had been amputated. Moreover, the income source to support my family was now cut off. Life became very lonely. It was difficult to detach myself from work, but I had no reason to defend it any longer. I believed that Eternal God would prepare the best for me. I was satisfied that I had been able to take refuge with my parents and care for my 80-year-old father. I found strength in the understanding and support from my parents and siblings. Whenever I had a chance, I went to my father’s farm and nurtured the plants, ploughed the ground with an iron hoe, or cut the trees with a knife. I learned how to make use of the same hands I once used only to hold pencils and pens. Perhaps this was a blessing in disguise—I now had a chance to experience my community’s traditions and customs. Many people from my village did not share my ideas. Few civil servants became CDMers. They believed they had to mind their own business regardless of the government. They continued to show up for the civil servants’ recruiting exams held by the military council and were proud of their achievements when appointed. They thought they were doing great, but it was very uncomfortable for me to live in such an environment. My daughter would always encourage me—unhappy from trying to adapt to a new place—with positive motivation like “Mom…don’t be depressed. Our revolution will win.” Compared to my daughter’s moral support, I felt sorry about the lack of understanding in society. However, I was proud of my daughter because she knew what was right and what was wrong. Her sacrifice and willingness to accept a meagre way of living was much greater than mine. My husband’s support also gave me power. He would repeatedly tell my daughter, “Your mother is a revolutionary heroine. We should always be proud of Mom.” Maybe it was the emotional dejection that lowered our immunity. At the end of May 2021, my entire family was infected by COVID-19. We had to pull ourselves together to prevent us from falling to pieces. I was grateful for the fellow nurse CDMer who came to our house and treated us. Her words of consolation at that time of sickness and depression energized us. A year after returning to my native village, the community criticized me in different ways. The most annoying question I got was, “Are you divorced from your husband?” Because I was a CDMer, I did not receive any salary. They would heartlessly tell me that the success of our revolution would not be achieved in any way, and that I should go back to work. Even my close relatives blamed me. On the one hand, the arrest of CDMers increased every day. Though imprecisely, security became a concern. Over time, some schools in the village reopened, but my daughter had no desire to attend the school run by the military council. It was impossible to pursue online education either since the internet remained cut off. Meanwhile, I was able to meet and accompany a Catholic priest who came back to visit the village from Mizoram, India. In this way, I reached Buarpui village in Mizoram state in early April 2022. My daughter came with me and was able to continue her schooling, but she faced various challenges due to the language barrier, an unfamiliar school syllabus in Hindi, Mizo, and Lai languages, and culture shock. I felt guilty. For work, I worked in the kitchen of a hostel as an assistant to the chef. My days were spent peeling potatoes, picking rice grains, and washing dishes. I was exhausted both mentally and physically. I missed Myanmar and the life I enjoyed in the past—but I had to control my homesickness. I reminded myself not to forget that my life was where it was supposed to be, not where I wanted to be. The challenges as a CDMer refugee were hard. I prayed to God all the time, wishing to go back to where I deserved and wished to be. Through a friend, I learned about a call for 5 Research Fellowships from the Institute of Chin Affairs (ICA). I was interested, and I started to prepare for the application without any prior experience and with much difficulty. As I worked, I jotted down my thoughts and sought advice from my experienced friends. I sent my application before the deadline on the 31st of August. When the decision letter came on 15th September, I was happy to know that I was among the short-listed candidates. It reminded me of the same feeling I had when I first applied for my job. I wanted to be selected because I was interested in the field. On 27th September, I was informed that I had been selected as one of the Research Fellows. I was overjoyed. It was evident that God is good. I was pleased and proud of myself for being a Research Fellow of the Myanmar Fellowship Program. Then again, I grew wary when I thought of leaving my daughter behind. Departing from Buarpui, my daughter told me constantly not to worry about her but to take care of myself. From there, I started my second lonely journey to the capital city, Aizawl. In October 2022, myself and four other research fellows met the Deputy Director and the learning facilitator at the ICA office in Aizawl. The Chin Research Centre was formally opened in the compounds of Mizoram University. It is possible that the Spring Revolution created a historical milestone between the ICA and Mizoram University. We had the opportunity to learn from the professors and associate professors of MZU and to write research papers. I’m grateful to the responsible persons of ICA, our group leader who paid attention to every detail, and the learning facilitator, for not only providing knowledge but for supporting the livelihood of someone living with uncertainty in a foreign land. My ambition is to prepare a thesis paper that will enable us to implement a credit transfer, in addition to finding a way to have dialogue and collaborate on how to overcome the challenges of educational opportunities for refugee children. I aim to continue my tasks of the Spring Revolution as a researcher preparing research papers for the interest of the community and our people. Starting from Spring, how far do I have to walk on this journey? It is grueling to predict when this journey will end. I hope it will not take long. Another spring will come along with the sweet, lamenting, cooing sound of cuckoos. I have to nurture the victory plant embedded in my heart to welcome the triumphant spring. There will also be light after darkness. If the opportunity avails in peaceful times after the Spring Revolution prevails, I will create a good educational environment while sharing the knowledge earned through this program with my colleagues and students..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Spring Revolution Aided by Ethnic Kokang Armed Group
Description: "The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang armed group based in northern Shan State’s Kokang region, is playing an increasing part in training and arming resistance groups. That is quite a turnaround from 2009, when the MNDAA was widely believed to have been destroyed in a Myanmar military offensive. But by the end of 2013, small bands of MNDAA troops were active again to the west of the Salween River that marks the boundary with Kokang. In early 2015, China’s Global Times reported about the return of MNDAA leader Peng Jiasheng to Kokang. According to locals, the news of his return had already been circulating for nearly a year. So it appears that the MNDAA had been soliciting support in Kokang throughout 2014. Fresh clashes broke out on February 9, 2015 when an estimated 1,200 to 1,600 MNDAA troops fought their way back into Kokang. Combined with MNDAA administrative, medical, logistical and communications teams, there could have between 1,500 and 2,000 troops entering Kokang. The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Arakan Army (AA) reportedly fought alongside the MNDAA in these battles. The Myanmar military brought in large reinforcements over time, with heavy fighting raging in Laukkai, Konkyan and in the hills along the Myanmar-China border. China made a number of diplomatic protests after Myanmar military artillery shells and bombs repeatedly landed inside China. In one incident, five Chinese villagers were killed and nine others injured in the border city of Lincang in March 2015. In May that year, China imposed a ban on flying along the border and announced that it would organize military drills involving live ammunition for an indefinite period, which effectively de-escalated the fighting between the Myanmar military and the MNDAA. Neither side disclosed their casualties, but sources estimated that hundreds were killed or wounded. Over 60,000 civilians were displaced by the fighting and fled to Lashio or China. At least 100 civilians were killed in the clashes and many houses were destroyed. Although the MNDAA was unable to take back control of Laukkai and Konkyan, it was able to establish bases in the hills along the border and in the forest west of the Salween River. The MNDAA also won the sympathy of China’s military and some Chinese people. New policies after 2015 fighting MNDAA leaders adopted new political and military perspectives after the 2015 fighting. Peng Jiasheng’s brother Peng Jiafu acknowledged that the MNDAA couldn’t liberate Kokang on its own and needed to forge alliances with other ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and political groups. The MNDAA joined the United Nationalities Federal Council and the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Council. It also allied with the TNLA and AA, conducting joint military operations with them and supplying arms to the two groups. The MNDAA has also promoted brotherly ties with the United Wa State Army and the National Democratic Alliance Army in Mong La. Like the MNDAA, both those groups formed after splitting from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Expanding its areas of military operations, the MNDAA became active to the west of the Salween River, territory once controlled by the CPB. Since then, the MNDAA has formed political and supply departments, as well as command and control and artillery battalions. Its political wing is the Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party (MNTJP). Peng Daxun, a son of Peng Jiasheng, has consolidated his control as the general secretary of the MNTJP, and military chief of the MNDAA. Today, the EAO is estimated to have at least 5,000 well-equipped troops. The Struggle for Kokang During talks in 2015, then President Thein Sein told Peng Jiasheng that he could take a rest anywhere in the country. The underlying message was that the Myanmar military wanted him to become a full-time businessman like Lo Hsing Han, a Kokang drug lord, and that the military would support his business endeavors. As far back as 2009, the then Myanmar military regime wanted Peng Jiasheng to transform the MNDAA into a pro-junta militia or border guard force similar to ones in other parts of Shan and Kachin states. The military twice offered Peng Jiasheng the chance to trade the MNDAA’s weapons for business licenses, but Peng Jiasheng rejected the offers. While some of Kokang rebels have sided with the Myanmar military, Peng Jiasheng and his supporters chose to fight for the freedom of Kokang. Their resistance was astonishing because Kokang is small and mountainous with a population of less than 100,000 people. Yet while the MNDAA is small, it is a dangerous enemy for the Myanmar military. Current junta chief Min Aung Hlaing’s destiny is linked to the MNDAA. Min Aung Hlaing commanded the 2009 offensive that drove Peng Jiasheng and the MNDAA out of Kokang. And in 2015, it was again Min Aung Hlaing who led the Myanmar military operation against the MNDAA. Many Kokang residents fled to China during the 2009 fighting. The 2015 clashes resulted in over 60,000 people – over half the Kokang population – being displaced. Migrant workers fled to Lashio, and ethnic Kokang fled to China. At least 100 civilians died and many houses were destroyed, while 40,000 acres of sugarcane fields were torched, prompting China’s foreign minister to issue a statement asking the Myanmar government to protect the interests of Chinese people in Myanmar. However, the military punished only one Brigadier General. From 2011 to the end of 2018, the Myanmar military insisted that MNDAA surrender or be excluded from peace talks. Along with the devastation caused by the 2009 and 2015 fighting, that is perhaps the reason why the MNDAA is now opposing the Myanmar military again. MNDAA and the Spring Revolution The MNDAA, TNLA and AA have shown support for the resistance since the Spring Revolution began in 2021. But the three EAOs rarely talk about their actions. The leader of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), which is fighting the regime, attended the 2022 funeral of Peng Jiasheng. And the Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA) has said that it receives assistance from the MNDAA and its allies, although the group undergoes military training in an area controlled by the Karen National Union’s Brigade 5. People’s Defense Forces (PDF) in northern Shan State, which are under the command of the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), said last year that they are operating with the MNDAA. But neither the NUG nor the MNDAA have discussed that in public. But their relationship came under the spotlight when the MNDAA’s new brigade, Brigade 611, graduated and was armed on January 1 this year at its headquarters in northern Shan State. MNDAA deputy military chief Yang Guanhua was present at the ceremony, where 1,228 cadets graduated. A ‘federal’ flag was hoisted and Brigade 611 was referred to as a multi-ethnic brigade. It appears that the brigade was originally intended to be based in Kutkai District, but the plan was later changed as other Spring Revolution forces emerged. The majority of Brigade 611 fighters are not ethnic Kokang or from northern Shan State, but are young people from other parts of the country who decided to take up arms against the regime after the 2021 coup. Besides the KNDF, BPLA, and PDFs from northern Shan State, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is also working with the MNDAA. The PLA is said to be the successor of the now defunct CPB, and mainly consists of members of student unions in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo District. So the MNDAA is now helping the younger generation of communists whom it once rebelled against. The MNDAA is preparing or already providing military training for some 700 members of the PLA, BPLA, and the Sagaing-based Myanmar Royal Dragon Army led by Bo Nagar, one of the leading resistance figures, and two other PDFs. Over 1,000 troops trained by the MNDAA are already fighting the regime. The fact that the MNDAA is training and arming resistance fighters reflects the group’s financial power and its ability to procure weapons. It also reflects the MNDAA’s growing political ambitions. Along with the Kachin Independence Army, the MNDAA is the EAO that is cooperating the most with the resistance in northern Myanmar. This will create mutual benefits for Kokang and Spring Revolution forces. Of the forces cooperating with the MNDAA, only a few hundred PDF fighters are under the command of the NUG. Over 1,000 more from the KNDF, BPLA and the Myanmar Royal Dragon Army have no direct engagement with the NUG. And there are at least six revolutionary groups operating in the territories of the MNDAA’s allies, the AA and TNLA. Those groups are not under the command of the NUG. Separately, they are small groups but when combined they make a strong force. So the MNDAA’s military coalition, which was mainly formed with people from central Myanmar, may take different forms in the future. The MNDAA can’t distance itself from China. Meanwhile, the NUG, Spring Revolution forces, and EAOs in southern Myanmar have ties to the United States and western countries. China will definitely not want to see western assistance and influence so close to the Myanmar-China border. Some might say that China is involved in the MNDAA’s training and arming of new troops. But there is no proof that China has a policy to arm Spring Revolution forces via the MNDAA. The MNDAA is fighting for the identity and self-determination of Kokang people. At the same time, it has close ties with China and is involved in the illegal drug trade in the borderlands. But it has also established political and military alliances with other EAOs in northern Myanmar, as well as some Spring Revolution forces. The MNDAA could be a serious threat to the regime. It will be interesting to see what it does for Myanmar’s Spring Revolution in the future..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2023-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Why Inclusion Matters for Myanmar’s Resistance
Sub-title: In defiance of prevailing patriarchal norms, young women are playing instrumental roles in the country’s “Spring Revolution.”
Description: "“You’ve messed with the wrong generation.” In the days after Myanmar’s military staged a coup in February 2021, sparking mass protests across the country, this became a regular refrain for those opposing the military takeover, appearing on banners, placards and social media posts. Younger people – Generation Z and millennials – were the main driving force behind popular opposition to the power grab, not only on the streets but also within the Civil Disobedience Movement and online. They orchestrated boycotts of military-linked goods, launched fundraising drives for anti-coup activities, and organized “social punishment” campaigns aimed at pressuring individuals to cut ties with the regime. When the military began ruthlessly cracking down on peaceful protesters, killing hundreds and detaining thousands more, it was again the younger generations who began forming armed groups in urban and rural areas to try to remove the military from power. While determined not to let the junta consolidate power, they also refused to accept a return to the status quo ante, particularly the 2008 constitution, which provides for an elected government to share power with the military. n that regard, young activists have been instrumental in pushing the “Spring Revolution,” as the anti-coup movement has come to be known, in a more progressive direction, demanding a new constitution, a new political compact with ethnic minorities, more inclusive political structures, and a reframing of relations with the long-persecuted Rohingya. New political entities such as the National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel administration created by elected lawmakers ousted by the coup, were forced to follow their lead, agreeing for example on an inclusive “Federal Democracy Charter” with minorities and other stakeholders, and issuing a policy statement on the Rohingya that promised to end state discrimination. This was a significant departure from the pre-coup political landscape, when younger people and women had been largely excluded from the corridors of power. Traditional norms reinforced through the five decades of military rule between 1962 and 2011 had concentrated authority in the hands of older men; this was evident not only in the military regime, but also among the country’s various ethnic armed groups, and even in the political opposition under the previous military junta. The transition to semi-civilian rule in 2011 brought a degree of improvement thanks to the more liberal political environment, but patriarchal attitudes remained the norm. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Aung San Suu Kyi was, of course, a notable exception. But as the Western-educated daughter of Myanmar’s independence hero, she was atypical in a country where women, at best, exercised power informally, often through their husbands. The government she ran during 2016-2021 did little to promote inclusion of women and younger people in political life. Aung San Suu Kyi was the only woman minister in her administration, and while in power, her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), largely shunned civil society, where youth and women were better represented. It also stalled on key gender-focused legislation, such as the Protection and Prevention of Violence against Women Law. But after the coup, the youth directly challenged Myanmar’s age and gender norms, and have since secured some tangible progress. The NUG, which is made up of NLD figures, activists, and ethnic minority leaders, has implemented many of the policies that young people have demanded. New anti-regime political structures, including the NUG and National Unity Consultative Council, an advisory body comprising a broader mix of stakeholders, are also more diverse than the NLD-era government and parliament, and consult with younger political leaders regularly. More broadly, younger people involved in the anti-military struggle say that many older people in their communities view them with a new level of respect – not only because of their bravery and commitment, but also because of their ability and skills. They have become particularly influential in grassroots political movements, such as parallel local administrations formed in areas where the regime no longer has effective control. “In the past, most people in the community seemed to think that young people weren’t capable because they didn’t have experience and knowledge … now, many have changed their views and they give us opportunities. They realize that the future of the country is in our hands,” explained one young activist, who coordinates regular “flash protests” in an outlying Yangon township. Yet Myanmar’s patriarchal political culture has not been dispensed with entirely. The Spring Revolution has not swept away the old political order; rather, the new forces that have emerged need to work with existing players, like senior NLD officials and established ethnic armed groups. As a result, familiar patterns of behavior have gradually re-emerged in the new political and armed organizations. Although women have joined newly formed armed groups in unprecedented numbers, undergoing boot camp-style training, they have mostly been relegated to support roles, particularly those traditionally associated with women, such as providing medical care to injured comrades, for which they receive little credit. The stalled progress has also been evident within the NUG, where younger members lack real influence over decision-making. Rightly or wrongly, this has created an impression of tokenism among many Myanmar people, a perception that has the potential to undermine popular support for the parallel administration. “Of course, the NUG is more inclusive than previous governments, but it’s not at the level we were expecting,” complained one young protest leader from Tanintharyi Region. “There is still gender and age discrimination in new political structures,” agreed a student leader from Sagaing Region. “We need to continue making progress, and the next step is to create more space and give more authority to younger people and women.” There is a clear self-interest argument for why the NUG and other entities fighting the regime should make their structures more inclusive; at the very least, it would help to shore up support among the resistance’s strongest advocates. But they should also see the bigger picture, beyond potential short-term gain. Traditional patriarchal values have been among the root causes of many of Myanmar’s political, social, and economic failings: its unresolved armed conflicts, its poor health and education systems, and its ethnic and religious tensions. The leaders of the resistance movement now have an opportunity to start redressing this legacy. While there is still deep uncertainty as to how the current crisis will end, nurturing a greater role for young people and women at this formative time could contribute to making Myanmar a more inclusive society in the long term, particularly when it comes to providing them with political opportunities..."
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Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication: 2023-03-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Role of Buddhism in the Revolution…and beyond
Description: "Religions play a major role in Myanmar’s political history, especially Buddhism. Buddhist monks have been involved with political movements since the colonial eras. The most notable event led by the Sanga (monks) in recent years took place in 2007 when they led the Saffron Revolution. Many monks died, were arrested, and tortured fighting for democracy in Myanmar. It remains the same in the Spring Revolution as we come across the news about monks leading rallies and supporting the resistance in many ways. However, some prominent monks who were once worshipped and respected by the major population in the country have chosen to either neglect the military’s atrocities or plainly side with its leaders. Youths have questioned and called out those monks, vowing that victory at the end of the revolution will get rid of the military dictators and the stereotypical faiths including those religious monks. Curious on what the religious side thinks about it, we spoke to Ven Zawana, a former prisoner of conscience who now resides in New York, fighting yet another battle for the people of Myanmar. Please tell us about your involvement in the resistance movements under the previous regimes. I have become involved with the political movement since 1988. I led some rallies in my area. After the military committed the coup, I had to hide somewhere for a few months to escape an arrest. I came back to Yangon in July 1989, becoming an abbot in a monastery in Shwepyithar Township. Since I was the head of the monastery, I had more freedom in helping the politicians who found a safe haven in my facility where they hung out there frequently. In 1990, the prominent monks in Yangon were arrested by the military for leading political movements. I was in the back seat of the activism at that time hence I did not face detention. One day in 1993, military soldiers came to my monastery, asking questions about the students who had spent a few nights in the guest room. They found and seized documents, and tapes that contained political content in the room the young men had stayed in. I was also taken into custody. I confessed that those students had spent time frequently in my monastery, and I had treated them like regular guests. Hence I was charged with multiple violations of laws that were put on those students. In November 1993, I was sentenced to life imprisonment and nine years on top of that. I spent ten months in Insein Prison, later I was transferred to Tharrawaddy Prison (Bago Region) where I did five more years, before being transferred again to serve ten more years in Taungoo Prison (Bago Region). I got released from the Taungoo facility on 18 September 2009 after being locked in for 16 years and a month. Even after the release, I did not have the liberty to move freely since intelligence officers were following me and harassing people I communicated with. I had wished inside the jail that I could visit areas around the Bago Region after my release but I realized my time was running out with military people tailing me all day. I left for Maesot, the border of Thai-Myanmar before eventually heading to the US. I was granted asylum status and have been living in New York for ten years now. What are your current contributions to the Spring Revolution? Even before the Spring Revolution, I took notice of the military’s attempts to stir religious disputes by causing chaos in Rakhine State in 2012 (The 2012 Rakhine State riots were a series of conflicts primarily between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar, though by October Muslims of all ethnicities had begun to be targeted.) followed by the establishment of Ma Ba Tha – Association for the Protection of Race and Religion before 2015. I published books and shared articles online that highlighted the extreme beliefs and acts of Ma Ba Tha. When the coup took place in 2021, I organized the online Sanga (Monk) Network with the intention to remind people about Dhamma (morality) and Ahdhamma (immorality). The page now has 10,000 followers on Facebook, and like-minded monks from all over the world join in to give sermons to people and support the resistance on a regular basis. In addition, I toured the USA with my followers in 2021, visiting 20 cities in 11 states lobbying for the Burma Act, organizing rallies in support of the National Unity Government (NUG), and collecting and handing over donations to the NUG officials. To this day, I am quite active in this resistance, from calling for the United States government to transfer USD 1 Billion to the NUG, to pooling funds for people in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and the People’s Defense Forces (PDF). Many; especially youths have criticized prominent monks such as Sitagu Sayadaw for turning a blind eye to the atrocities of the coup leaders and not having the best interests of the public at heart. And hence they have called for the end of such exploitation of religion or religious-dominant culture along with the dictatorship, please let us know your thoughts on it. Look, one of the core values of Buddhism is the peace and prosperity of the entire society. If you practice Buddhism, which is the symbol of love, and you turn a blind eye to injustice, that means you are doing the exact opposite of what you preach. When that happens, whatever sermons you give on the topics of peace, love, or caringness, are just plain words coming out of your lips, you don’t convince people anymore. Youths see through that. In my private opinion, I believe the perception of youths on religion has changed in a positive way compared with the past decades. The new education system during a brief period has contributed to that effect.[1] During the previous regimes, our education system was basically a brainwashing scheme. Younger generations have dared to question the status quo, no longer taking the old road that used to lead people to believe whatever the monks preached. Are you satisfied with the extent of the Buddhist monks’ participation/contributions in this resistance? Not at all. As I was saying earlier, the education system for the people changed in a positive way recently but monastic education has remained the same. I know a monk who has done very well in academics but he still believes the lie that the country will be converted into an Islamic state if the National League for Democracy (NLD), which is led by the detained leader Aung San Suu Kyi, continues to govern it. His students, young and bright novices, are fed the same concept. This fake news has been systemically injected by the military into the whole country for decades, and many monks remain believing it. Hence, they consider pro-resistance people as traitors of religion and race. It is down to the monastic education system, which is not empowering monks to think freely. To this day, Sangha Maha Nayaka (the governing body of Buddhist monks) does not believe it is appropriate to teach English to monks, arguing that if monks can speak English, they will leave the country. How pathetic! We have also observed that many monks are actively participating in the movement, backing operations of the PDF members in some cases, while we are grateful for such support, do you think it’s against the religious practices? For myself, I don’t believe I have committed crimes that will put my own monasticism into question. Yes, I am supporting PDF but the most I can do is provide USD 20 for each ranger in a limited quantity, which is barely sufficient to get food and warmth for them. I am not buying weapons or urging them to kill so I have a clear conscience on that and I will keep doing the same. As for others, I simply see it like this: whoever is making an effort to end the military’s dictatorship is a hero to me, whether it’s a person or a monk. The country will not be peaceful and prosperous as long as these generals are at the helm. The sooner they are gone, the earlier Myanmar benefits. Hence, every single one who works toward toppling the coup leaders is doing a righteous deed. No judgment there whatsoever. Buddhism has a significant impact on the country. What kind of role do you wish for Buddhism to have in modern Myanmar (beyond the Spring Revolution)? Every religion will continue to have a significant place in Myanmar. The Spring Revolution has highlighted the good and the evil vividly, not just among people, but also among religious leaders. Post-revolution, faith will be restored based on actual events and beliefs, instead of brainwashing conspiracies and make-believe stories. That day will be beautiful when it eventually comes..."
Source/publisher: Mohinga Matters via "Democratic Voice of Burma"
Date of publication: 2023-02-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Breaking Gender and Age Barriers amid Myanmar’s Spring Revolution
Sub-title: Politics in Myanmar is traditionally the domain of older men, but women and youth have been prominent in resistance to the 2021 military takeover. Giving them a bigger voice could have a positive effect on the country’s political culture, no matter how the crisis ends.
Description: "What’s new? Young people, particularly young women, have been visible and important contributors to the anti-military resistance, challenging age and gender norms in patriarchal Myanmar society. Yet two years after the coup they remain largely excluded from formal political power, and their role in the opposition movement often goes unacknowledged. Why does it matter? Older men have traditionally dominated Myanmar politics – Aung San Suu Kyi being a notable exception. Policy priorities are skewed to women’s and youth’s detriment. The outcome of Myanmar’s post-coup crisis is uncertain, but changing norms within the anti-military resistance may well shape politics and society more broadly. What should be done? The parallel National Unity Government should move beyond tokenism to genuinely include women and youth from diverse backgrounds in decision-making to build its credibility and break down patriarchal barriers. Donors should increase support for women- and youth-led organisations, while anti-regime armed groups should review the gendered way they assign recruits. I. Overview A young generation, particularly women, are at the forefront of Myanmar’s armed and non-violent resistance to the 2021 coup d’état, challenging longstanding age and gender norms and hierarchies. Post-coup opposition movements have created opportunities for these people to take on roles that earlier were off limits. Their power within the movements remains limited, however, and intensified fighting in much of the country further jeopardises it. The National Unity Government and other anti-regime forces have strong normative reasons to address this problem. They would also gain from doing so, in that otherwise they may lose core supporters’ sympathies. They should do more to deepen inclusion, particularly of women and youth from diverse socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds. Armed groups should move from assigning people to posts based on gender, possibly by giving both men and women more choice in how they are deployed. No end is in sight to Myanmar’s crisis and its outcome is far from clear, but changing norms within the resistance are likely to influence the country’s politics and society over time. Prior to the coup, political power in Myanmar lay almost exclusively in the hands of older men. Aung San Suu Kyi, the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) leader ousted by the coup, was a notable exception, in part because she is Western-educated and the daughter of independence leader Aung San. There was progress toward greater inclusivity during the ten years of semi-civilian rule, between 2011 and 2021, but deeply entrenched conservative attitudes and practical barriers erected during half a century of military dictatorship served to keep most women and young people out of formal politics. In some respects, the NLD was even less inclusive than its predecessor, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, to the disappointment of activists, civil society figures and some within the party itself. The coup has helped bring to the fore a new generation, who were instrumental in launching what they call the Spring Revolution in its aftermath, organising nationwide demonstrations, strikes and boycotts. This younger cohort, including Generation Z and millennials, came of age during the decade of semi-civilian governance and has refused to accept a return to military rule. Their views only hardened as the regime brutally cracked down on their largely peaceful protests. From martyred demonstrators to striking garment workers and teachers leading the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), they have been a powerful symbol of resistance to the junta. They have used their position to challenge traditional age and gender norms and push a progressive agenda, particularly in the political sphere. Although women are often active participants behind the scenes [of the resistance] ... their contributions often go unrecognised. Although these youngsters are the driving force of the movement, they have limited clout in its internal councils. Over time, the more inclusive facets of the revolution, such as street protests and the CDM, have lost influence to newly formed armed resistance groups, which are focused on fighting. Not surprisingly, the division of labour within these groups’ ranks is heavily gendered. Although women are often active participants behind the scenes – for example, crafting homemade weapons or raising money – their contributions often go unrecognised. Although featuring a significant number of ex-NLD figures, the new anti-regime political structures, such as the National Unity Government (NUG) and National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), are more diverse than the NLD-era government and parliament. Diversity is more evident in terms of ethnicity than age or gender, however. Although the NUG has several women ministers, most of the top positions remain held by older men. The same is true of Myanmar’s ethnic armed groups, which predate the military takeover but whose sway has grown in the post-coup conflict. Apart from cultural attitudes that favour older male leaders, socio-economic factors remain a barrier to broader inclusion, particularly for women. Meanwhile, the military regime has closed off what few opportunities existed for younger people, and women of all ages, to exercise political leadership. The junta is dominated by serving and former military officers, making it highly unrepresentative of Myanmar society, and all indications are that general elections planned for late 2023 or early 2024 will bring only cosmetic change. Despite the junta’s claims to the contrary, the vote is intended to entrench military control of nominally civilian structures, such as the national assembly. Directly or indirectly, power will still reside in the military elite, most of whom are older Burman men, possibly with token inclusion of ethnic minorities and women. With the armed struggle gaining momentum from mid-2021, progress toward greater inclusivity has largely stalled within the resistance. Civil society leaders and foreign technical advisers can provide support, but senior opposition members in bodies such as the NUG will need to throw weight behind any effort to jumpstart such change. Doing so matters not just for the immediate term: while it is far from clear how the tragedy currently befalling Myanmar will shape its future, evolving age and gender norms in the resistance could have a positive lasting impact on Myanmar politics and society. Even beyond important normative concerns, NUG leaders would gain by including women and young people in political decision-making and listening to their perspectives; failure to do so could alienate important sources of support. Meanwhile, civil society groups and NGOs, primarily from Myanmar, should engage the armed resistance – including ethnic armed groups – in discussions about injecting a gender dimension into their own policies, such as by degendering job assignments and addressing harassment. II. An Old Man’s World Younger people and women have historically wielded little formal political power in Myanmar.1 Although the country is ethnically diverse, most of its communities are patriarchal with strong cultures of deference to elders. In many ethnic communities, including the Burman majority, the two dominant institutions are armed groups and organised religions, both of which have tended to reinforce age hierarchy and – to an even greater degree – patriarchal gender norms. Occasional ruptures, notably World War II and the 1962 coup, have overturned the old establishment and brought in groups of younger men to take its place. But these upheavals, if anything, have strengthened the hold of men on power, meaning that the “traditional connection between masculinity and authority remained largely unchanged”.2 Furthermore, the men who had dislodged their elders generally clung to their prerogatives as they aged, in time becoming a new old establishment. Myanmar’s legacy of conflict ... has only served to strengthen the writ of older men. Myanmar’s legacy of conflict, with unresolved wars that date back to its independence in 1948 in many of the country’s ethnic areas, has only served to strengthen the writ of older men.3 Over five decades of military rule, from 1962 to 2011, serving and former military officers came to dominate formal political institutions, including government, political parties, the civil service and the judiciary.4 Though independence hero Aung San and many of the country’s first post-independence leaders had emerged from university politics, the military came to see students mainly as a threat to its rule – not entirely without justification, since students led major protests against the socialist regime in 1962, 1974 and 1988.5 During this period, many ethnic minorities formed armed resistance movements to fight for greater autonomy, with men occupying virtually all leadership positions. After independence, and particularly the 1962 coup, women were barred from serving in the military, except as nurses (and in a few other roles). Given the centrality of the military in Myanmar politics, a major avenue to power was thus closed off to women. Ethnic Burman women were nevertheless described as something of an exception. They were said to have “high status” and to enjoy “inherent equality” with their male counterparts. Though that was not quite true, Burman women did often have greater rights and freedoms than women elsewhere in Asia, and some rose to prominence in politics, business and other fields.6 Aung San Suu Kyi is the best-known example.7 Flawed as this notion was, the military saw it as useful. After the end of the socialist regime in 1988, the State Law and Order Restoration Council junta seized on it as an ideological prop. The idea became part of what one scholar has described as a project of “Myanmafication” – creation of a national “Myanmar culture” based on Burman Buddhism – that the generals pursued to consolidate their rule after the failure of socialism.8 The military began claiming that all women in Myanmar had “inherent equality” with men. It signed Myanmar up to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and vehemently denied the regular reports that its soldiers were perpetrating sexual violence against ethnic minorities.9 By insisting that Myanmar women already had equality – even if the original narrative had extended only to Burman women, and not minorities – the regime in effect reinforced the status quo of exclusion.10 One area in which women and youth were able to build influence was in civil society. After the 1988 uprising, many women and youth from central Myanmar who had participated in the protests fled to border areas to continue their anti-military struggle. Some enlisted in armed movements, such as the newly formed All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, while many others joined or established NGOs. From around the same time, associations affiliated with ethnic armed groups, such as the Karen Women’s Organisation, began to work on strengthening women’s roles in the movements’ armed wings, and were later instrumental in forming the Women’s League of Burma, a border-based NGO that promotes women’s participation in politics. Women were also prominent in civil society in military-controlled parts of Myanmar, even during periods of particularly marked oppression, and their role grew significantly after Cyclone Nargis, in 2008, when international aid to Myanmar – much of it channelled through NGOs and community-based organisations – increased greatly.11 The period leading up to political liberalisation in 2011 saw the military take steps reinforcing the old nexus of maleness, age and political power. The period leading up to political liberalisation in 2011 saw the military take steps reinforcing the old nexus of maleness, age and political power. It wrote this linkage into the 2008 constitution, which it drafted to facilitate a transition to quasi-civilian rule. The charter nominally granted equal rights to women, but with the caveat that “nothing ... shall prevent appointment of men to the positions that are suitable for men only”. Further, by ensuring the primacy of the military in politics, the constitution in effect blocks women from positions of influence. Nothing in the constitution, meanwhile, prohibits discrimination on the basis of age; on the contrary, it sets a minimum age for all elected and many appointed positions.12 After liberalisation, the military also tried to soften its image as a male-dominated institution. In 2013, it amended its recruitment policies, placing an advertisement for women cadets, and the following year it appointed the first women officers to serve in parliament.13 Recruitment of women to the military-controlled police force also expanded significantly.14 These policies had their limits, however: women cadets were commissioned at a lower rank than their male counterparts, and they were mainly confined to support roles that stunted opportunities for advancement.15 Women entering the military and police force encountered various other kinds of institutionalised discrimination.16 Gendered roles also persisted outside the military, such as in opposition movements, where women were often relegated to jobs behind the scenes.17 Meanwhile, liberalisation created new opportunities for women and youth in the political sphere, if not in the upper echelons. Older men from military backgrounds dominated President Thein Sein’s various cabinets from 2011-2016, as well as national and regional assemblies formed based on the 2010 election results; although two women were appointed as ministers, they were assigned education and social welfare, both portfolios closely associated with “women’s affairs” in most Myanmar people’s minds. The NLD’s success in the 2012 by-elections brought greater diversity to parliament – almost one third of its candidates were women, and many were younger than average – and Thein Sein’s government started engaging with a wide range of social actors, including on policy development.18 Women and younger people were highly visible in civil society, particularly NGOs, but also newly formed student and labour unions. There were, however, still clear limitations to women and youth participating in political life. Both the military and ethnic armed groups mostly excluded women from the peace process that Thein Sein launched in 2011, and no side ever met the gender quotas that negotiators included in a 2016 framework for political dialogue, which began that year and continued until 2020.19 Although the Department of Social Welfare began drafting a Protection and Prevention of Violence against Women Law in early 2011, in part to bring Myanmar law into compliance with CEDAW, it was never enacted; instead, the government and parliament, under pressure from nationalist groups, passed four “protection of race and religion laws”, including legislation restricting the right of Buddhist women to marry men of other faiths.20 A proposed Ministry of Youth Affairs never came into being. The government did introduce a National Strategic Plan for the Advancement of Women, along with a National Youth Policy, but both of these initiatives “remained largely on paper and did not lead to tangible results”.21 Hopes that the [National League for Democracy], once in power, would drive efforts to break down gender and age hierarchies were quickly dashed. Hopes that the NLD, once in power, would drive efforts to break down gender and age hierarchies were quickly dashed. In March 2016, soon after winning the election by a landslide, it named an eighteen-member cabinet including only one woman, party leader Aung San Suu Kyi herself, and with an average age of 65; the three youngest members were, ironically, serving officers appointed by the military.22 It later expanded the cabinet to 51 members, but only one other woman joined, making the government more than 95 per cent male. Nearly all key positions in parliament and other national bodies, such as the Union Election Commission, also went to older men, as did state and regional cabinet posts. Party stalwart Win Htein, who was central in the cabinet selection, said many of the NLD women who wanted to run for office were too “green” and “inexperienced”. “The culture here and the religion mean most women are not naturally confident in political situations”, he added.23 But the NLD also largely ignored and even stifled civil society, which had been an important venue where women and younger people could influence decision-making. The NLD was less open to engaging civil society and seeking policy advice than its predecessor, the Union Solidarity and Development Party; it appeared to view activists in particular as troublemakers. It placed restrictions on its legislators that made it difficult for them to participate in civil society initiatives, and in some cases it forced civil society organisations to seek permission before holding public events.24 Activists were routinely subjected to harassment and intimidation, particularly by the security forces, and the increased application of repressive laws had a chilling effect.25 In the bureaucracy, the Union Civil Service Board regularly advertised men-only positions, on the basis that they were not suitable for women.26 The NLD’s second term, scheduled to begin in March 2021, seemed unlikely to bring much change. The party had fielded more women than in the 2015 election, and as a result 17.3 per cent of lawmakers in the incoming legislature would have been women, up from 14.2 per cent in 2016. The new cohort was also slightly younger, with an average age of 53.5 years, compared to 54 years in 2016 and 58 after the 2012 by-elections.27 But despite these modest improvements, there was little to suggest the party was planning to make its cabinet more inclusive. Similarly, neither gender nor youth concerns appeared to be high on its agenda – its manifesto for the 2020 election was almost the same as the one in 2015, and its posture toward civil society did not shift during the campaign. III. A New Post-coup Reality A. The Youth Take the Lead When the military seized power in February 2021, younger generations responded decisively. Filling the void left by the arrest of the NLD leaders and a number of prominent older activists, they devised a series of creative campaigns to challenge the new regime. “You’ve messed with the wrong generation” became both a warning and a rallying cry repeated in newspaper headlines around the world in the first days after the coup.28 Although protests in big cities got the most attention, demonstrations erupted across most of the country, bridging urban-rural, socio-economic, ethnic and religious divides.29 Generation Z and millennials have since remained the driving force behind popular resistance to military rule.30 Most members of these age cohorts entered adulthood shortly before or during the period of political liberalisation after 2011 – for example, an estimated 4.8 million members of Generation Z were able to vote for the first time in the November 2020 election. They had few personal memories of military rule, but they equated it in their minds with poverty, isolation and repression. Not only are they unwilling to return to this dark past, but they have also issued demands that go much further, pushing the political debate in a progressive direction. Labour leaders, human rights activists and student union members ... initiated street protests. The first public signs of organised resistance emerged the day after the coup, on 2 February, when junior government medical staff launched the CDM, refusing to work for the new regime. Within days, labour leaders, human rights activists and student union members such as Tayzar San, Ei Thinzar Maung, Esther Ze Naw, Moe Sandar Myint and Wai Moe Naing – all in their twenties and early thirties – initiated street protests. Both the CDM and peaceful street protests swelled quickly: millions of people took part in the demonstrations, and hundreds of thousands of civil servants joined the strike. In the capital Naypyitaw, meanwhile, a group of around 70 MPs-elect from the NLD took an “oath of office” on 4 February, in defiance of the military, and established a rival legislative body, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the following day; in April, the Committee formed the NUG. Strikes, protests and parallel parliaments are all established opposition movement tactics in Myanmar.31 But the tech-savvy younger generations combined them with new techniques as well as knowledge from abroad to create hybrid “repertoires of contention”.32 The internet, and more broadly exposure to the outside world over the past decade, not only helped inspire this innovation but also magnified its impact.33 Examples are many and varied. Protesters adopted the three-finger salute from The Hunger Games film series, which people in Hong Kong and Thailand had popularised earlier, but also learned from their peers in those countries how to counteract the effects of tear gas. Themed protests – such as the massive “five twos” demonstration on 22 February, which mobilised an estimated five million protesters – were organised through Facebook, while Twitter was used to share information about #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar with the world. The importance of the internet in mobilising anti-military movements was evident from the regime’s many efforts to block access to it. These were, however, largely unsuccessful because many users found ways around the restrictions, often thanks to advice they found (and then shared) online.34 Researchers have highlighted the importance of internet-based expertise that was developed prior to the coup, such as advocacy with Facebook (to get the platform to take down hate speech and pro-military propaganda) and digital security training for activists and journalists.35 The mostly younger people working on these issues had less success in lobbying the NLD government, which largely ignored their campaigns for reforming defamation laws and improving digital rights and security. Nevertheless, after the coup, the experience they gained spread to the broader population, playing a “crucial role in enabling a disruptive and resilient grassroots resistance” to the junta’s attempt at “complete autocratization of Myanmar”.36 The internet was important not only for mobilising protests, but also in enabling more open discussion of revolutionary goals among a wide audience. “What really sets this moment apart from other revolutionary moments [in Myanmar] is that a lot of it is online”, commented a gender expert. “This helped … change ideas around gender and age, and when the crackdown came, that debate could still continue online”.37 Both online and in the streets, the anti-coup movement energised many young people who had previously been uninterested in politics.38 A 21-year-old protest leader from Yangon told Crisis Group that prior to February 2021 he had been working in his mother’s business and playing music. On the morning of the coup, she woke him to break the news. He attended the first rallies more out of curiosity than commitment to the cause, but he grew angry at the increasing violence and the mendacity of regime propaganda. By mid-2021, he had become a protest leader, and has remained in the city despite the military’s crackdown, coordinating flash mob protests in his township.39 B. Women at the Barricades Young women were highly visible on the protest front lines; by one estimate, they made up 60 per cent of protesters in the initial days after the coup.40 Their presence alone was a direct challenge to the patriarchal values that the regime embodied. When soldiers and police began using live rounds to disperse the protesters, several women were among the first killed. Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, the first protester to fall under the security forces’ fire, and Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old from Mandalay who was shot dead on 3 March while wearing a T-shirt with the words, “Everything will be ok”, became martyrs for the movement, stoking anger at the regime’s brutality.41 The outrage reflected the widely held idea that men have a duty to protect women, who are cast as vulnerable; that the military killed women protesters was thus seen as particularly egregious. When the crackdown intensified, women were often ushered to the rear for their safety, leaving young men to don homemade protective equipment in front of the makeshift barricades.42 In some cases ... the protests were able to turn the regime’s misogyny against it. In some cases, though, the protests were able to turn the regime’s misogyny against it. In March 2021, protesters in Yangon strung women’s sarongs, known as htamein, high across the streets in both a symbolic denunciation of patriarchal customs and a way to take advantage of them. They were playing on a traditional Burman belief that a man’s innate masculine power, or hpone, is diminished if he passes below a woman’s undergarments.43 Young male protesters showed their disdain for the taboo by walking freely underneath the htamein. But the garments also slowed the security forces in pursuit, who stopped to take them down.44 In a similar vein, women painted sanitary napkins red to simulate blood, hanging them up in the street or attaching them to photos of junta leader Min Aung Hlaing. Women activists have also formed new groups to challenge gender norms and promote solidarity, such as the Women Advocacy Coalition, which is pushing for gender sensitivity in new democratic institutions, and Sisters2Sisters, which draws attention to the military’s use of excessive force and sexual violence against women. C. A Force to Reckon With While the protesters’ initial demands focused on restoring the NLD administration and respecting the results of the 2020 election, they shifted rapidly, with ethnic, gender and religious equality becoming central themes. Protesters called for abolishing the 2008 constitution (drafted under the previous military regime), creating a more equitable political system and establishing a new military – a “federal army” – under civilian control. The emergence of the NUCC in March 2021 and the NUG the following month lent impetus to these goals, including by enshrining them in a Federal Democracy Charter designed to replace the 2008 constitution.45 The charter marks a break with the policies of not only the military, but also the NLD. It goes much further, for example, than the changes to the 2008 constitution that the NLD government attempted to pass in 2015 and 2020, all of which the military vetoed.46 Part 1 of the charter prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender – as the 2008 constitution nominally does – but also makes numerous other references to gender equality, including instituting a 30 per cent quota for women in “different levels of decision-making mechanisms”.47 Additionally, it stipulates the creation of “independent commissions” for women’s rights and children’s rights, youth affairs and gender equality, as well as gender-based violence and domestic violence.48 The interim provisions also say women’s and youth affairs groups should be included in the NUCC and a People’s Assembly.49 The NUG’s composition embodies some of these aspirations. Although Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD President Win Myint – both in detention since the morning of the coup – remain nominally at the head of the NUG, the parallel administration is far more diverse than the previous NLD administration. At the time of writing, women comprise 20 per cent of its cabinet members, while ethnic and religious minorities make up more than 50 per cent. Based on information available, the cabinet members’ average age is 59 years – compared to 65 for the 2016 NLD administration at the start of its term – although the real figure is likely significantly lower.50 The NUCC also has a diverse membership, including representatives of ethnic armed groups and political parties, human rights groups, civil society organisations, the CDM, strike committees and more.51 By the time of the [National Unity Government’s] formation, the anti-military struggle was already taking on a more revolutionary character. By the time of the NUG’s formation, the anti-military struggle was already taking on a more revolutionary character. Peaceful protests had largely dissipated in the face of the violent crackdown, with at least 750 civilians killed within three months of the coup.52 Thousands of the most determined activists were secretly travelling to the territory of ethnic armed groups for military training, while new anti-military armed groups were forming in many rural areas. On 5 May, the NUG announced the formation of the People’s Defence Force (PDF), and on 7 September it launched a “people’s defensive war”. Some of the hundreds – if not thousands – of new armed groups called themselves PDF units and aligned publicly with the NUG, but many remained independent.53 Most members of both types of PDFs and other anti-military armed groups are young, often still in their teens or early twenties. In areas where armed resistance to the coup has been strongest, the state’s administrative structures have disintegrated, and younger people have filled the vacuum, taking on leadership roles. In many parts of Sagaing Region, for example, government services are no longer functioning outside major towns. Although the military can still project power into the countryside by carrying out raids (often by using helicopters), resistance groups, which have set up embryonic administrations for delivering services, are the closest thing rural areas have to the state. In these areas, people in their late thirties or forties – former lawmakers, teachers, military defectors and others – have emerged as community leaders, and are working together with even younger colleagues, particularly former student union members.54 Some older community members, such as village tract administrators and senior monks, have on the other hand lost authority, either because they have not sided with the resistance or because they simply lack the knowledge necessary to exercise influence in the current circumstances. Many, however, are involved in community mobilisation for the resistance, alongside the new, younger leaders.55 Since the coup, women have joined anti-military armed groups, including long-established ethnic armed groups, in unprecedented numbers – often in defiance of their parents and other relatives.56 They are often pictured in mainstream and social media, undergoing boot camp-style training or holding weapons, flying in the face of longstanding beliefs – in particular, that women are too weak or too timid to be soldiers.57 Women have even taken up senior positions in some of the new anti-military groups – something that previously would have been unthinkable – and in a few locations they have formed women-only groups, the most well-known being the Myaung Women Warriors in Sagaing Region. Initially, this group faced pushback from locals, but eventually it gained more acceptance. “At first, parents did not allow their daughters to participate”, a senior group member told Crisis Group. “But over time we managed to grow to more than 300 members. Now some parents even bring their daughters to us”.58 Younger generations have not only provided the soldiers and support workers for newly formed armed groups, but also generated financial and other backing. Younger generations have not only provided the soldiers and support workers for newly formed armed groups, but also generated financial and other backing. As with the non-violent resistance they orchestrated in the months after the coup, they have leveraged the internet to great effect. By around May 2021, social media posts had shifted from focusing on protests and the CDM to armed struggle, often with motivational hashtags.59 Most importantly, they have spearheaded online fundraising efforts that have generated tens of millions of dollars, if not more, for the NUG and anti-military resistance forces.60 They are also a valuable source of information and intelligence for organisations such as the NUG. The post-coup upheaval and the importance of young people to the anti-military struggle has created new avenues for them to take on leadership roles and exert influence. One 23-year-old woman Crisis Group interviewed had been a student union leader prior to the coup, but quickly emerged as a protest leader in her region. She is now a member of a nationwide General Strike Coordination Body that regularly engages with the NUG, and she also leads two teams that raise money for PDFs. We have more opportunities to show our ability. ... The new political structures are listening to us, because they know young people have more diverse and fresh ideas, and new revolutionary methods. ... Young people nowadays are working closely with the old MPs, old government members and so on, and we exchange ideas. This shows how young people are getting more and more power and influence.61 Indeed, the heads of new bodies such as the NUG and NUCC have followed the younger generations’ lead in a number of ways. In March 2021, Myanmar’s permanent representative to the UN, Kyaw Moe Tun, ended a speech announcing his opposition to the regime with the three-finger salute that had emerged among young protesters in the days after the coup; it has since also been adopted by the NUG. The NUG’s cautious endorsement of armed struggle that May came months after many youths had already fled to the territory of ethnic armed groups for military training. The Federal Democracy Charter also reflects the demands of youth-led protest movements. Youth activists were the first even to acknowledge, let alone apologise for, the historical discrimination and violence against the Rohingya, gestures upon which the NUG built in its Rohingya policy.62 They called out discrimination against the LGBT community; the NUG cabinet later included the country’s first openly LGBT minister, Aung Myo Min. On the ground, youth activists say their communities view them differently since the coup. They are no longer seen as too inexperienced or too young to take on political leadership, and their demonstrated commitment to the anti-military cause – one supported by the majority of people, across generations – means they are treated with a new level of respect. “Everyone has seen the important roles that young people and women are playing in this revolution. ... This has changed people’s perspectives. Norms have been challenged and women feel more empowered to take part in politics”, a young woman who holds a senior position in a newly formed resistance group, the Bamar People’s Liberation Army, told Crisis Group.63 IV. The Limits of Change Despite the historic evolution witnessed since the coup, young people and women still face many constraints in pursuing political participation and leadership. Unlike earlier ruptures, such as independence, the old political elite has not been entirely discredited or swept away. Instead, young and old coexist in newly created institutions; as a result, older men have continued, for the most part, to hold sway. In the armed conflict, gender norms are even more difficult to overturn than age-related ones. Even in areas where younger people have come to dominate political leadership, such as in parts of Sagaing Region, men continue to hold most of the top spots. Socio-economic and educational barriers also mean that the few women who reach senior positions tend to be wealthier, Western-educated urbanites. Those from rural areas and middle and working-class backgrounds have fewer opportunities to take on leadership roles. A. Resistance-led Political Institutions Although the NUG cabinet is a significant improvement on the NLD government from an inclusion perspective, it is still far from representative of the Myanmar population. More progress has been made in including ethnic minorities (seven of twenty ministers and twelve of sixteen deputies) than women (four ministers and three deputies), reflecting the NUG’s imperative to build ties with ethnic minorities, and particularly ethnic armed groups, in order to draw on their military prowess in fighting the junta. The NUG cabinet is younger than that of the NLD, but still features many members in their sixties and seventies. A bigger challenge is that younger members tend to be in positions that afford them less influence, and nearly all women have been assigned to what are traditionally perceived as gendered roles, such as health, education and the Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs. The notable exception is Zin Mar Aung, who holds the important foreign affairs portfolio; as with many women who have managed to rise to prominence, she comes from an educated, urban background.64 Even NUG supporters and partners observe that most of these appointments have the appearance of tokenism. Those Crisis Group spoke to noted that some women deputy ministers who resigned from the NUG were replaced by men, and that women in particular “tend to lose their voice” after being appointed to the parallel administration. “It’s not meaningful participation”, one said. “The NUG should take their opinions seriously”.65 Numerous sources, both male and female, echoed this view. “I feel like the young people who have been appointed to the NUG are facing restrictions and cannot show their performance”, said a young protest leader from Yangon.66 The [National Unity Consultative Council] ... falls well short when it comes to women’s equal representation. Although it features a diverse range of member organisations, and a high proportion of ethnic minority representatives, the NUCC also falls well short when it comes to women’s equal representation. The body’s exact membership has not been made public, but sources told Crisis Group that the proportion of women members was even lower than in the NUG. One NUCC member observed that none of the positions allocated to ethnic armed groups had gone to women.67 In both the NUG and NUCC, men frequently dismiss women who raise gender-related issues. “The women on the NUCC in particular get overpowered”, one source commented. “The men say they will put gender into the agenda, but it’s always the last issue and, before they get to it, they say, ‘Time’s up’”.68 Those who attempt to draw attention to gender barriers are also routinely told that the issue should only be addressed “after we win the revolution”.69 Unlike other important social challenges, like improving relations with ethnic minorities or addressing historical discrimination against the Rohingya, there is less of an imperative for bodies like the NUG to make gender inclusion a priority because leaders do not see it as contributing to the armed struggle. “Norms and perspectives related to gender discrimination have not changed hugely”, commented a women’s right activist. “It’s an ongoing process, ... but the revolution has created opportunities to move toward gender equality”.70 Those in charge of the institutions that have emerged in opposition to military rule have a strong interest in creating genuine opportunities for younger people, particularly women, to participate in decision-making. Generation Z and Millennials have been at the vanguard of the movement, and their support remains an important asset. Although those interviewed by Crisis Group continue to offer strong backing for the movement, many also evince a degree of frustration that the NUG, the NUCC and other bodies have not gone further in overturning gender and age norms through greater inclusivity.71 The movement could strengthen itself by becoming more inclusive – or at least avert the risk of pushing away some of its most important supporters. What happens within the post-coup resistance could matter for the longer term too. Its political and armed wings have already become an important part of Myanmar’s political landscape. How Myanmar’s conflict will play out is far from clear; whatever happens, the country will likely have to navigate several poles, including the military itself, and a large part of society will likely remain conservative and religious.72 Still, the institutions created as part of the resistance, particularly their political culture and vision, will in all probability influence future phases of the crisis and beyond. Nurturing a greater role for young people in resistance political institutions in particular could help ensure that in the years ahead Myanmar politics is less patriarchal and more diverse. Benefits of that could be wide-ranging, from better prospects of reaching durable peace settlements to more equitable distribution of state resources. B. Armed Groups The evolution from peaceful resistance – protests, boycotts and civil disobedience – to armed struggle has tended to shunt women aside. The focus, particularly in mainstream and social media, has shifted almost entirely to fighting, which is still perceived primarily as a male act. As the conflict has intensified, spreading across much of the country, other forms of resistance have received less attention, relegating women to the background. Some women have been depicted bearing arms, as noted. But they are more commonly shown as victims or saviours, helping deliver aid or care for the displaced, for example. Meanwhile, few women appear to have taken up leadership roles in newly emergent administrative bodies run by resistance forces, which remain dominated by male fighters. One apparent reason is that while administrative bodies and armed groups are nominally separate, in practice there is often a great deal of overlap in personnel, so that men end up in high positions in administration. Although women are highly visible in newly formed anti-military groups ... they continue to face significant gender barriers. Although women are highly visible in newly formed anti-military groups, and many have undergone military training, they continue to face significant gender barriers. These groups, which seek to replace the military regime with more equitable governance structures, have in fact often adopted policies that discriminate against women and reinforce gender norms. “Even though we receive the same training, we usually can’t go to the front line”, said a woman PDF member. “Options are very limited for women, other than support roles and other jobs in the villages, like teaching children who can’t go to school”.73 These reports suggest that if the new armed groups do succeed in their military goals, they are unlikely to overturn barriers to gender equality, and may even undermine those within the revolutionary movement working to achieve that goal.74 Most obviously, women are often not allowed to participate in front-line combat, and are instead confined to administrative or support roles. They can also find it difficult to gain the respect of their male colleagues. A woman who holds a senior position in the Bamar People’s Liberation Army said she was allowed to visit the front lines only for observation, to bring rations or to help injured soldiers. Her male colleagues are “shocked” to see a woman at the front, she said, and often uncooperative. She noted that age was also important, citing the example of a younger woman colleague who she believed faced even greater challenges in interacting with male soldiers. But primarily because of their gender, women feel they have to behave differently toward soldiers relative to their male counterparts. Some will say things like, “I don’t want to talk to you. I’ll talk to someone else”, because they don’t believe in my ability. ... I have to respond to them carefully. You can’t be too humble or too confident.75 Women soldiers are also held back by self-imposed restrictions, although these often appear to be a product of socialisation. For example, a senior Myaung Women Warriors officer said the group had yet to participate in front-line combat because few weapons were available. When her group has managed to secure arms, its members have so far opted to give them to men in allied units, because they themselves believed that their male colleagues were more “capable” soldiers. They see handing over the guns as a choice, not a constraint. The officer stressed, however, that the mere existence of her women-only armed group was a major step forward in Myanmar. “When people talk about PDFs, men are still the first thing that comes into their mind”, she told Crisis Group.76 Some women soldiers have also cited concerns about the risk of suffering sexual violence at the hands of the regime’s military if they were to be captured.77 Some women who have joined armed groups have also reported instances of sexual harassment from their male colleagues. There seem to be no adequate policies in place to prevent or redress such behaviour, which is in part a product of the groups’ masculinist culture. A woman interviewee recounted being verbally harassed multiple times by a fellow soldier, who did such things as ask her unwanted questions about her marital status. “I felt so sad, scared and helpless”, she said. “Finally, I just had to avoid being in places where I knew that he would be”.78 Another source with knowledge of such incidents said the lack of channels to file a complaint was a major problem. “The perpetrators know that women have no one to report the cases to. It has become a great opportunity for perpetrators to commit more harassment”.79 In comparison to the new national institutions, Myanmar’s ethnic armed groups have undergone little structural change since the coup. It is difficult to generalise about these groups’ inclusivity given their diversity in terms of size, influence and political culture. Nevertheless, all are armies first and foremost – albeit, in most cases, with governance and administrative branches – which has translated into a culture of hierarchical male leadership.80 To some extent, the intensified conflict of the past two years appears to have strengthened this culture.81 C. The Junta The military regime has rolled back much of the progress on political inclusivity that was made during Myanmar’s decade of liberalisation. Serving and former military officers dominate the upper echelons of the State Administration Council, as the junta calls itself, as well as its Union Government and state and region administrations; civilian members, who are mainly older men, have little political power.82 The junta is unlikely to change in this respect: it is pressing ahead with plans for an election in mid-2023 that is designed to entrench military control of nominally civilian political structures, such as the national assembly. Under this model, it is clear that power will remain in the hands of the military elite, either directly or indirectly, which implies that any inclusion of women and youth – for example, through election to national or state assemblies – will be token. The junta has ... increasingly targeted civil society, where women and youth play a prominent role. The regime has also limited political inclusion in other ways. Although he has not formally abrogated the peace process established under former governments, in early 2022 Min Aung Hlaing launched fresh negotiations with ten ethnic armed groups, aiming to dissuade them from joining forces with the post-coup resistance, as well as to secure their support for allowing the forthcoming election to go ahead in their territory.83 As with the slew of ceasefires negotiated from 1989-1995, under the previous junta, the talks have been limited to top military officers and the leaders of participating ethnic armed groups, nearly all of whom are older men.84 The junta has also increasingly targeted civil society, where women and youth play a prominent role. In October 2022, it introduced a new law, the Organisations Registration Law, that makes it mandatory for all NGOS, civil society groups and community associations to register with the junta (it had been voluntary under the old law from 2014) and introduces prison terms for violations of its many prohibitions.85 More generally, official attitudes toward women and youth have reverted to the pre-2011 era. The regime is once again fashioning itself as the patron of a form of “traditional” culture – that is, a highly patriarchal “Myanmar” culture that is primarily based on Burman Buddhism – which only reinforces gender and age hierarchies. While perpetuating the gender equality narrative developed by his military predecessors, Min Aung Hlaing has simultaneously railed at photos circulating on social media of female protesters wearing “indecent clothes contrary to Myanmar culture” and prosecuted celebrities for allegedly posting sexually explicit material online.86 He has complained of Myanmar culture being “abused and misused” on social media, and claimed that “youths are weak in their capacity to preserve their respective ethnic cultures and customs. Hence, during this short time, we have taken steps to promote and revitalise Myanmar’s traditional cultures as much as we can”.87 Min Aung Hlaing has adopted a patronising attitude toward the country’s younger generations, blaming the NLD and NUG for inciting them to reject military rule so stubbornly. He has complained that, when in power, the NLD amended the school curriculum with material “aimed at undermining Myanmar’s traditions and culture”, meaning that “young people lost respect for teachers”.88 His regime has characterised protesters who became resistance fighters as “misused” by the “terrorist” NUG, accusing it of “exploiting apolitical youths” by sending them for training with ethnic armed groups.89 The senior general’s vision for students is that they be “good citizens” who “serve the interests of their local community, regions and state”. Students “should adore patriotic spirit for the country and the nation as well as their religions for further flourishing”, he said, also warning of the dangers of new technologies that “bring misunderstanding and misinformation”.90 Pro-military social media accounts have openly targeted young people who publicly oppose the regime, often by releasing their personal information – a practice known as “doxing”. Some have also published sexually explicit content, such as revenge porn, doctored pornographic images or unfounded allegations of a sexual nature, in order to discredit individual women. In a highly patriarchal society like Myanmar’s, the sexualised nature of many of these attacks on women has had a silencing effect, with some women now afraid to speak up for fear of attracting the attention of pro-military users.91 “Women are targeted more than men ... not just women leaders, but ordinary women from rural areas”, an activist said.92 The economic decline following the coup has hurt everyone in Myanmar, but disproportionately women and the young. The economic decline following the coup has hurt everyone in Myanmar, but disproportionately women and the young. Schooling has been heavily disrupted, with millions of children and young adults dropping out of the state system since 2019, first due to COVID-19 and then to a boycott of “military slave education”.93 As a result, many have entered the work force early, and are unlikely to return to school.94 Many women and girls, worried about their families amid the economic crisis, are making sacrifices – such as skipping meals – to make sure their children and parents can eat. As a UN report put it, women “are starting to see their future disappear before their eyes. ... The peace, political and economic rights they enjoyed for a decade are disappearing”.95 Crackdowns and poverty have prompted many people, but primarily young adults, to seek to emigrate, through both formal and informal channels.96 Meanwhile, applications to enter the military’s elite Defence Services Academy have reportedly declined sharply since the coup.97 All this evidence suggests that many young people see little future for themselves under direct or indirect military rule. V. Changing the Political Culture The 2021 coup has been a tragedy for the people of Myanmar, but it has also created an opportunity to chip away at gender and age hierarchies, making power structures more inclusive and equitable. In the months after the coup, young people and women pushed a progressive agenda, aspects of which are now enshrined in the NUG’s Federal Democracy Charter. Two years on, women and youth remain integral to the anti-military movement, but the momentum in challenging age and gender norms appears to have stalled. Opposition forces, both political and military, have much work to do to bring greater inclusion to decision-making and give women and youth a more visible public role. Inclusivity should be a goal in all resistance-led institutions formed since the coup, notably the NUG, the NUCC and state and regional consultative councils. As the most prominent, however, the NUG has a particularly important role to play in seeing this agenda through. While it is more inclusive than the ousted NLD government, women and youth remain underrepresented, and there is a widespread perception among its supporters that those who are involved have little authority. The NUG should endeavour to appoint more women and younger members, from a diversity of ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds, and elevate them to more senior roles – particularly those that traditionally have been a male domain. The NUCC will need to do even more to address its gender imbalance. These steps alone will not be enough, though; without more substantive change, the NUG risks perpetuating the belief that appointments of women and youth are mere tokenism. Both it and the NUCC need to adopt internal policies that enable younger people and women to influence decision-making. They could both set age and gender quotas. The NUCC could introduce a regular rotation of leadership positions. The NUG, meanwhile, could ensure that women and younger members are encouraged to contribute at high-level internal meetings. More experienced NUG members could also take on formal mentoring roles for their younger counterparts. This effort will require dedication, and it would benefit from closer cooperation with civil society and support from international technical advisers. Although senior members of both the NUG and NUCC have shown willingness to meet with women and youth movement figures – an improvement upon the NLD government – they do not appear to be taking the concerns of their interlocutors seriously, seemingly viewing them as a low priority. Unless their attitude visibly changes, there is a risk that these new institutions will end up alienating some of their most important allies in the anti-military movement. The Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs has been one of the more active NUG institutions, but it could still do more. Most of its public activities have focused on humanitarian aid distribution and awareness campaigns, such as the Sixteen Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence in late 2022. While such activities are welcome, it has a wider role to play in seeking to develop gender and youth-related policies, such as on sexual harassment, that apply across the NUG. It should also focus on amending discriminatory laws and introducing new legislation, such as the long-delayed law on preventing violence against women.98 The NUG and its affiliates control only small parts of the country, but legislative change remains a powerful tool for changing public perceptions and attitudes. The junta is continuing to amend and enact laws, including on gender and youth-related issues. What the military regime is doing on this front should spur the NUG to action: the junta is continuing to amend and enact laws, including on gender and youth-related issues. The regime has, for example, amended the Organisations Registration Law to restrict civil society (see Section IV.C), while recent changes to the National Education Law will make it more difficult to teach or use ethnic minority languages in the classroom. It has also said it will enact the Prevention of Violence against Women Law. The NUG can underscore its credentials by being a more competent law-drafting body that works for the benefit of all. Women’s involvement in armed conflict is a particularly difficult issue to navigate in Myanmar, as elsewhere, given the deeply ingrained perception that women should not be on the front line. Many women trained as combatants have themselves been socialised to believe that they are unfit for battle. But preventing women from taking on front-line duties in order to protect them, or because they are perceived as weak, perpetuates harmful gender norms. It also puts more pressure on male soldiers to live up to a masculinist warrior ideal, when some may be better suited to support roles. As a result, armed groups are not necessarily using their personnel in the most effective way. Keeping women away from the front lines also robs them of opportunities for advancement, leaving the leadership of armed groups predominantly male. While armed groups may have varying approaches to managing this issue – for example, by giving members more options in job assignments or by keeping the newest recruits off the front lines – they should, for a start, stop assigning combatants to particular roles on the basis of their gender. Armed resistance groups also need to address the issue of sexual harassment before it becomes a more significant problem. Aside from the imperative to stop unacceptable behaviour toward women, failing to address the issue could cause serious damage to the opposition movement in a range of ways, from tarnishing its image, both domestically and internationally, to undermining support among women. The NUG’s Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs could play an important role in facilitating the development of anti-sexual harassment policies for PDFs that have claimed allegiance to it, conducting virtual or in-person training sessions, and putting in place a complaints mechanism it would administer. Armed groups that are independent of the NUG would not necessarily adhere to such a policy, but they might be open to cooperating with the NUG or civil society organisations on the issue. Myanmar’s independent media also has a role to play in dispelling gender stereotypes.99 Focusing primarily on front-line fighting, as these media outlets now tend to do, reinforces the idea that men are leading the resistance, because they make up the bulk of soldiers. By broadening the focus of reporting to the many ways in which a range of people can and do contribute to the anti-military cause – as was more common in the early months after the coup – the media could better serve the cause of inclusivity, particularly when it comes to gender. To help drive an inclusive agenda, international donors can ... in-crease support to women and youth-led movements. To help drive an inclusive agenda, international donors can, for their part, increase support to women and youth-led movements to strengthen their institutional capacity and expand their work in this area. Those groups have already been important conduits for aid to displaced people from both domestic and international sources, but they require core funding in addition to project-based support, and for activities beyond aid delivery. That may require injecting a dose of flexibility into their normal procedures. As many Myanmar civil society groups and NGOs are unregistered – especially those that have formed since the coup – they should in particular relax rules that require grantees to register, and those that regulate how funds are transferred, such as by allowing the use of informal mechanisms rather than banks. Civil society organisations, meanwhile, should seek to expand their engagement with newly formed anti-military forces beyond humanitarian aid delivery into new areas, such as gender and human rights. Some of those now running anti-military forces, such as PDFs, have a civil society background and are likely to be open to discussions and training on these issues. Such engagement could have a positive impact not only on the armed groups’ policies, but also on those of the new administrative bodies affiliated with them. The harassment of women activists on social media, particularly by pro-military accounts, is a concerning development. Although intended to discredit the anti-military movement, it has a much wider chilling effect, largely because of the sexual nature of the attacks; women worry that they will become targets if they speak up against the regime. Telegram, in particular, has taken little action to rein in these pro-military actors, who have also caused real-world harm in other ways.100 If Telegram does not start taking content moderation on its platform seriously, lawmakers and regulators in foreign jurisdictions should pressure it to do so: since the regime was banned from Facebook in February 2021, Telegram has become the primary social media platform through which it spreads disinformation and hate. The NUG, which has so far said little about doxing, could help increase the pressure on Telegram by drawing attention to the problem, and possibly by introducing a policy of its own barring the practice. VI. Conclusion The February 2021 military coup has created new opportunities for women and younger people to wield political power. They have seized on a moment of disruption to push politics and society in a more progressive direction, challenging longstanding age and gender norms. Young people have created new political platforms through which to articulate their demands, and forced more established political leaders to not only engage with them, but also to adopt policies that reflect their wishes and demands. Yet more needs to be done to consolidate initial gains. Despite widespread recognition of their ability, ingenuity and commitment to the cause, young people and women are still struggling to overcome patriarchal beliefs, even within the resistance, about gender roles and the definition of a capable leader. The NUG, the NUCC and ethnic armed groups need to pay greater attention to inclusion, while foreign actors should do whatever they can to encourage the nascent social changes, including by supporting women- and youth-led organisations. Myanmar’s present crisis looks set to be protracted and its outcome is uncertain, but changing age and gender norms within the resistance may well, over time, shape those in politics and society more broadly. Newly formed anti-military armed groups and political structures – as well as the country’s long-established ethnic armed groups – have a significant amount of influence. Further, the political vision they are fighting for will continue to be salient in the years ahead; this will likely be the case even if the regime cracks down further. Nurturing a greater role for young people and women at this formative time could thus contribute to making Myanmar a more inclusive society, particularly when it comes to political leadership and opportunities, even amid an environment of deep uncertainty..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication: 2023-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Attacks on Health Care in Myanmar (25 January - 07 February 2023)
Description: "Documented incidents: 23 January 2023: In Pu Tein Pyin village, Kyauk Hmaw village tract, Yinmabin township and district, Sagaing region, two ambulances along with a religious building and nine civilian houses were torched by the Myanmar military during a raid on the village. Source: Radio Free Asia 24 January 2023: In Monywa town, township, and district, Sagaing region, the Myanmar military seized an ambulance owned by the LNGO Pyi-taw-thar during a raid at Shwe Let Pan monastery. Three monks and five civilians were arrested and the ambulance was later used for election campaign activities. Sources: Democratic Voice of Burma and The 74 Media 25 January 2023: In Thaketa township, Yangon district, Yangon region, the junta authorities inspected private hospitals and clinics to see if they employed Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)-affiliated health workers. Source: Mekong News 26 January 2023: In Dagon Myothit township, Yangon district and region, around 100 junta authorities and military and police forces inspected the Grand Yangon Private Hospital. The ward administrators and police forces also inspected two private clinics Kyal-sin-thit and Aye-chan-say reportedly to see whether they employed CDM-affiliated health workers. Source: Mekong News Reported on 26 January 2023: In Yangon district and region, the junta authorities asked for employee lists from private hospitals and clinics, closely monitored local pharmacies, and issued warnings not to employ CDM-affiliated health workers. The police and intelligence forces reportedly impersonated patients to track down CDM-affiliated health workers. Source: Delta News Agency 26 January 2023: In Pa Du village and village tract, Sagaing township, district and region, an armed group entered a station hospital, threatened the guard, and took away a portable X-ray machine, an operating table, an oxygen concentrator, and medicines. The hospital was not functioning at the time of the attack. The junta authorities accused the local resistance forces of this attack. Source: Telegram..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight
Date of publication: 2023-02-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: One day. One city. Three lives in the shadow of Myanmar’s military rule.
Description: "SINGAPORE — In Myanmar’s biggest city, Yangon, soldiers patrol the streets at all hours. Police officers stop pedestrians at random, hauling them to jail if they show signs of sympathy for the opposition. Poverty rates in the city have tripled, according to the United Nations, and crime is rife. Are you on Telegram? Subscribe to our channel for the latest updates on Russia’s war in Ukraine. It has been two years since Myanmar’s military ousted its democratic government in a coup, plunging swaths of the Southeast Asian country, also known as Burma, into violent conflict. The junta has crushed free expression, imprisoning journalists, revoking the licenses of independent news outlets and gone to other lengths to limit visibility into the realities of life under military rule. To capture the struggles of quotidian life, The Washington Post asked three of Yangon’s residents to share their experiences on a single day late last month, each recounting in a series of voice messages the arc of their day. All three are members of a young generation that came of age as democratic rule arrived in Myanmar in the early 2010s and then saw it snuffed out. Willion, one of a dwindling number of journalists in the city, tried to avoid a run-in with authorities. Sam, a small-business owner, wrestled with the contempt he felt toward the soldiers swarming his city. South of downtown, power outages left Hannway, a young activist, struggling to connect to the revolutionary movement for which she’d put her education on hold. They are being identified by their English instead of Burmese names to limit the chances of repercussions. Daybreak Willion, 30, sat up straighter when he heard his neighbors stir. He’d stayed up in case the police arrived for one of their random checks. Opening his laptop, he blinked at the clock at the bottom right corner: 7:13 a.m. He’d made it through another night. The authorities had been going after journalists like him since the coup. A few weeks ago, police arrested one of Willion’s co-workers, seizing his phone, which had photos and messages implicating Willion. As a precaution, he’d been moving every few days, he said, traveling with a backpack that had just his laptop, a hard drive and a few sets of clothes. Willion sat back against the wall, his face lit by the laptop screen. He was preparing a presentation on citizen journalism, showing people in conflict-ridden parts of the country how they could document the military’s atrocities. But he was tired, and there was a lot on his mind. He hadn’t seen his parents in almost a year, and his mother had recently been hospitalized for a heart condition, he said. He wanted to visit but that meant devising a safe route across town. The military had spies across the city and a new Chinese-built surveillance system equipped with advanced facial recognition technology. As he weighed the risks, Willion felt his head grow heavy. Farther east, past a river, Sam, 36, was driving to work. A fire had broken out in his middle-class neighborhood overnight, consuming a house and its residents. On his morning walk, neighbors told him the police never responded. Sam wasn’t surprised. Every day, he read reports of banks being robbed in broad daylight, and people being murdered in their homes. The authorities almost never caught the perpetrators. He glanced out the window. Traffic had slowed around a government building guarded by a garrison. Sam looked at the soldiers in uniform, most of them young men, and thought the same thing he always did at this point in his commute. “I hope they get sent to the front line and die.” As a Buddhist, he knew he shouldn’t think such thoughts, he said. But looking at the soldiers wielding their guns reminded him of the young activists shot dead on the streets of Yangon. Sam’s office was dark when he arrived. He groaned. He blamed them for this, too. Energy suppliers pulled out of Myanmar after the coup, and in recent months, rebel armies had started to attack transmission lines to hurt the junta. At Hannway’s family home, the blackout had shut down running water. At a tea shop for Myanmar exiles, songs from home and resistance in the air Hannway, in her early 20s, heard her parents in the kitchen figuring out what to do. She rolled over in bed and looked at her phone — 10:30 a.m. Two years ago, she recalled, she’d be in class by this time studying to be a doctor. But when the military seized power, she’d chosen to participate in a civil disobedience movement (CDM) aimed at crippling the health-care system. She scrolled through messages that came overnight. “They’re investigating CDM students,” read one from a friend. “Be careful.” Afternoon Hannway paced around the kitchen. It’d been four hours, and the power was still out. Her mother tried to calm her down, but the message from her friend had unnerved her. News had started to spread recently that the military planned to punish boycotting students like her. For her safety, she rarely left her house, she said. She killed time by taking online language classes and working remotely on projects supporting the resistance movement. But without electricity, she couldn’t do even that. How long could she keep on like this? Hannway checked the time — 2:27 p.m. There was a virtual meeting with some CDM doctors in three minutes. The WiFi was still out. Sam, too, felt the military had made so many aspects of life harder. He was at a tea shop north of Hannway’s home, meeting a friend vexed over whether to re-enroll his children in government schools. Sam didn’t know what to say. He had his own frustrations: He’d been forced to spend money on generators and solar-powered batteries because of the blackouts; he was facing surging costs of food and gas; the local currency wouldn’t stop falling in value so his small business had to keep raising its prices. Passing by soldiers on his way back to the office, he felt bile rising inside him again. Why, he asked, were they everywhere? A love story, forged in Myanmar’s political strife, ends in execution At 5:30 p.m., after a few hours of sleep, Willion finally prepared to leave his apartment. On his phone, he logged out of his usual social media accounts and into fake profiles that showed no links to journalism. He scrubbed personal messages and contacts, then scanned the Telegram groups where people shared sightings of soldiers in the city. Nothing too alarming. He flagged down a cab for the hospital. But minutes after leaving his complex, he saw a congregation of soldiers outside a nearby hotel. He squinted through the window — authorities had cuffed three men, he said. Soldiers were interrogating passersby. Willion fought the instinct to take out his phone to film what was happening. There were too many of them. Securing his face mask, he slunk deeper into his seat. He had to get to the hospital. Nightfall Before the coup, Sam liked to explore Yangon’s various neighborhoods on foot. But he was wary these days about appearing suspicious so he kept his walks to the public parks. Lined with palm trees and often empty, they were one of the only remaining reprieves from the military’s hold over the city, he said. Strolling as the sun set, Sam let himself relax. He didn’t want to keep praying for those soldiers to die. Every time he did, he heard his mother’s voice telling him to “keep kindness in his heart.” But it was hard when he woke up each morning to videos of villages set on fire and accounts of rape and torture. Where was he supposed to find the humanity? He saw three older men walking briskly in the park. As they drew closer, Sam could hear they were talking loudly about Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the junta leader. One made a joke, turning the general’s name into a curse word, and the other two guffawed, their pot bellies shaking. Sam smiled as he listened. It sounded for a moment like old Yangon, he said. He wondered if he should strike up a conversation. But maybe they would think he was an informant. He kept walking. Back in her bedroom, after dinner, Hannway settled in front of her laptop. The electricity was finally back. She pulled up a “click-to-donate” site, where people could get advertisers to send a few cents per click to a cause. The money raised by this site was going toward rebel groups. Hannway tapped her index finger repeatedly. She felt deflated, she said. She missed attending lectures and visiting old bookshops; she missed the rigor of having an ambition. She thought, as she often did at night, about a friend — a woman serving 20 years in prison after being caught at a safe house for activists. Hannway felt something turn inside her. She couldn’t give up, she told herself. She didn’t have the right. As the world moves on, Myanmar confronts a mounting, hidden toll It was dark by the time Willion reached the hospital. His mother looked better than he expected, but it still made him sad he couldn’t care for his family. A relative had passed away recently, his mother said. It would probably be safer for everyone, he told her, if he didn’t attend the funeral. After returning home, Willion logged back into his real social media accounts. There’d been renewed fighting in the country’s central Sagaing region, and citizen journalists had sent him reports earlier in the day that soldiers had set fire to seven houses. Once he compiled more information, he’d distribute it to other outlets. But his sources had suddenly gone dark. Maybe the junta had jammed the signal. He hoped it was that. Just after midnight, Willion warmed up dinner. He’d have to find another place to stay in a few days, once people in the neighborhood started to recognize his face. But, for now, he’d spend another night awake, waiting for daybreak. Diamond reported from Yangon..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Washington Post"
Date of publication: 2023-02-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Assessing Myanmar Civilian Government's Cooperation With Ethnic Minorities
Description: "There are 17 major ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in Myanmar and the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) says eight of them are cooperating politically or militarily to bring down the junta. NUG spokesman U Nay Phone Latt told The Irrawaddy: “We are cooperating [with EAOs] in practical terms. I can’t name them for various reasons but you can find them in reports from the frontlines.” Observers have stressed the importance of interaction between the NUG and EAOs in defeating the regime and we will examine the extent of cooperation since the February 2021 coup. The EAOs fall into four broad categories: those publicly cooperating with the NUG; groups supporting the NUG behind the scenes; organizations expressing sympathy for the NUG despite holding talks with the regime; and groups that are in talks with the regime and shunning the NUG. EAOs that cooperate with the NUG The Kachin Independence Army, Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front and All Burma Students Democratic Front all cooperate with the NUG. They have provided military training for many of the estimated 65,000 resistance fighters that have appeared since the coup. The Kawthoolei Army led by Major General Saw Nerdah Mya, which has split from the KNU following the coup, also fights alongside resistance forces. Six EAOs say they cooperate with the NUG and the civilian government has formed three regional commands to ensure military cooperation between the groups. Region one oversees northern and western Myanmar, region two covers southern areas and region three oversees central and eastern zones. The NUG’s Central Command and Coordination Committee formed in October 2021 includes leaders from allied EAOs. The parallel government cooperates on a political level to provide administrative duties in liberated territories. The Interim Chin National Consultative Council, Kachin Political Interim Coordination Team, Karenni State Consultative Council, Mon State Interim Coordination Committee, Pa-O National Federal Council and Ta’ang Political Consultative Council are all working with the NUG. They are political coalitions representing ethnic minorities. EAOs providing hidden support The powerful Three Brotherhood Alliance of the Arakan Army (AA), Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) is not conducting military operations with the NUG but it provides training and weapons to resistance forces. MNDAA Brigade 611 that was armed in early January is a combination of at least six resistance groups, including the Bamar People’s Liberation Army, which is allied to the NUG. The AA has trained resistance fighters in western Magwe Region and the TNLA has trained volunteers from Mandalay Region. EAOs with sympathy for the NUG Several EAOs have shown an understanding for the NUG’s armed struggle without making any public statements. The United Wa State Army, Shan State Progress Party and National Democratic Alliance Army have ceasefires with the regime and have held talks with the junta but not conceded to its demands. During talks last month in Naypyitaw, the regime demanded the three groups stop supporting the NUG and its allied groups. They rejected the junta’s demand. A source told The Irrawaddy: “They asked us to sign an agreement not to support and sell arms to the resistance groups. We didn’t accept that. There was a heated argument and we threatened to walk out if they kept insisting that we sign.” A source said the three groups feared the public would believe the junta’s misleading statements about the discussions. The three groups clearly share an understanding with resistance forces, analysts have said. EAOs in talks with the junta Seven EAOs that are signatories to the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, including the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council, Arakan Liberation Party, Pa-O National Liberation Organization and a Lahu Democratic Union splinter group, only engage with the junta. Only the RCSS and NMSP have relatively large armies while the others have few or no troops. They have said they prefer to follow political means to solve problems and need to engage in dialogue with the junta. Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has conferred honorary titles like Wunna Kyawhtin on some of their leaders. There is no open hostility towards the NUG from the groups. The people will decide these groups’ fate, said U Nay Phone Latt. “If they back Min Aung Hlaing’s terrorist military, they will be considered criminals. Some might be cooperating for their group’s survival. And some may be looking for an alternative path. Ultimately, it is the people who will decide their fate,” said the NUG spokesman. Will cooperation with the NUG increase? Only a third of EAOs with an estimated 40,000 troops in total are fully cooperating with the NUG. Around a third of the groups are only partially involved in the revolution while about 7 percent of EAOs troops are allied with the junta. There has been more military than political cooperation, ethnic leaders say. Padoh Mahn Mahn, the KNU spokesman in Papun District, said: “The military cooperation is clear. We fight the dictatorship. We fight to defend the people. But political agreements are yet to develop properly.” The NUG has reached a general agreement on establishing a federal democracy but is yet to ratify a constitution guaranteeing self-determination and equality. “We haven’t been able to design an interim constitution that is satisfactory on equality and self-determination for ethnic minorities. Military cooperation has reached a satisfactory level but political cooperation is weak,” Padoh Mahn Mahn said. U Nay Phone Latt said the NUG will realize the promises made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s father General Aung San in the 1947 Panglong Agreement. The NUG opposes racial chauvinism and guarantees equality and self-determination within a federation, he said. “While we can absolutely guarantee these things, there are also other issues that must only be decided through broader consultation with stakeholders in the future. The NUG is an interim government and we are not in a position to guarantee future policies,” said the NUG spokesman. An observer said it is difficult for NUG and EAOs to reach political agreements because of their differing backgrounds and experiences. “It is difficult to agree new systems of government. It will also be influenced by which revolutionary groups achieve success,” she said. Another observer called for greater cooperation with allied EAOs. “The NUG must persuade neutral EAOs to join the fight, presenting overwhelming numbers to guarantee victory over the junta,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2023-02-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar coup anniversary: 'Silent strike' marks two years of military rule
Description: "Pro-democracy activists in Myanmar are holding a "silent strike" to mark two years since a military coup that removed Aung San Suu Kyi from power. Streets in many cities fell quiet after protesters urged people to stay indoors and asked businesses to close. Meanwhile, the military administration in the country has extended a state of emergency for six months. The UK, US, Canada and Australia have announced fresh sanctions against army-linked firms. Large parts of Myanmar descended into chaos after the government's overthrow two years ago, displacing more than a million people. The army had made allegations of widespread fraud in a vote held months earlier, in November 2020, which Ms Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won with more than 80% of the vote. The military's claims have been dismissed as baseless by the vast majority of the international community, and plans to hold new elections to cement junta rule have been dismissed as a "sham", including by the UN. Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a pro-democracy activist, said resistance against the military was continuing, particularly in rural areas. "The main message of the silent strike is to honour the fallen heroes and heroines and to reclaim the public space as our own," she told the BBC, adding that the aim was to send a clear message that the military "shall never rule us". Protesters also gathered outside Myanmar's embassies in Thailand and Japan, chanting anti-military slogans and holding portraits of Ms Suu Kyi. A small pro-military demonstration took place in Yangon, where an estimated 200 supporters marched through the city centre escorted part of the way by soldiers, AFP news agency reported. In-depth: Devastation from the air in Myanmar's brutal civil war Two years after the coup, which catastrophically misread the public mood in Myanmar, the statistics tell their own, dismal story. More than 2,900 people have been killed during the junta's crackdown on dissent, according to monitoring group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. One-and-a-half million people have been displaced, 40,000 homes have been burned down, eight million children are no longer in school, and 15 million people are judged by the UN to be dangerously short of food. Much of the country is caught up in a brutal civil war. Yet the military is still refusing to negotiate with its opponents, as it promised to do in a meeting with neighbouring countries shortly after the coup. Instead, it has plans for an election which would almost certainly exclude Ms Suu Kyi, who resoundingly won the last election, and much of her party, the NLD. Those loyal to her are calling on citizens to boycott any poll organised by the military, arguing it would be illegitimate and impractical. The UN says these would be "sham elections". The military's acknowledgement this week that it had failed to normalise the situation may force it to postpone the election - originally scheduled for August this year - having now extended the state of emergency, prolonging the grim stalemate in which Myanmar is trapped. Western nations used Wednesday's anniversary to coordinate new rounds of sanctions against the military and its supporters. The UK targeted, among others, companies supplying aviation fuel to the military, which it said were "enabling its barbaric air-raiding campaign in an attempt to maintain power". British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly said the sanctions were aimed at "reducing the military's access to finance, fuel, arms and equipment". Australia announced its first sanctions against the military, aimed at 16 individuals "responsible for egregious human rights abuses", as well as two major military-controlled conglomerates, which dominate the country's economy. Sanctions by the US targeted the military-approved election commission, which "the regime has deployed to advance its plans for deeply flawed elections". The National Unity Government - a parallel administration that leads opposition to the military - welcomed the sanctions, calling them "significant measures" to tackle the conflict, particularly air strikes by the military. It called on countries to place further "aggressive, targeted sanctions" on the military regime and those who supported and supplied it. Amnesty International's Montse Ferrer told the BBC that moves to stop the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military were "an important step" but that more needed to be done. "Other states should follow Canada's lead in suspending the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer - including transit, trans-shipment and brokering - of aviation fuel to Myanmar," she said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Statement (3/2023) - “Statement of commendations and acclamations to be made to the People’s and the Nation’s heroes who have steadfastly and resolutely taken part in Civil Disobedience Movement for two years”
Description: "To commend and laud all the heroes of the People and the Nation, who have resolutely and steadfastly taken part in Civil Disobedience Movement and stood on the side of justice and righteousness with nationalistic fervour against the illegal putsch on 1st February 2021, the following events will take place. 1. All the People’s heroes who participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement will be awarded National Badges of Honour in the post-revolutionary period. 2. All the Civil Servants who participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement will be promoted to the next higher grade from the posts held just prior to the day of the coup d’etat. This directive is to take effect from 1st February 2023. 3. All those Civil Servants who participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement and were on part-time contracts or daily wage contract will be all given permanent full time contracts, effective from 1st February 2023. 4. All those Civil Servants who participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement and were denied access to their rightful income and bonuses from the time of the coup by the terrorist military group will be reimbursed fully in lump sums during the post-revolutionary era..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Statement No.2/2023 - “Statement on the 2nd Anniversary of the Spring Revolution”
Description: "1st February 2023 marks the second anniversary of Myanmar’s Spring Revolution. For two years, the people of Myanmar have stood together, their heads held high, and steadfastly resisted Min Aung Hlaing and the Myanmar military’s attempt to overthrow the elected Government. In staging a coup, the military misread our people. Myanmar has already suffered more than seventy years of military rule. We refuse to return to the dark days of the past. Over the past two years the determination, courage, and tenacity of our people has prevented the military from imposing its rule on Myanmar. Against the odds, the people of Myanmar have financed, organized, and sustained the Spring Revolution. Now, after two years, we have the initiative. Our political momentum cannot be overturned. The National Unity Government together with our ethnic allies, who have opposed the military for decades, will end the military’s illegal power grab. We will seek justice for the atrocities committed by them against innocent civilians. We will build a federal democracy and bring an end to Myanmar’s 70 years of political crisis. On this common ground, with this common goal, we will end the dictatorship of the terrorist army once and for all. The National Unity Government and civil society organizations have documented the atrocities of the Myanmar military in its attempt to crush civilian resistance. These include “2,894” dead, including “279” children, “447” women and “70” healthcare workers. “62,399” of houses and dwellings have been torched by the fascist army that also included “163” religious buildings that were destroyed. Targeting of innocent civilians have also resulted in 1.5 million people internally displaced. In this two-year period of the Spring Revolution, there has been “654” air raids by the terrorist fascist army that has resulted in “288” number of innocent civilians killed and “377” injured. On 2021 March 1, the Committee Representing Pyihtaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) declared the Myanmar military a terrorist organisation based on its perpetration of mass killings and other crimes against humanity. The terrorist military council’s attempt to hold a sham election is to hold onto power illegally. As Myanmar’s lawful government, the National Unity Government will make every effort to ensure that all perpetrators, guilty of treason, are brought to justice and that those who have suffered at their hands are legally recompensed. In addition, the National Unity Government reaffirms its commitment to the people’s ultimate goal of building a Federal Democratic Union, as declared in our joint New Year statement. The National Unity Consultative Council and National Unity Government, together with all other revolutionary forces, have pledged themselves to follow together the political Road Map laid out in the Federal Democracy Charter. Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is not to satisfy the immediate needs of the country. Brought on by the courage and participation of the whole population, it is a systematic, unified struggle for our future. Our people are determined to build a Myanmar free of the military dictatorship which has oppressed our country for generations. The Spring Revolution is the springboard for future political change in Myanmar. We appeal to all and urge that by understanding the true nature and aim of the Spring Revolution together with the decisive public opinion, we can undoubtedly stand steadfast as the unified front..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Statement No.4/ 2023 - Statement on the second anniversary of the people’s Spring Revolution
Description: "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government marks 1 February 2023 as the second anniversary of the people’s revolution against the illegal military junta’s failed power grab. For two years, the people of Myanmar have shown remarkable unity and resolve. We have refused to surrender our democracy, rights and freedoms to thugs with guns. Today, we honour our martyrs and their family members for their unimaginable sacrifices. We honour our sisters and brothers in unlawful junta detention who have given their liberty to defend our own. We honour our ethnic partners, our civil disobedience movement and strike committees, our youth and civil society, our medical workers and human rights defenders, our People’s and Local Defence Forces, and every other person protecting our communities and defying the terrorist junta. We also extend sincere gratitude to our friends around the world standing in solidarity with us, particularly those of you who today announced sharpened sanctions against the junta. The people of Myanmar are winning the fight, but our revolution has come with terrible costs. The junta, terrified of the people’s will and frustrated by its failure to seize control of the levers of power, has unleashed murder, torture, arson, starvation and mass displacement. It is waging war on the people and on the peace and security of our entire region. The National Unity Government with its ethnic partners continues to lead from inside Myanmar, exercising the democratic mandate given to us in general elections independently determined to have been free and fair. We stand for unity, stability, equality, progress and civilian rule. The junta seeks to rule through death and devastation. The choice is clear: freedom or terror, justice or impunity, democracy or dictatorship. Now is the moment for the international community to harden its charge and to tip the balance for the people. 2 The National Unity Government calls on the United Nations, our ASEAN partners and on the international community to support our legitimate democratic mandate and to block all attempts by the junta to trade its bloody military fatigues for civilian suits through sham elections. Work with us, ethnic communities and civil society to secure the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance to all in need and to protect Myanmar asylum-seekers and refugees. Help us hold perpetrators to account and to deliver justice to victims and their family members including the Rohingya and other minorities. Today’s anniversary must mark the moment that the international community says no more to impunity, to atrocities, to regional instability and to an aspiring dictator. A hammer must be dropped on the junta and the Myanmar military must finally and permanently be brought under effective civilian control..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
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Title: The second anniversary of the Myanmar’s Spring Revolution
Description: "Today marks the second anniversary of the brutal failed coup which gave birth to the Myanmar People’s Spring Revolution against the genocidal military dictatorship. Despite the many atrocities, horrific war crimes, and crimes against humanity committed by the junta, the people of Myanmar have continued to resist bravely and stand in solidarity with their heads held high. Our people’s commitment to human rights and federal democracy remains unshakeable, as does our unwavering love of freedom and peace. It is this very struggle for freedom and peace that has been the rallying cry of every generation since independence. For over seventy years, the military generals have committed every act of terrorism in the most inhumane and barbaric ways imaginable against our people. Even just yesterday our brave Karen people marked 74 years in their fight for freedom and federal democracy against the terror of military dictatorships. In the last 2 years alone, over nine thousand terror attacks carried out against innocent Myanmar people by the terrorist military forces have been recorded, with more than 3,000 civilians brutally murdered. Our people have faced horrible beatings, rape, torture, murder and even mass immolation. Leading pro-democracy leaders and activists have been most cruelly executed, and upwards of 20,000 innocent civilians have been arrested and held in the most deplorable conditions. From the brave citizens who took to the streets in protest against the failed coup, to our President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and democratically elected members of parliament - whose only crime was daring to take the seats to which the people of Myanmar elected them, these all face unwarranted and illegal incarceration. Homes, schools, churches and religious buildings - over 36,000 and counting, have been destroyed, leaving over 1.5 million people homeless. Forced to take shelter in the unforgiving jungles, squalid IDP shelters. and over-crowded refugee camps, many have fled to neighbouring countries in which they may also face arrest and forced deportation back to Myanmar, where imprisonment or even execution often awaits them. Moreover, the brutal junta in Myanmar, in yet another barbaric move, has escalated its campaign of terror by weaponising humanitarian assistance and even international aide itself against the more than 17 million Myanmar people who so desperately need it. The junta is forcing international donors and aid workers to channel their assistance through military controlled networks, where this aide is then seized, sold off, and the proceeds going to fund further war crimes against the very people it was designated to help. This terrorist junta has all but completely destroyed Myanmar’s economy through its terrible policies, restrictions, workforce terrorism and destruction of labour rights, forcing over half the population of 54 million into extreme poverty. Additionally, illegal activity, such as opium production, has more than doubled since the coup according to the UNODC, further adding to the afflictions of our people and neighbours. Thus, it is important always to bear in mind that these military generals, responsible for annulling the 1990 elections, instigating the fraudulent 2008 referendum, rigging the 2010 elections, and staging a failed coup after their spectacular loss in the truly free and fair 2020 elections, have announced yet again their plans to hold an illegal sham election, the likes of which will only bring about increased violence, bloodshed, and a prolonged reign-of-terror against the people of Myanmar. The junta’s proposed sham election is a slap in the face not only to the people of Myanmar, but to democracy on an international level, and an electoral process run by the military could never be free nor fair, and most certainly not democratic. It is therefore imperative that the international community spare no efforts to condemn, denounce, and thoroughly reject this proposed illegal, fraudulent and illegitimate sham of an election. The deaths, destruction, and national instability must not be allowed to continue or to be legitimised by this husk of a sham election. Instead of accepting this farce, the international community must do everything in their power to hold the junta accountable for all of its crimes, atrocities, and genocide, and work hand- in-hand with the National Unity Government (NUG) to ensure the democratic and peaceful future of Myanmar, and stability of the region. We, the people of Myanmar, are absolutely committed to obtaining freedom and federal democracy. We have no future under the iron fists of a genocidal military dictatorship. Our future rests with true federal democracy, and that is the future the collective “we” must give to the people of Myanmar. Every act of terrorism and attempt by the genocidal military to crush us will always be in vain, such is the strong will of the people who have once tasted the budding of freedom and democracy. Our desire for peace and freedom far outweighs the tyrannical greed of the brutal military generals, and we will never give up our right to this freedom and peace. Together we will defeat this tyranny, these loathsome oppressors, and put an end to dictatorship on our blood soaked soil once and for all. We will restore our nation and eradicate atrocities, genocides, and juntas. Together, we will thrive and flourish, and bring our best and brightest to the world stage in the pursuit of justice. Mark my words; a new Myanmar is coming - a Myanmar that will stand strong for every one of its citizens regardless of race, religion, ethnicity, gender or background; a Myanmar that will join the march to global peace and security..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၃) - “အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး(CDM) လှုပ်ရှားမှု ကို (၂)နှစ်တိတိ ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ရွပ်ရွပ်ချွံချွံ ခိုင်မာသော စိတ်ဖြင့် လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိသည့် ပြည်သူ့သူရဲကောင်းများနှင့် နိုင်ငံ့သူရဲကောင်းများအား ဂုဏ်ပြုချီးမြှင့်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်”
Description: "၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို မတရား သဖြင့် အဓမ္မသိမ်းယူခဲ့စဉ်မှ စတင်ပြီး ယနေ့ထက်တိုင် အမှန်တရားနှင့်ဓမ္မဘက်မှရပ်တည်၍ ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ရွပ်ရွပ်ချွံချွံ ခိုင်မာသော နိုင်ငံချစ်၊ ပြည်သူချစ် စိတ်ဓာတ်ဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေး၏ ထောက်တိုင်တစ်ခု ဖြစ်သည့် အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး (CDM) လှုပ်ရှားမှုများဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်လျက် ရှိသော ပြည်သူ့သူရဲကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံ့သူရဲကောင်း CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဂုဏ်ပြုချီးမြှင့်ခြင်းများကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ပြုလုပ်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ ၁။ ပြည်သူ့သူရဲကောင်း CDM များ အားလုံးကို တော်လှန်ရေးအလွန်ကာလတွင် နိုင်ငံတော်အဆင့် ဂုဏ်ထူးဆောင်ဘွဲ့တံဆိပ်များ ချီးမြှင့်ပေးအပ်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDM သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းနေ့ရက် မတိုင်ခင် အချိန်ထိ ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့သော ရာထူးတာဝန်များမှနေ၍ ရာထူးတစ်ဆင့် တိုးမြှင့်ခန့်အပ်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါ ရာထူးတိုးမြှင့်ခြင်းအမိန့်သည် ယခု ကြေညာချက် ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်မှစတင်၍ အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုရှိမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃။ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDM သူရဲကောင်းများဖြစ်သည့် နေ့စားဝန်ထမ်းများ (အချိန်ပိုင်းနည်းပြ၊ သရုပ်ပြများ အပါအဝင်) ကို ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် မှစတင်ကာ အမြဲတမ်းဝန်ထမ်းများ အဖြစ် အတည်ပြုခန့်ထားလိုက်သည်။ ၄။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက အာဏာသိမ်းရန်ကြိုးစားသည့် အချိန်မှ စတင်၍ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDM သူရဲကောင်းများ ထုတ်ယူခြင်း မရှိခဲ့သော လုပ်ခလစာငွေများနှင့် ချီးမြှင့်ငွေများ အားလုံးကို တော်လှန်ရေး အလွန်ကာလတွင် တစ်လုံးတစ်ခဲတည်း ပြန်လည်ပေးအပ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၄ / ၂၀၂၃) - ပြည်သူ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး နှစ်နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက်ခြင်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနသည် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက် နေ့အား တရားမဝင်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မအောင်မြင်ခဲ့သည့် နိုင်ငံတော် အာဏာသိမ်းယူမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ ပြည်သူ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဒုတိယမြောက် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ် ပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် ပြီးခဲ့သည့် နှစ်နှစ်တာကာလအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ် တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးအပေါ် ၎င်းတို့၏ သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်မှုနှင့် ခိုင်မာသည့်ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်တို့အား ထုတ်ဖော် ပြသခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ မိမိတို့၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ရပိုင်ခွင့်များနှင့် လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်များကို အကြမ်းဖက် လူရမ်းကားများ၏ သေနတ်အောက်တွင် လက်မြှောက်အရှုံးပေးမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်းကိုလည်း အတိအလင်း ကြေညာထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ယနေ့တွင် မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် အာဇာနည်သူရဲကောင်းများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုဝင်များအား ၎င်းတို့ ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့သော စိတ်ကူးရန်ပင် မလွယ်ကူလှသည့် စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံမှုများအပေါ် မှတ်တမ်းတင် ဂုဏ်ပြုပါသည်။ တရားမ၀င် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသော ညီအကိုမောင်နှမများကိုလည်း မှတ်တမ်းတင်ဂုဏ်ပြုပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် မိမိတို့၏ တိုင်းရင်းသားညီအစ်ကို မောင်နှမများ၊ အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) နှင့် သပိတ်ကော်မတီအဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ဖော်ကိုင်ဖက်များနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကာကွယ်သူများ၊ ပြည်သူ့နှင့် ဒေသန္တရ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် မိမိတို့၏ လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကို ကာကွယ်ရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကို ဖီဆန်သော လူတစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်စီတိုင်းကို မှတ်တမ်းတင် ဂုဏ်ပြုပါသည်။ ယနေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအပေါ် ပြတ်သားသော ဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများ ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာခဲ့သည့် မိမိတို့နှင့် တညီတညွတ်တည်း ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို ပြသခဲ့သော ကမ္ဘာတဝှမ်းရှိ မိတ်ဆွေများကိုလည်း အထူးပင် ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် အောင်မြင်မှုရရှိနေပြီး အခြား တစ်ဖက်တွင် လည်း ပြည်သူများ၏ ပေးဆပ်အနစ်နာခံထားရမှုများသည် ထုထည်ကြီးမားလှပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ပြင်းထန်သော စိတ်ဆန္ဒကို ကြောက်ရွံ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကိုချုပ်ကိုင်ရန် ရှုံးနိမ့်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူသတ်မှု၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု၊ ပြည်သူ့အိုးအိမ်များ အား မီးရှို့မှု၊ ငတ်မွတ်ခေါင်းပါးစေမှုနှင့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် အိုးအိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်စေမှုများကို အတားအဆီးမဲ့ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ၎င်းတို့သည် ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ပွဲများ ဆင်နွှဲကာ နိုင်ငံတဝန်းလုံးရှိ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးအပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏ တိုင်းရင်းသား ညီအစ်ကိုမောင်နှမများနှင့်အတူ လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိစေရေးအတွက် အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲများမှတဆင့် ပြည်သူများမှ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့သော ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို လက်ကိုင်ကျင့်သုံးလျက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းမှပင် ဆက်လက် ဦးဆောင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မိမိတို့သည် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှု၊ တည်ငြိမ်အေးချမ်းမှု၊ တန်းတူ ညီမျှမှု၊ တိုးတက်ပြောင်းလဲမှုနှင့် အရပ်သားအုပ်ချုပ်မှုတို့အတွက် ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ တစ်ဖက်တွင် လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် သေခြင်းတရားနှင့် ကြီးမားသောဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းနည်းလမ်းများကို ဆုပ်ကိုင်ကာ နိုင်ငံအား အုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် လွတ်မြောက်ခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် အကြောက်တရား၊ တရားမျှတမှု သို့မဟုတ် အပြစ်ပေးခံရမှု၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ သို့မဟုတ် အာဏာရှင်စနစ် တို့အပေါ် ထင်ရှားပြတ်သားစွာ ရွေးချယ်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် ယခုအချိန်သည် ၎င်းတို့၏ ပိုမိုခိုင်မာသော သဘောထားနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအတွက် ရပ်တည်မှုချိန်ခွင်လျှာတို့ကို ပြတ်သားစွာ ဖော်ထုတ်ညွှန်ပြရမည့်အချိန် ကာလ လည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ အာဆီယံ မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းတို့အား မိမိတို့၏ တရားဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျကျလုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို ထောက်ခံအားပေးရန်နှင့် အတုအယောင် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများမှတဆင့် သွေးစွန်းနေသော စစ်ယူနီဖောင်းများမှ အရပ်သားပုံစံ အသွင်ယူပြောင်းလဲအုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုအားလုံးကို တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့ရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် လိုအပ်နေသူများအားလုံးထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ အရေးပေါ်ပို့ဆောင်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ နိုင်ငံရေးခိုလှုံခွင့် တောင်းခံသူ များနှင့် ဒုက္ခသည်များကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေးတို့အတွက် မိမိတို့အပါအဝင် တိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အားလုံးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့် အခြားလူနည်းစုများ အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုဝင်များအား တရားမျှတမှု ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးအတွက် ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူခဲ့များအပေါ် တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် မိမိတို့၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကို အကူအညီပေးစေလိုပါသည်။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော ပြည်သူ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ ဒုတိယမြောက် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့သည် ရက်စက် ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများနှင့် ဒေသတွင်း မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများကိုသာ လိုလားတောင့်တနေသော စစ်အာဏာရှင် တစ်ဦးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ်မှ ထပ်မံမျက်ကွယ်ပြုထားခြင်း မရှိတော့သည့် အခိုက်အတန့်ဖြစ်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအပေါ် ပြင်းထန်သည့် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုပြုလုပ်ရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး နောက်ဆုံးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မြန်မာစစ်တပ်အား ထိရောက် သော အရပ်သားထိန်းချုပ်မှုအောက်သို့ အပြီးအပိုင် ယူဆောင်လာရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: ‘We Believe We Will Be Victorious’: Views on Two Years Of Military Rule
Description: "Feb. 1 has become one of the most fateful days in Myanmar’s political calendar since the early-hours coup on that day in 2021. The country has never been the same since, becoming mired in social and political turmoil sparked by the takeover. Two years on, Myanmar is still reeling from the coup. On the positive side, the popular resistance against the regime remains unwavering and has spread despite the junta’s ongoing atrocities against civilians. To mark the second anniversary of the coup on Wednesday, The Irrawaddy spoke to democracy activists, resistance leaders and observers to get their thoughts on Myanmar’s two-year struggle under military rule, and the way ahead. Ko Bo Kyi Joint secretary, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) “Myanmar after two years under military rule is a disaster due to the coup, which shouldn’t have happened in the first place. It has also pushed the country onto a revolutionary path. It’s a huge blow for the country as we have lost educated young people in the fight against the regime. The takeover brings nothing good to the country. “On the other hand, after two years, the fight against the regime is gaining momentum and will only get bloodier. There is no hope for the junta. It’s hopeful for the people of Myanmar and the revolutionary forces. “Among the positive things the revolution has brought over the past two years are an understanding of ethnic people and a mindfulness of federal democracy. Such things are big steps forward for the country’s national reconciliation.” U Kyaw Zaw Spokesperson, Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG) “During the two years of our fight against the regime, the NUG has made significant developments in many sectors including militarily, and in international relations and politics. We now have control over more than half of the country after our coordinated attacks with ethnic armed organizations on junta targets. “As more areas come under our control, we are providing education and health services there, as well as administrative and judicial services. We have opened more than 4,000 schools and 55 hospitals on the ground in those areas. The NUG administration is in effect in 80 townships and we are expanding to the district level. The judicial system will follow. “As the NUG has vowed that 2023 will be a decisive year in the fight against the junta, we are trying hard to bring change. We believe we will be victorious. At the same time, you will see more systematic administration and rule of law in 2023.” Scot Marciel Former US ambassador to Myanmar “The military has reversed virtually all of the previous decade’s reforms and is waging war in a brutal, indiscriminate fashion against the Myanmar people, all to hold onto power. The Myanmar people have responded in heroic fashion, rising up against the military with incredible courage and resilience and insisting that they will not accept the military’s desire to turn the country back to the dark days of the past. “The future is uncertain, but what is promising is that people from many different communities are now working together to defeat the coup, and in that process they are also tackling decades-old prejudices and taking important steps to build trust among themselves. “I understand that many of you are frustrated by the lack of international attention to your plight and inadequate support you have received from the international community. All I can say is that there are many people around the world who have been inspired by your struggle and who are looking for ways every day to generate more attention and support for your effort.” Phado Saw Taw Nee Karen National Union communications chief “Over the two years, junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has tried to gain legitimacy but he has failed, as there is no space for him even at the regional level, in ASEAN [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations]. He is a loser on all fronts, locally and internationally. “The revolution against him is occurring not only in Karen State but across the whole country. It has now far passed the infantry stage. The resistance groups are now able to collaborate with each other [to lauch attacks on the junta]. That’s the most remarkable thing; we haven’t seen such a thing in the history of Myanmar’s 70 years of armed struggle. “Min Aung Hlaing will try desperate moves, including holding an election, this year as he is running out of options. Our priority has to be how to get rid of them from this Earth! I dare to say there will be changes this year militarily and politically.” Dr. Miemie Winn Byrd Professor at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies “The country was left with both economic and political uncertainties following the coup. A growing dissatisfaction and defiance of the military by the general public only further added uncertainty to the economy. “As long as the military continues to stay in power, it is almost impossible for many sectors of the economy to become fully productive again. It is imperative that the international community continue to put pressure on the junta to restore democracy so that the civilian-led democratic government can do its part in reversing current economic woes. “In order for the Myanmar resistance coalition to reach tipping point, faster the coalition is able to come together, faster they will be able to reach tipping point. The coalition also needs to prioritize and adequately resource intel operations and the strategic communication line of effort.” Khun Be Du Chairperson of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) “Since its formation following the coup, the KNDF has become battle-hardened. Fighting continues against regime troops in Kayah State. “Over the two years, we have been able to collaborate with other ethnic armed groups and People’s Defense Force [PDF] groups in other areas. “On the political front, we have decided to join other forces to build a federal union in Myanmar. We will work hard for it in 2023 either by armed struggle or popular support.” Ma Nilar Thein Veteran democracy activist and widow of activist Ko Jimmy, who was hanged by the regime “It has been two years since the Myanmar military seized control of the country. The past two years saw an important shift in our country. The Civil Disobedience Movement [CDM] and Generation-Z played powerful roles to applause from the international community. The CDM proved [able] to stall junta mechanisms, and Generation-Z provided a leadership role [in the resistance movement against the regime]. People’s Defense Forces emerged as people sought to defend themselves after the Myanmar military carried out brutal crackdowns on peaceful rallies. “Our citizens at home and abroad demonstrated strong solidarity against military rule with their hearts linked together. International diplomatic circles have not only expressed concern but started to take action regarding the Myanmar issue. So, I think if all forces are unified, things will take shape in 2023. It is crucial that democracy and federalism forces and all the ethnicities join hands in this fight. “I vow to turn the sorrow from the deaths of all of our comrades—including Ko Jimmy and those who died behind closed doors in interrogation centers, in arson attacks on villages, and in clashes in forests—to strength and continue to fight until this revolution wins.” Dr. Tayzar San Anti-regime protest leader “The military mistakenly believed their coup would succeed as they have guns. They underestimated the people. Now, two years on, they still can’t control the country as the revolution against them is in full swing. Politically, now is a time of national unity unlike any we have seen before, as the various forces against the regime have become one. I have to say it’s a very remarkable result. At the same time, the regime is losing control day by day—take Upper Myanmar for example. “We have to work harder, as the regime won’t step down easily. We already and firmly believe we will win. The world also needs to believe it. To earn their trust, we have to be unified in voice and action in our fight against the regime in 2023.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
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Title: Reviewing Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, 2 Years on From the Coup
Description: "To mark the anniversary of the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021, The Irrawaddy offers a review of developments in Myanmar’s political, economic and military spheres, as well as its international relations, over the past two years..... Politics... Firstly, the 2008 Constitution was nullified by the putsch. Myanmar’s people had no trust in the constitution from the beginning, fully aware that it was drafted by the military to cement its political power. However, following unexpected reforms under the quasi-civilian government that took power in 2011, people had hoped that the constitution would provide a less bloody political solution to the country’s civil war. They also hoped it would become a blueprint for the military’s gradual retreat from politics. When power was handed over to the National League for Democracy (NLD) after it won the 2015 election, people began to believe the constitution would pave the way for full democracy. But they were wrong. The supreme law was always a tool of the military, to bend or stretch for its own interests. In 2021, the military ignored Section 402 of the constitution which says the Union Election Commission’s decision on election results is final. It spuriously claimed widespread fraud in the 2020 general elections as an excuse to stage a coup. The military said its takeover was in line with the constitution; in fact, it was an illegal power seizure by force of arms. The putsch also put an end to the national reconciliation process. And when the military launched a bloody crackdown on peaceful anti-coup protesters, people lost faith in political means to solve problems. Armed conflicts quickly erupted across the country. Efforts toward national reconciliation were replaced by destruction. Viewpoints have also changed. Between 2011 and 2020, the popular view at home and abroad was that the Myanmar military, as the strongest institution in the country, could not be excluded from politics. That view has changed since the coup. People now view that Myanmar cannot enjoy peace, stability or development while the military is active in politics. In other words, it is impossible to negotiate with the military for reform or power-sharing. The military regime is holding so-called peace talks with some of the country’s many ethnic armed organizations. But it is obvious that the regime is holding talks only to relieve battlefield pressure, and negotiations will lead nowhere. Over the past two years, the political landscape has changed from national reconciliation to annihilation. On the ground, thousands of democracy supporters have been detained. Hundreds have been sentenced to death, and many more have been given long prison terms. The regime publicly hanged four democracy activists in July last year. Another 300 or so have died in military custody at interrogation centers. Meanwhile thousands have been killed in anti-coup protests and battlegrounds. And more than 40,000 buildings including homes, religious buildings, healthcare facilities, and schools have been torched by the junta. On the other hand, over 500 members or supporters of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, junta-appointed administrators, militias and alleged informants were killed by anti-regime forces. Government buildings including around 500 telecom masts have been destroyed and damaged. The crisis has gone beyond the point of negotiation. As such, calls for annihilation will continue to grow. The military is entrenched, having rejected negotiations with civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG).....Economy...The coup came as a serious blow to Myanmar’s economy, which was already plagued by COVID-19. Military rule has sent it spiraling out of control with volatile economic and financial policies. Myanmar’s post-coup economic status can be encapsulated in 10 points: Foreign firms have pulled out; foreign investments have declined, and sizeable planned investments have stalled. International loans are suspended. Inflation has soared over 100 percent and the cost of living including food has doubled. A black market emerged after the regime introduced a fixed exchange rate in place of floating rates. Prices of imported goods including essentials like fuel and pharmaceuticals have surged due to tight controls on US dollar supply. Though fuel prices are high around the world, in Myanmar the price is double what it should be due to inflation and junta mismanagement. Wealth, capital and savings are flowing quickly out of the country due to instability and inflation. Manufacturing has been hit by power outages. The regime is planning to resume stated-owned factories suspended for making losses. Human capital is declining as people leave the country for better economic prospects overseas. The hotels and tourism industry has been hit hard by post-coup turmoil as international visitors stay away. Myanmar’s economy is barely surviving on revenues from oil, gas and agricultural exports. The price of gold, dollars and food skyrocketed around August before subsiding in September. However, they began rising again in early January. So, the past two years have been characterized by economic downturn, a decline in tax revenues, soaring inflation and a cost-of-living crisis, and a budget deficit caused by heavy military expenditures and other factors. This trend looks set to continue this year. The economic crisis will have serious impacts on Myanmar people, as well as the regime. Oil, gas, and agricultural produce are the only sources of foreign currency for the regime.....International relations...The international community is playing a significant role in Myanmar’s crisis, but ultimately it is Myanmar’s people who will decide the fate of their country. The regime is undoubtedly losing on the diplomatic front. It has been snubbed by the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The regime is under increasing pressure to abide by ASEAN’s five-point consensus for peace, which it has so far ignored. A UN resolution adopted in December, the first on Myanmar in more than 70 years, is also a headache for the junta. China and Russia, which the regime thought it could count on as allies, chose not to veto the resolution. On the world stage, the regime is fast running out of friends. The US’s Burma Act, passed in December, was another hammer blow to the junta. The act commits the US to helping restore civilian governance for Myanmar and to pursuing accountability for human rights violations. Notably, it also green-lights non-military assistance for anti-junta forces including ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). The US decision to directly engage with EAOs, PDFs and the NUG is a significant departure from its previous reform push, which was centered on the Myanmar military. This decision demonstrates that Washington no longer believes negotiation with the junta is a practical solution. Further actions on top of the Burma Act can now be expected from the US. In yet another serious diplomatic blow, China has distanced itself from the junta in a departure from its usually close relations with Myanmar military regimes. Beijing has reduced high-level relations with the junta over the past two years, while also suspending planned large-scale investments. Tellingly, China snubbed the junta’s invitation to the second Lancang-Mekong Cooperation meeting. Beijing decided not to veto the UN resolution after it became clear that the regime is unable to stabilize the country, has tarnished its international reputation by committing atrocities against its own people, and has become too close to Russia. And China is well aware of the extent of the armed uprising in Myanmar. The change in stance of its most powerful ally is putting pressure on the regime. China has suggested that regime leaders hold talks with civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a way out of the political crisis. But the junta has refused to do so. Min Aung Hlaing’s regime does appear to retain good ties with its neighbor Thailand. But this is hardly surprising given the fact that Thailand avoided the ravages of World War II by engaging both warring sides. Today, it carries out joint military drills with both the US and China. Similarly, Thailand provides shelter for Myanmar’s democracy forces while also maintaining friendly relations with Myanmar’s military. Bangkok’s foreign policy is a balancing act. It is unlikely to upset that delicate balance by going against the US and ASEAN over the Myanmar crisis. Among the few countries that currently offer support to the regime are Russia, Belarus, India and Japan. Russia and Belarus engage with the regime mainly to sell weapons. They are unlikely to make massive investments in Myanmar. And politically, Russia is likely to heed Beijing’s opinion when the UN Security Council makes decisions on Myanmar. India and Japan cooperate more openly with the regime. Delhi has dispatched high-level delegations to Myanmar. It also turned a blind eye recently when the regime used India’s airspace to attack the headquarters of the revolutionary Chin National Front near the Indian border, resulting in bombs landing on Indian soil. Japan is cooperating with the regime via Nippon Foundation chairman Yohei Sasakwa and former Japanese MP Hideo Watanabe, who have influence in Japanese government circles. The main intention of both Indian and Japan, however, is to offset China’s political and economic influence in Myanmar. But the two countries have neither a veto at the UN Security Council nor influence over ASEAN. And they have only relatively small investments in military-ruled Myanmar. So, the regime can’t expect much from the two. On the diplomatic front, democratic forces are gaining the upper hand and the regime is struggling for a foothold on the world stage.....Military...This is the deciding factor for the future of Myanmar. The 2021 coup was followed by anti-coup protests that soon expanded to a nationwide armed struggle after the military’s bloody crackdown on peaceful rallies. The fighting has been most intense in Kachin, Chin, Kayah (Karenni), Karen and Mon states as well as in Sagaing and Magwe regions. While the pre-coup armed struggle was limited to border zones of ethnic states and rural areas, Myanmar’s military is now facing attacks in urban areas including major cities like Yangon and Mandalay. The scale of the ongoing armed revolution is unprecedented in Myanmar. Regime forces are overstretched and exhausted, fighting on multiple fronts across the country. The military is often unable to send reinforcements when a base comes under attack. Instead, it has increasingly relied on artillery and air attacks, part of a scorched-earth strategy against civilians to dent their faith in revolution. Over the past two years, junta forces have torched more than 40,000 buildings across the country, or an average of 55 per day. The arson campaign against civilian communities has severely tarnished the already unenviable reputation of Myanmar’s military. Over 8,000 clashes of various size have also been recorded since the coup. That’s an average of 11 clashes per day. Hardly a day goes by without the Myanmar military suffering casualties. Unsurprisingly, it is now struggling to recruit new soldiers. Daily clashes, casualties and exhaustion have sapped morale within the military. On the other hand, morale is rising within resistance forces. The armed struggle that started in 2021 differs from past crises, such as the 1948 turmoil that led to civil war. In the past, armed struggle has been launched by a particular party or organization after careful preparation. In contrast, the uprising after the 2021 coup was a popular and spontaneous movement, unexpected and unplanned. People were pushed into the war after they, their relatives or their friends were met with military firepower during street protests. It was only after people rose up against the regime that the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG), and its People’s Defense Force (PDFs) armed wing emerged to unify the scattered resistance. The NUG is rallying revolutionary forces and also establishing alliances with EAOs. The NUG has so far established about 300 battalions and has links with some 400 local PDFs. A PDF battalion has around 200 troops, meaning the NUG has mustered an army of around 60,000 resistance fighters, excluding local PDFs. Though the NUG has yet to unify all resistance forces under a single command, it has made impressive progress developing a nationwide network of resistance forces over the past two years. Many of those resistance fighters have undergone basic military training and have gained combat experience. But arming all of its battalions, not to mention local PDFs, remains a challenge for the NUG. However, the mob that fought the Myanmar military with rudimentary hunting rifles and homemade weapons has evolved into a regimented armed force equipped with modern automatic rifles and drones. Its fighting force is bolstered by battle-hardened troops of EAOs, including the Kachin Independence Army, Karen National Union, Chin National Front, Chinland Defense Force, Karenni National Progressive Party, Karenni Nationalities Defense Force, and the All Burma Students Democratic Front. Their combined forces of 45,000 troops are cooperating fully with the pro-democracy Spring Revolution to topple the regime. Although the Arakan Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army have engaged in fewer clashes with junta troops, the three groups are understood to be supporting Spring Revolution forces with weapons or equipment. They also pose a serious threat to the regime as clashes between junta troops and the three EAOs, with a combined strength of some 45,000 troops, could erupt at any time. Three other EAOs with a combined force of about 45,000 – the United Wa State Army, National Democratic Alliance Army, and the Shan State Progress Party – barely engage with the country’s resistance forces. But neither will they fight for the regime, preferring the role of self-interested onlookers. Two other groups, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the New Mon State Party, with a combined force of around 10,000 troops, have adopted a neutral position in the fighting but are also making deals with the regime. Signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, namely the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Council-Peace Council, Palaung National Liberation Organization, Arakan Liberation Party, and the Lahu Democratic Union, are under the control of the regime. But they are unlikely to join the regime-friendly Border Guard Force and militias in fighting alongside junta forces. So, it is fair to say the majority of EAOs have sided with the anti-regime forces. Revolutionary forces still have certain weaknesses, though. They are not yet fully armed, they have few weapons to counter airstrikes, they lack artillery and they are not yet under a single chain of command needed to conduct synchronized attacks. Despite this, Myanmar’s military is in no position to crush Spring Revolution forces and their EAO allies. On the other hand, it is unlikely that revolutionary forces can oust the regime this year. More certain, though, is that Spring Revolution forces have emerged as a formidable army over the past two years..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
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Title: A summary review report on the military regime’s human rights violations during one year in 2022
Description: "From January to December 2022, the junta troops violated numerous human rights abuses and committed international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in various parts of Myanmar. National Unity Government, Ministry of Human Rights collaborated with Network for Human Rights Documentation (Burma) – ND-Burma, Equality Myanmar and Spring Archive to provide summary review on the military regime’s human rights violations.....Regions where most human rights violations reported: The region where the junta troops committed the most human rights violations was the Sagaing Region, with 783 cases, followed by Magway Region with 311 and Yangon Region where the country’s commercial hub is located with 171. Most human rights violations were reported in Sagaing Region’s Kalay, KhinU and Yinmarbin Township. 81 human rights violations were recorded in Kalay, 61 in KhinU and 57 in Yinmarbin Township. There were 30 types of human rights violations in these three townships. Among the states, Rakhine State has the highest number of human rights violations with 138 cases. Kyauktaw Township has the highest number of human rights abuses with 24 cases. Junta soldiers have committed 18 types of human rights violations in Rakhine State.....The most common forms of human rights violations: Arbitrary arrest and arbitrary arrest are the most common violations of human rights, followed by the burning of public housing and property. Firing heavy weapons into civilian areas is the third most common violation committed by the junta troops. One of the most serious human rights violations by the military regime is the execution of anti-authoritarian activists, students, and civil servants who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). The second human rights violation is the extrajudicial killing of detainees in the military's notorious interrogation centers, and the third is the inhumane dismemberment and dumping of bodies in rural areas.....General review: The military regime had not been able to suppress the people’s resistance against the military coup by ground force alone in 2022. Junta troops launched attacks on antiregime forces’ camps across the country with the support of aerial bombings and artillery strikes. The junta troops have repeatedly fired at villages, homes and schools that are not military targets. With the aim of destroying the local people’s strong support for the People’s Defence Forces, the regime armed the pro-regime militias called “Pyu Saw Htee” through the military proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) members and extreme Buddhist nationalists. Pyu Saw Htee members have targeted killings of local people and National League for Democracy party members, and the military columns have repeatedly raided and torched villages where the anti-dictatorship revolutionary movement is strong, systematically and extensively..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication: 2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Defining civilians during the Spring Revolution
Description: "On 7 September 2021, the National Unity Government’s (NUG) acting president Duwa Lashi La declared a people’s war against the Tatmadaw. He stated that in waging war against the junta, People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) should operate in accordance with the NUG’s Military Code of Conduct for People’s Defence Forces, which had been laid out on 21 July 2021. The NUG claimed that the Code of Conduct was established in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. However, there are some controversial areas in the Code of Conduct, which if left unaddressed, could undermine the NUG’s credibility. The political analyst Benjamin Mok has examined the Code of Conduct in an article on the Diplomat. However, there has not yet been an analysis of the Code of Conduct through the lens of International Humanitarian Law. In this article, I will discuss some issues with how “legitimate targets” of PDF action might be defined and interpreted in the NUG’s Code of Conduct. First, I will evaluate the definition of civilians used in the NUG’s Code of Conduct and compare it with Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions (1977) which applies specifically to non-international armed conflicts. In so doing, I will inquire what constitutes a legitimate military target in the Myanmar context. Then, I will highlight some contentious issues on the ground, particularly targeting alleged informants, the junta-appointed civil servants, and political opponents. Finally, I will come up with recommendations for the main actors mentioned in this article..... Who exactly are civilians?..... One of the major actors in the Spring Revolution is “informants”. In this article, I use informants to refer to civilians who side with the junta and reveal the whereabouts of the resistance figures to the State Administration Council (SAC). They could be the SAC-appointed administrators or regular civilians and they have been one of the main targets of the PDFs. The moral justification for killing them has been debated since the beginning of the resistance. The NUG also does not specify if the informants qualified as military targets in their Code of Conduct for PDFs. Under the ‘Targeting’ section of the Code of Conduct, Article 1 says PDFs are to target only “mechanisms of the dictatorship”, while Article 2 reads, “Civilians shall not be targeted, threatened, and attacked”. These two articles are in line with the basic principles of the Geneva Conventions. However, a question arises if we compare Article 2 against Article 1: Who does the Code of Conduct really count as civilians? According to the ICRC’s Interpretive Guidance, “all persons who are not members of State armed forces or of organized armed groups belonging to a party to an armed conflict are civilians.” This implies that to the ICRC, informants could be classified as civilians. The ICRC continues to state that civilians, so defined, are “protected against direct attack unless and for such time as they directly participate in hostilities”. Now, it is important to identify what constitutes “direct hostilities”. While there’s no official definition of direct hostilities in International Law, the ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance, while not legally binding, also is helpful for this matter and serves as the standard procedure for states. According to the ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance, “Persons participate directly in hostilities when they carry out acts, which aim to support one party to the conflict by directly causing harm to another party, either directly inflicting death, injury or destruction, or by directly harming the enemy’s military operations or capacity.” By this definition, it’s hard to decide whether or not informants are partaking in direct hostilities. It may be tempting to put informants under the indirect hostility category. After all, what they are doing is simply revealing the location of their enemies. But, in this Spring Revolution, the informants do really “harm the operations” of the resistance groups. For example, informants reportedly revealed the whereabouts of Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy, responsible for overseeing the Yangon operations, leading to their arrests and snowball arrests of other members. A large number of arms and ammunition were also seized during the arrest. However, I acknowledge the subjectiveness of such a matter, and one could argue targeting informants is not justified if they are only revealing the whereabouts of resistance figures under threat. This also highlights areas for improvement in international humanitarian law and such unique scenarios under the Myanmar context should be discussed more to better define “direct and indirect hostilities”....Attacks on SAC-appointed civil servants and political opponents....While informants blur the line between “direct and non-direct hostilities”, it is easier to determine whether or not civil servants working for the SAC should go under the “indirect hostility” category. The ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance says that “administrative and political support” is considered indirect participation in hostilities. Hence the ICRC views SAC-appointed civil servants as civilians that enjoy all the protections under Common Article 3 and Additional Protocol II. However, in Myanmar, the situation on the ground could be considered not yet in line with the ICRC’s standard. As of November 2021, about 200 SAC-appointed administrators were killed by PDFs. It’s not surprising, to some extent, if some PDFs, not affiliated with the NUG, have their own agenda and would target the civil servants working for the junta, but it becomes problematic if the NUG itself would publicly recognize such operations as legitimate. In April 2022, Yangon Regional Command (YRC) under the NUG’s Ministry of Defense (MoD) shot the Central Bank’s Deputy Governor, as part of Operation Byan Hlwar Aung, which was conducted by NUG-affiliated PDFs under the directive of the NUG’s MoD. This sort of incident is not justified by the Geneva Conventions, which the NUG claims to abide by. While the NUG could argue that targeting informants is justified due to their significant damage to the resistance, International Law does not justify for military actions against civil servants. One of the Soldier’s Rules under the NUG’s Code of Conduct reads: “Shall not discriminate any individual based on their ethnicity, religion, gender, and sexual orientation”, but there’s no mention of non-discrimination based on “political or other opinions” as included in Additional Protocol II. While it’s possible that the NUG simply overlooked this phrase in the article, it could also be assumed that the NUG intentionally phrased the rule in a way that could somehow enable the PDFs to target the regime-friendly civil servants or even civilians politically supporting the junta without facing legal restraints. In a recent interview with BBC, the USDP (a military’s proxy party) chairman U Than Htay claimed that “over 1,500 USDP members and supporters [were] killed (since the beginning of the coup)”. While it’s possible that the USDP has inflated this number, if true it could pose a threat to the NUG’s legitimacy if there’s no clear explanation on why and how it could happen from its side.....Potential risks and recommendations.....As the NUG is still competing for representation at the UN Human Rights Council with the SAC, it should consider the consequences of targeting those considered civilians in the eyes of the international community. Some international actors like ASEAN, except countries like Malaysia, lean towards keeping their distance from the parallel civilian government. ASEAN could justify its relative inaction against the SAC based on the claim that the NUG-led resistance inflicted “civilian damage”. While targeting alleged informants is understandable for strategic purposes, it should always be the last resort and the PDFs should make sure that their targets are heavily involved in the military operations. While engaging with the international community, the NUG should make it clear from the start why alleged informants are not the same as ordinary civilians and how they are critical to the SAC’s counterinsurgency plans. And, at the same time, the NUG, as the government, should distance itself from the killing of the informants. In other words, they should not take credit for such operations. Otherwise, the NUG risks not looking credible in the eyes of the international community, within which many assume that ground realities contradict the NUG’s Code of Conduct. The NUG could come up with alternatives to deal with the alleged informants and the junta-appointed civil servants rather than killings. There have been some good initiatives with the NUG setting up People’s Police Forces and township courts in different regions and states. With clear policies and measures, they could establish an effective justice mechanism to impose judicial measures against pro-SAC civilians rather than resorting to armed violence. The success of such a mechanism also relies on support from the international community. The international community should also recognize that current conditions on the ground pose limitations on what the NUG can do. After all, many PDFs and LDFs (Local Defense Forces) operating are not yet directly under its command. The NUG’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Daw Zin Mar Aung recognized this reality while meeting with the diaspora community during her visit to Washington DC when she said, “PDFs need to follow rules of engagement (ROE) but on-ground situations could be complicated sometimes.” In order for the PDF to be more compliant with the NUG’s Code of Conduct, the NUG needs to first gain leverage over them. For now, the people’s government has little leverage over the majority of the PDFs due to its lack of capacity to provide financial and weapons support, and it simply cannot command the PDFs to do this or that. While it is clear at this point that the West would not provide arms to the NUG, other forms of non-lethal support are still feasible. By having more financial leverage over the PDFs, the NUG could have more bargaining power in requiring them to engage in warfare and operations more in line with the Code of Conduct. What the West could do in this case is provide financial support to the NUG. The US could allow the NUG to access the 1 billion USD in Myanmar assets which the US froze at the beginning of the coup. This money could assist the NUG in coordinating its resistance, so that it can follow the standards of International Law. The US could also accelerate the legislative process of the Burma Act of 2021, which once passed, would provide humanitarian aid and assistance to civil society impacted by the coup, including “participants in the Civil Disobedience Movement, and government defectors”, hence, lifting weight off the NUG, so that it could redirect more resources to the resistance. They could also support the parallel government in setting up administrative mechanisms, building the capacity of civil servants that refuse to work for the junta, developing administrative policies, providing joint educational programs, helping set up an effective tax system, and channelling aid through the NUG-initiated programs. At the moment, ASEAN is channelling aid through the SAC’s task force but the US could use its influence over ASEAN members to be more inclusive with aid management. In order to navigate the risk of targeting non-CDM civil servants, the international community could provide financial and technical support to the people’s administrations in PDF strongholds to create more incentives for those joining CDM. I recommend that the NUG also revise the Code of Conduct and make it more concrete with a well-defined set of rules and instructions to follow. More than a year since the publication of the Code of Conduct, it is important that the NUG and the international community revisit it..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2022-12-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The upcoming 5th BIMSTEC Summit on March 30 in Sri Lanka must respect calls from Myanmar democracy movement - သီရီလင်္ကာ ၌ မတ်လ (၃၀) တွင် ကျင်းပမည့် (၅) ကြိမ်မြောက် BIMSTEC ထိပ်သီး ညီလာခံ သည် မြန်မာပြည်ဒီမိုကရေစီလှုပ်ရှားမှု၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်များအား လေးစားလိုက်နာရမည်။
Description: "Statement in commemoration of the "222222" movement.....နှစ်ခြောက်လုံး လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုနေ့တွင် #India4Myanmar က အောက်ပါ ကြေညာချက်အား ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: India For Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-02-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Day the Myanmar Junta’s Crackdown Claimed Its First Life
Description: "On this day last year, Myanmar saw the first civilian death resulting from a police crackdown on protesters following the military’s Feb. 1 coup. Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine died on Feb. 19, 2021 after being shot in the head during an anti-coup protest 10 days earlier in Myanmar’s capital, Naypyitaw, becoming the first protester to be killed since the coup. The 20-year-old student had been brain dead and on life support at a Naypyitaw hospital since being shot by police on Feb. 9. She cast her first vote in the 2020 general election, the results of which were rejected by the military. The military said it only used rubber bullets against protesters, while junta police claimed her wounds suggested she had been shot by a weapon fired by non-security personnel. However, a video of a police captain firing shots at protesters went viral and a subsequent post-mortem showed she was killed by a live round that struck her in the head. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a body comprising deposed lawmakers who won seats in the 2020 general election, declared Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine a martyr and many people attended her funeral. The military regime has been on a killing spree ever since; over 1,550 more protesters have been killed in junta crackdowns since the February coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-02-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-19
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Title: ဣတ္ထိယသွေး နွေဦးတေး အစီရင်ခံစာ
Description: "၂၀၂၁ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအဝှမ်း အလွှာပေါင်းစုံက အမျိုးသမီးထုရဲ့ တော်လှန်စိတ်ဓာတ်နဲ့ ရဲရင့်ပြောင်မြောက်စွာ ဦးဆောင်မှုတွေဟာ အာဏာလု စစ်အုပ်စုကို သွေးပျက်မတတ် ထိတ်လန့် တုန်လှုပ်စေခဲ့တာပါ။ မြန်မာ့သမိုင်းမှာ ပထမဦးဆုံးအဖြစ် ထမီအလံလွှင့်ထူပြီး ငါတို့ထမီ၊ ငါတို့အလံ၊ ငါတို့အောင်ပွဲ ဆိုတဲ့ ဣတ္ထိယ နွေဦးတေးဟာ နိုင်ငံနယ်နမိတ် အပြင်ဘက်ထိ တုန်ဟီးစေခဲ့တယ်။ ပြည်တွင်းသာမက ကမ္ဘာ့တဝှမ်းက ပြည်သူအပေါင်း မြန်မာ့အမျိုးသမီးထုရဲ့ တော်လှန်စိတ်ဓာတ်ကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထား အသိအမှတ်ပြုခဲ့ကြရပါတယ်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုဟာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ရဲ့ ထုံးစံအတိုင်း ဆန့်ကျင်သူတိုင်းကို လက်နက်အားကိုးပြီး ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ဖြိုခွဲခဲ့တယ်။ အကြောက်တရားနဲ့ အုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်အောင်ကြိုးစားခဲ့တယ်။ သို့သော်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံးက နောက်မဆုတ်စတမ်း တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လာတာဟာ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ဆိုရင် တစ်နှစ်တင်းတင်းပြည့်ခဲ့ပေမယ့် တော်လှန်စိတ်ဓာတ်ဟာ ပြင်းသထက် ပြင်းထန်ပြီး ခိုင်မာသထက် ခိုင်မာလာတာကို တွေ့မြင်နေတာပါ။ ဒီအထဲမှာ အမျိုးသမီးတွေဟာလည်း ရှေ့တန်းက အားကောင်းစွာ ပါဝင်တော်လှန်နေဆဲပါပဲ။ တနှစ်ပြည့်တဲ့အချိန်မှာ အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုဟာ ထောင်ချီတဲ့ အမျိုးသမီးများကို ထောင်သွင်း အကျဉ်းချထားခဲ့တယ်။ ရာချီတဲ့ အမျိုးသမီးများဟာ အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုရဲ့ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက် ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း ခံခဲ့ရတယ်။ ယန္တရားမျိုးစုံကို အသုံးပြုပြီး ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုတွေ ပြုလုပ်နေဆဲဖြစ်တယ်။ သို့သော်လည်း အမျိုးသမီးထုဟာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အကြွင်းမဲ့ ကျဆုံးရေး၊ ပြည်သူ့လွတ်မြောက်ရေးနဲ့ ဒီမိုကရေစီအခွင့်အရေးအပြည့်အဝ ရရှိရေးအတွက် ဘဝတွေ၊ အသက်တွေကို ပေးဆပ်ရင်း ရှေ့တန်းက ရဲ့ရင့်စွာ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေတုန်းပါ။ ဒီအစီရင်ခံစာဟာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအဝှမ်း တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ပါဝင်တဲ့ အမျိုးသမီးထုရဲ့ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံမှု၊ ပေးဆပ်မှုနဲ့ တော်လှန်စိတ်ဓာတ်ကို ဂုဏ်ပြု မှတ်တမ်းတင်ရင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ချက်နဲ့ ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရတဲ့ အမျိုးသမီးသူရဲကောင်းများအား အလေးပြု မော်ကွန်းတင်လိုက်တဲ့ အစီရင်စာတစ်စောင်ပဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 10.65 MB (Original version), 4.73 MB (Reduce version) - 74 pages
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Title: Women Power in Spring Revolution
Description: "In this Spring Revolution, the revolutionary vigor and decisive leadership of the women of Burma, belonging to all classes and ethnicities, has shaken the military junta to their very core. For the first time in the history of Burma, women were able to unfurl their Hta-Mein [female skirt/Sarong] as flags; proclaiming “Our Hta-Mein! Our Flag! Our Victory!”. This heroine chant of the Spring Revolution resonated across the country and beyond. The valiant spirit of the women of Burma was acknowledged not only domestically but all around the world. The terrorist-like military tried to mercilessly crush any kind of opposition with excessive force using heavy weaponry. They carry out tactics of terror to scare the population into submission. Yet, the spirit of the people has not faltered, and their unwavering resolve is just getting stronger after a year, with February 1, 2022 marking one year after the military unsuccessful coup in the Burma. From the very start, women have continuously put up a vigorous fight in the frontlines. To punish and suppress them, in the span of this past year, the military junta has imprisoned thousands of women and tortured many of them horrendously in numerous ways. These heinous acts are still being perpetrated by the military all throughout the country. Regardless, women in Burma are resolute in their goal to end the military dictatorship, liberate the masses, and obtain full democracy within the country. And it is with that determination that they keep fighting in the frontline, risking their lives and futures for this cause. This report tries to acknowledge and commemorate the revolutionary spirit and sacrifice of women of all ethnic groups of Burma, and those fallen heroes who perished at the hands of the terrorist military junta..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 9.85 MB (Original version), 3.97 MB (Reduce version) - 67 pages
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment Announcement No.12/2021 - စီမံကိန်း ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကြေညာချက် (၁၂/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အထူးငွေတိုက် စာချုပ်များအား ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေး ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခြင်း။ ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်သည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်သူ့ကြွေးမြီစီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုဥပဒေကို တတိယအကြိမ်ပြင်ဆင်သည့်ဥပဒေ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ဥပဒေအမှတ် ၄ အား အတည်ပြုပြဌာန်း ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ အဆိုပါ ပြင်ဆင်သည့် ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၆ နှင့်အညီ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအထူးငွေတိုက်စာချုပ်များရောင်းချခွင့်ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့အစည်းအဝေးအမှတ်စဉ် (၂၈) က သဘောတူခွင့်ပြုခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၃။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အထူးငွေတိုက်စာချုပ်များ၏ သက်တမ်းမှာ ၂ နှစ်ဖြစ်ပြီး အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ သန်းတစ်ထောင်ဖိုး နှင့်ညီမျှသော အတိုးမဲ့စာချုပ်များအဖြစ် ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချ သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၄။ ကမ္ဘာ့သမိုင်းတွင် ယခုကဲ့သို့ အထူးငွေတိုက်စာချုပ်များအား တော်လှန်ရေးအစိုးရတစ်ရပ်က အတိုးမဲ့ ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချခြင်းသည် ပထမဆုံးအကြိမ်ဖြစ်ပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို လိုလားသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူ များက စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို အဆုံးစွန် ဆန့်ကျင်အာခံတော်လှန်ခဲ့သည့် သမိုင်းမော်ကွန်းအဖြစ် ခမ်းနားစွာထင်ရှား ကျန်ရစ်ခဲ့မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ သို့ပါ၍ မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင် ပျောက်ကွယ်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းသွားစေရေးကို ပြင်းပြသော ဆန္ဒနှင့် လိုလားတောင့်တလျက်ရှိသူတိုင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အထူးငွေတိုက်စာချုပ်များကို တော်လှန်ရေး အောင်စိတ်ဖြင့် မဖြစ်မနေ ဝယ်ယူကြပါရန် လေးနက်စွာ မေတ္တာရပ်ခံတိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ စတင်ရောင်းချမည့် နေ့ရက်၊ ဝယ်ယူနိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းများနှင့် အသေးစိတ်စည်းမျဉ်းစည်းကမ်းများအား ထပ်မံ၍ ကြိုတင် အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ပေးသွားပါမည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-10-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 85.27 KB
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Title: Statement From Spring Revolution Interfaith Network: Statement No. – 5/2021 - နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက် သဘောထားကြေညာချက် - စာအမှတ် ၅/၂၀၂၁
Description: "1. We have observed increased torture, raids, killings and extrajudicial arrests of innocence people in Myanmar including lawless confiscation private lands and houses. 2. On 23rd September 2021, Myanmar Military had illegally raided and detained a group of activists including U Ragu Nay Myint, who is a former political prisoner and Hindu leader actively working on interreligious peace building. 3. We have learnt that people detained form the case are accused with act of terrorism based with baseless accusations and their family are pushed towards difficult situation as their private home are confiscated. 4. We have also observed that on 25th September 2021, Myanmar Military publicly killed and tortured 3 young people on the street in MyaeNegon, Yangon. 5. Myanmar Military has been also committing atrocity crimes and war crimes in Sagaing, Magway regions and other ethnic regions admit shutting down of the internet to cover up their crimes. 6. We strongly condemn all awful acts of Myanmar Military and we affirm our commitment to do anything we can to contribute to the success of the revolution and stand in solidarity with our fellow people of Myanmar.....ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ် ရဲ့ ဆိုးယုတ်နိမ့်ကျသော နည်းလမ်း နှင့် လူမဆန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် အပြင်းအထန်ရှုတ်ချပြီး ပြည်သူနှင့် အတူ တစ်သားတည်း ရပ်တည်ကာ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက်မှ သဘောထားကြေညာချက်ထုတ်ပြန် #faiths4springrevolution..."
Source/publisher: The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 23.73 KB 300.98 KB
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Title: ‘No Future’ for Myanmar People Unless Spring Revolution Succeeds
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has been waging war in Chin State in the mountainous far west of the country for months. Intense fighting between the junta and civilian resistance groups has forced thousands of people to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian catastrophe. In the past ten days alone, junta troops bombarded the town of Thantlang, prompting an exodus of nearly 8.000 people. Regime soldiers also shot down a Christian pastor in the town and mutilated his corpse. The Irrawaddy spoke to Dr. Sasa, the Minister of International Cooperation for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), himself an ethnic Chin, about the current situation in Chin State and the NUG’s efforts at home and abroad to deliver aid and win international support. By THE IRRAWADDY 27 September 2021 Myanmar’s military regime has been waging war in Chin State in the mountainous far west of the country for months. Intense fighting between the junta and civilian resistance groups has forced thousands of people to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian catastrophe. In the past ten days alone, junta troops bombarded the town of Thantlang, prompting an exodus of nearly 8.000 people. Regime soldiers also shot down a Christian pastor in the town and mutilated his corpse. The Irrawaddy spoke to Dr. Sasa, the Minister of International Cooperation for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), himself an ethnic Chin, about the current situation in Chin State and the NUG’s efforts at home and abroad to deliver aid and win international support. What can you tell us about the current situation in Chin State? The military regime’s State Administration Council (SAC) has targeted Chin State since shortly after the coup, and there have been especially heavy crackdowns in Mindat and Kanpetlet. The regime bombs and uses heavy weapons against civilians. The use of such weapons to destroy villages and towns in Chin State is both a war crime and a crime against humanity. They attack the Chin people with the intention of massacring them. What happened in Thantlang earlier this September is further proof of the junta’s brutality. Not only did they kill the Chin Christian pastor Cung Biak Hum, but they also cut off his wedding ring. We feel that is not only an insult to the Chin people, but it is also a declaration of war against all the Christian community. They do it on purpose. Now, everyone in Thantlang has fled their homes. They deliberately burned down 19 houses. Are the Chin people being repressed more because they are so active in the resistance against the junta? What we have come to understand is that if this Spring Revolution does not succeed, there will be no future for the ethnic nationalities and for the people of Myanmar as a whole. Ethnic groups have been persecuted for 74 years. For those 74 years, we have had no hope from the generals and they have had nothing to offer. We Chin people have been discriminated against for generations on the basis of race and religion. Now all Chin people understand that the whole system needs to be changed. All ethnic groups understand that, too. We have a choice. We will end the rule of the military. Then, we will establish a federal democracy. [Under the federal democracy system] our constitution guarantees our right to self-determination. We will never back down until we have taken that path. If not, then military dictatorships will happen again and again. What kind of support can the NUG provide to the Chin people, especially those who have fled from Thantlang? There are a lot of areas where we can’t say what the NUG is doing to support people for security reasons. But I want to say that almost US$1 million is being provided indirectly for humanitarian support in Chin State. In the Indian state of Mizoram, which borders Chin State and shares a similar culture to ours, we are in talks with the local government to help our people. There is a lot we are doing in collaboration with all the religious organizations in Mizoram, as well as with the international community, on health, education, and humanitarian assistance. Of course, not all the needs are being met. The NUG continues to work behind the scenes with humanitarian groups. In Chin State, people are resisting the junta with traditional rifles and are suffering human rights abuses. What is the NUG’s message to them? The Myanmar military have been using the four cuts policy for many years. It is a tactic to cut off food, funding, intelligence and recruits. Under that policy, humanitarian aid is much harder to deliver. For example, it takes a lot of permits just to transport a bag of rice. We have a lot of resources. As a person communicating with the international community, I can say that there are many organizations that want to help. There are many philanthropists. But the four cuts policy is hurting our efforts to provide assistance to almost all villages in Chin State. The problem is that the military council aims guns at people to prevent them from getting help. We understand the frustration of the people and their suffering and how that might cause them to blame the NUG. But the people are suffering because of the generals’ four cuts policy. It is the SAC that is depriving us of the humanitarian assistance we deserve. We are facing a real hell. The United States (US) alone has provided about US$200 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar. Along with the contributions from the United Kingdom and the European Union (EU), the total support amounts to about US$300 million. If the four cuts policy could be taken away, no one would go hungry and no would be homeless. The longer the regime stays in power, the worse the situation will get. Therefore, we are working hard to end this dictatorship as soon as possible. The NUG said earlier this month that the armed resistance movement is growing because of the failure of the international community to intervene. What do you think the international community should do? Eight months after the coup, we are still urging the international community to recognize the NUG immediately. The NUG takes its legitimacy from the people. The NUG leadership is based on the results of the 2020 general election, which was won by the National League for Democracy. Our legitimacy comes from the people who support us. The 76th United Nations (UN) General Assembly Resolution recognizes the 2020 elections as free and fair. The independent electoral observer group in Asia also said it was free and fair. So the question is why does the international community not recognize the people’s government? The NUG needs to be recognized internationally as soon as possible. Only by recognizing us, can the basic needs of the people be met. We are using our own four cuts strategy to counter the military. Number one in the strategy is to cut the financial flow and income to the SAC. Number two, supplies of fuel and weapons must be cut. Number three is to cut all the SAC’s attempts at diplomacy. The international community must not cooperate politically with the military regime. For example, the Association of Southeast Nations must cut ties with it. And all international organizations must cut ties with the SAC. Number four is to cut the legitimacy of the military council. They must not be allowed to administer the country. How successful has the NUG’s four cuts approach been? Think about it. Even now the junta-controlled lottery is not working. When our spring lottery was introduced [in August], their lottery faded and [seems to be] dead. Then there is the tax issue. The people do not want to pay taxes anymore. It is a way of non-violent [resistance against the military rule]. We now have electricity tax exemptions. It’s really a success. If you pay the electricity fee, the money will go to [coup leader Senior General] Min Aung Hlaing. He will use that money to buy weapons. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is another example of our four cuts strategy. The CDM brings an end to the regime’s attempt at administration. The whole world knows they can’t administer the country. This is the success of the people. Internationally, the US government is monitoring the SAC’s military-owned companies. Similarly, the EU has imposed sanctions on all the military leaders and their companies. The same is true of Canada. We are urging Australia and New Zealand to back us. So the success we have had in the last seven or eight months has been huge. The UN resolution also calls for an end to arms sales to the military regime. Our goal is to weaken the SAC financially so they are unable to get access to more weapons. Currently, they are not able to govern. In the meantime, we are advocating hard to the international community not to support the junta. So I want to ask the people if there is any country that accepts the SAC? There is none. The military regime is really falling apart..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Parallel Govt’s Online Lottery Sells Out in About an Hour
Description: "An online lottery created by Myanmar’s parallel government has been so well received that all tickets put up for sale were sold out in just over one hour on the launch day despite the regime’s official threats to punish anyone who plays. Intended to raise funds for civil servants who are on strike to protest against the regime, the “Victorious Spring” lottery, named after Myanmar’s popular revolution against the junta that started in February, was introduced by the National Unity Government (NUG) on Sunday. Many government staff—at least hundreds if not thousands—have left their jobs in the wake of the coup in February to protest against military rule. The junta has retaliated against them by either jailing or sacking them, or issuing arrest warrants for them, prompting many to go into hiding. Their Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has proven so impactful that the regime is still struggling to run the country properly. The NUG said 70 percent of the proceeds from the lottery would go to support the strikers, while the remainder would be kept by the winners. The NUG was formed by lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy government and other ethnic representatives in April and has enjoyed popular support at home and abroad. The move—the sale of lottery tickets by a shadow government to raise funds—is unprecedented in Myanmar’s history. So is the public support it has garnered. All 50,000 lottery tickets were sold out online in just over an hour after their launch on Sunday, earning the NUG 100 million kyats (about US$60,760). “Thank you very much for the eager support. We request that you please be patient as there are many people who want to play the lottery,” organizers said on the lottery’s Facebook page, soothing people who didn’t have a chance to buy a ticket. The lottery comes as the regime’s national lottery has been left almost shattered following the coup. In pre-coup days, it was hugely popular for its lucrative 1.5-billion-kyat first prize. However, it was reduced to one third that amount in March as the public boycotts payments of any kind to the government, including paying taxes and buying government lottery tickets. For most of the people playing the NUG lottery, gambling is the last thing they have in mind. Instead, they see it as a way to give as much financial support as they can to the government they believe in. In other words, it means lending a helping hand to topple the regime. “I am just contributing what I can. I am not interested whether I win or not,” one supporter in Yangon said on condition of anonymity. He had good reason to remain anonymous; in the days before the lottery’s launch, the regime issued threats, via state-run newspapers, of legal action against anyone who participated. In an interview, U Nyi Nyi Hlaing, a director of the Aung Balay national lottery, called the NUG’s lottery “illegal” and said anyone involved—operators as well as players—could be punished. “As the payment is made online, the Central Bank would take serious action against those involved in financial transactions,” he said, referring to the country’s nascent digital payment system. Unsurprisingly, his warnings fell on deaf ears. On Monday, the second day, the NUG had to abruptly halt ticket sales as the system was overwhelmed, requesting people to hold their generosity a while as it needed to process more than 70,000 tickets sold as of that afternoon..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement by the Spring Revolution Interfaith Network – Statement No.1/2021 - နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက် သဘောထားကြေညာချက် – စာအမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁
Description: "The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network, was formed on 7th August 2021 by religious leaders and civil society leaders from different ethnic and religious backgrounds, who are actively opposing and fighting against the military dictatorship. The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network has the following objectives: 1. To end the military dictatorship 2. To establish a federal democratic union that holds values of freedom, justice, and equality by working together with different religious groups 3. To build a new society that guarantees the right to freedom of religion and practice, and eliminates discrimination among people of different ethnicities and between different religions Our network hereby issues the following statement in honour of the 33rd Anniversary of the 8.8.88 Revolution. 1. We pay tribute to the martyrs and people of all religions and ethnicities who have sacrificed their lives in various pro-democracy movements, including but not limited to, the Myanmar Spring Revolution. 2. The military junta must follow continuous calls for the unconditional release of all the unjustly detained political prisoners, including the President and the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. 3. We do not recognize the military junta - who staged the coup to seize power from the elected civilian government - as a legitimate government. We only recognize the National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed under the Federal Charter, as a legitimate government. 4. We strongly urge the United Nations and the international community not to recognize and work with the military junta, but to recognize and cooperate with the NUG which has received the support of the majority of the people of Myanmar. 5. We strongly condemn the weaponization of the Covid-19 pandemic for political gains by the military junta, and we call for the United Nations and the international community to intervene as soon as possible to address this humanitarian crisis. 6. We will support and coordinate with other pro-democracy forces from different backgrounds in order to establish a federal democratic union in accordance with our values and objectives..."
Source/publisher: The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
Date of publication: 2021-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Size: 25.92 KB 363.49 KB
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (8-14 MARCH 2021)
Description: "As the people of Myanmar continue the civil disobedience movement including nationwide street protests, the total number of deaths has doubled to at least 126 in the past week. The anti-coup protests saw another record-breaking surge in deaths on 14 March alone when at least 38 civilians were killed by security forces. The exact number could be higher as many casualties are yet to be confirmed. After several Chinese-owned factories were burnt and a large number of deaths were reported in clashes between civilians and security forces in Yangon on 14 March, the military junta imposed martial law in Yangon’s Hlaing Thar Yar and Shwe Pyi Thar townships. In the past week, the military junta also raided the offices of three independent news outlets and detained two media personnel following the ban of five news outlets. In addition, six journalists who were detained while covering anti-coup protests were charged for incitement. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a total of 2,156 people have been arrested, charged, or sentenced in relation to the military coup of February 1. Three of them were convicted, 73 have been charged with a warrant and are evading arrest, 319 were released..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication: 2021-03-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 179.26 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 18 June, (870) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Pauk Township in Magway Region, Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region and Shwepyitha Township in Yangon Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 18 June, a total of (4983) people are currently under detention; of them (186) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. A total of 38 villagers from Kwansite Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Township were arrested after a former USDP Chairman was stabbed on June 15 at Kwansite Village. Sein Win and Chit Ko, two villagers, were killed on June 16 from torture in interrogation. On June 16, Naing Lin Tun a.k.a. Naung Thurein, Magway University Student, was sentenced to three years imprisonment with hard labour under Section 505(A)-c of the Penal Code by the court in Magway Prison. In addition to this, Thet Naing Win, a freelance reporter, was sentenced to three years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by the court in Tharrawaddy Prison on June 16. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.41 MB 995.57 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 17 June, (865) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 17 June, a total of (4962) people are currently under detention; of them (183) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On June 15, Yamin Htike a.k.a. Htike Htike, a middle school teacher at the Basic Education High School in Mi Kyaung Ye Town, Magway Region, who was involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested in Magway. A protest strike in Thayet Hna Khwa Village, Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, was cracked down by a private car. Six policemen sped by and opened fire into the air on the evening of June 14. During this crackdown, Thi Thi Mar, a local villager was arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.4 MB 985.47 KB
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Title: Myanmar: State of Fear - 101 East exposes a secret interrogation centre and claims of torture
Description: "Since a military coup in February, a climate of terror has engulfed Myanmar. Disappearances, detention without charge, alleged torture and mysterious deaths are just some of the actions under the spotlight following widespread protests against the military takeover. 101 East uses witness testimony and forensic analysis to expose a secret interrogation centre in the country's biggest city, Yangon. This investigation also reveals how Western tech firms have sold surveillance software and data extraction tools to the country. In a special collaboration with Lighthouse Reports and Forensic Architecture, we reveal how the military is creating a state of fear..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera English" (Qatar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 16 June, (865) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region was killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 16 June, a total of (4911) people are currently under detention; of them (182) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of June 14, Su Paing Htwe a.k.a Paing Paing, died from severe bleeding when he did not receive adequate medical treatment after being shot in the stomach by junta’s forces while riding a motorcycle at Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region. After junta forces set fire to homes in Kingma Village in Magway Region’s Pauk Township on the evening of June 15, Some elderly and a disabled villager were killed, and buffalos and cattles died. In addition to this, a villager was shot in the thigh and some villagers arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.26 MB 981.72 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 15 June, (864) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Depayin Township in Sagaing Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 15 June, a total of (4893) people are currently under detention; of them (182) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the evening of June 14, Aung San from Boke Village in Sagaing Region’s Depayin Township was shot dead in the chest when the junta troops opened fire on villages after two daughters of a coup council-appointed village administrator in Kyi Village, Depayin Township were stabbed to death. The terrorist forces searched for youth protestors to arrest in Patheingyi Township after two police were shot dead in Mandalay Region’s Patheingyi Township. A mother, who is not in good health, elder sister and brother were taken as hostages on June 11 when the junta forces did not find the two brothers who are pro-democracy demonstrators in Patheingyi Township. Lwin Maung Maung, Regional Hluttaw MP for Meiktila Constituency No.1, currently detained in Meiktila Prison, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on May 12 without trial. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.32 MB 982.07 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 14 June, (863) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 14 June, a total of (4880) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Doctor Maung Maung Nyein Tun, lecturer of surgery at the University of Medicine in Mandalay, and Swe Zin Oo, a specialist doctor at Mandalay Public Hospital, were arrested on June 13 in Mandalay City. Mar Mar Khaing, MP for No.2 constituency in Thaton Township, Mon State and her husband Nyan Tun, Executive Committee member of NLD of Kyaikmaraw Township, under detention in Kyaikmaraw Prison, were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on June 11 by the Thaton Township Court. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.48 MB 974.1 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 13 June, (863) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Demoso Township in Kayah State was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 13 June, a total of (4863) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of June 11, May Lar was shot dead when he was bringing food back to Padan Kho Village from a displaced camp in Demoso Township in Kayah State because they lacked food. Two lawyers from Hpa-an Township in Karen State, who are representing political detainees including Karen State Chief Minister Nan Khin Htwe Myint, were arrested on June 10 at Myawaddy in Karen State. A lawsuit was filed against them under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code at Myawaddy Police Station. In addition to this, Kyaw Myat Min, a political activist, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested at Hlae Kyaw Kone Village Monastery which is located in Pathein Township in Ayeyarwady Region on the night of June 10. While the monk was being arrested he was defrocked. Moreover, Aung Ko Min, a disabled man, living in Dawei in Tanintharyi Region, was arrested after leaving his home in a wheelchair on June 11. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 4.51 MB 1.19 MB 974.45 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 12 June, (862) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Demoso Township in Kayah State was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 12 June, a total of (4848) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of June 11, Saw Bel Kream Hel a.k.a Khun Bel Bel was shot twice in the chest and died on the spot while he was helping to push a pick-up truck. In the evening of June 11, doctor Ye Zin Aung, Obstetrician-Gynecologist from Myingyan Hospital, was arrested at Myingyan Town in Mandalay Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.4 MB 983.78 KB
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Title: Myanmar Junta: End Systematic Attack on the People of Myanmar, Reverse Coup d’état
Sub-title: Scores killed and injured, more than 1,400 arrested
Description: "The Myanmar military junta must immediately end its deadly nationwide attack against nonviolent protesters and return power to the elected government, Fortify Rights said today. The junta’s forces killed at least 61 people in at least seven regions and states throughout the country since a February 1 coup d’état, according to various sources. Yesterday alone, soldiers and police reportedly killed at least 38 people. On Friday, the U.N. Security Council will convene in New York City to discuss the situation in Myanmar. “Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and his murderous junta are systematically terrorizing the people of Myanmar,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director of Fortify Rights. “We’re witnessing security forces commit targeted extrajudicial killings and other widespread violations. The Security Council should urgently impose a global arms embargo against the military.” Since February 27, the Myanmar military and police have dramatically escalated the use of excessive and lethal force against unarmed protesters in almost all of the country’s 14 states and regions. According to Tom Andrews, the U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the junta’s forces killed at least 23 people from early February to March 1. Yesterday, the military and police killed an additional 38 people, according to the U.N. Special Envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener. The police and military killed men, women, and children. Victims included students, a carpenter, an engineer, a teacher, and others. Video footage shared widely on social media shows military soldiers and police officers shooting into crowds of unarmed people, shooting into private residences, brutally beating and arbitrarily arresting people, including medical workers and journalists, and destroying property. In two videos filmed yesterday and shared online, two bloodied, lifeless bodies lay on a street reportedly in Monywa, Sagaing Region. In one clip, two police officers drag one of the bodies down the road; in another clip, four officers carry a body down the same road. In another video reportedly filmed in North Okkalapa in Yangon, a dozen police officers surround a man and escort him out of a building and onto a street. A gunshot then rings out, and the man collapses to the pavement. An officer then kicks the man’s lifeless body, and then another officer drags the body away. Open-source photographs and videos show Myanmar Army soldiers holding automatic weapons, long-range sniper rifles, and other firearms. Police also used less-lethal weapons, including rubber bullets, slingshots, tear gas, and water cannons, against unarmed protesters. The similar use of excessive and lethal force by security forces in towns and cities throughout the country demonstrates coordination between units and an overarching national strategy, said Fortify Rights. All military and police in the chain of command should be held liable for crimes committed against the people of Myanmar. The junta has also arbitrarily arrested, charged, or sentenced at least 1,498 people since the February 1 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a human rights organization monitoring arrests and detentions in Myanmar. On February 1, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated a military coup d’état, overthrowing the elected government and detaining President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, dozens of other government leaders, parliamentarians, and human rights defenders. The junta took over the executive, judicial, and legislative levers of power and, on February 2, created a military-appointed “State Administration Council” (SAC) to rule the country. On March 1, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, comprising elected members of parliament, declared the SAC a “Terrorist Group” for its “atrocities and acts of terrorism.” Speaking at the U.N. General Assembly on February 26, Myanmar’s ambassador to the U.N., Kyaw Moe Tun, told member states that he represented the elected government of the National League for Democracy and called on the international community to use “any means necessary to take action” against the military to help “restore the democracy,” adding: “We need further strongest possible action from the international community to immediately end the military coup, to stop oppressing the innocent people, to return the state power to the people, and to restore the democracy.” The U.N. Security Council should impose a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military, sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, said Fortify Rights. Failing that, the U.N. General Assembly should hold an emergency special session to address the crisis. “Soldiers and police in Myanmar are behaving like death squads and committing grave human rights violations,” said Ismail Wolff. “The world must take immediate action. There is no way out of this other than a complete repudiation of the coup and the junta.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of publication: 2021-03-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: U.N. Security Council: Impose a Global Arms Embargo on Myanmar Military
Sub-title: 137 organizations call for urgent international action in response to coup and crackdown
Description: "The United Nations Security Council should “institute a coordinated, global arms embargo” against the Myanmar military, said Fortify Rights and 136 other organizations in an open letter to the body and U.N. member states today. “The Myanmar military poses a demonstrable threat to international peace and security,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The Security Council should break its long history of inaction on Myanmar and immediately respond to this crisis.” Signatories to the open letter hail from 31 countries and include Fortify Rights, Human Rights Watch, and a diverse group of human rights organizations worldwide. Dozens of Myanmar-led organizations based in the country and Rohingya-led organizations signed the letter, demonstrating a level of inter-ethnic unity in the wake of the February 1 coup d’état in Myanmar, Fortify Rights said. The open letter released today focuses on the February 1 coup as well as the junta’s deadly crackdowns on nationwide protests, which continue at the time of writing. The Myanmar military “has detained the elected civilian leaders of the country, nullified the results of the November 2020 democratic elections, and installed a junta, the State Administration Council, under a manufactured ‘state of emergency,’” the letter says. On Monday, millions of people throughout Myanmar joined the “civil disobedience movement” by participating in a nationwide general strike and street protests. State security forces have used lethal force against unarmed protesters, killing Wai Yan Htun, 16, and Thet Naing Win, 36, in Mandalay and Tin Htut Hein, 30, while he was on a “night watch” in Yangon on February 20. On February 19, Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing, 20, died from injuries sustained after security forces shot her in the head in Naypyidaw on February 9. The police used excessive force—including with high-pressure water cannons, beatings, and rubber bullets and other less-lethal projectiles—in various locations since February 1, injuring scores. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, as of February 22, more than 630 people are either evading arbitrary arrest or are currently in detention since the junta seized power. In addition to overthrowing a democratically elected government and arbitrarily detaining an elected world leader, the Myanmar military is also responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic-nationality people. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State. Several armed conflicts in the country are ongoing. The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, atrocity crimes, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace. The United Kingdom is the current president of the U.N. Security Council, and the United States of America will become president on March 1. “There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “The coup will only exacerbate existing crises in the country that threaten to spill over its borders.” Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the U.N. Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter with regard to Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.” In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity. On February 2, the U.N. Security Council convened an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar and failed to establish a common position. Later, the body issued a statement on the situation in Myanmar. “Council members should use that newfound consensus to take swift and substantive action,” the open letter issued today said. “An arms embargo would be the centerpiece of a global effort to shield the people of Myanmar from a return to abusive and autocratic rule.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of publication: 2021-02-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 11 June, (861) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Yenangyaung Township in Magway Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 11 June, a total of (4823) people are currently under detention; of them (176) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of June 10, Maung Chit Thae a.k.a Chit Ko Win, a university student, was shot dead on the spot while he was passing through the front of Yenangyaung Government Technical Institute (GTI) riding a motorcycle at Yenangyaung Township in Magway Region. On the night of June 10, Myo Win Aung, photographer, was arrested at home by so-called police and soldiers at Taungdwingyi Township in Magway Region. On June 5, Ma Eaint, a filmmaker, was arrested by the junta in Rangoon while leaving her home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.34 MB 972.22 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 10 June, (860) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Meiktila Township in Mandalay Region and Yinmabin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 10 June, a total of (4804) people are currently under detention; of them (173) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 9 June, a teacher involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and who participated in the Amarapura Strike, was arrested in Amarapura Township, Mandalay Region by the terrorist junta. Two poets, Maung Yu Paing and Nayi Myeik (a.k.a Lwin Aung, the lawyer), activist Tin Ko Ko Oo, NLD Township executive member Soe Linn, who were living in Myeik Township, Tanintharyi Region were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and sentenced to two years imprisonment on on 9 June, apart from Maung Yu Paing sentenced on 8 June. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.4 MB 971.57 KB
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Title: Torture to Death in Detention
Description: "The military group has carried out a series of daily arrests on elected leaders and civilians opposing the military coup since February 1, 2021. As a result of these arbitrary arrests and torture, people are being disabled and tortured to death. Successive dictatorships have pursued policies to control the population with fear and torture as one of those policies. Interrogation centers during the military regime were notorious for torture. After the 1988 uprising, thousands of civilians against them were arrested and imprisoned. AAPP collected data on 127 deaths during the State Law and Order Resurrection Council (SLORC) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) era, torturing inside interrogation camps, prisons, police custody, and through lack of access to medical treatment. Since February 1, the junta has brutally arrested and tortured, continuing to use torture as policy. The junta is beating, crashing with cars, and shooting. Many anti-coup activists have been arrested with serious injuries. Some of those cannot even be recognized because of torture and photos shown on junta-controlled media display people with injuries. Some detainees who were subjected to severe torture resulting in significant mental illness, being disabled and death. Sometimes, days after arrest, families are informed to take the dead bodies. Some others are not even recovering the bodies but instead just informed they are dead. In Burma since the coup, people are tortured to death for the specific purpose of inducing a climate of fear. This is a crime against humanity, and fundamentally the activity of a foreign terrorist organization. According to AAPP documentation, 5965 have been arrested since the coup. Of these, 4,804 remain in prison, interrogation centers, and under house arrest. At least 860 people have been killed. Of these, 22 have been killed from torture during detention. 3 of these tortured to death, dead bodies were not returned to their family. The number of tortured to death is likely to be higher than confirmed. Of those 22 tortured to death, 13 were killed within 24 hours of arrest and 4 were killed within 2 days, another 4 were killed within a week, and 1 victim was killed within two weeks. Almost all the victims were found with wounds consistent with torture, it can be seen all over the bodies. However, the junta reports they died from illness or other cause. U Aye Ko, 40-year old, was shot by the junta troops while night guarding in front of Ta Tar Oo Monastery, Mandalay on March 27. They dragged him onto a burning car tire. An eyewitness said that Aye Ko was not dead and could still walk when he was burnt alive. U Kyaw Kyaw (a.k.a. Agga Moe Nyo) 39-year-old, was arrested on March 15. On March 30 he was announced dead, his family were not allowed to return and bury his body. Daw Khin Marlar Win (a.k.a. Myo Myo Lwin) 39-year-old, was detained on March 19 in the Pakokku crackdown. She begged on her knees not to be arrested, she was forcibly arrested. The family was informed to take the dead body the next morning. U Zaw Myat Linn, 46-year-old, was arrested in Shwepyithar Township where he lived. He was killed that night. According to eyewitnesses, his whole head was bruised, and parts of his mouth and body had disintegrated. The prohibition of torture, and especially to death, is customary and observed across national military manuals. Torture is prohibited in Burma’s domestic law as well, “bodily pain” and “grievous hurt” are outlawed under the Articles 319 and 320 of Burma’s Penal Code. Articles 330 and 331 specifically forbid a public servant to commit “hurt” and “grievous hurt” during interrogations. According to Article 166, any public servant disobeying this law and intentionally harming any person shall be punished to one year imprisonment, a fine or both. When a public servant commits torture to death, it is a crime of murder. The Prisoner Act 49 provisions includes situations concerning the different use of punishment, and the restriction of a prison authority to significantly harm detainees. According to the international human rights law torture is prohibited under any circumstances: Article 3 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 7 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (commonly known as the United Nations Convention against Torture (UNCAT) Burma is one of the handful countries to refuse to sign the UN Convention against Torture. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) strongly condemns such brutal torture and killings. At the same time, we call on the international community to take immediate and effective action in preventing the recurrence of torture. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 125.73 KB 119.72 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 9 June, (858) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Aunglan Township in Magway Region died today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 9 June, a total of (4782) people are currently under detention; of them (163) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of 9 June, Tin Zaw Oo died while he was receiving the medical treatment at the hospital. He got injured by gunshot during a protest at Aunglan Town in Magway Region in March. On the night of 8 June, Myint Than, a philanthropic leader from Nawnghkio Township in Shan State, was arrested after his home was searched by so-called police and soldiers. A lawsuit was filed against him under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. On 7 June, Than Oo, headmaster of B.E.H.S (1) of Myitkyina of Kachin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.31 MB 988.32 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 8 June, (857) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 8 June, a total of (4704) people are currently under detention; of them (162) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On June 7, doctor Aung Moe Nyo, Magway Region Chief Minister, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under 505(b) of the Penal Code. Marn Zar Myay Mon, a protest leader of Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region, whom a Penal Code Section 505(a) warrant was issued, was shot and arrested by terrorist junta troops in the early morning of 8 June in the village where he was evading arrest. On 7 June, Myo Zaw, a former village administrator living in Nga Min Village of Taungdwingyi Township of Magway Region, was arrested by the terrorist police and military forces. In the early morning of 6 June, Kyaw Soe, elected MP for Thingangyun Township of Yangon Region, was arrested by junta troops. Moreover, on the night of 6 June, Tin Myint a.k.a Maw Si, Taunggyi Township Executive Committee Member of NLD, living in Ayetharyar Town, Shan State, was beaten and arrested at his home by junta troops. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.22 MB 995.12 KB
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Title: Roughly 800 soldiers have fled the military since the coup, says defector
Sub-title: Most defectors now want to join the People’s Defence Force and fight against the regime, a former captain says
Description: "About 800 soldiers have left the military to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) since the February 1 coup, a former captain who is helping people to defect has told Myanmar Now. Lin Htet Aung, 29, defected in late March and has since teamed up with more defectors to assist others in leaving the military. He served in the 528th Infantry Battalion under the Triangle Region Command in eastern Shan state. About three quarters of those who have defected are ready to join the People’s Defense Force (PDF) to fight against the regime, he said. The rest would like to help the revolution in other ways but do not want to fight, he added. Around 100 of the defectors had been serving as officers with ranks including major, captain, and lieutenant. Some have travelled to border regions controlled by ethnic armed groups and are giving crash courses in combat to people who fled cities to take up arms against the junta. Most defectors are from the navy and air force; soldiers from infantry regiments have found it more difficult to flee due to the fear of repercussions against their families. “The main reason they can’t defect is because they’re performing frontline operations and are separated from their families,” said Lin Htet Aung. “They don’t have access to our statements either, so that doesn’t help,” he added, referring to public pleas by defectors for other soldiers to join CDM. Between 40 and 50 of those who have defected left their families behind in military housing, he said. “They don’t know what to do and they have no support. There’s no way for them to reach out to their families.” Most of the defectors are aged between 2o and 35 and no one above the rank of major has defected. “We don’t expect anything from those in higher ranks,” Lin Htet Aung said. “The higher up they are, the more scared they are of losing their positions.” “If they defected this fight would be over quickly,” he added. "We don’t expect anything from those in higher ranks. The higher up they are, the more scared they are of losing their positions.” Lieutenant Htet Nay Bala, 24, defected on March 7. He said he fled the 269th Infantry Battalion in Chin State after the regime ordered attacks against peaceful protesters across the country. “Instead of protecting the people after taking their taxes as salaries, this institution is committing all these atrocities. So I no longer want to be a part of it,” he said. “Everyone felt their future being taken away when the coup happened,” he added. “As a youth who loves my country, I’ll continue with the revolution. There’s no turning back.” ..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 7 June, (857) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (8) fallen heroes today. These (8) fallen heroes from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region, Shwepyitha Township in Yangon Region, Bago Township in Bago Region and Kyonpyaw Township in Ayeyarwady Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 7 June, a total of (4677) people are currently under detention; of them (162) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 6 June, two men were killed after being chased on motorbike and crashed into by a military vehicle in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. On the night of 6 June, Chit Ko, NLD treasurer of Bhamo Township, Kachin State, was arrested. In addition to this, yesterday evening, three civilians from Nat Myaung and Nat Chaung Village in Kale Township, Sagaing Region, were beaten and arrested unprovoked. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.16 MB 987.01 KB
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.4/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ www.nugmyanmar.org ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ၈ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် “ Non-CDM များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သဘောထားကြေညာချက်” အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တိုင်းပြည်ကို မတရားဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်အုပ်ချုပ်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအစိုးရအား တရားသောနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်း တိုက်ထုတ်သွားရန် ပြည်သူထံသို့ သစ္စာအဓိဌာန် ချပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူတို့ မျှော်လင့်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူတို့နှင့်လက်တွဲကာ ကိုယ်စွမ်း ဉာဏ်စွမ်းရှိသရွေ့ အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယနေ့ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် တိုင်းပြည်ကို အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်လက်အောက်မှ လွတ်မြောက်ရေး ဝိုင်းဝန်းကြိုးပမ်းနေကြသည့် ပြည်သူဦးဆောင်သော တိုက်ပွဲလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ အဓိကမဏ္ဍိုင်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သော Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) - အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများသည် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ မတရားအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ယန္တရားကို လည်ပတ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိအောင် စွမ်းဆောင်ထားနိုင်ပြီး ကမ္ဘာကပါ ချီးကျူးဂုဏ်ပြုရသည့် လှုပ်ရှားမှုဖြစ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) - အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားနေကြသော တော်လှန်ရေးသူရဲကောင်းများအား ဤနေရာမှ လေးစားစွာ ဂုဏ်ပြု မှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသော သူရဲကောင်းများကို လူမဆန်သောနည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ယုတ်မာရက်စက်၊ ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်၊ နှိပ်စက်၊ ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများကို နည်းမျိုးစုံသုံးကာ ဖြိုခွင်းလျက်ရှိသလို ၎င်းတို့၏ အလိုတော်ရိ အထက်အရာရှိ Non-CDM အချို့ကလဲ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်လျက်ရှိသည်ကိုတွေ့ရပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အရေး၊ ပြည်သူပြည်သားများ၏ အရေးကို ရှေးရှုကာ မြန်မာပြည်သား ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားအားလုံးက ဆက်လက်၍ စိတ်ဓာတ်ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာဖြင့် CDM လုပ်ငန်းများကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်းနှင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင် အလိုတော်ရိများအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် တရားဉပဒေနှင့်အညီ ထိုက်သင့်သော အပြစ်ဒဏ်များကို ပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်က CDM ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းမရှိသည့်အပြင် CDM ပြုလုပ်သူများအား အနိုင့်အထက်ပြု ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်လျက်ရှိသော ဝန်ထမ်းဆိုးများကို စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိသလို၊ Non-CDM များ၊ CDM များ ၏ စာရင်းများကို CDM ပြုလုပ်သည့် အချိန်ကာလပေါ်မူတည်၍ အဆင့်များခွဲခြားကာ စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်ပြုတ်ကျပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ထောင်သည့်အချိန်တွင် အဆိုပါ စာရင်းများအပေါ်မူတည်၍ တရားသော စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တိကျစွာဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် CDM ၏ အဓိပ္ပါယ်ကို ဖော်ဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများကိုသာ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် အားပေးထောက်ခံခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူများအား မတရားဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်၍ လက်နက်အားကိုး အနိုင်ကျင့်နှိပ်စက်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ၏တရားမဲ့ပြုကျင့်မှုများအတွက် မိမိကိုယ်ကို ကာကွယ်နိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည့် ဉပဒေကိုလည်း ပြဌာန်းပေးခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မသမာသူလူတစ်စုက ပြည်သူလူထုအား ထင်ရောင်ထင်မှားဖြစ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ပုံဖျက်၍ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများ လှုပ်ဆောင်နေသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိနေရပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဉပဒေမဲ့ မည်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ဆောင်မှု မျိုးကိုမှ အားပေး အားမြှောက် ကူညီလှုံ့ဆော်ခြင်း ပြုလုပ်မည်မဟုတ်ပါ။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သည် ထိုလုပ်ရပ်များကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုံ့ချကန့်ကွက်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ခိုင်မာသော ရပ်တည်ချက် (၂) ခုဖြစ်သည့် တရားဉပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ ရဲဝံ့သော အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းကိုသာ ဆက်လက်ထောက်ခံ သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The revolution is ours
Sub-title: It is women—teachers, factory workers, nurses, lawyers—who are again guiding people out of the darkness of military rule, Esther Wah writes
Description: "Women across Myanmar have long taken leading roles protecting their villages, land, and forests. We continue to be marginalised, perceived as weak or incapable, but it is women who for generations have courageously led communities through periods of adversity. The military coup on February 1 crushed the hopes and futures of people throughout the country, and we began a descent back into the nightmare of complete army control. It is hard to find the words to describe the pain we continue to suffer under the military’s domination. But yet again we see women—teachers, garment factory workers, nurses, lawyers—leading the grassroots movement against the junta, standing at the forefront of demonstrations, organising communities, providing support and care for villages and neighbourhoods. It is women who are again guiding people out of the darkness. We have no choice. We know that authoritarian military patriarchal rule has grave implications for women throughout the country; the tyranny that the military imposes upon women’s bodies is unbearable. Rape and sexual assault have long been weaponised by Myanmar’s armed forces against populations in every ethnic state in the country. We have seen this pattern repeated since the coup, now in towns and cities where no one is safe travelling, sleeping or passing through checkpoints. Every act of daily life poses new dangers. This is why we must stand up, we must fight, and we must win. In their April briefing paper, the Women’s League of Burma reported that more than 800 women had been detained and more than 40 killed since the coup. From those who have been detained there have been reports of torture and grievous sexual violence by the regime’s troops. Airstrikes and artillery shellings in Kachin, Karen and Kayah states have collectively displaced well over 100,000 people. Among them are pregnant women, children, and the elderly, languishing in squalid camps, hiding the jungle like animals, or, in the case of Karen State, stuck on the banks of the Salween River, unable to cross the border to Thailand. “There is no more peace and security for women,” one human rights defender from Kachin State told me recently. She noted that the discrimination and gender-based violence of the past had worsened in the years prior to the coup, and that shootings and sexual assault perpetrated against women were common due to the civil war and Myanmar military occupation of Kachin lands. Since the coup, this “culture of male violence,” as she described it, has intensified. “It hurts a lot, and it is completely unacceptable. There is no rule of law, no protection—the law has been abolished by the military. The situation is hopeless,” she said. Even as the any guarantee for our safety deteriorates, women continue to be at the forefront of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which aims to unseat the junta. Its main tool of resistance is a general strike, where people from across all sectors have refused to return to work until democracy is restored. Much of the CDM campaign has been led by women-dominated industries, as workers sacrifice their wages and their physical safety for the future of the country. Participation in the CDM comes with the risk of arrest, torture and murder by the junta. It started early: in mid-February, two female teachers who had joined the CDM were beaten and arrested in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina. Even after the military forced schools to open on June 1, more than half of the country’s 400,000 teachers have refused to work while the junta is in power. Most of those on strike are believed to be women. Teachers in the CDM have been temporarily or permanently suspended from their jobs, and more than 100 are facing criminal charges by the regime. Many no longer dare to live in cities and towns and have fled to rural areas, with some even hiding in the jungle. One ethnic Karen teacher on strike in Tanintharyi told me she was not going back to work because she does not want to “live as a slave under the military dictatorship.” “I do not want to be involved in any administrative machinery that will prolong the new military dictatorship. I do not want to pass on this slave education system to the new generation,” she explained as to why she continues her strike. She is one of many women throughout the civil service who is sacrificing her own safety and livelihood for the benefit of future generations. Women have also been integral in leading protests against the military, using the power of their own womanhood to destroy the army’s control. The htamein campaign—in which women’s sarongs were used as flags or strung up above roads in urban areas—showed how women’s clothing instilled fear among soldiers, who feared they would lose their masculine power if they passed underneath the clothes. Images of Kachin nun Sister Rose Nu Tawng have been seen around the world, a symbol of compassion and courage. In the midst of a protest crackdown in Myitkyina in March, she was photographed on her knees with her arms outstretched, begging members of the junta’s armed forces to “shoot and kill [her]” instead of children. While the police paused the violence momentarily, they continued shooting at demonstrators only moments after the iconic photos were taken. In ethnic areas, women have long taken leadership positions through periods of war and hardship. In Karen State, for example, there are many villages where it is women who serve as village heads. Because of the civil war and ongoing military oppression, men have been worried that they would face torture or murder if they took on the role of village head, leaving women to do the job instead. Women throughout the region have had to protect their communities from violent attacks and negotiate with the military when they came to their villages. Being on the frontlines is not new for us. These leadership positions continued through periods of temporary ceasefire, as women in ethnic areas addressed ongoing persecution and led efforts to recover lands and forests that were confiscated by the military. Women-led organisations across the ethnic states have also played central roles in civil society movements, creating new platforms and spaces for women throughout the country to be heard. Despite the prominent roles of women within emergent civic spaces, there had been little space for women to participate in official roles within government or the peace process prior to the coup. In the newly formed anti-coup National Unity Government, women make up around one-third of cabinet positions, a presence we have not seen in previous national administrations. While Myanmar is a deeply conflicted society divided by ethnicity, gender, class, and generational differences, we see that the military’s power grab has united us: today we stand together against patriarchal and racist military control. Ethnic groups from the Karen to the Kachin to the Rohingya to the Burmese, from older generations to Gen Z, from women to men, from factory workers to doctors—we all stand against military oppression. This revolution is for all of us, and in a new Myanmar, women, ethnic minorities, youth and the working class will take a leading role in shaping it. There is no going back, only forwards. This revolution is ours, and we will defeat our common enemy. Esther Wah is an indigenous Karen woman. She works with ethnic communities across Myanmar on their right to protect the land and forests..."
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Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 6 June, (849) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Shwe Nyaung Township in Shan State were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 6 June, a total of (4674) people are currently under detention; of them (160) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 people to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 persons to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Around 8pm on 5 June, two men were shot dead, and one man was beaten and arrested near the intersection of Shwe Nyaung and Nyaung Shwe in Shan State when junta troops opened fire from their cars at the men riding a motorcycle. Khin Maung Shwe, Sagaing Region’s NLD Shwebo Township Chairman, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for alledgely inciting people to participate in the 22222 anti- coup movement, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on 4 June. In the afternoon of 5 June, Kyaw Ohn, village NLD Chairman of Man Ywet Village of Mogaung Township of Kachin State, was arrested at his home by the terrorist troops wearing plainclothes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.17 MB 4.16 MB 971.8 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 5 June, (847) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kyaukpadaung Township in Mandalay Region and Monywa Township in Sagaing Region were killed in previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 5 June, a total of (4642) people are currently under detention; of them (158) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 4 June, when Thaw Thaw a.k.a Thaw Zin who is LGBT, and two friends were on the way home riding a motorcycle, Thaw Thaw a.k.a Thaw Zin was shot with three bullets hit in their arm and rib by junta troops deployed at Township Education Office in Kyaukpadaung Town in Mandalay Region, and died from not receiving medical treatment in time. On the night of 3 June, Ka Lar was shot to death when he did not stop his motorcycle for inspection by junta troops in Monywa, Sagaing Region. On 4 June, Khant Zin Ko, who is a member of Monywa University Student Union, was arrested when the junta did not find his father at home at Monywa in Sagaing Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.17 MB 4.22 MB 975.94 KB
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Title: Crimes Against Humanity Committed by Myanmar Junta in Last Three Months
Description: "Amid condemnation by the international community, the Myanmar military regime has intensified its violent suppression of anti-regime protests since the Feb. 1 coup, frequently committing crimes against humanity. In the three months from Feb. 1 to April 30, nearly 760 people were killed during crackdowns, raids, arrests, interrogations and random shootings. Those killed include anti-regime protesters, bystanders, pedestrians and residents. More than 3,400 people have been detained, including elected leaders, National League for Democracy members, election commissioners, doctors, journalists, protesters, activists, writers, artists, teachers and civilians. Facing huge daily protests nationwide, the regime has used lethal weapons including live ammunition, hand grenades and heavy explosives to attack peaceful anti-regime protesters, labeling them as “rioters”. During their raids and crackdowns, the military regime’s forces have committed crimes, destroying civilians’ belongings including vehicles, motorbikes and houses, and looting property including motorbikes, phones, money, foods, chickens and pigs. The Irrawaddy has collected 29 photos containing evidence of the junta forces’ brutality, among thousands of such cases committed against civilians.....Feb 10, 2021: Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, a 19-year-old high school student is on life support at a hospital after being shot in the head by police at an anti-regime protest in Naypyitaw on Feb. 10. During the crackdowns, at least four others were injured as police used live bullets. Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Kine, who had been brain dead, was pronounced dead on Feb. 19. Her death was the first protest related death at the hands of the junta’s force in Myanmar. However, the military junta has denied responsibility for her death claiming she died when protesters shot at each other.....Feb 20, 2021: A medic from a charity treats Ko Yarzar Aung who was shot in the leg in a police vehicle before he was taken away on Feb. 20. Ko Yarzar Aung was injured during the crackdown on hundreds of people who appeared in the street to protest government staff taking part in the civil disobedience movement (CDM) at a dock, in a raid by police and military troops in Mandalay on Feb. 20. In the crackdown, a total of six people were killed and nearly 30 people were injured. More than 80 people, including some seriously injured protesters, were arrested. Medics were not allowed to provide proper treatment to the injured arrested during the crackdown. Four days later, Ko Yarzar Aung died at a military hospital without being provided proper treatment, a witness told The Irrawaddy. The military regime announced he died of COVID-19.....Feb 27,2021: A riot police officer in Myanmar intimidates a pregnant woman by pointing at her face with his fist in Yangon’s Myaynigon during a crackdown on anti-regime protesters on Feb. 27. During the crackdowns, the junta’s forces arrested bystanders and intimidated medical teams by pointing at social worker with guns.....March 3, 2021: Ko Min Thura lost is eyesight in a crackdown by the junta’s forces in Yangon on March 3. He was seriously wounded in the eyes by rubber bullets on March 3 when the junta’s forces conducted a crackdown on anti-regime protests in Yangon’s North Oakkalapa Township. He was shot in the face with rubber bullets when he tried to carry the body of one of his friends out of the line of fire. His right cheek and ear are paralyzed and he can open his mouth only slightly due to the injuries. In the crackdown, around eight anti-regime protesters were killed and several injured. Ko Min Thura lost two close friends killed by the junta’s forces during the crackdown.....March 3, 2021: The 19-year-old Kyal Sin during an anti-regime protest in Mandalay (left). She died after being shot in the head (right). Kyal Sin, also known as Angel or by her Chinese name, Deng Jia Xi, was shot in the head during a heavy-handed police crackdown on anti-regime protesters in downtown Mandalay on March 3. Before she left for the protest, she wrote on Facebok that her wish was to donate her organs if something happened to her. One day after her burial, the regime’s solders forcibly exhumed her body and conducted an autopsy. Later, the regime denied responsibility for killing the girl, reasoning that the girl died when protesters shot at each other.....March 6, 2021: The dead body of NLD ward chairman U Khin Maung Latt, who was tortured to death by the military regime’s forces. During a house raid, the 58-year-old Muslim, a National League for Democracy (NLD) ward chairman, was violently beaten and kicked before being taken from his home at Yangon’s Pabedan Township on the night of March 6. He was tortured to death by the regime’s forces, hours after he was arrested. Since the Feb. 1 coup, three NLD members were tortured to death by the military regime......March 14, 2021: A mortuary with dead bodies of anti-regime protesters in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township. Around 80 civilians were killed across the country when the military regime’s forces conducted crackdowns on anti-regime protesters on March 14. Around 50 protesters were killed and several dozen were injured in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township alone when the regime’s forces opened fire on not only protesters but also bystanders and pedestrians.....March 14, 2021: Two police drag a medical student wounded by live bullets along on the street during deadly crackdowns on anti-regime protests in Yangon’s Tamwe Township on March 14. The 18-year-old, Khant Nyar Hein, a first-year medical student, was shot on the street by the regime’s troops in Tamwe while he was taking part in a protest. Another protester tried to save him, but the police dragged his body away. The protester who attempted to save him was arrested. The body of the teenager was returned to the family later. The boy was shot three times.....March 19, 2021: The mirror widow of a Yangon private hospital is damaged by a gunshot by the junta’s forces. The regimes’ soldiers and police fired shots at SSC Hospital’s women’s center in Yangon on the evening of March 19. No casualties were reported at the center, which provides maternity and newborn care. Pregnant women and women who had just delivered babies were present on two floors the hospital, which were hit by the gunfire. After the gunfire, those in the hospital laid low. At least four other private hospitals were shot at and raided by the junta’s forces in Yangon.....March 19, 2021: Soldiers and police torture an arrested civilian during a crackdown on anti-regime protesters in Yangon Region’s North Oakkalapa Township on March 19. Some said police rode on his shoulders and strangled the man neck with a rope until he was unconscious.....March 19, 2021: The inhumane treatment of citizens by the military regime’s forces was caught in this video screenshot showing officers forcing a man to crawl along a street in Tamwe Township, Yangon Region on March 19. The man, who was being used as forced labor to carry sandbags, was forced to crawl after he could not carry any more. Many residents were also used as forced labor to remove the sandbags, which are used as roadblocks by anti-regime protesters to protect themselves against the crackdowns of the junta’s forces.....March 20, 2021: A funeral is held secretly for 21-year-old Ko Chan Thar Htwe by his family in Mandalay. Neither protesting nor gathering in the street, Mandalay resident Ko Chan Thar Htwe was deliberately shot in the head by the junta forces from long range while he was in front of his house in Chanmyathazi Township in the morning on March 21. On that afternoon, family urgently held a funeral for the victim secretly after changing two locations as the troops searched for them in the ward. On the next day, the whole family fled their home as the junta’s troops searched for them in the ward again, according to a family member..... March 21, 2021: The funeral is held for 16-year-old teashop waiter Zaw Myo Htet, who was shot dead by the junta’s forces in Mandalay during a night raid on March 21. The high school student was shot dead on the night of March 21 by the junta’s forces when he was looking around outside a tea shop where he worked in Chanayethazan Township of Mandalay region. The native of Bago Region came to work as a waiter at the tea shop just two days before his death. During the shooting, seven other residents were also killed. The next day, security forces, claiming they needed to conduct an autopsy, interrupted the funeral of the boy and forcibly took the dead body.....March 23, 2021: The dead body of Ma Khin Myo Chit, who was shot dead in her father’s arms during a house raid in Mandalay. The 6-year-old Muslim girl was shot to death at close-range during a house raid at Aung Pine Lae in Chanmyathazi Township of Mandalay. The frightened girl was slain while being hugged by her father. During the raid, a 19-old-man, the girl’s brother, was also beaten and taken away by the security forces. The family fled their house and held a funeral for the girl secretly since the junta’s forces came to seize the dead body of the girl that night. The military regime’s forces conducted a series of raids in several wards in Chanmyathazi including Aung Pin Lae, Aung Tharyar and Mya Yi Nandar over three days after a confrontation between them and peaceful anti-regime protesters on March 21. In the raids, at least 20 people were killed and about a hundred were injured.....March 26, 2021: Two people are arrested while their hands are tied behind their backs during a crackdown against an anti-regime protest in Tanintharyi Region’s Myeik Township on March 26. The junta’s forces also used two seized ambulances from which to shoot at protesters and bystanders in the town. During the deadly crackdown, four people were killed and at least two dozen were injured. Several protesters were arrested.....March 27, 2021: Soldiers drag away an anti-regime protester hit by bullets after a deadly crackdown against protesters in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan Township on March 27. At least two civilians were seriously injured as large numbers of junta forces dispersed anti-regime protesters in the Yuzana Garden Housing Complex in the township in the morning on March 27 by using live ammunition and stun grenades.....March 27, 2021: A video screenshot shows military troops in vehicles open fire on three boys on motorbikes passing by near them in Tanintharyi Region’s capital Dawei on March 30. One of the three youths on the bike, 17-year-old Kyaw Min Latt, was shot and dragged away by the troops. He was pronounced dead on March 30 by the military hospital, saying the teenager died of a brain injury due to falling from the motorbike.....March 27, 2021: The remains of neighborhood watch member U Aye Ko, who was burned alive by the regime’s troops in Mandalay’s Aungmyethazan Township on March 27. During soldiers’ night raid on Mintae Ekin ward, U Aye Ko, 40, was left behind after being shot. He was dragged away and set on fire at a roadblock by the junta’s forces, witnesses told the media. Residents said they were unable to rescue the volunteer as soldiers were deploying in the area, threatening to shoot anyone who appeared at the windows of houses. On that day, the Myanmar military regime marked its Armed Forces Day by slaughtering around 110 people across the country, making it the bloodiest single day since the Feb. 1 coup.....March 28, 2021: A video screenshot shows two junta forces in partial uniforms using a motorcycle to shoot anti-regime protesters in Myinchan Twonship, Mandalay Region on March 28. A young female anti-regime protester and a male protester were shot dead when the junta’s forces using civilian vehicles and motorcycles randomly opened fire on protesters and residents in Myinchan in the morning on March 28. In the afternoon, the junta’s forces also opened fire on a vehicle carrying children and women passing through the town. In the shooting, a man in the vehicle died after being hit with a live bullet.....March 28, 2021: A man carries the body of a nursing student who was shot dead while assisting the injured during shooting by police and soldiers against anti-regime protests in Sagaing Region’s Monywa on March 28. The 20-year-old nursing student Ma Thinzar Hein was shot dead as she was assisting the injured when the junta’s forces opened fire on anti-regime protesters. In the shooting by junta forces, at least five people were killed.....April 4, 2021: The 19-year-old fell to the ground after being shot while returning home with her husband on a motorbike in Mandalay at night on April 4. The girl died after suffering a head injury, presumably after falling off the bike. Her husband managed to reach medics with his serious injury after being hit in the abdomen by a live bullet fired by junta forces. The rescue workers took 20 minutes to reach her and to drive her home as the team had to hide from the junta’s forces.....April 4, 2021: Photos of Ko Aung Paing Htwe, who was tortured to death at the hands of junta forces. Ko Aung Paing Htwe, 30, was arrested by junta forces while he was extinguishing a fire at a ward administration office in Shan State’s capital, Taunggyi on April 4. His dead body was returned by the military two days later, saying he died of a brain hemorrhage and lung injuries caused by a crash with a fire engine. However, signs of severe torture were obvious on his body, said fellow ward residents. His head was cracked open, his face was covered in bruises, one of his ears had almost been cut off, and there was a knife wound in his back. Wounds in his chest had been stitched back together.....April 9, 2021: The funeral of Ko Thiha, who was killed by the junta’s forces in Bago on April 9 (left). Explosives used by junta’s forces remain unexploded in the attack (right). The social worker was among more than 80 people who were killed by the regime’s troops in a massacre in Bago on April 9. The regime’s forces used automatic weapons and many rifle grenades in attacking the defense team members and night watchman guarding the protest assembly areas during their deadly crackdown on four anti-regime stronghold wards in Bago.....April 17, 2021: Police carry two bodies of protesters hit by bullet in a cart after a deadly crackdown on anti-regime protesters in Mogok, Mandalay Region on April 17. Two were killed and two others were injured in Mogok, a ruby town in Mandalay Region, when the military cracked down on anti-regime protesters. In a video recorded by a local, a soldier is heard issuing the command “I want five people (to be arrested) and I want them dead”.....April 20, 2021: Dead bodies of villagers who were killed during shootouts with the regime’s forces in Yinmabin Township of Sagaing Region on April 20. Hundreds of villagers from Kapaing, Thigone and Thityarpin villages conducted a defensive action against hundreds of military troops approaching the villages for a raid. In the shootouts, the military troops used a drone to search the locations of villagers and used heavy explosives in attacking the villagers taking up homemade percussion lock firearms and slingshots. In the fight, more than 10 villagers were killed and several dozen detained. Troops were based in Kapaing after raiding the village. A villager said the troops looted all food, chickens, pigs, motorcycles and money from the village. They even stole women’s clothing.....April 24, 2021: Portraits of Ma Khin Nyein Thu who was sexually assaulted and tortured in detention. After being accused of involvement in a series of bombing, the detainee, Ma Khin Nyein Thu, 31, was sexually assaulted and tortured by junta forces at an interrogation center in Yangon, a former cellmate released from the junta’s interrogation center revealed on social media and in regular media. She had been tortured and beaten since being arrested by the junta’s forces along with five other people at a house in Yankin Township on April 17. After learning that her boyfriend is a foreigner, officers at the police station in Yakin forced Ma Khin Nyein Thu to open her legs, kicked her in the genitals and beat her on the genitals with a stick. She is still detained.....April 25, 2021: A photo shows regime forces forcing two women to dance for banging pots and pans in Mayangone Township of Yangon on the night of April 25. Myanmar regime forces dragged around 10 residents from their home in Thamine ward in Mayangone Township for banging pots and pans as a night-time anti-regime protest. The junta’s forces forced them to continue to hit their pots and made two women in nightwear dance for them for two hours in the street. Some male civilians were also beaten.....April 26, 2021: The dead body of a street vendor who was killed by the random shooting of junta forces in Mandalay on the evening on April 26. Ko Zaw Shein, 37, was shot dead by the junta’s forces while he appeared on the road near his shop in Sein Pann Ward in Mandalay Region’s Mahar Aung Myay Township at around 7 pm on April 26. In Mandalay, the junta’s forces frequently open fire on pedestrians and bystanders.....April 27, 2021: The dead body of a villager who died after being shot in the abdomen during shooting by the junta’s forces in Kayah State’s Demoso Township on April 27. During the raid to remove roadblocks in Six Mile Village in Demoso, military regime forces opened fire on bystanders and villagers opposing them...."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 4 June, (845) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 4 June, a total of (4565) people are currently under detention; of them (156) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. By 1am on 4 June, Khun Aung Sann was beaten and arrested at his home at Taunggyi Town in Shan State by the junta. The youth’s phone was confiscated and people downstairs in his home were also assaulted. On the 3 June afternoon, Lwin Ko Chit a.k.a Phoe Chit, who is a leader of Sanay Charity Group, Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested by junta troops. Ni Ni Nyunt, headmistress of B.E.M.S (3) of Taungdwingyi Town in Magway Region, was charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code in the morning of 3 June for her involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). She was arrested in March. Thet Tun Aung a.k.a Maung Htoo San, a professional photographer, who was charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on 3 June. He was arrested in April after being accused of joining armed training in an ethnic area. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.16 MB 4.14 MB 975.4 KB
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Title: Diary of a Myanmar medic: 'I learned to treat gunshot wounds on YouTube'
Description: "A doctor who provides treatment to protesters injured by the military describes the daily violence and trauma of post-coup Myanmar Rebecca Ratcliffe A medic in Myanmar, as told to Rebecca Ratcliffe Fri 26 Mar 2021 11.40 EDT A doctor who provides treatment to protesters wounded by the army and police has described a week in the turmoil of the post-coup Myanmar. When the military coup happened, I joined a group of medics providing treatment to protesters. Every day is a risky day for us. I may be captured, I may be shot dead. We don’t have bullet-proof vests. We have only a waistcoat and a stethoscope. Our ambulance has been shot at twice before; we just had to get out and run. If we weren’t providing medical cover, there would be nowhere for people to get proper care. Many doctors and nurses are refusing to work in the government hospitals, because they are protesting against the junta. The only other place for the wounded is the military hospital. I am doing this for my country’s people, and because I want my children to have a bright future.....Saturday: Every morning I say a prayer. I write my blood group, my emergency contact number, my weight and other credentials on my forearm. I tell my wife: if I don’t come back, you must live yourself and take care of the children. My wife is also very active in resisting the military coup. She tells me: do what you have to do, and if you die, I will be proud of you. Today there was a protest by students. The military tried to capture them, but they ran away and hid in the local people’s houses. Residents refused to hand them over, so the military started shooting at them. We waited in hiding around the local houses, trying to get the students home safely. We managed to get about 50 students out. It took half a day. Some of them were very afraid to move. They were so young, only 17 or 18. The students had just bruises, but residents were shot for protecting them. One of the victims, who I cared for, had been shot in the back, near the kidney area. We couldn’t go into his house because all the lanes were blocked off by the military. The other residents managed to carry him to us. They moved him slowly from one house to another house. Eventually he reached our ambulance. At this point, he was barely breathing. There was a lot of blood. We tried to resuscitate but we were not successful. Four people were killed in the area.....Sunday: My team heard from our network that there had been another shooting in a nearby downtown area. There was no protest at the time, but the military was shooting while patrolling the streets. Four people were injured, including a 13-year-old boy. A woman was shot dead. Her body was lying on the road, but we had to wait nearly two hours to treat her because the military was spraying bullets nearby. The fatal wound was on the back of her head. There are some patients we see, lying down on the street, who we cannot reach. The military takes them. They may die, they may not be treated. I think the official death toll is an underestimate. I think I have almost got PTSD. I laugh sometimes, I cry sometimes, I feel depressed sometimes. Sometimes I cannot sleep well. I had not treated gunshot wounds before the coup. I learned from watching YouTube and from reading my medical and surgical books.....Monday: Usually, we connect with our peer-to-peer network on apps, but now the junta has cut everyone’s mobile data. Three people were killed locally today. One of the victims, whose death I certified, was just 20. The military was taking down barricades that residents had put up to protect their neighbourhoods, and the people, who were afraid, were making new barricades further down the road. The military started shooting at them. We treated the patients in nearby homes. There was a gunshot wound to the shoulder, buttocks, as well as rubber bullet wounds, and one patient had cuts to the thigh. We stitched them up to control the bleeding, but without local anaesthesia. We don’t have lots of equipment with us, only our backpacks. We made an IV drip for them, and for the pain relief we gave only diclofenac (Voltaren). We need morphine sometimes but it is a controlled drug so we cannot get it easily. We had to move locations three times as we treated the patients, because the military was coming. It’s like a war. The people living in the houses are very passionate towards us. As medical cover, we are the only help they can find. If the patient’s condition is bad and there’s not much we can do, then they have to be moved to the surgeon, who performs operations in a safe place.....Tuesday: Today was quiet. Patients who were stitched yesterday were given wound dressings. We also went and gave money to the victims’ families. We give to wounded patients who have had to have limbs amputated as well. They are just poor people. Sometimes they have a wife and kids. In one case, a man who was killed had a wife who was three months pregnant. At night time we could not sleep very well because the military was going around patrolling, shooting, and setting off stun grenades. I no longer sleep at my home. I stay in a different place every night. I’ve done this for a month. I am afraid of being arrested in night raids. When the military comes, we turn the lights off in the house, and turn on the street lights, so that we can see what they are doing outside.....Wednesday: Mobile data is still down. We trained other volunteers who are not medics, teaching them how to check patients, how to do the tourniquet, how to stop the bleeding. I am afraid for tomorrow; often one or two days of quiet are followed by violence.....Thursday: The military came again tonight, patrolling the area where I am staying and yelling at us not to go outside. The people on my street were OK, but in another nearby area one man was shot dead. He was a resident who had volunteered to stay out on night patrol, to alert others in case the military approached. My daughter is afraid of the loud bangs and cursing. She asks me: why don’t the police come [to stop the shootings]? She has seen, in the movies, how the police are the good guys who take the bad guys out. It is a very hard question for me to answer. How can I tell her that those who are shooting the people are police and soldiers? Whenever I go outside, she asks me when I will come back. She tells me: daddy, don’t go out they will shoot you. It is traumatic for children. Due to Covid, the schools have already been closed for around one and a half years. My daughter asks me when she can go out on a trip, but it is too dangerous for children to go outside. Luckily we have wifi and so she can watch YouTube. I logged out of my Facebook a few days ago, so that I can concentrate on my work. There is too much rumour, fake news, psychological warfare by the junta, and graphic imagery on social media. There are live videos of people being slaughtered or captured and beaten. It’s hard to cope with that stimulus all the time. Sometimes, if I can’t sleep at night, I take antidepressants. After the revolution is successful, I want to apply to open a clinic specialising in trauma and stress. We need it a lot. We feel insecure all the time. We feel the danger and violence. We are fearful all the time..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-03-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Hostages under the military coup
Description: "Hostages under the military coup Date : 4 June 2021 Since 1 February 2021, when the junta arrested Burma’s elected state leaders and unlawfully seized power, junta forces have carried out relentless and dailyarbitrary arrests. The junta uses brutal force to arrest these civilians, on thestreet, in their homes, and even in hospitals receiving medical treatment. The junta employs brutality to arrest those not easily detained, like ramming with cars. When wanted individuals aren’t found, family members are taken hostage. This junta takes whoever they can find, including children, employing worsening methods to apprehend the detainees. According to AAPP’s documentation, at least 76 people have been taken hostage since the coup. 28 have been released and 45 remain in custody. Twowere placed under house arrest and one has been sentenced to prison. The 45 who remain in custody include National League for Democracy’s Hluttaw representatives, party leaders, protestors, CDM strikers, those issued warrants under Penal Code 505-a, and those suspected to have links to EAO’s. Two people currently held hostage have been placed under house arrest. On 22 May, in Pantanaw Township, Irrawaddy Division, the junta came to arrest NLD party leader U Mya Nyein at his house. They did not find him, instead taking his wife Daw Nyein Nyine (75 years-old) and his cousin Daw Wine Tine (65 years-old). At first held in Pantanaw Police Station, they were later placed under house arrest. At present, they have not been allowed to return to their home in Mimma Pye Village, instead held at the house of U Mya Nyein. One person who was taken as hostage has been sentenced to prison. On 2 May, in Rangoon Division, the home of political activist Ko Tin Hute Paing, in North Okklapa, was raided. The junta could not find him, instead detaining and beating his mother. On 28 May, at a North Okkalapa military court, she was sentenced to three years under Penal Code 505-a. Of the 76 hostages, 36 of them are women, aged from 2 to 75 years old.Hostage taking is a serious crime, committed by terrorist organizations. Yetsuccessive dictators in Burma have carried out abductions. Preceding drafted constitutions have given impunity for these past crimes and present crimes.In 1979 the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages was first introduced, Myanmar became a state party to the convention on 4 June 2004. Partied states pledged that hostage taking is a threat to international peace and security. Hostage-taking is a violation of the basic values upheld by the United Nations, namely the fundamental rights enjoyed by every individual, including life, liberty, and security, laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights(ICCPR). The terrorist actions by this junta clearly defy international humanitarian law in Burma. We, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP),condemn this brutality, call for the immediate release of all hostages, and for the international community to take stern and meaningful action..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 197.51 KB 126.46 KB
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Title: ‘I just want to cry’: Non-striking civil servants in a moral bind
Description: "Daw May Thu is not proud to serve under the military regime. Quite the opposite: she despises it and fervently prays it will fall. Yet while she seethes with resentment and shame, she continues to serve in her position at the Ministry of Home Affairs in Nay Pyi Taw. “It’s not wrong to think of me as a coward, because many people are so determined and made bold decisions to join [the Civil Disobedience Movement],” said May Thu. Along with others interviewed for this report, she is given a pseudonym to avoid reprisals. “Sometimes when I see [social media] posts that criticise non-CDM people, I start to sweat. My whole body becomes warm and I feel so ashamed,” she said. Since the February coup, hundreds of thousands of civil servants have gone on strike throughout the country. The strike is one element of the CDM, which includes boycotts of military-linked companies and their products, and other activities aimed at disrupting the junta’s efforts to consolidate control over the country. The CDM has caused serious disruption to healthcare, education, banking and transport services, and cracks are also showing in the police, local administration and other sectors. As the regime suspends contracts, issues arrest warrants, evicts the families of public servants and hunts down those refusing to report to work, CDM participants have earned strong support domestically and internationally. Underground funding networks have raised hundreds of thousands of dollars to support striking workers, and in March, the CDM was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, comprised of lawmakers ousted by the coup, endorsed the movement within weeks of the first strikes, and in March said it would guarantee that people who joined the CDM could return to their posts under a future civilian government. The following month, the CRPH-appointed interim National Unity Government, which is serving in parallel to the regime, announced that it would use funds donated to the CRPH to pay the salaries of striking civil servants. Meanwhile, those who have stayed in their posts have faced social punishment, a strategy of naming and shaming people connected with the military or supporting the regime. As the military’s acts of terror have increased in frequency and violence, hostility towards those who are not participating in the CDM has only grown. At times, anger towards these individuals has turned violent. On May 4, Myanmar Now reported a series of explosions at a court, education office, and public hospital compound in Magway Region’s Myaing Township, with residents attributing the blasts to CDM supporters, and on June 2, Democratic Voice of Burma reported that a bomb exploded at the house of a non-CDM teacher in the town of Mogok in Mandalay Region. Frontier interviewed five civil servants who chose not to join the CDM. All said they had opposed the coup and contemplated joining the movement, but had decided to stay at their posts for reasons ranging from concern for their families, fears for their safety and loyalty to like-minded colleagues. Some also thought they could do more to help the people by continuing to work rather than going on strike or resigning. May Thu said that if, as she expects, the junta eventually falls, she and other non-striking colleagues will be prepared to accept any censure or punishment for their choice. “When the [civilian] government wins, if CDM people point their fingers and laugh, we will happily leave our office,” she said. “All I want is for the coup to fail and the CRPH to win.” “If they ask us to leave in humiliation … we will not hesitate to do so.” ‘Becoming like Pyongyang’ On the day of the coup, May Thu and her colleagues were called to a meeting and told that as civil servants they must continue to do their duties regardless of who was in power. “The majority of my colleagues, maybe two-thirds, were disappointed to learn about the coup. On that day, we weren’t motivated to work anymore,” said May Thu. For a few weeks, however, some hope lingered that the protests would succeed and military rule would be short-lived. May Thu and like-minded colleagues joined the nationwide evening ritual of banging pots and pans to symbolically “drive out evil”. They also watched with excitement and admiration as others left their posts. Most did this by resigning rather than going on strike, due to fear of arrest, although May Thu said this has become less common in recent weeks because the regime has started denying resignation requests. “Many of my colleagues couldn’t stand it anymore and decided to resign not long after the coup … We just watched them and respected them for their decisions,” she said. But as the days passed, her optimism faded. Shots were fired at an apartment where people were banging pots and pans, and the practice gradually stopped in her compound. May Thu watched as the CDM’s momentum in her office also fizzled out. “At first, it seemed like the CDM was going to succeed, and many people were planning to leave, but for so many reasons, some of us changed our minds,” she said. Life for civil servants in Nay Pyi Taw has also grown increasingly regimented. “They started to order us to do things that we didn’t want to do,” May Thu said. She and her colleagues are required to inform the authorities about visitors to their dormitories, for example, and now have to sign in twice a day at the office. They have even been ordered to buy “low quality” cloth for their uniforms at a “high price” from a military-run enterprise and sew them according to detailed specifications. “It starts from how many buttons we can sew and if we change it a bit, it can cause problems,” May Thu said. “We must follow their instructions exactly.” “We joke among ourselves that our place is becoming like Pyongyang,” she added, referring to the capital of North Korea, a totalitarian dictatorship. Camaraderie with her colleagues has helped her cope with the situation, but despondency often overwhelms May Thu. “We don’t feel like doing anything at the office. Every day, we have to sit and read [the regime’s] orders. We know they will bring nothing good for the country … We just want to cry.” May Thu reached a breaking point during the Thingyan holiday in mid-April, when she and her colleagues were required to participate in traditional Myanmar dancing on a stage at a military-run event. Some feigned stomach aches, but the ruse was unsuccessful because they were unable to present a doctor’s certificate. “You could count with one hand those who really enjoyed celebrating Thingyan,” said May Thu, who broke into tears when describing the experience. “We had to dance, despite our sadness.” After Thingyan, she called her parents and told them she was coming home, but changed her mind after speaking with female colleagues. “We all live together as a family,” she said. “I don’t want to break our relationship.” May Thu also believes that leaving her post could do more harm than good. “If we joined the CDM and left the office, military staff would surely replace us,” she said. “I know that there are many people who will say, ‘You decided to stay, so why are you complaining?’ … If I were them, I might say the same thing to non-CDM people. Nonetheless, I still hope there’s some people who’ll understand our choice and sympathise with us.” Safeguarding families Family considerations are a powerful reason why some civil servants have not joined the CDM. “[My mother] worked really hard so I could become a doctor,” said Dr Paing Htoo, who works at a public hospital in Kayin State. He supports his single mother and a younger sibling, who would have no income if he were detained. More than 150 health workers have so far been arrested for joining the CDM, and the junta has issued arrest warrants for 400 striking doctors, according to the Humanitarian Data Exchange. “I consider my family more than myself,” said Paing Htoo. “I’m worried that if I join the CDM, I might get arrested and it would break my mother’s heart.” Paing Htoo also believes he can help his community by continuing to serve patients, especially the elderly and poor. “I completely agree that the coup is an injustice,” he said, “but most people here depend on the services [my hospital] provides. By continuing to work here, I can give a little help to those in need.” Although he worries about facing harassment or threats for his decision not to join the CDM, he hopes his integrity will protect him. “According to my [Buddhist] religion, if you do good things, merit can save you from danger,” he said. High CDM participation in the education sector prompted the regime to suspend more than 125,000 CDM teachers throughout the country in May, but some in the profession have felt unable to join the mass strike. Although Roi Ja, a primary school teacher and single mother in Kachin State, was upset about the coup, she decided not to join the CDM because of her family responsibilities. “Of course, I would prefer to work under the previous government than the military,” she said. “I really wish the coup would fail. I would definitely join the CDM if I had another secure job and received enough to support my children.” With arrest warrants out for more than 200 teachers, fear of arrest also deterred Roi Ja from going on strike. “I would have to be alert all the time,” she said, adding, “I couldn’t easily relocate [and go into hiding], since I have a big family and other responsibilities.” Fearing social punishment, however, she has hidden her decision from her colleagues who are in the CDM . “I feel guilty and ashamed,” she said. U Kaung Myat, an election official who asked that his location not be revealed, became the sole income-earner for his family of four after his wife joined the CDM. He worries about being dismissed from his post should he also join the CDM, but also fears being promoted should he stay in his role. “If I am offered [a promotion], it will be the hardest decision … I will hesitate because many people have given their lives,” he said. Like many Union Election Commission staff across the country, he was detained shortly after the coup when the junta pressured election officials to back its unsubstantiated voting fraud claims, in an effort to discredit the National League for Democracy’s victory in November’s election. Having spent more than a month in custody, Kaung Myat fears being arrested again. “I was abducted once. I don’t want to experience it twice,” he said.. “If I was single, I could run and hide somewhere, but I have two children and my wife is pregnant.” Fighting from inside U Kyaw Kyaw, a police officer in Chin State, said his work had become more dangerous since the coup but he had resolved to remain in his job. “I don’t feel safe, because people’s reactions to us before and after the coup have changed,” he said. “I am especially worried about being attacked or shot when I go outside.” Civilians in cities and towns across the country have been arming themselves since late March to defend their communities from regime forces, and recently, unknown assailants fired tumi hunting rifles at the police station where Kyaw Kyaw works. Although Kyaw Kyaw initially contemplated joining the CDM, the news that one of his colleagues who had joined the movement was arrested while trying to cross the border to India has deterred him, as has a sense of obligation to the oath he took when joining the police force. “Personally, I don’t like the military dictatorship, but this is politics and I [have to] step aside from politics,” he said. “We took an oath to the country under Myanmar’s flag when we started working in the police force … We are just civil servants and we have to carry out our duties.” Ko Thu Rain, a CDM organiser who focuses on police defectors, said he had had to try new tactics when seeking to support holdouts like Kyaw Kyaw in resisting the regime The CRPH declared March 31 as the deadline for civil servants to join the CDM, and whether or not this was decisive, Thu Rain acknowledged that the rate of people joining from within the police force was slowing. Although he estimated that 95 percent of police officers were opposed to the coup, he said many of those left felt too fearful to leave their post. “All the risk-takers have already become CDM,” Thu Rain said. “ Now I cannot convince people to join the CDM.” Instead, his support network is focusing on encouraging police who remained at their posts to fight the system from within, by using their authority to help people through acts of leniency. “[Previously], people got involved in the CDM by running away from the office. Now, non-CDM people will get involved in a different way,” he said. Thu Rain hopes that this covert strategy need only be temporary, until ethnic armed groups and newly-formed People’s Defence Forces take control of cities and towns that could serve as safe havens for defecting police and other civil servants. Once this begins, he predicts that a domino effect will follow. “If one very strong police station [or force] goes against the military, then every police force in Myanmar will [rise up],” he said. “They are waiting for that time, but they don’t know who is going to do that … They cannot take the risk if it is not a good time. They only have one [chance]” Thu Rain said that every move from now on will need to be weighed carefully, and that past practises in the movement must be re-thought. “The CDM people did their best [but] it is time to change the strategy,” he said. “We have to approach it in a clever way; [only] then we can win this fight.” ..."
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Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 3 June, (845) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Launglon Township in Tanintharyi Region and Pekon Township in Southern Shan State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 3 June, a total of (4509) people are currently under detention; of them (138) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour (who are evading arrest). We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 2 June, a 19 year-old youth was shot dead to the forehead and another civilian was seriously injured after being shot in the mouth when junta forces opened sniper fire in Mobye Town, Pekon Township in Southern Shan State. Two women, who were arrested with gunshot injuries later died after they ran away in fear when junta troops entered Chaung Wa Pyin village, Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region on the night of 29 May. Both women were cremated and photos of their bodies were sent to the families by the junta in the evening of 31 May. In the early morning of 3 June, two NLD members were beaten and arrested at their home in Sein Pan Ward, Mahaaungmyay Township in Mandalay Region after an anti-dictatorship protest in Sein Pann ward. Lawyer Thet Tun Oo, who is representing pro-bono, people arrested for staging anti-dictatorship protests in Myitkyina, Kachin State, was arrested on 2 June. This happened after he testified in a case at the court in Myitkyina Prison. He is currently detained at Myitkyina Myoma Police Station. A lawsuit was filed against him under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by the Myitkyina Myoma Police Station Officer. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 2 June, (842) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Loikaw Township in Kayah State was killed on 30 May and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 2 June, a total of (4468) people are currently under detention; of them (133) are sentenced. 1909 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 17 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of May 30, a man was shot dead in an unprovoked shooting by junta troops while riding a motorbike when he returned to Law Pi Ta Village from Kyauk Taung Village at Loikaw Township in Kayah State. On 2 June morning, former village administrator of Pan Lin Village of Pyaung Khaung Village Tract of Mogok Township of Mandalay Region, was arrested by the junta with two military vehicles. In addition to this, after a bomb blast at a car workshop in Ohn Shit Pin town, Pandaung Township, Bago Region on the night of 1 June, a 62 year-old mother and wife of a man who the junta was searching for, were arbitrarily arrested in the morning of 2 June when the junta did not find the man at his home. A grandfather was also arrested on the night of 31 May in Taungdwingyi town, Magway Region when the junta did not find his grandson Pyae Phyo Paing in a search, a political activist. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.09 MB 4.12 MB 978.36 KB
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Title: Myanmar's Spring Revolution
Description: "After Myanmar’s grabbed power on February 1, they immediately faced strong resistance from citizens seeking to restore civilian rule. This resistance grew into a nationwide movement that attracted global support. The three-month anniversary of the coup was in fact marked by protests across the world which came to be known as “Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Day”. Myanmar’s “Spring Revolution” aims to unite the country’s citizens in strong rejection of the coup and a call for the return of democratic rule. It encompasses all forms of resistance, including the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), community actions, social media protests, and even the use of guerilla tactics and armed resistance against attacks by security forces. The Spring Revolution follows the tradition of previous anti-junta movements such as the “’88 Pro-Democracy Uprising” in 1988, and the “Saffron Revolution” led by Buddhist monks in 2007. Today’s Spring Revolution has maximized the creative use of digital tools in coordinating protests and promoting the goals of the democracy movement. It has also striven to be more inclusive, challenging gender and racial prejudices and seeking to build solidarity across Myanmar’s many ethnic communities. Since day one of the coup, Global Voices has documented the resistance movement in Myanmar, partnering with independent media groups and relying on reports by local researchers and citizen journalists highlighting the situation across Myanmar’s communities. This special coverage section continues our special coverage, focusing on the coup’s social impact and the ongoing defiance of Myanmar’s citizens as they challenge the actions and legitimacy of the military regime.. We were deeply inspired by the words a citizen journalist shared with us during a webinar we hosted in April about the situation in Myanmar: The military junta could only terrorize our country, but they can’t rule. They could shoot, kill and arrest our young heroes called “Spring flowers” but they can’t avoid Burma’s Spring..."
Source/publisher: "Global Voices"
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Demonstrations, defiance as Myanmar marks 4 months since coup
Description: "Pro-democracy demonstrators took to the streets in towns around Myanmar on Tuesday to denounce the country's military, marking four months since it ousted an elected government and unleashed a wave of nationwide anger. Despite a bloody crackdown by security forces, Myanmar's military is still struggling to impose order amid protests and strikes, and fighting on multiple fronts in border regions as civilians take up arms against the junta. Protests took place in the south in Luang Lone, several areas of the Sagaing division including Kale and Monywa, and the commercial hub Yangon, according to images carried by mainstream and social media. "This is not over yet. We still have our turn," read a sign carried by one protester. Schools officially reopened across Myanmar for the first time since the Feb. 1 coup, but turnout was low due to security concerns and a boycott over the junta's suspension of tens of thousands of teachers opposed to its rule. Some students held demonstrations with blood-splattered white uniforms. Security forces have killed 840 people since the coup, according to figures from activists cited by the United Nations. The junta says about 300 people have died. The military, known as the Tatmadaw, says it seized power because of fraud in a November election won by Aung San Suu Kyi's ruling party. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper carried a quote from junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on Tuesday saying the current crisis was caused by "dishonesty of democracy" in the election, under a large headline that said "Tatmadaw values democracy". The military's use of lethal force against its own people has caused outrage among western countries, and concern among its neighbours. In April, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) announced a five-point consensus towards resolving the crisis, though no timeframe was agreed. But four diplomatic sources have told Reuters that the chair and secretary-general of ASEAN are planning to visit Myanmar this week, to meet junta leaders, among other stakeholders. read more It was not clear if they would meet detainees or members of a shadow unity government formed to challenge the junta and undercut its efforts to gain international recognition....HEAVY TOLL: The unrest has taken a heavy toll in the countryside, where clashes between Myanmar's well-equipped military and ethnic minority armies or newly formed People's Defence Forces have displaced tens of thousands of people. On Tuesday, a local aid group said 8,000 people were in camps having fled the town of Mindat in Chin State, which the army took control of last month after days of clashes with militias armed mostly with hunting rifles. The people's militias have stepped up ambushes in recent weeks on troops in Kayah state bordering Thailand, where witnesses said fierce fighting and retaliatory shelling and air strikes had taken place late on Monday in the town of Demoso. A resident shared video and images with Reuters of soldiers he said were killed in Demoso late on Monday. He said he saw six bodies and residents had counted 20. The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force said on its Facebook page that 80 army soldiers had been killed on Monday, while one of its fighters and a civilian were also casualties. Reuters could not verify the information and a spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. Myanmar state television made no mention of the Demoso unrest in its nightly news bulletin. Fighting in Kayah has displaced about 37,000 people in recent weeks, according to the United Nations. Many have fled into jungles and are in need of food and medicine. The Elders, a group of former national leaders founded by the late Nelson Mandela, on Tuesday called on the international community, including ASEAN, to turn up pressure on the junta. "Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure," its chair, Mary Robinson, said in a statement. "Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends."..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ex-Myanmar police officers reveal how they were told to shoot protesters - and why they defected
Sub-title: Myanmar's security forces have been accused by Amnesty International of "premeditated" attacks on peaceful protesters.
Description: "In a safe house in Myanmar, resistance is growing. Quietly, in the gloomy light, a group of men raise their hands in a three-finger salute. Traditionally a sign of defiance and support for pro-democracy protesters, for these men it symbolises so much more. Once police or soldiers, they now plan to fight the forces they used to serve. Just talking to us is a huge risk; if caught the defectors could be killed. So in hiding, faces and voices disguised for protection, they explain why they decided to defy the junta. "We were told that we could shoot the protesters if they gathered in more than five. We could arrest them and shoot them," Officer A, a former police officer says. "We were ordered to shoot but we couldn't do it." The allegation echoes the claims of both protesters and human rights groups after February's military coup. Myanmar's security forces have been accused by Amnesty International of "premeditated" attacks on peaceful protesters - including "extrajudicial executions" and indiscriminately spraying bullets in urban areas. While a shoot-to-kill policy has never been officially confirmed by the junta, the defectors claim they were encouraged to open fire. "My friends said if they shot the protesters, they would get a promotion as a reward and be praised for being brave and following the junta's order," another former police officer, Officer B, tells Sky News. "They were promoted from police second lieutenant to police lieutenant, from corporal to sergeant. As far as I know, those who shot the protesters got promoted." A former soldier in the group tells a similar story. According to him, challenging an order wasn't an option. "The soldiers and police are now abusing the people at the order of Min Aung Hlaing (Myanmar's junta chief)," he says. "'Shoot. Just shoot. This is my order,' this is how they order the troops. If we did not follow the order, we would be punished." As well as the shootings, the military is accused of other abuses: of power, of people, and of their duty to protect. Some female protesters have publicly accused members of the security forces of physical and sexual violence following their arrests. The soldier isn't surprised. He says he heard reports of sex assaults during his service, in particular during military operations to ethnic minority areas in Myanmar. "People are calling soldiers 'military dogs' [and] also accusing them of rape. Let me tell you, yes, we have seen those scenes at the frontline. I wasn't involved in it. "The officers were calling the women here and there and abusing them. Rape as well. It's happening," he says, At least 840 people have been killed since the coup, many shot by junta forces according to figures from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). We put the allegations made by the defectors to the junta, but on publication Sky News still hadn't received a response. The men say the command to use violence against civilians is the reason they fled and joined the protest movement. Their choice means the institutions they swore an oath to are the enemy they must defeat and the decision to defect has come at great personal sacrifice. They have lost their freedom. They cannot see their families. They cannot return to their hometowns or tell friends where they are. They now live their lives in hiding and on the run, waiting in dark, cramped and basic accommodation fearing they may be discovered. Yet still they remain defiant - determined to fight for the democracy lost when the military seized power. Since the coup, some protesters have travelled to border areas in Myanmar for resistance training and now some of the defectors are planning to use their own skills to help them. "Those [protesters] who are not familiar with the military training, they need to learn how to use the weapons, to fix them, and set them up. "I want to teach them. I will join with those organisations that are in the revolution to fight the junta. "I will fight those power-hungry thugs," the soldier says. "I will join this revolution until the end. I will give my life. I will kill them wherever I see them." So in secret they plan, they train, they get strong; preparing to strike back against the generals they followed for so long..."
Source/publisher: Sky News (London)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar turmoil forces healthcare system to collapse | COVID-19 Special
Description: "Officially, Myanmar says there are only a few dozen new COVID infections a day. Observers say that can't be true. There's hardly any testing going on. There are reports of a lack of staff in testing centers. Hospitals have the same problem, with doctors and nurses joining strikes against the military, which seized power four months ago. There've been attacks on health-care workers. As schools reopen, teachers and students are also making a stand, defying the junta's calls for full classrooms, which would only help the virus spread. Hundreds of thousands of people across Myanmar have been calling for an end to the military takeover. The country is in turmoil. And the health-care system is one of the worst-affected sectors. Doctors and nurses were the first to go on strike, thousands refusing to work under a military regime. But that also poses a problem for COVID patients..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: 'We were ordered to shoot but we couldn't do it.'
Description: "Myanmar's security forces have been accused by Amnesty International of 'premeditated' attacks on peaceful protesters. Former police and military figures explained what they were asked to do, and why they are now rebelling in secret against the military junta..."
Source/publisher: "Sky News"
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar's Women Are Fighting for a New Future After a Long History of Military Oppression
Description: "The world will have noted that women have been on the front lines of the revolution in Myanmar, with activists, elected officials, and journalists such as Ei Thinzar Maung, Thinzar Shunlei Yi, Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, Daw Myo Aye, Naw K’nyaw Paw, and Tin Htet Paing playing significant roles. Many have assumed that this is a newfound feminist ferocity, but from ancient Queen Pwa Saw, to the first woman surgeon Daw Saw Sa, who qualified in 1911, Myanmar women have always been as strong as, if not stronger than, our men. The sad truth is our cause was set back by over 60 years of brutal and misogynistic oppression by the Burmese military. I spent last Tuesday reviewing evidence from a Myanmar women’s group for submission to the U.K. Foreign Affairs Committee’s inquiry into the Myanmar crisis. Just reading about the atrocities committed by military forces meant I slept badly that night. Nearly 50 women have been killed in the protests so far, and around 800 women have been arrested. Sixty percent of the people involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement, a peaceful protest designed to shut down the country, are women, and they continue to face sexual violence, harassment, abuse, and threats from the junta. Many, including beloved film stars such as Paing Phyo Thu and May Toe Khine, have been charged under Section 505A of Myanmar Penal Code—a disproportionately punitive piece of legislation, and a hangover from colonial times that basically criminalizes freedom of speech. In prison, military forces have subjected women detainees to more violence, humiliation, and even torture. A huge part of this is a horrific reflection of the misogyny—cloaked in patriarchy—that the military holds dear, having beaten it into the hearts and minds of the people of Myanmar. The military declares itself the father of the nation, but one that deems its female children as lesser human beings. Before Myanmar, then called Burma, first fell to military dictatorship in 1962, its women enjoyed an unusual measure of freedom and power. In 1919, the first women’s association Konmari Athin, was formed; in 1932, Daw Hnin Mya was elected as the country’s first woman councillor; and in 1952, Claribel Ba Maung Chain became the first woman government minister. Burmese women kept their maiden names and property, they handled financial affairs, and voting rights were granted to them in 1922, only 4 years after women in the U.K. got the vote. Melford Spiro, the famous anthropologist, wrote: “Burmese women are not only among the freest in Asia, but until the relatively recent emancipation of women in the West, they enjoyed much greater freedom and equality with men than did Western women.” Many successful businesses were owned by women, including the Naga Cigar Company founded by my great-aunt Naga Daw Oo and the Burmese Paper Mart, founded by my grandmother Daw Tin Tin, who was also a senior member of Upper Burma’s Chamber of Commerce. Another great-aunt was the famous dissident and writer Ludu Daw Amar, who founded the newspaper Ludu Daily. Shortly after the coup in 1962, all of their businesses, along with those of countless other women, were either shut down or requisitioned by the Myanmar military who were adamant that women should no longer have such power and influence. The women’s liberation movement in the country was far from perfect. Even some of our most progressive women, such as author Daw MiMi Khaing, still saw men as spiritually superior, thanks to outdated religious views. But the movement was on the right track until it was derailed by the dictatorship. It then entered what writer Kyaw Zwa Moe referred to as a “feminine ‘dark age’”—an era in which the military and its hardline clerical supporters reinforced dogma for their own regressive agenda. For example, every Burmese man is deemed to have hpone or glory. An ancient fable relates that men will lose their hpone if they walk under or come into contact with women’s sarongs (known as htamein) or undergarments; according to the military, this was because women are inferior or unclean. This is, however, a subversion of the original superstition which was that women are sexual temptresses; when I had my first period, I was told that I could no longer climb pagodas in case I toppled them with the might of my vagina, and that only men could ever be innocent enough to ascend to the highest plane of nirvana. This concept was just as sexist, but it at least recognized that women were powerful rather than pathetic. Shortly after the February coup, Myanmar women gladly took advantage of these attitudes to use htamein as barricades against the military. Even the junta knew that it was being ridiculous: If you need any further evidence that the Myanmar military does not really believe that htamein are unclean, its members have been known to wear them at special events because their astrologers once told them that only a woman would rule Myanmar. The idea of a woman being in charge was so loathsome to the military that when it came to pass, in the person of Aung San Suu Kyi, the generals banned people from saying her name or displaying her picture. During decades of its rule, the military not only sidelined women in terms of financial, cultural, and political power, even worse, they also brutalized them in war—especially women from minority groups like the Rakhine, Shan, Rohingya and Kachin—using campaigns of rape and other forms of violence and terror. It should come as no surprise that women fight alongside men in the ethnic armed organizations, whereas the Myanmar military has no women in its combatant ranks. But the flames of female resistance never really died down in Myanmar, despite the military’s worst efforts. In 2007, there were notable women activists in Myanmar’s Saffron Revolution, including Nilar Thein, Phyu Phyu Thin, Mie Mie, Su Su Nway and Naw Ohn Hla. At the time, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners estimated that since the 1988 Uprising, which also saw many women take a prominent role, more than 500 Myanmar women had served prison terms because of their political activism. In 2015, Phyoe Phyoe Aung, general secretary of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, was one of the student leaders whose protest against the National Education Bill was violently suppressed by military police in Letpadan. This time around, women activists such as Thinzar Shunlei Yi and Ester Ze Naw are again at the forefront, women lawyers such as Zar Li have been working day and night to ensure the release of detainees, and women journalists such as Naw Betty Han and Nyein Lay are risking arrest and injury to report on developments in Myanmar. Even the first death of a protester was that of a 19-year-old female, named Mya Thwe Thwe Khine. Since Feb. 1, hundreds of thousands of other women have exchanged their work tools for daily protest marches. Medical workers, teachers, and garment workers are on strike and are all from sectors dominated by women. Tin Tin Wei and Moe Sandar Myint are, respectively, an organizer and the chairwoman of Myanmar’s Federation of Garment Workers, and have spoken out against the coup so vociferously that the latter has gone into hiding for her own safety. The most promising sign of a much-needed return to gender equality in Myanmar is that the National Unity Government, made up of ousted lawmakers in hiding, has appointed several women ministers, including human rights advocate and former political prisoner Zin Mar Aung as minister for foreign affairs and Ei Thinzar Maung as deputy minister of women, youth and children’s affairs—the latter appointment being groundbreaking in more ways than one, as she is the youngest minister ever at the age of 26. After decades of misogynistic and violent oppression by Myanmar’s military and its cronies, it finally looks like the women of Myanmar might be taking back everything that we lost and more. The Women’s League of Burma is an umbrella organization of 13 women’s groups, such as the Shan Women’s Action Network, who are working together to enhance the role of women of all backgrounds and ethnicities at a national and international level. A global, growing feminist movement called #Sisters2Sisters has even been set up, through which more than 80 civil society organizations are demanding an end to the violence against women in Myanmar and the immediate release of women human rights defenders..."
Source/publisher: Time Magazine (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s football in crisis as pull-outs and suspension threat follow coup
Sub-title: National team lost 10-0 in Japan after mainstays including an experienced goalkeeper refused the head coach’s call
Description: "Second-division games in Malaysia don’t make many international headlines but that changed in March when the Myanmar under-23 winger Hein Htet Aung gave a three-fingered salute after scoring for Selangor II. Popularised by The Hunger Games film franchise, this gesture of resistance was adopted by pro-democracy protesters in Thailand and Hong Kong in 2014 and then by Myanmar, after the military took back power in a coup on 1 February. Before Myanmar’s 2022 World Cup qualifier against Japan last Friday, the goalkeeper Kyaw Zin Htet had called for players to copy Hein’s handiwork. “It would be good if some of them came out and gave the three-fingered salute to an international audience,” the 31-year-old told AFP. There weren’t many opportunities for the national team to follow in Hein’s footsteps during the game as a ruthless Japan won 10-0 to inflict Myanmar’s biggest defeat. The only protests seen and heard came outside the stadium from a few dozen Myanmar residents in Tokyo. There are, though, more chances to grab headlines in Japan (where all the group’s games are being held to reduce travel) against Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on 11 and 15 June respectively. There were mitigating circumstances regarding the size of Friday’s loss. Kyaw, an experienced goalkeeper, did not go to Japan, one of many mainstays who refused the call from the head coach, Antoine Hey, a development that delayed the team’s departure by a week. Kyaw made clear on 13 February during a protest with other footballers in Yangon that he was not going to represent the nation under the regime headed by Gen Min Aung Hlaing. “If the entire group of players had opted out, it would have had an impact,” said Kyaw. “Younger players are also being threatened on their future if they choose not to play the game, so they might be worried about it.” The Myanmar Football Federation said on its website that players who refused could be suspended. Prominent figures have been put under pressure. In April, the junta stepped up a campaign against celebrity protest supporters – some of whom have been imprisoned – by publishing a list of their names in state media and warning broadcasters and agencies against working with them. According to the human rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, as of 1 June 841 people had been “confirmed killed by this junta coup”. Chit Bo Bo Nyein, the Paul Pogba-loving captain of the under-21 team of Hantharwady United, one of Myanmar’s leading clubs, was shot and killed on 27 March, a day when 150 were reported to have died in protests. Hey, the German is in his second spell as head coach, is trying not to get drawn into the issue. He told the Guardian that he respected the players’ decisions but that football owed it to future generations to continue. After the heavy defeat by Japan he said: “We are concentrating on our job, on our team, on our players; we are not taking any political stand or side,” Hey said. “We just do what we are here for – playing football as good as we possibly can.” Club football has ground to a halt in Myanmar, which rarely features in the south-east Asian summer itineraries of European club giants. Hantharwady and Shan United recently withdrew from Asian club competitions and federation officials say many players have returned to their home provinces and some are undergoing military training to learn how to fight back. The 2022 World Cup would be out of the question even if Myanmar had all their players available but with the road to Qatar doubling as the route to the 2023 Asian Cup in China, there is a chance of making it to the continental tournament for the first time since 1968. It has been a while since Myanmar were a force even in south-east Asia, with Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia and, these days, Vietnam leading the way. There had been promising signs. The talent that has always been there has started to move overseas in increasing numbers and when the Under-20 team qualified for the 2015 World Cup, the people took to the streets to celebrate. It feels like a long time ago now..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 1 June, (841) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Tamu Township in Sagaing Region was killed on 28 May and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 1 June, a total of (4443) people are currently under detention; of them (110) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 28 May at Tamu Town in Sagaing Region, a youth who came back from his friend’s birthday, was shot dead in his left rib in an ambush by junta forces. On the night of 31 May, Khin Hmway Lwin, a member of Sagaing Region National League for Democracy (NLD) and elected regional parliamentary representative for Minkin Township constituency, was arrested at Shwe Taung Oo Myothit in Yinmarbin Township, Sagaing Region where she was in-hiding. Also on the night of 31 May, Gatone a.k.a Hein Win Latt, NLD executive member of Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested at his home. Yesterday evening at Ocean Center in Monywa City in Sagaing Region, Phue Theint Theint Tone, former member of All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) of Monywa District, who is currently assisting IDPs, was arrested at gunpoint by eight soldiers wearing civilian clothes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.09 MB 4.03 MB 964.86 KB
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Title: Myanmar military fails to quell protests four months after coup
Description: "Myanmar pro-democracy supporters took to the streets on Tuesday in several districts, as fighting between the army and anti-junta militias raged in border areas, four months after the military ousted an elected government in a coup. Despite a ferocious crackdown by security forces, Myanmar's military is still struggling to impose order after arresting Aung San Suu Kyi and senior leaders of her party, sparking nationwide protests and paralysing strikes. In the far south of Myanmar, anti-military protesters staged a march in Laung Lone, a photograph posted by the Irrawaddy newspaper on social media showed. Meanwhile, in the commercial hub of Yangon a group of mainly young protesters rallied in the district of Kamayut, photographs posted by the Myanmar Now news portal showed. "This is not over yet. We still have our turn," read a sign written on a sheet carried by one protester. Demonstrators in urban areas have had to become more nimble to avoid security forces, often using flash mobs or staging small unnannounced protests, after larger rallies in the first months after the coup were often met with security forces firing live rounds. Decades-old conflicts between the military and ethnic minority armies in border areas have also reignited since the coup. Ethnic militias allied with a shadow civilian government have stepped up attacks on the army, which has responded with heavy weapons and air strikes, forcing thousands to flee. Mobile phone footage obtained from a resident in Kayah state bordering Thailand showed what appeared to be artillery being fired from inside the state capital Loikaw into Demoso, about 14.5 km (9 miles) away, where a People's Defence Force said it had attacked troops and was coming under heavy fire. Residents in Loikaw said that about 50 rounds had been fired on Monday and six on Tuesday morning. "The sound of artillery is deafening us," a resident told Reuters on Monday, requesting anonymity due to safety concerns. The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force, a militia active in Kayah state, said in a post on its Facebook page that 80 army soldiers had been killed on Monday, while one of its fighters and a civilian were also casualties. Reuters could not verify the claim and a spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. Fighting in Kayah has displaced about 37,000 people in recent weeks, according to the United Nations. Many have fled into jungles and are in need of food and medicine. Civilian forces, often armed with rudimentary rifles and limited training, have been formed in towns and regions across Myanmar to challenge the military, in support of a National Unity Government that the junta says is treasonous. read more Security forces have killed 840 people since the coup, according to figures provided by an activist group. Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has said the toll was nearer 300, and has said it is unlikely there will be a civil war in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 31 May, (840) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 31 May, a total of (4424) people are currently under detention; of them (109) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of May 30, two women and a five year old girl were shot and arrested when the junta opened fire when villagers guarding the village ran away after seeing the junta patrol by on motorbikes in Pyingyi Village, Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region. Last night, Min Min, a photography enthusiast from Kyaukme Township in Shan State, was arrested at gunpoint unprovoked. A teacher from B.E.M.S (4) in Thingangyun Township, Yangon Region, who was involved in CDM but later changed, was arrested yesterday for encouraging students not to enroll at school. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.09 MB 3.98 MB 961.77 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 30 May, (840) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Nyaung-U Township in Mandalay Region was killed today and (2) from Loikaw Township in Kayah State and Pinlebu Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 30 May, a total of (4409) people are currently under detention; of them (108) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In early morning, 30 May in Baganmyothit in Nyaung-U Township in Mandalay Region, Moe Myint Aung was shot in the stomach by a bullet and died when the junta raided the Yonetan Ward and Hman Cho Ward to arrest six youths and opened fire to the door to enter the house of Moe Myint Aung. On 29 May at Narnat Taw Ward in Loikaw Town, Kayah State, the terrorists entered a religious building compound where IDPs had fled to, and shot the former Hundred Household Administrator of Yayo Village to death. In the afternoon of 29 May, a village administrator, who was involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested at Nayin Village, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.09 MB 3.93 MB 955.51 KB
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Title: Myanmar pro-democracy artists vow: 'We will win'
Description: "On 1 June, it will be four months since a military coup overthrew Myanmar's elected government. Tens years of democratic reforms have been upended and bloody attempts to silence opposition have shocked the world. Those on the front line attempting to stand up to the regime are trying to delicately navigate through a new life of protest and safety. While pro-democracy demonstrations have mostly left the streets, the movement against the junta exists through other means of expression in other realms. In particular, it has made being an artist in Myanmar a dangerous business. "I'm sorry that I couldn't turn my camera… messy situation right here", illustrator Raven told RTÉ News over a secure line. Raven is one of many artists in Myanmar’s largest city Yangon who have been using art as a weapon against the country’s ruling junta, by exploring a digital canvas to showcase political messages against the February coup. Protests through paint, illustrations, images and words are a more secure place of demonstration, away from the violence on the streets. However, that is not to say it doesn’t come with its own risks. The sheer level and reach of this expression caught those in power off guard which has led to a clampdown to squeeze out any opposition voices. According to artists in Myanmar, art studios have been burnt down and state-sponsored news channels broadcast arrest warrant lists regularly that include influencers, actors, film makers, artists and graphic designers. The New York Times has reported that four poets have been killed and dozens imprisoned in the last couple of months. Poet Khet Thi, whose work declared resistance to the military, died in detention recently. His family said that his body was returned with the organs removed. Raven has a reluctance to give anything away about herself, out of fear for her safety. While working a full-time job she has been leading a double life, shielding herself online by using a fake name so she can "work harder and longer". She said: "I have been protesting physically on the streets, but when the shooting became serious and brutal, I kind of stopped going outside in person. "I've been illustrating a lot of stuff every day…listening to people listening to their stories, their ideas and trying to illustrate them and spread the message because it's the only thing you know I can do." Demonstrations against the coup have been the largest and bloodiest in decades. Myanmar was ruled by the armed forces from 1962 until 2011, when a new government began ushering in a return to civilian rule. However in February, the junta seized control again following a general election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party won by a landslide. It was a vote the military claimed was rigged. Hundreds of people, including children, have been killed in the last four months. While the streets have become too risky for protest, the pro-democracy movement continues to live through art in the online world. The Hunger Games' three-fingered salute has become one of the major symbols, a defiant pose that gripped demonstrators from the beginning with interpretations of the move making its way through digital art. "Our objective is trying to reflect the people's voices as much as we can so that other people see it, hear it, because not everybody can go out" said Nyi Maw, a Myanmar filmmaker. He continued: "[The three-fingered salute] is a symbol that people can hold onto. It aligns with the people who in the beginning were demanding the three main objectives: to get democracy, to release the leaders, and to give the people's power back to the people". Red, the colour of danger, anger and violence, floods most of the imagery. Art collectives like the Raise Three Fingers group in Yangon have been founded through the frustration by artists and creatives - hoping to bring the global art community together and highlight the crisis happening in the country. "Clearly art has some kind of power, right? Because it's causing some kind of fear in the eyes of the junta" said a representative from the group to RTÉ News, who is also on the call with Raven. "We know that art is powerful because it transcends language", they said. "It can, it's emotional. It can get people to act. You don't need words, right? Anyone can feel moved by a piece of art you might ask", they added. The Raise Three Fingers (RTF) group lives online with creatives posting their work anonymously from countries around the world, in solidarity with the movement. TikTok, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram have served as platforms to spread their message far and wide, allowing this movement and many others, to grow, flourish and connect with users globally. They say access to the world at their finger trips has helped keep the situation in Myanmar on people’s agenda. It is what separates it radically from the previously pro-democracy movements that have come before in Myanmar. Unlike the revolutions of 1988 and 2007, the current protests in Myanmar are being led by a digitally savvy generation using hashtags, memes, visual graphics and social media to fight and shape the direction of the movement on a day-to-day basis. More than a decade ago SIM cards were exceptionally expensive, but after a series of reforms in the country during Aung San Suu Kyi’s time in government, this opened up the digital domain to the people of Myanmar. "There are figures to show that there are more SIM cards than people in Myanmar. In fact, Facebook is the internet in Myanmar and that's the way in which people, particularly the young, process news", Vijaya Nidadavolu, a gender and development specialist who recently worked in the country, told RTÉ News. Even now with regular patchy internet access, creatives have the ability to organise, engage and spread the message online across interactive communities. They can paint, draw, sculpt, animate, sing or dance and share works instantly within their networks through digital platforms. "The revolutions in 1988 and 2007 was very different because we didn't have this type of access to the Internet. But now it feels like the playing field is different because since day one of the coup, we saw that there was a huge outpouring of art. People were able to like organise protests around a certain theme and get people together", said the RTF spokesperson in Yangon. This online world of protest has also opened up the movement to more diverse voices. Iconography surrounding other political mobilisations revolved solely around the figure of politician Aung San Suu Kyi, who became famous in the late 1980s for campaigning to restore democracy. In 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi led the NLD to victory in Myanmar's first openly contested election in 25 years. Posters, calendars and billboards all carried her image prominently as a symbol of hope as she spent nearly 15 years in detention between 1989 and 2010, after organising rallies calling for democratic reform and free elections. "There was no alternative imagery in the public domain," said Vijaya Nidadavolu. "The current protests have enabled a diverse set of other voices to express themselves and seize the political space, including through art. Aung San Suu Kyi’s image is not the only visible symbol of protest. People are rallying around a diversity of images and iconography, which is a defining feature of the current protest", Ms Nidadavolu added. That changing political landscape can be seen in the art that has been produced and floods the Raise Three Fingers website. "It's making room for diversity and inclusion and reparations for a lot of communities, including for the Rohingya communities" said the Raise Three Fingers spokesperson. "So I think people are making different demands. It's not just about get rid of the dictatorship, we want democracy. We want a better democracy because the democracy we had before failed us", they said. According to the RTF, Generation Z have been the most active as they have known nothing other than a country moving towards a free nation. It’s in stark contrast to other age groups who have only gotten a taste of life outside a dictatorship, some of whom are disappointed with Aung San Suu Kyi's record and are still haunted by previous regimes. "We want this to be the last generation under a dictatorship because we're sick of it quite frankly. For even young adults like me, it just feels like you have to do something because you don't want to go through this anymore", they said. However, four months since the military coup, the junta still holds a tight grip on the Myanmar and Aung San Suu Kyi remains detained after being hit with a string of criminal charges including flouting coronavirus restrictions during last year's election campaign and possessing unlicensed walkie-talkies. Social media may offer an alternative reality and solace for those who are trying to keep the pro-democracy movement alive as life on the streets of Yangon and elsewhere are still very different and difficult. The spokesperson from RTF said: "I feel like I was more confined than during Covid. At least during Covid, if I had my mask on and I was keeping safe, I could go out [and] see friends. But now you know I'll go to the grocery store and I'll visit my parents house and that's about it. "For for some people life has returned to normal. I see people eating at restaurants." Many are living with a constant fear of being arrested. "They're still stopping people checking cars in this street, and there is a feeling of constant anxiety, knowing that you could be arrested at any moment for everything. For having a phone, for having social media accounts" they added. For Raven, she still puts her pen to digital paper every day with the hope that her images will keep the spirit of the movement alive. "I definitely believe that we're going to win because we have to. Otherwise it will never win" she said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: RTÉ News
Date of publication: 2021-05-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Revolutionary Anthem to Reject Military Coup 2021 in Myanmar (ENG lyrics)
Description: "“Kabarmakyaybu” was the revolutionary anthem of the 1988 pro-democracy movement and it becomes to be our chanting anthem to fight for our democracy once again in 2021 Feb. The English translation of the lyrics was done by the E-major students (YUFL) and we give full respect and credit to the original creators of the graphics and music. We created this ENG lyrics video so that world knows the meaning of our revolutionary anthem. It has been a week they overtook the country, and rallies of young & old came out of the street to protest peacefully and face their fears and fight for their rights today. We are so proud of our people. Let the world know we are resisting the group of narcissistic psychopath abusive Juntas who like to stay in power..."
Source/publisher: GenZrevolutionMM
Date of publication: 2021-02-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Human Rights in Myanmar: A discussion with U Aung Myo Min (Part 2)
Description: "This is Part Two of a two-part interview with the newly-appointed Minister of Human Rights for the National Unity Government, U Aung Myo Min. Read Part One here. [Editor’s Note: This post is part of a collaboration between Tea Circle and the Institute for the Study of Human Rights at Columbia University, to share transcripts and reports from a series of seminars on Myanmar that ISHR is hosting.] Thursday, May 13th at 10:30 EST/20:00 IST/21:00 MMT Kristina Eberbach: Thank you, we have a couple of questions we received in advance or in the chat, some relate to the international community, and some more specifically, with respect to the International Criminal Court. I’ll begin with the international community in the sense that the UN Security Council, ASEAN, as well as individual countries have taken insufficient action in response to the situation in Myanmar. And so, one of the questions is how do you see the NUG working with these mechanisms going forward? There was also a question specifically about China, and the role of China. I know you’ve been working and calling on some sanctions against the junta, but beyond sanctions, what do you see the international community doing? And then a second question related to the role of the international community: What do you see civil society being able to do, including individuals on this call who want to support the human rights and democracy movement––what would you like to see them do? U Aung Myo Min: Ok, on the international front, at least we have strong countries supporting us. They have been the champions of condemnation, they have called for the release of detainees and for an end to the violence. So, these are very friendly countries. And though some countries are not that strong, they support and call for peaceful dialogue and things like that, so we have different degrees of commitment. And then on the other side, China is, you know, always a protector of the military. They have a long history of these things because they have many interests in Myanmar. On the other hand, India is monitoring the relationship between China and Myanmar and measuring the pros and cons, because they are both regional giants and Myanmar is sandwiched between the two countries. So, they are thinking about checks and balances. Also, ASEAN’s role now is much more outspoken than before. In the past, ASEAN never considered the issues in Myanmar to be a regional issue, only internal. But at least there was a session, and some discussion about Myanmar; they made 5 recommendations for the military to follow up on. The military did not follow them, that is a kind of failure, but as long as you are not supporting the Myanmar military, that is fine, that is the bottom line. But for the other strategies, we also should have a carrot and stick approach. The carrot means it is very unlikely the junta will listen to you, say yes or very politely follow (recommendations), because many countries and people have called on them to stop the violence but it is still going on. But there is kind of a ‘carrot way’, with a dialogue between the NUG, the military and other stakeholders to come together and find a solution––this is like, a good ending story, we would like to see a happy ending at the end. This is one strategy. The second strategy is under the ‘stick’ category. Condemnation, and also some actions including selected sanctions, embargos, and ensuring accountability issues are put on the international criminal justice docket. These are the things we can do. What we need is for countries to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government. We have support from the people, I would say, and it also has a mandate [from the CRPH], but in order to get other countries to recognize it as a legitimate government, we really need to work hard. We have sympathy and we have support, but not as a government yet. So, recognizing the NUG as the legitimate government and coordinating and supporting, for example, humanitarian assistance or other support for education help. We can work together on things like that. Besides that, we have other issues where we need to talk with the international community, including sensitive issues from the previous government, like the Rohingya issue. We need to have a clear policy paper. The new government must have a clear policy toward the Rohingya. And we need to clarify how this kind of policy will be accepted, respected, and implemented. This process is also important. Right now, our ministry is preparing draft positions on our policy towards the Rohingya. So there are three areas: one is Rohingya being able to be called Rohingya, unlike under the previous government, where there was a denial of their identity rights. We can promise that the Rohingya will be recognized, as with the name and terminology. Second, no one––including the Rohingya––will be subject to violations of their civil rights. Arrest, torture, forced relocation, sexual violence, no one should be subjected to these. These rights are protected for Rohingya, like all other people. Third, we want to clearly implement the recommendations of the Kofi Annan commission for reconciliation of the Rakhine State issue. We recognize that these are good solutions, and we will set up a process for implementation. But those recommendations were made in 2017, almost four years ago. There should be another situational analysis, considering other things through consultation with the Rohingya people. We are in the process of meeting with different groups and people from Rakhine State, even Rohingya IDPs and refugees from the refugee camps, to get their ideas. I promise that our clear policies on the Rohingya will be released in two weeks. And on this, I will say, I will try my best to meet the international standards and to uphold the dignity and rights of the Rohingya people after consultation with them. Ben Fleming: Myo, may I jump in and ask a question from the audience related to this? We know that the NUG has vowed to rewrite a new constitution, to get rid of the 2008 constitution. We have a question from the audience about the NUG’s position on the 1982 citizenship law. Is that something that the NUG also wishes to reform? Rewrite? And then one quick question is when the members of the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) will be announced. U Aung Myo Min: Thank you. We are conducting a review, consulting with many people, with the stakeholders and one of the recommendations is on the 1982 citizenship law. I studied it, I can recite it by memory almost, truly, because I was a human rights activist, so all my homework from before helps! In my view, the 1982 citizenship law is very discriminatory. It is also based on ethnicity. It was created by U Ne Win based on the 135 nationalities, so in this respect, it is already flawed. The 1982 citizenship law and other laws that are not in line with international standards are now under review and under consideration to repeal, revise or replace with a new law. I can promise that, as the Minister of Human Rights, I will try to propose to repeal or amend the 1982 citizenship law. For the NUCC, they have already established who will be on the council but some of them cannot be made public for security reasons because many are still inside the country. We expect to announce this within 2 weeks, when it is safe to make this information public. Kristina Eberbach: Thank you. Another question we received in advance relates to human rights as a meaningful terminology and meaningful framework within the country. This person is asking how you, as the Minister of Human Rights, would communicate the idea of human rights to people and convey its relevance to their everyday concerns? How will you adapt the international terminology to more localized understandings? And finally, how do you address the role of the state, given the problematic relationship, to say the least, that the state has had with Human Rights, and given the fact that within the framework of human rights, the state is one of the primary duty-bearers for respecting human rights? How do you go about approaching the role of the state in protecting or enforcing Human Rights alongside the role of local community practices in enforcement? U Aung Myo Min: The motto of my ministry is equality, peace, and justice. Those are the basic principles of human rights. Equality means nobody is subject to discrimination. We will stay committed to Articles 1 and 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 1 deals with equality and Article 2 is related to non-discrimination. Thees are our principles. Whether you are from, one of the 135 ‘so-called’ nationalities or not, no one should be subject to any kind of violence or abuse, or rights violations from state or non-state actors. This is our commitment: no one should be left behind. If we have a marginalized group or disenfranchised group, like LGBT is one of them, and other minorities or persons with disabilities, these people are considered for temporary special measures, affirmative action, so their status would be upgraded, (to ensure they receive) equal treatment, justice, and peace. So this is my thing. I set up my first organization, Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB) in 2000. This year is the 20th anniversary. We planned to celebrate our 20 years of service in Human Rights Education, but unfortunately, it will not happen. First, because of COVID, and second, the coup. The 2 C’s make it very difficult for us, but at least we can celebrate amongst ourselves. We have more than 20 years of Human Rights Education materials, including our TV channel, which we broadcast weekly through the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). This kind of groundwork and community-based action is good, and we can use them. We have trained more than 300 experienced trainers across the country. My role was a director to many staff before I joined the cabinet, but now my role is to make sure that these kind of Human Rights Education programs keep running. Not with lectures, but participatory learning based on the everyday situation of the country. We have what we could call a “three H” approach. One is Head, putting in the international standards, teaching what the UDHR, CEDAW, CRC, and CRPD is. The second one is Heart, so people can practice the three values of non-discrimination, equality, and respect for diversity. So people can feel it and they can also think about what social norms and taboos are not in line with everyday life. For example, calling someone Kalar (foreigner) is very discriminatory; calling someone achauk (gay) is horribly discriminatory; taw thar (rural) is also this kind of discriminatory language. We have been working on changing this language. That’s why you can see that in the Spring Revolution many women are actively participating, and LGBT flags, rainbow flags everywhere. This is the significance of the groundwork we’ve done, so we will keep doing that. And finally, putting a Human Rights curriculum in the new system, from the primary level to high school. A faculty of Human Rights, or maybe, the Institute for the Study of Human Rights (ISHR) Myanmar! This is my passion. This is my dream. This was my dream as an activist before. Now that I’m the dreammaker, maybe, to put this into our government’s policy. Ben Fleming: On that note, Myo, do you have any thoughts on the sort of efforts that the NUG and others are taking for a federal university to stand in for the CDM students and faculty. We know that thousands upon thousands of faculty have refused to return to work, and many thousands have been fired. Those who have returned to work have returned to empty classrooms. What role––and we are happy to play whatever part we can––can we play in supporting an effort to keep education alive for those in CDM? U Aung Myo Min: Thank you, Ben. This is my request I was going to make, but you already answered that, Great! We are real Columbia, we know each other! Our Ministry of Education (MoE) has that kind of alternative education and institution already in mind from the liberated areas. When I recall my experience back in ‘88, we were the students that left the classroom; we were eager and hungry for education. We didn’t have any proper institutions from which we could learn, we only had small libraries. That’s where I picked up a copy of the UDHR and started learning myself. And I don’t want that [situation] for the new generation! Our MoE plans are to have alternative education at the institute level, and the university level in some areas. Because, you know that we have totally ethnic-controlled areas along the border. From Kachin State to the border along Thailand, in some areas, the education institutions are well-established. They have their own universities, their own teachers’ college, and system. In some areas, it is not a teachers’ college, but they have their own traditional teachers training that they can multiply in other areas, so based on some of these ideas, our MoE will set up one university in one particular liberated area. So, my work, my years-long work of Human Rights curriculums, Human Rights teaching will be adapted/adopted in that university. Further, with my association with the ethnic education committees, we can work together and my team is happy to contribute and distribute. But this is from the Myanmar context. Ben Fleming: We have lots of people on this call from a number of universities, so it is a call to arms for all of us to play our part in keeping education alive for the people of Myanmar. U Aung Myo Min: Yeah, and welcome…for Human Rights, I’m open to working with any organization. For other non-Human Rights education, I can convey that message in the cabinet meetings, particularly with the MoE. Kristina Eberbach: Thank you. We only have a few more minutes left, and we want to be respectful of your time, we know you are very busy! There were two questions about the ICC and you talked a little bit about it in terms of the hope to engage the ICC in pursuing accountability. And then there was the question of the jurisdiction in terms of the time frame – are you hoping to pursue accountability not only for recent events, but for those in the past? U Aung Myo Min: Oh yes, thank you. We are in consultation with a legal firm to study and analyze how we can be a member of, or ratify to be a member state of the ICC. So, we see the legitimacy issue, the process issue, and the jurisdiction issue, too. Wo have support and advice from this legal group, but we need also to think about it ourselves, and the process is already ongoing at the NUCC stage. To any of you, when I met some Burmese students from Columbia University I also said, please, give me your input and ideas, I’m open to listening and different ideas can help enrich my understanding and thinking about the best and possible ways. I’m open to that sort of thing. On jurisdiction: We’ve thought about it, because usually only criminal acts committed after ratification can be held accountable. But some legal experts have said that you can request special circumstances. For example, this is the criminal, he’s not doing this just after February 1st, but there’s a long history of these things, so there is another special procedure we can request. And identifying the perpetrators, the criminals, and a long history of involvement in these kinds of crimes, these are special requests we are seriously considering, with regard to labeling it as ongoing crimes. The ICC also accepted the case taking place inside Bangladesh against the Rohingya because Bangladesh is a member of the Rome Statute. Myanmar is not, but they have already carried out IIMM and the Independent Fact Finding Mission, set up to collect (and document) all the previous Human Rights violations and abuses. We are collaborating on that, and we can extend its jurisdiction to inside the country. Ben Fleming: We have some questions about the military or future possible military. I know the NUG has said clearly that any future armed forces will be civilian led. Is that going to be reflected in a constitution? Also, have you gotten, or do you know if there is much buy-in from the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) about a civilian-led military and what that should look like from an inclusive standpoint? U Aung Myo Min: Well, the PDF (People’s Defence Force) is founded as an “NUG Armed Forces.” And you might be surprised to learn that the Defence Minister was a former poet and the Deputy Minister is the first woman Deputy Minister of Defence, and with an academic background! So, this is already a civilian leadership, when you know traditionally, “macho” men-in-uniform would take these places, so this is one such change. I think that kind of civilian-led institution is being established and that kind of militarized history has been broken already. This is the first step. But this kind of PDF, it is something like the small, first cell of the federal union, or the federal army that we are looking for. In this case, we are working with the Defence Minister, at least to have a code of conduct for members of the PDF. Because sometimes, when you are carrying arms and you want revenge, anything could happen. But that kind of PDF is meant to defend the people, and also work for the people, not to threaten or even do something bad to the people. This military code of conduct will be finished very soon, [and will] respect the dignity and the rights of the people based on international humanitarian law and also the law of armed conflict. We are in the process of talking with different ethnic armed groups. We don’t want them to come and work under the PDF because they are more senior, they have their own thing, and they have sacrificed their lives for their struggles. But what we need is cooperation and coordination. How can we put all the forces together, with a strong chain of command, military strategies, and mutual understanding? We need to guard against possible conflicts of interests, conflicts of power, and that is the purpose of the discussion with individual ethnic armed groups. Some are ready to go, but some are not ok because of a long history of mistrust between Bamar and other ethnic people. We are solving the problem, showing that the federal union and federal democratic constitution is not only for the Bamar, but for all the peoples of Burma, of Myanmar! We are at different stages of consultation and making sure that everyone is coordinating and complementing each other under the federal union. It’s a long process, because our country is a very complicated country with very complicated issues. (Featured image courtesy of the Institute for the Study of Human Rights)..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Journalism goes local as the junta shackles national media
Sub-title: Amid the near-destruction of Myanmar’s media industry, nimble township-based outlets have sprung up to meet the constant demand for local news about the nationwide uprising.
Description: "First thing each morning, 26-year-old Ko Zaw Oo checks his online messages for recent news or tip-offs about protests and crackdowns in his home township of Hlaing Tharyar, a densely populated factory district on the north-western outskirts of Yangon. “If something interesting is happening, I’ll go and see for myself,” said the 26-year-old. “Otherwise, I’ll roam around [Hlaing Tharyar] and find news to post about.” Zaw Oo, who asked that his real name not be used to protect his safety, was telling Frontier about his daily routine as the editor and chief reporter for HTY (Hlaing Tharyar) Information. He founded the Facebook page and website on March 5 to provide a regular feed of reliable news about developments in the township. Formerly an IT professional, with no previous experience or training in media, he said he had “never imagined [he’d] be doing this kind of work”. He came up with the idea for HTY Information when posts from his personal Facebook account following the February 1 coup went viral, alerting him to the huge appetite for local news amid a nationwide uprising. His news outlet has since proved popular, with more than 167,000 followers and posts that are frequently shared thousands of times. Initially working as a team of one, Zaw Oo tracked the anti-coup demonstrations as they grew in scale and confidence in the township – with the participation of tens of thousands of factory workers from what is the hub of Myanmar’s garment industry – until a brutal crackdown by security forces on March 14 prompted many residents to flee to family homes in the countryside. Although the crackdown all but crushed the local protest movement, it motivated Zaw Oo to keep reporting as resistance to military rule went underground, many of the township’s internal migrant workers eventually returned from rural areas, and the junta struggled to assert its authority over local communities and chase down dissidents. From early April, he was joined by 10 volunteer reporters, enabling more comprehensive coverage. Zaw Oo said the bloodshed of March 14 showed him that many crucial events in Hlaing Tharyar would go unreported without local outlets like his own. “I saw a lot of people die in the crackdown. I was able to broadcast some of the violence live, but a lot of mainstream media couldn’t report what had happened in Hlaing Tharyar,” he said, adding that the roughly 60 deaths reported by national outlets was significantly below the true death toll, which he put at more than 100 based on local civil society sources. “Many reporters were unable to reach Hlaing Tharyar that day,” Zaw Oo said. “That’s when I resolved to [continue to] regularly report what is happening in the township.” He pointed out that the March 14 massacre happened shortly after the junta seriously escalated its assault on the media, with a ban on five major media organisations announced on March 8. Most of these outlets responded with defiance; Myanmar Now, Democratic Voice of Burma, Mizzima and Khit Thit Media have continued to publish and broadcast online. The exception was 7Day News, the country’s highest circulation newspaper, which immediately stopped printing and scrubbed its online presence. In addition to the bans, which have since been extended to Kachin State-based Myitkyina Journal and 74 Media and the eastern Shan State-based Tachileik News Agency, the junta has raided several newsrooms and arrested more than 80 journalists, over 40 of whom are still in custody, including Frontier’s managing editor, Danny Fenster. Meanwhile, other newspapers such as Myanmar Times and The Voice have decided to fold voluntarily, due to a post-coup climate that is hostile to both business survival and press freedom. These attacks on media freedom have decimated a news industry that blossomed after the lifting of print censorship in 2012. In their place have arisen hyper-local, township-based media outlets like HTY Information. Covering the breadth of Myanmar, from Yangon to Chin State to Magway Region and elsewhere, they have met a surge in demand for local news as protests and strikes continue to be met with deadly force – an environment where, for ordinary people, staying informed is crucial to staying alive. Some of these small, nimble outlets are run by experienced journalists and offer miniature versions of conventional news articles on websites and Facebook pages. However, many more have been started by untrained youth, who stick to social media and blur the lines between journalism and activism. As well as documenting events, they tip local residents off to police and army clampdowns, and also help to coordinate protests and fundraising for striking government workers in the Civil Disobedience Movement – a kind of community media tailored to the post-coup times. “This is a new type of information stream for the people; citizen journalism is filling the gap in professional media coverage,” said U Myint Kyaw, a member of the Myanmar Journalist Network and a media trainer who resigned from the national Press Council shortly after the coup. But despite attracting tens of thousands of readers, who they sometimes appeal to for donations, several of the local outlets told Frontier they’re struggling to meet their meagre operating costs in an increasingly cash-strapped economy. Their reach has also been curbed by a ban on mobile internet in place since mid-March. More seriously, several editors and reporters told Frontier they’re being hunted down by the security forces, just like their counterparts in national media organisations. While this proves the impact of these local outlets, some are struggling to operate while in hiding or on the run.....‘The impact was huge’: U Wai Lin, a co-founder of the Thingangyun Post, is one of the few local media pioneers with an extensive background in journalism. The 30-year-old stressed that his outlet, which serves residents of Thingangyun Township as well as neighbouring townships in Yangon, fills a gap vacated by national media by marrying professionalism with a commitment to telling local stories. “Mainstream media is no longer widespread and township-based media outlets like ours have become reliable sources of information for the public,” said U Wai Lin, who launched the Thingangyun Post with a colleague in 2019 after a decade in journalism. “At that time, very few people knew about us, but we have gained more readers since the coup,” he said, alluding to the Facebook page’s more than 112,000 followers. Wai Lin said the Thingangyun Post, which operates as a team of three journalists, was the first media outlet to report a February 15 raid by the security forces on a residential compound in the township that housed Central Bank employees, many of whom had joined the CDM. “We arrived there early that day,” Wai Lin said. “Later, when we broadcast the situation live on Facebook, others came to know what was happening and better-known media arrived. Since then, our page has become very popular in Thingangyun.” He said the Thingangyun Post’s coverage of the raid allowed it to fulfil two functions that are crucial to the mission of most township-based outlets: keeping residents informed, and bringing local incidents to national attention. “The impact was huge,” Wai Lin said. “Many people came to show support for the striking Central Bank staff.” But away from Yangon, where most of the remaining national outlets are based, the need to capture and draw attention to local incidents is even greater. “In our city, there were protests and demonstrations and a lot of people were arrested by the military, but there was no news about it in the mainstream media,” said Ko Min Naung, who lives in the famous ruby mining centre of Mogok, in a mountainous area of northern Mandalay Region. “That’s why we established the Mogok Information Group.” Min Naung, a pseudonym, is one of nine 20-year-olds in the town who founded the outlet, which has a Facebook page with more than 25,000 followers and a Telegram channel. By mid-May, the Mogok Information Group had reported 11 deaths and more than 100 arrests in the area, “but I was unable to find any [other] media reports about this,” Min Naung said. The Facebook page mostly posts real-time updates and warnings about bombings, arrests and army mobilisations, which have become common in Mogok in recent weeks. With most posts being less than 100 words, and with a staunchly activist stance, little of the group’s output meets a conventional definition of journalism. But for the group’s founders, the need to provide the people of Mogok with potentially life-saving information in an environment of widespread dissent easily outweighed any lofty considerations of media professionalism. “The main thing is for the protesters in the town to be able to run when the army and the police are coming,” explained Min Naung. “We had never written a news story, or studied journalism,” he said. “We try to write by ourselves because we want to tell the news in our town.” A similar amateur passion had inspired the young founder and administrator of Myingyan News, a Facebook page with more than 70,000 followers. “It was hard for me to write news but I kept trying and now people know about the military’s abuses in our town,” said 20-year-old Ko Lin Aung, a pseudonym. He reports on Myingyan Township alongside 20 other locals. In a sign of the outlet’s activist bent, they are drawn from night watch groups that patrol neighbourhoods each night after the curfew, to protect community members from the junta’s security forces. The dusty Dry Zone township in Mandalay Region has seen armed resistance in addition to peaceful street protests, and the junta has cracked down brutally as a result. Lin Aung claims his group’s reporting has brought this violence to wider attention, with larger news organisations using Myingyan News as a source. “When mainstream media learned about us, they interviewed us about the situation in Myingyan,” he said. “We achieved our goal.”.....‘We have to be brave’: The founders of these township-based outlets said their work depends on the collaboration of readers. “Almost every day, regular readers are sending messages to the [Facebook] page’s inbox to confirm news,” said Zaw Oo of HTY Information. But even with this support, which also comes in the form of donations via mobile wallets, providing daily news has been a financial challenge for these outlets, who don’t seek revenue from advertising or other commercial sources. “I have no income; every cost is covered from my pocket,” Zaw Oo said, adding that since HTY Information was established in early March, its expenses – which include buying cameras and covering phone bills and taxi fares, as well as occasional reporting fees to staff – have exceeded K3 million (US$1,820). There’s a similar problem at the Thingangyun Post, which Wai Lin said costs up to K20,000 a day to produce, due to similar expenses. “We cover the costs ourselves,” he said. The reach of their online news dispatches has also been curtailed by the junta’s internet restrictions. The block on mobile internet imposed in mid-March has been a particular blow, because the large majority of Myanmar people access the web via smartphones. However, the junta’s gradual white-listing of apps and websites since April has, deliberately or otherwise, made the work of most township media accessible via VPNs. For Yangon-based HTY Information and the Thingangyun Post, the mobile internet ban has been less of a problem. This is thanks to the relatively wide availability in the city of fibre internet, which the junta has left open despite blocking wireless broadband. Wai Lin said readership and engagement with Thingangyun Post content had “decreased a bit” since the ban, but he believed it would remain widely read for as long as fibre connections remain open. “If they cut [fibre], we can’t work,” he said. “We can’t say the junta won’t do this, and I’ve made plans to produce a printed paper in our township if it happens.” In small towns and villages, however, people tend to lack any access to fibre internet. “In urban areas of Mogok, a lot of homes have fibre internet, but rural areas have no access to it,” said Min Naung of the Mogok Information Group. “So, we printed a weekly newspaper and distributed it in some villages.” However, Min Naung and his colleagues only distributed two editions of the paper in the latter half of April before the junta’s gradual whitelisting of websites made the group’s content available via mobile internet again. “If mobile internet is [entirely] cut again, we will go back to producing the print paper,” he said. “We won’t give up.” Besides limited internet and finances, there is a still-greater threat to the survival of township-based media. Wai Lin of the Thingangyun Post put it bluntly. “The main danger is the junta,” he said. In the first and so far only known arrest of a township media practitioner, on April 24, soldiers and police seized the editor-in-chief of the Thanlyin Post, Ma Tu Tu Thar, 49, in a raid on her home in Yangon’s Thanlyin Township during which they also took away her 18-year-old son, brother, and a friend. Before this incident, in early April, Wai Lin realised he was being watched, so he moved from Thingangyun to a secret location in South Okkalapa Township. But even there, the junta seemed to be tracking him. “A neighbour [in South Okkalapa] told me a man in civilian clothes had asked about us three times,” he said of himself and a colleague, adding that they had since moved to another hiding place in Yangon. But even if Wai Lin is safe in hiding, his loved ones might not be. As the junta has grown increasingly desperate to impose order, its troops have taken to detaining the relatives of fugitives, seemingly regardless of whether these relatives had any role in assisting them. “I am worried that my family members will be arrested,” he said of his parents and two brothers, who remain at his original Thingangyun address. Wai Lin added that he was “not alone” among local journalists in feeling that he was putting relatives at risk. Meanwhile, in Hlaing Tharyar, Zaw Oo is confident the junta doesn’t know his identity. However, readers have warned him that police and soldiers are searching the township for whoever is behind HTY Information. He said he came dangerously close to being caught in early April, when his live reporting on the aftermath of a bomb blast at the administration office for the township’s seventh ward brought security forces rushing to the scene. “I was still at the site of the bombing when they came looking for me. I ran away fast; I was very scared,” he said, adding that he had since gone into hiding elsewhere in the township. “My media outlet is successful, which means I’m in greater danger,” he said. The need to constantly evade the security forces and their informers has also compounded the problems created by the internet restrictions. Wai Lin and Zaw Oo say their hiding places lack fibre internet, meaning they have needed to venture outside to post news, putting themselves and others in great danger in the process. “Sometimes teashops are my newsroom. Sometimes my friends’ homes are my office,” said Wai Lin. But despite these difficulties and the daily risks they face, Zaw Oo said that he and other “citizen journalists” owed it to their communities to keep reporting. “We have to be brave now,” he said. “If we cannot fulfill our media roles, no one will know about the military’s atrocities.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication: 2021-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Youth Lose Their Dreams for the Future Amid Junta Crackdowns
Sub-title: Many have been killed during protests or in custody, with others crippled by torture after their arrest.
Description: "Myanmar’s youth are being forced to give up their dreams of careers and a productive future as they resist an assault by the military on their country’s democracy and crackdowns on protests that have crippled thousands of civilians and killed hundreds, sources say. Among those killed, Nyi Nyi Aung Htet Naing, 23, was shot dead by junta forces in the Hledan suburb of Yangon city on Feb. 28, his twin Koko Aung Htet Naing told RFA’s Myanmar Service, adding that his brother had once dreamed of becoming a network engineer. “I haven’t watched the video of my brother’s death in Hledan yet because I don’t have the strength to do it,” Koko Aung Htet Naing said. “As his twin brother, I don’t want to know or see how he died, or how much he may have suffered. I don’t want to feel the emptiness in my heart.” Nyi Nyi Aung Htet Naing was only one of the many young people killed in the early days of protests calling for Myanmar’s return to democracy after the Feb. 1 military coup that ousted the elected civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Like others, he had dreams for his future, his brother said. “He wanted to pursue advanced studies in the field of network engineering at some point, and he wanted to study abroad,” Koko Aung Htet Naing said, adding, “But his dreams were just dreams. Those dreams will never come true now.” “This was a huge loss for me,” he brother said. Other protesters in the anti-dictatorship movement, now commonly called the Spring Revolution, have also seen their futures destroyed following arrest and torture by junta forces, other sources told RFA. Lyan Phyo Aung, a 22-year-old student from Myanmar’s Magway city, suffered gunshot wounds to his right arm, which was later amputated above the wrist, during a protest rally on March 27, and is losing vision in one eye. He has trouble now performing simple tasks, he said. “In my imagination, I still think [my hand] is there. I think that I can curl up my fingers, but they’re not there anymore,” he said, adding, “Sometimes when I go to sleep at night I feel so sad: ‘Oh, my hand is gone?’ But during the operation, I didn’t even cry.” An engineering student who had excelled in architecture, Lyan Phyo Aung has now lost his dream of designing buildings, he said. “I got the highest marks in my school in drawing and my major subjects, but now all I have left is charity work,” he said. “And not all the fingers on my left hand are good now, either. They stepped on my fingers and crushed my middle finger when they took off my ring.” “Also, my eyes need an operation, as I can’t bear the light. It’s not okay to see only with one eye,” he added. Lyan Phyo Aung is currently being treated at a military hospital for rubber-bullet wounds to his arms and legs, and is facing charges of incitement to riot under Article 505(a) of Myanmar’s Penal Code, he said. The Thailand-based rights group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) says that more than 4,300 people, most of them young, have been arrested in Myanmar since the military coup. Many have gone missing for months following their arrest, and some have been killed in custody with their bodies returned afterward to their families. Others have escaped arrest and fled to areas outside of government control. 'Things like in the past' One, 19 years old, had planned to start a graphic design business when the military launched its coup, the young man said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “As a young person, my work is in social media, and I had planned to start my own company in six months. But now because of all the oppression I won’t be able to do that” he said. “Things are now going to be like they were in the past when you had to fear even the tenth cousin of a senior military officer,” he said. Though his future goals in life are unclear, his plans now are to fight against Myanmar’s military dictatorship to protect the country’s younger generation from suffering under oppression, he said. Many of Myanmar’s most talented youth had big hopes before the coup, but now those hopes are gone, said Moe Thway, chairman of the pro-democracy youth movement Generation Wave. “Youths with all their dreams have turned to taking up arms without ever having wanted to,” he said. “Myanmar has returned to military rule under which the army oppresses, tortures, and kills people,” he said, adding that international sanctions have been imposed to punish Myanmar’s ruling generals, and that some international companies have left the country. “So we have lost a lot of business and educational opportunities,” he said. “In fact, we can say that the future of the country’s youth is uncertain and quickly disappearing.” An activist who had been involved in earlier protest movements—the 1988 Democracy Movement, the 1996 student strike, and the 2007 Saffron Monk Uprising—expressed sorrow that now another generation of the country’s youth has been thrown into the fight in Myanmar for democracy and human rights. “In the past, they only heard about the oppression, threats, brutal arrests, torture, and killings,” he said. “But now Generation Z is seeing all these things for real.” “And while they face the prospect of arrests and of having no future, they are trying to win the Spring Revolution from wherever they are,” he said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement on Disappearances in the Spring Revolution
Description: "As of today, AAPP believes there are 75 people currently missing in Burma. These disappearances have occurred since the beginning of the coup, when junta seized power and detained our democratically elected leaders on 1 February, 2021. Since then, the military coup has consistently been perpetrating brutal crimes against civilians, including killing and torture, and disappearing dead bodies. A large number of pro-democracy supporters are now missing, they may be detained, tortured, or killed. Crucially, the junta regime has not disclosed where any of the arbitrarily detained are. When detainees have been located, it is because of information provided by those released from the prison, lawyers, families who have been permitted to send parcels to the prison, and legal aid groups. Many detainees are not able to see their lawyers, or contact their families, with some not in contact with the outside for periods of time. The junta regime has not issued any statement related to detention information, such as where they are being detained and interrogated. Of the 75 missing, AAPP can verify 23 are disappeared, a further 52 are believed disappeared with precise status to be confirmed. 19 people are missing. 14 of these disappeared went missing while fleeing from junta troops who were raiding and shooting in villages in Yinmabin and Kani Townships. Four people, including Moe San Suu Kyi, disappeared from their hideout, and are suspected to have been detained. However, there is no information about when and who made the detention. One civilian was arrested for seven days for staging a solitary protest, but after their release, they did not return home. 4 people are now missing after having been initially confirmed detained. 3 were arrested for participating in a protest and supporting CDM. They were sent to Myaung Mya Prison, but no family member has been able to make contact since. Aside from this, one civilian arrested in Yinmabin Township has since gone missing, with no contact being made to his family. 24 people left their homes for known reasons, but after several days have not returned. This includes those who have left their homes to take part in protests, to withdraw money at the bank, to go to grocery stores, and to go outside for food. 28 people were detained but their families have not been told where. One of these individuals, Aung San Ko Ko (a.k.a. Wine Chit Oo) was shot, wounded, and abducted by the terrorists, and he remains missing. Individuals went missing when: Leaving their homes to participate in demonstrations, and amid brutal crackdowns have later not been able to contact families, relatives or friends for some days. After being taken for questioning by junta troops whilst walking on the streets, they are later uncontactable. They fled their homes, but have been missing with no contact since then. Their families could not contact them after they were arrested in the hideout. The location of the detainees was not disclosed, even though they were arrested and interrogated, including some of those not allowed to meet with lawyers and AAPP believes are no longer in prison. AAPP will continue to verify the recently disappeared. According to international law, one is considered disappeared when unlawfully detained, abducted, against their will with failure by the responsible party to provide information on said person. International humanitarian law is explicit on missing persons. States should not perpetrate, condone the act, or impede investigation. The junta in Burma has done nothing to account for these missing persons, in fact threatening civil society and oppressing civilians who raise the issue. The United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 2474 on 11 June 2019, calling on all parties to actively report and search for missing persons. Time and again, resolutions have underscored knowing the fate of loved ones is a basic human right. In the International Committee of Red Cross’ study on international humanitarian law, it is affirmed “practice indicates that the obligation to account for missing persons arises at the latest after an adverse party provides notification of those who are missing”. AAPP is providing notification of 75 believed missing persons. The junta is the responsible party for the crimes and disorder resulting in these disappearances. The AAPP calls for the international community, including the United Nations and the ASEAN country members, to work effectively to investigate disappearances during this attempted coup..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size: 8 MB 114.17 KB 88.95 KB 108.98 KB 110.3 KB
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Title: WIDER IMAGE 'For fallen souls' - A survivor says Myanmar fight must go on
Description: "Each morning, Ko Phyo washes himself and his two-year-old son while seated on a chair, a plastic bag covering what remains of a thigh that he says was shattered by a bullet fired by a Myanmar soldier. Ko Phyo says he was wounded on the front lines of the biggest protests against Myanmar's military in decades. Now, he is adjusting to life as an amputee and single parent in a country in chaos since a Feb. 1 coup. The 24-year-old says he joined the nationwide protest movement in the biggest city Yangon, acting as a guard trying to protect demonstrators from security forces during daily pro-democracy marches and strikes. (Open https://reut.rs/3wTmBlV in an external browser to see a picture story on Ko Phyo.) "We ran away because we didn't want to get arrested and beaten," he said, recalling a day in early March when he was cornered as police and a soldier advanced. "Then they started shooting, I was shot in the leg, and fell on the ground." Security forces have killed more than 800 people since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group. The ruling junta says around 300 have died, most of them "terrorists" and "instigators of violence". Ko Phyo said he carried only a shield. The bullet that hit him severed three arteries. The soldier who fired the shot removed it with a knife, and a local policeman he knew took him to a military hospital, a journey that took more than two hours, he said. "I started feeling the pain and I couldn't bear it. I told them to cut off my leg immediately. They cut it on the seventh day." Ko Phyo has been learning to become mobile in a wheelchair in his three-room home and uses crutches when outdoors to deal with the uneven roads and paths that run between the green fields of his Yangon township. He hopes to return to his job handling vehicle licensing with the road transport authority, when stability eventually returns. Concern about the future of his son drove him to join the anti-junta protests and gave him motivation to recover faster and leave hospital after 12 days, he said. He sees the loss of his leg as a small sacrifice compared to those of the hundreds killed, including one of his fellow guards, a 15-year-old girl. "All protesters out there are fighting for the next generations ... The military is supposed to protect its own people, but they are killing us instead." "We must keep fighting," Ko Phyo said. "We must win this revolution to bring justice for fallen souls." His son is adapting to the new reality too, playing games with his father and bringing him snacks and cushions to make him comfortable on the floor. "I feel terrible when he asked, 'Dad, where's your leg?'," he said. "So, I replied 'a dog's eaten my leg but it will grow later'. And he still believes it."..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Begone အလိုမရှိ We Resist 알로맛시
Description: "Collection of အလိုမရှိ songs in English, Burmese, Korean... Credit to all original songs, lyrics, photos and video clips owners..."
Source/publisher: Bryan Bert
Date of publication: 2021-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 28 May, (833) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Loikaw Township in Kayah State and Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 28 May, a total of (4350) people are currently under detention; of them (104) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Yesterday afternoon, a 14 year old boy was shot dead in the head as he ran away from junta forces, who had entered Kayan Tharyar Village, in Thabyay Kone, in Loikaw Township, Kayah State. Last night, a man was shot and left injured during unprovoked shooting by the military in Kyet Sar Pyin Ward, Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region. Junta forces then took him away by car, and he later died. On May 28, Mi Nge a.k.a Nge Lay, a former female political prisoner, was sentenced to three years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for defamation. On May 2, junta forces searched her home for her son, political activist Tin Htut Paing. When they could not find him, they arrested and beat her. This afternoon, Myo Thiha Kyaw, a photojournalist for the Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, was arrested in Mandalay. Last night, in Thaton Township in Mon State, four youths from Manaw Phyu Charity Association were arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.08 MB 4.07 MB 970.62 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 27 May, (831) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (2) fallen heroes from Demoso Township in Kayah State were killed today. (1) from Taketa Township in Yangon Region was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 27 May, a total of (4331) people are currently under detention; of them (102) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. This morning, two youths from Demoso Township in Kayah State were shot to death by terrorist junta while they were bringing food for Karenni IDPs. Early in the morning of May 25, a man, who suffered from mental health, was shot to death at Thaketa Township, Yangon Region by the terrorist junta. Soe Linn Htet, second year student majoring in civil engineering at the Technological University Meiktila, was arrested at home at Pyawbwe Township in Mandalay Region this morning. On the night of May 25, Aung Mya Than, a reporter of Ayeyarwaddy Times News Agency based in Ayeyarwady Region, was arrested and beaten while questioning. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.08 MB 3.97 MB 978.24 KB
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Title: Human Rights in Myanmar: A discussion with U Aung Myo Min (Part 1)
Description: "This is Part One of a two-part interview with the newly appointed Minister of Human Rights for the National Unity Government, U Aung Myo Min. [Editor’s Note: This post is part of a collaboration between Tea Circle and the Institute for the Study of Human Rights at Columbia University to share transcripts and reports from a series of seminars on Myanmar that ISHR is hosting.] Thursday, May 13th at 10:30 EST/20:00 IST/21:00 MMT Kristina Eberbach: In response to the coup that took place 102 days ago, the Institute for the Study of Human Rights (ISHR) began organizing a series of webinars focused on human rights and democracy in Myanmar. We are planning a number of further webinars over the coming months with leading Myanmar and International activists, academics, and policy-makers. To receive additional information about upcoming events in this series, please sign up for our newsletter at humanrights.org My name is Kristina Eberbach, and I’m Deputy Director of the Institute and adjunct assistant professor at SIPA. I’m also the co-developer and co-director of the Institute’s University Human Rights Education in Myanmar. I’d like to welcome U Aung Myo Min, who was recently named Minister of Human Rights for the National Unity Government in Myanmar by the CRPH (Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw). He is a long-standing human rights advocate and was a student leader in Myanmar’s 1988 revolution. He is also the founder of Equality Myanmar, a leading human rights organization in the country, and has been awarded seven international awards for his work in human and LGBT rights. In 1993 he also participated in ISHR’s Human Rights Advocate’s Program and we have had the pleasure of collaborating with U Myo and EQMM as part of the Institute’s University Human Rights Education in Myanmar program and SIPA’s capstone program. I’d also like to introduce my colleague Ben Fleming, who will be co-moderating this discussion. In addition to co-developing and co-leading our Human Rights Education in Myanmar initiative, he is an Adjunct Assistant Professor of International and Public Affairs (SIPA) and an Adjunct Professor at South Texas College of Law Houston. Ben Fleming: Hey everybody, thanks, Kristina. Sayar Myo, good to see you, welcome everybody, and Mingalaba. Kristina Eberbach: How did the formation of the ministry come about within the NUG? Can you describe for us the relationship that you believe will exist with the NUG and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint if/when they are released? And finally, what is your envisioned role in this position? U Aung Myo Min: It’s a good question. The NUG was founded by CRPH, a composition of the elected members of Parliament in the 2020 elections. The military did not want the Parliament to set up a new government according to the procedures. So they took a stage, staged a coup before the new government was founded. The first thing they did was arrest Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the President, and many other cabinet members. They are still under arrest right now, but the CRPH was brave enough to set up their interim government. It is just for the legislation process. We needed the executive body to make to prepare us. Since the state counselor and the President are under arrest, we did not have any communication. But the CRPH thinks this is the right move to act as a legitimate government because they are the legitimate members of Parliament, and they have a duty and responsibility to set up a legitimate government. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not in the consultation during the formation of the NUG, but she heard about it through other sources. She didn’t say anything. The new stance of the NUG is a bit different from the old NLD (National League for Democracy) led government. The NLD-led government was recommended by many of the groups because this is the only party-dominated government, and there are some ministers and deputy ministers, mainly from the NLD supporters and President appointed. The CRPH decided to make a better, more diverse NUG. Inclusion is a big issue. People want to see that. There should be more diverse and multiple ethnic representation in the new government. This is the lesson we learned from the past. Myanmar is known as a very diverse country. By diverse, what I mean is that we have diversity of ethnicity, diversity of religion, and diversity of social status. If we learn from the past, we see one-party dominated politics without any active participation from ethnic parties. Hence, the CRPH decided to set up the new government with someone from the non-political, non-NLD parties. They also wanted to include representation from people with ethnic backgrounds, who are supported by ethnic people, women, and the Gen Z participation. During this spring revolution, many from Gen Z are at the forefront. So the leaders and young generation should be in the cabinet to represent them and to make good policy. See, I am an openly gay person in the country, and I am part of the new NUG. This is great. This is a very diverse and multicultural government. This is the lesson we learned. And we are trying not to repeat the mistakes and take recommendations from civil society. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would accept it, too, I think. I say this because she always said respect for diversity is the basis of human rights. The ethnic issue is very important, especially at a time like this, because the country is building a new federal democratic union. Without the ethnic representative or other diverse people in the government, it would be meaningless. This is in line with the guidance and statements Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has made before, so even though we have no direct communication or consultation with her, I believe that she would be happy. The question is not that the new government has different ethnicities and the new generations involved. I think she might be more interested to know our future plan. What is our draft constitution going to look like? What is our new government going to look like? For example, the ministry of human rights is the first of its kind in the history of Myanmar. Similarly, the federal affairs ministry is new too. So, I think she may personally be interested in our mission/vision and to know our plan. We need to explain and get her updated, but we are on the same mission and vision even if we don’t have direct communication. This government is an interim government during this revolution time, but we will make a better government when we have the space and more consultation with other leaders. Kristina Eberbach: Thank you. You touched on this a little bit in terms of the importance of diversity and ensuring respect for minority rights, but could you speak about your mission and vision and what your priorities will be in this new position? U Aung Myo Min: Ok, after I accepted this appointment, I’m thinking about what are my vision, mission, and strategies. This is a new ministry, and it is a cross-cutting one because a lot of the issues are interrelated. The military is committing everyday violations across the country. Many people have been killed. Right now, about 800 people have been killed. People have been shot dead, including young children. Around 4000 people are in detention, many arrested without proper legal procedure. They are committing military offensives, including airstrikes in the ethnic minority areas. This has forced thousands of already civil-war-affected people. New waves of IDPs (internally displaced persons) have been created. Such incidents are taking place everywhere. My background in human rights documentation came to my mind because it is important to collect all the human rights violations. I would say that not only are they committing human rights violations, but they are committing crimes against humanity. They are ordering systematically. Order and command are being passed out from the military to all the military, the police forces. This is taking place all over the country, not only in Yangon or Mandalay but everywhere! This kind of criminal act and various human rights violations should be well-documented and securely stored. There should be a strong database system so we can easily learn what is going on and the different trends and think about our next steps, as well as on the issue of accountability. In Myanmar, we have long histories of the culture of impunity. We have more than five decades of civil war, and many people were arrested and detained, but the perpetrators were never taken to trial. The culture of impunity is so well-established that the survivors feel they have no protection and feel hopeless. They get used to it, but they think no one cares or will stop these things. On the other side, the perpetrators said, ok, we’ve got the license to kill, license to rape, because they don’t have to worry about any legal action against them. So, this is very dangerous, not only right now but for any future generation to face the culture of impunity. Stopping impunity and building justice is another step. The judicial system in Myanmar has totally collapsed. No court is running properly. There are military tribunals where there is no legal protection or witnesses or testimonies allowed. So military officers just listen to the reports by the police and make a long sentence. It is hard for us to take legal action or exercise justice domestically. We need to beyond that. Regional countries and associations like ASEAN need to utilize their HR mechanisms to hold the perpetrators accountable. They can take some bilateral or regional intervention towards the military to start to bring the power back to the people. Another issue is the international level. Myanmar is known as a long champion of violations of war crime against ethnic people and genocide against the Rohingya people. Now again, we have crimes against humanity. They are criminals. They should proceed and be treated according to the international criminal process. There are so many ways to do this. The UN can use the mechanisms of the human rights council. The security council can be pushed for responsibility/accountability for global/un-led intervention, but unfortunately, China and Russia are not supporting that one. Another way is the ICC, which already accepted the file of Myanmar for the genocide against the Rohingya people. Bangladesh is a signatory of the Rome statute, but not Myanmar. So, we are thinking, the NUG, as the legitimate government, can ratify the Rome statute. This is all difficult and challenging. As I mentioned, the Human Rights Ministry is a cross-cutting ministry. Everything relating to Human Rights is our responsibility. For example, if we have the Ministry of Interior to propose the citizenship law under their mandate, but it is not only the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Interior but also related to the Human Rights ministry. We have a long history of citizenship lawthath is discriminatory against minorities. For example, the people who are born in Thailand but live in Myanmar for a long time have no rights. So, we have to see this law from the perspective of human rights. All the international human rights standards and considerations should be well-reflected, so I have to work with them. If we have another ministry, for example, the humanitarian affairs ministry, and if they decide to deliver humanitarian assistance along the border, then this is their job. But my ministry has to make sure no one is left behind. Everyone will need to be treated from a humanitarian perspective. There should be no discrimination and no abuse of power in food distribution or any kind of religious system. This is where my ministry is the focal ministry for every single ministry to ensure that every policy and program and action by ministers is in line with international standards. We have to check if this is not the right way and if there is something missing. For example, if the ministry of women, while drafting the violence against women law, exclude transgender woman, that’s not acceptable. I am doing this monitoring of every single policy, and you can see the responsibility for our ministry, just like the other ministries in the cabinet. My background is from civil society. I duly respect the role of civil society, their commitments, their inputs, and ideas to make government better. That is what I had done when I was outside of the government. Government should listen to and coordinate with civil society. I have a series of consultations with different civil society members—by secretary, by ethnicity, by gender, you know, like women, and disabled, other minorities. Every day I have a series of consultations to listen, and my duty is to make sure their recommendations and suggestions are well-reflected and implemented in the everyday policy of the government. Ben Fleming: It is a very big portfolio, Myo. I don’t envy the number of meetings that you will have if we can switch gears quickly, in 1988, you went to the jungle to train, but you realized that your talents lie elsewhere. We now know that many young people are going to the jungles or taking up arms in their village. We know there was violence today in Mingyan, and in Chin State, the NUG has set up a People’s Defense Force and is negotiating with the EAOs [Ethnic Armed Organizations] in the hope that one day they can form a federal armed force. What are your thoughts on the process of defeating the junta? How would you speak to Gen Z? Is armed conflict a foregone conclusion, or can there still be a peaceful process, given the inequality of arms, what is it you hope for people to do? U Aung Myo Min: Ok, you remind me of the days when I was a Gen Z back in 1988. I understand why many Gen Z have decided to leave for the border like me and want to take some kind of military action. There are two ways, the conventional military army and also the guerilla strategies. Young people think that we are left defenseless on the streets during the military crackdowns, and many are killed because they don’t have weapons to defend themselves. So they really want to fight back. They need weapons. I understand how they feel. Taking up arms is one of the strategies, but this isn’t the only solution to solve the problem. We have so many other strategies and actions taken by different people every day at different stages. Some of the Gen Z are still out on the street every day. There is no massive peaceful demonstration like before, but there are still hit-and-run demonstrations. Youngsters are showing how they want their voices to be heard. They look for the flag. They are ready to join. They are showing the defiance of the people. The military has got the message that you cannot run the country like this. First, that’s also opposition. Second, the civil disobedience movement (CDM), mainly by the staff, thousands of doctors, nurses, teachers, professors, and government servants, are still taking part in CDM. They are not going to work under the military government. There are huge numbers refusing to go even though the military is desperately saying everything is running well. We know that they cannot manage the situation while the massive CDM movement stays strong. This is another strategy. And this also is effective. You can see the military every day announces the list of people that got fired because they are part of the CDM. They threaten people who join the CDM. So, these are two strategies. Third, the NUG is trying to work on the diplomatic strategy, using all kinds of international cooperation, trying to get the legitimate vote as the legitimate government. They are looking for international or bilateral cooperation for the NUG movement. This is also another strategy. That is why we are calling for intervention. We are asking ASEAN, EU, or the US government to take action on the military’s ‘three-cuts’ policies. First, please cut the financial support to the military. Don’t do any economic transactions that benefit the military. Don’t do investments that directly benefit the military. Second, cut their weapons. For example, a small arm embargo can stop any kind of military training. It can stop any military-related support to the government. Third, cut the immunity to the military as a legitimate government. Bring these perpetrators to the stage of the international justice criminal system. With these three weapons and tools, we are working on our diplomatic strategy. So maybe armed struggles and federal people’s defense forces are one of the strategies, but I would say it should be a combined strategy. Whatever path you take, our goal is to stop the human rights violations, abuses by the military, and step them down and bring in the normal civilian government. Ben Fleming: To carry on from that, about the CDM. What are your thoughts on if and when the junta is defeated? What does national reconciliation look like? How do we reintegrate the Tatmadaw, in which case there needs to be a criminal process? But we are already getting so many messages from people who remain in CDM, those who have returned to work from the CDM, and also those who were never part of the CDM. We hear that these personal relationships have been broken, in some instances, beyond repair. How would you speak to those who remain in CDM, those who have left, and those who never were believed in the hopes of unifying the country and overcoming the junta? U Aung Myo Min: How to deal with the CDM non-CDM and former CDM – good point! We have been discussing this issue. For those who are committed to continuing CDM, the NUG is supporting them. Financially, at least with some international donations and through the overseas Burmese support, we are giving them the minimum amount. The money is not that much. But more so, we give them the recognition and moral support for their participation in the movement. But we cannot reach every single person who is part of the countrywide CDM. Communication is very difficult, and supporting CDM is considered a ‘crime’ by the military. We sometimes, we didn’t know the personal information of individuals, but at least we are providing some small token of appreciation to the CDM movement. Second, we understand it has been 100 days already. Some people are having a hard time being in the CDM. Their whole family is kicked out of from the government. They have lost their quarters, jobs, salaries. They have to support their children and the elderly. We understand that one from a humanitarian perspective, humanitarian reason, and you know no one can be 100% committed, sacrificing their whole life. It happens, so we understand. So long people are not being double agents, for example like informing on the other CDM people, and making reports, or forcing the other CDMs to return home, it’s fine. There are some people who are motivators for harassing the CDM movement staff. We are recording all these kinds of activities and making a list. The Ministries of Education and Health are also making a list. Such people might be expelled from the government jobs with the NUG side. We never encourage anyone to kill or abuse. We need to keep the dignity of the people even though they don’t have the same ideas or same side as us. In the future, we can promise that we will compensate the CDM people who are still on strike to get their jobs back, get compensation and reparation, so we can make sure they are safe, that they can get their job back. We will give some kind of recognition to these people. But for the people who are totally at the forefront of opposing the CDM movement, really, we cannot forget. There should be some kind of action. I don’t mean legal action, maybe not social action but some action by the government..."
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Myanmar coup: street orchestra fights military dictatorship with protest song
Description: "A group of musicians in Myanmar have been on the streets performing in the country’s anti-coup demonstrations. Their new song, ‘Revolution,’ aims to encourage young people to fight the military dictatorship..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "South China Morning Post" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication: 2021-02-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 26 May, (828) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Salin Township, Magway Region was killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 26 May, a total of (4330) people are currently under detention; of them (102) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. A woman, living in Taw Seint Village in Salin Township, Magway Region, was shot dead in the head last night when the village administrator requested the military come to the village and open fire in response to a “No to Military Slavery Education” sticker campaign at a local school. Last night, Zaw Win Maung, member of the NLD Information Committee in Hpakant Township, was arrested while staging a night protest in Lone Khinn Village, Hpakant Township in Kachin State. Khin Ohn Myint, the retired teacher and a patron of the Red Cross Committee in Mogok Township, was arrested at Kyauk Saung Village in Mogok Town in Mandalay Region yesterday evening. On May 24, Thet Tin Aung, Secretary of Art and Science of All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), and his companion Paing Soe, were arrested at Yangon-Mandalay Road and Chit Htwe, Myo Nyunt and Win Kyaw Soe, three philanthropists, living in Wakema Township, Ayeyarwady Region, were arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.07 MB 3.87 MB 947.78 KB
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Title: Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar, Three-month review May 2021 update
Description: "On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar armed forces (known as the Tatmadaw) seized control of the country, following a general election that the National League for Democracy party won by a landslide. The military have since declared a state of emergency to last for at least a year, and numerous countries have condemned the takeover and subsequent violent crackdown on protestors. Over the past three months, from February to May 2021, hundreds of people, including children, have been killed and many injured during the protests. The military-run State Administrative Council has targeted doctors and other health workers for taking a leading role in the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Doctors and nurses have been served with warrants and arrests, health workers have been injured while providing care to protestors, ambulances have been destroyed, and health facilities have been raided. This document is the result of collaboration between Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), and Johns Hopkins Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) as part of the Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition (SHCC). It highlights reported incidents of violence against health workers, facilities, and transport in Myanmar between 11 February and 11 May 2021. It does not include information on violence against patients. The incidents referred to are based on the dataset 11 February - 11 May 2021 Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar Data, which is available on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX)..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Some 90 percent of Myanmar students refuse to attend school under coup regime, teachers say
Sub-title: More than half of all teachers are on strike and just 10 percent of students have signed up to start the school year, according to the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation
Description: "Two days into the school registration process, some 90 percent of students have refused to enroll in Myanmar’s education system under the coup regime, members of the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation (MTF) have said. Although the military council opened registration on Monday, only 10 percent of students nationwide have enrolled in their respective schools, according to MTF. Myanmar had more than 9 million students enrolled in its basic education system during the 2019-2020 school year, according to the Ministry of Education under the ousted National League for Democracy government Current figures suggest that less than 1 million are re-joining their schools this year when they open on June 1. Locals nationwide have protested the reopening of schools—the sites of occupation by junta troops and battles with local resistance—spray painting anti-coup messages on gates and buildings. Parents have declared that they do not want their children indoctrinated into a “military slave education.” Likely in response to this protest movement, some 30 policemen and regime troops have been standing guard outside the only high school in Kyike Htaw village in Yangon’s Kawhmu Township during the registration process. They have also been escorting teachers to the school, according to a local resident who requested anonymity. In the afternoon, the local said, military-appointed ward administrators and members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party took over the duties from the police and soldiers. Just 12 students enrolled at the high school in two days, according to sources close to the school. In the cities of Mandalay, Monywa, and Yangon there are schools that have had no students register to attend, MTF reported. Yet junta-run newspapers have recently published photos of crowds of people taking part in the registration process. Netizens have cried foul, pointing out that the pictures were taken prior to the 2019 school year and not indicative of the current level of participation. Myanmar Now has been unable to independently verify these claims. ‘They are trying to threaten us’ A teacher and MTF member who is on strike in accordance with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), told Myanmar Now that this was not an appropriate time for students to return to school. “If schools open now, we won’t be able to teach anything meaningfully. Children won’t feel safe. Education isn’t just about teaching information—it is about cultivating humanity. This needs to happen in an environment that is warm and secure,” the teacher said. More than half of the 400,000 teachers in Myanmar’s education system are estimated to be participating in the CDM. With more than 130,000 of the striking teachers formally suspended by the regime, the military authorities have been advertising open teaching positions in junta-controlled newspapers as the school opening date nears. “Even before the coup, there weren’t enough teachers to meet the needs of the number of students that they had. Suspending the teachers and bringing charges against them will create even bigger operational challenges for the regime itself,” the same teacher told Myanmar Now. More than 100 striking teachers have been charged with incitement for violating Section 505a of the Penal Code, an MTF member said. Conviction carries a three-year prison sentence. Soe Thura Kyaw, a teacher from Yangon’s Taikkyi Township, is among those charged under 505a for leading a protest in Yangon and joining the CDM. He told Myanmar Now that the junta has offered to drop the charge against him if he returns to work. “They are afraid of the resistance. They are trying to threaten us into teaching again,” Soe Thura Kyaw, who is also a member of the protest committee for education staff, said. He added that he is committed to the strike, and bringing down the military dictatorship. A 28-year-old man in Yangon Region’s Kyike Htaw village said his younger brother, who was due to start fifth grade, would not be going to school this year. The family is waiting for the anti-coup National Unity Government (NUG) to release its interim education program. At the time of reporting, the NUG had publicly stated plans to teach online, but further details were not yet known. “We don’t accept the military dictatorship, and we reject their education,” the Kyike Htaw local said. “We will send our brother back to school once the people have won.” ..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Survivors of junta brutality remain defiant as they struggle to rebuild their lives
Sub-title: Even after suffering life-changing injuries, many protesters are determined to keep up the fight against military rule
Description: "Thura was trying to recover the body of a friend who had been shot in the head when he, too, came under fire from regime forces during a protest in Yangon’s North Okkalapa Township on March 3. The 23-year-old had been a regular participant in protests at North Okkalapa’s Kanthaya Park, but on the day he was shot, a crackdown dispersed the crowd that had gathered there. Rather than simply give up and go home, however, he and some friends decided to march to another protest site at the township’s Circular Junction. They went because they wanted to support students who had come under attack at the junction. They knew that they were walking into an extremely dangerous situation, but somehow it no longer seemed to matter. When his friend was shot and killed, he became even more reckless, he recalled. “In the past, I didn’t think I would ever dare go into an area where bullets were flying. I was just too scared. But the crackdown made my blood boil, so I wasn’t afraid anymore. I just wanted to get my friend's body and return it to his family,” he told Myanmar Now. On a day that saw a total of 38 civilians killed by the regime around the country, North Okkalapa alone accounted for 10 of them. But a far greater number were injured, many of them seriously. Thura was one of 79 who were wounded in the township on the day that he permanently lost his eyesight. A bullet fired by a soldier from the military’s notorious Light Infantry Division 77 took out his left eye, but blinded him in the right as well. His first thought, he said, was how the news would affect his mother, who suffers from heart disease. “I was afraid that my mom would be very sad,” he said.....‘Ready to do anything’: Thura, who dropped out of school after completing the eighth grade to help support his family, lives in a household of eight people. Their home is in North Dagon Myothit, one of the “new townships” created by the former regime a year after it seized power in 1988. Since he was shot, he has been receiving treatment for his injuries at home. To help him pass the time, family members read the news to him so that he can follow the progress of the movement against the current junta. Despite losing his vision, he said that he would willingly do anything he could to bring down the regime. As a “defence-line protester”, Thura was armed with no more than a makeshift shield that he used to slow down rampaging soldiers so that fellow protesters could escape. Now, however, he is prepared to go to extremes to fight back. “Do I have to strap explosives to my body and blow myself up in a crowd of soldiers? If I can, I will. If there is anything I can do, I’m ready to do it,” he said. Like many others who have fallen victim to the regime’s ruthless efforts to terrorize the public into submission, however, Thura’s immediate concerns are more personal. He is still worried about his bedridden mother, from whom he has managed to hide his own condition. “I don't want to make her heart disease worse,” he said, explaining why he hasn’t let his mother know what happened to him. He also acknowledged that his situation has added to his family’s hardships at a time when the collapse of the economy since the coup has put enormous pressure on the poor. But even the loss of one of the family’s breadwinners has done little to dampen their conviction that no sacrifice is too great to resist the junta’s rule. “Despite this incident, no one in my family has spoken a word of regret,” he said.....Fighting for the future: A week after Thura lost his eyesight in North Okkalapa, 24-year-old San Lin was shot while protesting in South Dagon. Two days later, after being admitted to Mingaladon Military Hospital, he lost half of his left leg. He spent 10 days in the hospital, and was due to return again five days later to have the dressing on his wound changed when the regime’s forces went on a killing spree. His appointment was on March 27—a day marked by the military as Armed Forces Day, but by the rest of the country as Anti-Fascist Resistance Day. It was the worst day of killing since the coup. Over 100 civilians were murdered on that day alone, and countless others were wounded. San Lin said he felt he had to fight for the sake of his three-year-old son’s future. “We received a poor education when the military was in power before. I don’t want my son to have a similar fate,” he said. He said he believed that the Spring Revolution, as the anti-coup uprising has been called, would eventually succeed, but it would take time. “Our movement must win. We will fight until we win,” he said. As for his own role, he said that even if he can no long join his fellow protesters on the front lines, he will still find a way to support their efforts. “I will continue participating in this movement in any way I can. In the beginning, I was a frontline protester. I can’t be on the front line anymore, but I will stay in the movement,” he said. While his son’s future remains his primary motivation for continuing with the struggle, he said he now also feels an obligation to honour those who have made the ultimate sacrifice. “If we fight until we win, our brothers and sisters who gave their lives will be content in the afterlife. All people who are fighting for democracy at this time are brothers and sisters,” he said.....‘We will win!’: The first reaction most people have when they learn that a family member has survived a deadly crackdown is relief, according to doctor in Mandalay who has treated many such patients. But when they learn that their loved ones will never be the same after suffering often grisly injuries at the hands of soldiers armed with high-powered weapons, they realize that their suffering has just begun. “They just have to accept that whatever the patient’s condition, they can still see them alive and live together with them,” said the doctor. “It’s a sad thing,” he continued, noting that many of the victims are low-paid casual workers who struggled to make ends meet even when they were healthy. “In the future, there should be long-term projects established to support people with such disabilities,” he added. This is the grim reality that now faces thousands of people around the country who may never fully recover from injuries inflicted on them by the ruling junta. According to those who work to assist these victims of the regime’s assaults on unarmed civilians, many are unwilling to speak about their injuries to others. Myanmar Now spoke to one young man who was shot in Mandalay, but he said he was not ready to talk about his injuries, which have left him without the use of his limbs. One of the most notorious incidents was the shooting of Hlyan Phyo Aung, a 22-year-old civil-engineering student from Magway. In a particularly sadistic attack, soldiers shot both of his hands at close range, completely severing the right hand and leaving the left severely damaged. He was saved by fellow protesters, but not before the soldiers shot him repeatedly in both legs, leaving him with injuries that could require amputation. That attack took place on March 27, the day that the regime unleashed an orgy of violence on the country that put its utter contempt for human life on full display. The following day, near the Thiri Myaing railway station in Yangon’s Hlaing Township, another young protester also lost his hand after he tried to throw a hand grenade that had been lobbed at a group of protesters away from them. In a scene that was captured on video and widely shared on social media, the man is then seen getting into a cycle-rickshaw as blood dripped from his handless wrist. At that moment, he shouted the words that continue to sustain many others like him: “We will win!”..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-04-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Burma's political prisoners need our support
Description: "The number of political prisoners in Burma is growing every day since the military staged a coup on 1 February. The latest figure is over 4,250 in detention, and more than 5,000 arrested in total, but this does not include some people who have been arrested or simply disappeared in very remote ethnic areas of Burma. The military is not only carrying out the targeted arrest of individuals who they might consider a “risk”, but they are also conducting random mass arrests of civilians as a means of trying to instil fear and crush dissent. You don’t need to be a peaceful protester to face arrest or intimidation. You can be a shopkeeper, bystander, a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) supporter, a social influencer or just an ordinary citizen. It’s heart-breaking to see the reports of detainees being tortured and killed in custody. There are also reports of family members getting arrested when the military can’t find the family member they want to arrest. Despite ongoing violence and mass arrests, people continue to protest and speak out against the military junta every day. Doctors, teachers, nurses and many others who are involved in the CDM are under increased pressure to go back to work or face arrest. The military issued warrants and revoked licences for many doctors and nurses for taking part in the CDM. After their release, they will have a criminal record, which makes it almost impossible to go back to their jobs or find new jobs. Many university students should be pursuing their dreams, but instead, they are being thrown into jail for protesting. It’s unlikely they will be able to go back to their studies after prison. For many decades, criminal records for political prisoners have been used as a form of repression by the junta to ostracise activists and to discourage people from speaking out. Having a criminal record can impact them and their families for the rest of their lives, often meaning struggling to survive and living in poverty. In February, the military revised Burma’s Penal Code to target and arrest anyone who speaks out against the coup. The Code of Criminal Procedure was also amended so they can arrest people without warrants and deny bail. Every day, groups of people are being charged under the new 505-A law. Its broad language – “cause fear, spread false news, agitate directly or indirectly criminal offence against a government employee” makes it possible for anyone to be arrested. Punishment for violation of 505-A is up to 3 years in prison. Additionally, we still don’t know the location of many political prisoners and many of them still haven’t been charged. My father was arrested in the early hours on 1 February, and we found out that he was charged and detained in Insein prison only two months after his arrest. In the midst of everything, we are “lucky” to know where he is but many families still don’t have that reassurance. The military is also filing politically motivated charges against activists and civilians to make sure that they can keep them in prison. Armed soldiers forcibly arrested U Ko Htwe in Namhsan on 11 February and later charged him with violating “Covid safety regulations”. The irony is that soldiers themselves violated covid regulations by showing up in a group to arrest U Ko Htwe. U Ko Htwe’s crime is being an ordinary citizen who happens to support the National League for Democracy (NLD). Currently, trials are being held inside prison out of public view and families cannot attend. Some are allowed to have lawyers but it’s hard to know how many are on trial without legal counsel. Trials in Burma are just formalities and almost all of them would certainly be sentenced under politically motivated charges. Burma’s prisons are known for being unhygienic and not providing adequate food or healthcare. Now prisons are overcrowded as arrests continue. Some have been arrested with injuries and some need regular healthcare for their underlying health issues such as hypertension, diabetes, or cancer, so it is an increasingly worrying situation for families. Families also have to provide food, medicines and other essentials regularly, which puts a financial toll on them. Not all families can afford to send food regularly so many political prisoners have to survive on watery soup, bad rice and fish paste. There is a lovely tradition among political prisoners of sharing the little amount of food they received from families with each other, but it’s still not enough to provide them with essential nutrition in the long run. Families of political prisoners are unsung heroes who give unrelenting support in the background. They take on numerous roles as self-made counsellors, motivators, cooks, friends and they don’t often get the credit that they deserve. At the moment, family visits are not allowed. Even when families can visit, it would be a 15-30 minute monitored visit every month where you can’t talk openly or even embrace each other. Despite those restrictions, such moments are precious to see our loved ones and be assured that they are in good health. For both activists and families, it is very emotionally taxing to go through years of hardship and struggle. Some families became estranged from each other and most former political prisoners need to readjust to their lives outside prison. They need help financially to restart their lives and mental health support after going through torture and imprisonment. But under dictatorships and successive governments, none of the former political prisoners have received an apology or compensation for being unlawfully arrested. When an individual is unlawfully arrested in Burma, there is a huge socio-economic impact on both a political prisoner and family members. Activists know they will face arrest, lifelong trauma and uncertainty when they stand up for freedom and federal democracy, but Burma has countless heroes. When we rid our country of the military, which we will, political prisoners and their families must not be forgotten as they were for the past ten years. We all have a special obligation for them and their sacrifices. The new democratic government must ensure their criminal records are removed, and provide a special package of support for former prisoners and their families. They will need extra healthcare because of torture and malnutrition. They will need financial support, housing and, as so many students have lost their chance for education, free university education. When we win our freedom, we will owe political prisoners a great debt for their sacrifice, and it’s a debt we must make sure we pay..."
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Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 25 May, (827) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Bago Township in Bago Region, Myo Thit Township in Magway Region and Kale Town in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 25 May, a total of (4313) people are currently under detention; of them (102) are sentenced. 1861 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. At least 75 civilians have been killed by this terrorist junta in a month since the 24 April ASEAN leaders meeting. ASEAN intervention has not been effective at stopping the killings of civilians by this junta even with international governments, including the UN, observing the ASEAN dialogue. A family was informed this morning to collect their loved ones’ dead body from “Seit Htar Marn Tai Motorcycle Repair Shop” in Kale Town in Sagaing Region, the man had been arrested yesterday afternoon. His body was found with bruises all over the back, and stab wounds to his hands. In addition to this, Mae Gyi (a.k.a Soe Moe Hlaing), a former member of All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) and former political prisoner, was arrested on May 22 at Zaung Tu in Phayar Gyi Town in Bago Region, he was killed yesterday evening from brutal torture in interrogaiton. On the night of 23 May, a man from South Phayar Ngar Su Kan Gyi Village was shot dead while driving through Taungdwingyi to return home after work. On May 24, Kay Jar Naw, NLD member of Tanai Township in Kachin State, Danny Fenster, Frontier’s managing editor, and a lawyer representing Nay Pyi Taw Council Chairman Myo Aung, called Thein Hlaing Tun, were arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.07 MB 3.87 MB 951.33 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 24 May, (824) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. These (6) fallen heroes from Htantabin Township in Bago Region, Kani Township in Sagaing Region, Myo Thit Township in Magway Region, North Dagon Township in Yangon Region, Pekon Township in Southern Shan State and Kayah State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 24 May, a total of (4301) people are currently under detention; of them (96) are sentenced. 1841 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 23 May, a man from Myaung Kone Village in Kani Township, Sagaing Region was shot dead in the head. Last night, a villager from Kone Thar Village in Kayah State was killed, he was shot in the stomach while he was driving a motorbike, the motorbike hit the lamp-post, and broke his leg. Junta forces opened fire yesterday evening when they raided the football ground in North Dagon Township, Yangon Region, a youth was shot when he climbed on the wall to run away and fell on the ground. He was arrested with a forehead and gunshot injury, and later died. Yesterday, a clash between the People’s Defense Force (PDF) and junta troops led to a PDF member shot in the thigh and died due to excessive bleeding. On the night of 22 May, a man, who was shot and arrested with injuries in an ‘unprovoked’ shooting by terrorist troops into wards at Htantabin Township in Bago Region. His family was later informed he had died. A private boarding school principal from Myo Thit Township in Magway Region with preexisting health conditions, died from being forced to sit in a stress position (called “Pon Zan”) after he appeared before the court in Magway Prison on May 21. Freelance reporter Super (a.k.a Kyaw Zin Win) was arrested at gunpoint this afternoon in Mandalay City. Last night, both parents and a younger brother were detained as hostages when the junta did not find a CDM striking worker from the fire department in Thegon Town in Bago Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.07 MB 3.85 MB 951.59 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 23 May, (818) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Monywa Township in Sagaing Region and Demoso Township in Kayah State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 23 May, a total of (4296) people are currently under detention; of them (95) are sentenced. 1822 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Yesterday morning, Two youths were shot dead by junta forces in Demoso Township, Kayah State while bringing food for people who fled from the town. The bodies of the two were reportedly taken away by the military regime. Last night, a youth was beaten and arrested at his home in relation to the bomb blast which occurred in front of the Inn Ma Town Hospital at Thegon Township in Bago Region. In the morning of 22 May at Mingaladon Township in Yangon Region, a 16-year old girl was arrested while she was sticking anti-school attendance leaflets. Even though this girl is only 16 years, the junta’s propaganda newspapers stated action will be taken against as she is 18 years old. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.06 MB 3.81 MB 940.05 KB
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Title: More than 125,000 Myanmar teachers suspended for opposing coup
Description: "More than 125,000 school teachers in Myanmar have been suspended by the military authorities for joining a civil disobedience movement to oppose the military coup in February, an official of the Myanmar Teachers' Federation said. The suspensions have come days before the start of a new school year, which some teachers and parents are boycotting as part of the campaign that has paralysed the country since the coup cut short a decade of democratic reforms. A total of 125,900 school teachers had been suspended as of Saturday, said the official of the teachers' federation, who declined to give his name for fear of reprisals. He is already on the junta's wanted list on charges of inciting disaffection. Myanmar had 430,000 school teachers according to the most recent data, from two years ago. "These are just statements to threaten people to come back to work. If they actually fire this many people, the whole system will stop," said the official, who is also a teacher. He said he had been told that the charges he faces would be dropped if he returns. Reuters was unable to reach a junta spokesman or the education ministry for comment. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper has called on teachers and students to return to schools to get the education system started again. The disruption at schools echoes that in the health sector and across government and private business since the Southeast Asian country was plunged into chaos by the coup and the arrest of elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Around 19,500 university staff have also been suspended, according to the teachers' group.....PARENTS KEEP CHILDREN HOME: Registrations begin next week for the school term that starts in June, but some parents said they also plan to keep their children out of school. "I am not going to enrol my daughter because I don't want to give her education from military dictatorship. I also worry about her safety," said 42-year-old Myint, whose daughter is 14. Students, who have been at the forefront of daily protests at which hundreds of people have been killed by security forces, also said they planned to boycott classes. "I will only go back to school if we get back democracy," said Lwin, 18. Myanmar's education system was already one of the poorest in the region - and ranked 92 of 93 countries in a global survey last year. Even under the leadership of Suu Kyi, who had championed education, spending was below 2% of gross domestic product. That was one of the lowest rates in the world, according to World Bank figures. A National Unity Government, set up underground by opponents of the junta, said it would do all it could to support the teachers and students itself - calling on foreign donors to stop funding the junta-controlled education ministry. "We will work with Myanmar's educators who are refusing to support the cruel military," Sasa, who goes by one name and is a spokesman for the national unity government, said in an email to Reuters. "These great teachers and brave teachers will never be left behind."..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 22 May, (815) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Mindat Township in Chin State and Lanmadaw Township in Yangon Region were killed the previous days and have been documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 22, a total of (4271) people are currently under detention; of them (95) are sentenced. 1802 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Yesterday afternoon, a clash occurred between the military and Chinland Defense Force (CDF-Mindat) at Bue Kunn Village in Mindat Township Chin State. It is reported that a member of the CDF-Mindat died during this clash. A civil servant, who was involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) was shot to death on May 20, in Mindat Town, Chin State. A man, who was arrested whilst he was voluntarily guarding his ward for security, and who was facing trial inside prison, also died on May 19, from insufficient medical care for his diabetes. In the early morning of May 22, Soe Myint Htein, NLD Secretary of Yangon Region, was arrested at home in Hlegu Township, Yangon Region where he was evading arrest. His wife and another man were also arrested along with him. His wife and the man were released, however Soe Myint Htein remains under detention. Last night, in South Dagon Township in Yangon Region, a final year medical student and a final year college student from the Myanmar Mercantile Marine College were arrested by an excessive number of junta troops. Early yesterday morning, two children, a 15 year old and a 17 years old, living in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, were arrested and charged under Section 505(a)(c) of the Penal Code. On the night of May 20, a third year university student majoring in Botany at Dagon University was arrested at a house in Mayangone Township in Yangon by junta forces in military vehicles. Neighbours reported that this student was severely beaten. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.05 MB 3.88 MB 933.86 KB
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Title: Opinion: The generals in Myanmar are waging war on doctors and nurses
Description: "Leonard Rubenstein is a professor of practice at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and author of the forthcoming book “Perilous Medicine: The Struggle to Protect Health Care from the Violence of War.” Sandra Mon, a Myanmar national, is a senior epidemiology researcher at the Center for Public Health and Human Rights at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. The Feb. 1 military coup in Myanmar triggered a wave of popular protest that has yet to abate. Since then, security forces have reportedly killed more than 800 demonstrators. Yet even amid the slaughter, one particular cruelty of the junta stands out: its deliberate targeting of health-care workers. On Feb. 27, the military launched its first violent attack against health care, dispersing peacefully protesting nurses and doctors with live rounds and smoke grenades. By early April it had committed more than 100 attacks on health-care transport, facilities, and personnel, killing at least 10. Soon thereafter, the military began charging medical staff with “attempts to deteriorate peace and stability of the State.” According to our research, the authorities have so far issued arrest warrants for more than 500 health-care workers. The junta’s attacks on health care have a perverse logic. Mere days into the coup, Myanmar’s health professionals, still in the throes of the country’s covid-19 response, launched a nationwide strike to protest the coup, galvanizing the pro-democracy civil disobedience movement. For that, the authorities have designated them enemies of the state. In April, a junta spokesperson absurdly accused protesting medics of committing genocide. Regime violence has extended beyond doctors and nurses who are pro-democracy activists. Since March, the military has occupied at least 36 hospitals across the country. Security forces have attacked and hijacked ambulances, directed private facilities not to treat wounded demonstrators, obstructed medics from reaching protest areas and looted medical equipment from organizations offering emergency care. In one harrowing account, a doctor in Mandalay told one of us that on May 1, security forces raided a local clandestine clinic, then severely beat and detained rescue workers nearby. The brutal assaults on health care in Myanmar have parallels elsewhere. The regime of Syria’s Bashar al-Assad has assaulted health care as a strategy of war. In Turkey, doctors have been harassed and punished for reporting the torture of prisoners. In many countries, new laws criminalize providing health care to alleged terrorists. In Myanmar, the recent assaults continue a long-established military strategy of denying health care to communities that challenge the junta and punishing the doctors and nurses who seek to offer it. Ten years ago, one of us conducted research on access to health care during a lengthy war waged by the regime against ethnic groups seeking autonomy. The military junta at the time deemed these communities to be enemies and forbade international humanitarian organizations from operating among them. Soldiers burned clinics, stole supplies and medicines, and arrested, kidnapped and murdered medical staff. One medic recalled, “Because we are health workers for our people, if [the soldiers] know this, they will kill us.” To offer basic services such as delivering babies and teaching malaria prevention, doctors had to travel furtively through the jungle to avoid encounters with security forces. The military’s cruelty against people with medical needs and their caregivers, then as now, breached fundamental protections of health care under international law that date back to the 1860s. The rules are straightforward: Wounded and sick people and their caregivers may not be attacked or denied care based on their affiliations, and no health provider may be punished for providing it. Five years ago this month, the U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution condemning the alarming violence against health care in conflict and calling on governments to take concrete actions to stop it and hold perpetrators to account. The violations in Myanmar are taking place in a country that, according to the World Bank, spends $60 a year per capita on health care, near the bottom of global rankings. The violence in recent months has interrupted essential services for HIV, tuberculosis, emergency obstetric care and chronic illnesses, in addition to protest-related injuries. Myanmar’s covid-19 vaccination program, the third to be launched in Southeast Asia, has stalled thanks to widespread distrust of the military-commandeered health ministry. Coupled with a quickly diminishing health workforce and the rapid emergence of new SARS-CoV-2 strains in the region, a surge in cases in Myanmar could destabilize health security even beyond its borders. The international community must act firmly to restore democratic governance in Myanmar. It must also end the military’s lack of accountability for crimes against health and humanity by prosecuting perpetrators. It should support aid to restore Myanmar civilians’ right to health care. The civilian National Unity Government (NUG), standing in opposition to the junta, is poised to respond to people’s most critical needs in health and beyond. Toward that end, international health mechanisms, such as the World Health Organization’s Covax program, should partner with the NUG to address the country’s most urgent medical needs. Those responsible for the assaults on health-care workers in Myanmar, as elsewhere, have long enjoyed impunity. This cannot be allowed to continue. The world must take a stand.
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Washington Post" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 21 May, (812) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. (1) from Falam Township in Chin State died on 21 May. (1) from Thabeikkyin Township in Mandalay Region was killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 21 May, a total of (4258) people are currently under detention; of them (94) are sentenced. 1782 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Since the military coup, civilians have lost their freedom, just going around their communities is a life-threatening situation. On the night of 19 May, Chaung Gyi village, Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region, a young man was killed after the junta chased, arrested, beat him in the face and shot him in the abdomen. Shooting, killing detainees are clearly barbaric. When the coup fails, perpetrators will have to pay for each and every one of their crimes. In Chin State, fighting continues between the Chin National Defense Force (CNDF) and the junta. As reported this morning, a member of the CDF-Falam was killed in a clash. The weapons and forces of both sides are not equal, still, people are defending themselves against terrorism. If they don’t, atrocities will only deteriorate. For this reason civilians are defending with anything they can use as a weapon, to attain freedom for their regions. That is why the terrorist group is increasingly hostile and threatening in different ways in Chin State. Beginning today in Mindat Township, the junta cut off water, electricity and telephone lines. The junta is attacking locals like a military operation, cutting aid to people in Mindat to make the locals weaker and unable to regroup, and resist. Resistance against the junta is accelerating, the People’s Defense Forces (PDF) retaliated against shooting by the terrorists at Daw Ngan Khar Ward, Demoso Township, Kayah State this morning. RPG and bombs were used by the junta group to fire at locals during the fight. As a result, some civilians, who live in the city, have been fleeing. It is a worrying situation because the junta troops might plan an offensive attack on Demoso Township like they did in Mindat Township. The junta group fires heavy artillery, mortar shells and bombs into residential areas, they violate international law – this is but one action of theirs which demonstrates their illegitimate terrorist status. On 21 May, at the Daw Ngan Khar intersection, Demoso Township, it is reported that two men on a motorbike were told to stop, when they drove away one was shot and killed. AAPP is monitoring this event for further information. In a separate incident, a highway bus driver was also reportedly shot in the arm and injured. In fact they are committing crimes, including shooting and killing. The junta group commits shooting, killing, and other rights abuses on a daily basis. This is because there is no effective deterrence. The junta group is now making a series of arrests against activists. Today, around noon, two Kachin youth activists including Seng Nu Pan and Lun Zung were arrested. Two other youths who were in the car with them were also detained. The junta troops shot and crashed into them with a vehicle before arresting them. Their inhumanity is evident. Terrorists use brutal ways to capture civilians who oppose them. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.05 MB 3.77 MB 930.39 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 20 May, (810) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Tedim Township in Chin State, Pandaung Township in Bago Region and Taungdwingyi Township in Magway Region were killed the previous days and have been documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 20, a total of (4212) people are currently under detention; of them (94) are sentenced. 1762 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. The junta is shooting and killing civilians every day. Yesterday, in Lay village, Okshitpin Town, Pantaung Township in Bago Region, a motorcycle mechanic was killed, and another man was shot and left wounded. The junta terrorists are now mainly targeting and murdering civilians in remote areas and in the ethnic regions. Demonstrations in urban areas were also cracked down on in inhumane ways and junta forces continued a series of arrests upon civilians. This violence came alongside their heavily repressive military operations in rural areas. The junta have been committing acts of vandalism and violence. These push the country further into a state of instability. Bombing in Tedim Township, Chin State yesterday evening resulted in the death of a 10-year-old child. The 10-year old child was critically injured in the explosion, then prevented from accessing medical assistance fast enough. The bombing also caused injury to two other children, aged 6 and 10. This junta regime violates the rights of all civilians, even those who are most vulnerable, such as children and the elderly. They oppress people without any regard for the sanctity of life, using any means, in order to maintain their power. Since the coup, Bumrese civilians have faced constant insecurity and have lost assurance of their basic rights. Yesterday, in Taungdwingyi Township, Magway Region, a former village administrator, who worked under the NLD government of Sithar Gyi, and five other villagers were arrested, beaten and interrogated by junta forces. The village administrator was left dead, and the other five civilians sustained serious injuries. Previous dictatorships in Burma systematically and methodologically used torture against civilians to punish resistance and enforce confessions. Since the coup, the junta’s violence against civilians has worsened, they now treat everyone as their enemy. Amongst the regions that are fighting back against the junta, Chin State is the one which is most targeted by these terrorists. Chin state has faced heavy attacks and severe repression by the junta. In Kanpetlet town, junta troops camped out at school and police station, forcing almost the entire town to flee. Junta troops raided Loklung village, close to Hakha Town, again forcing the entire village to flee. These civilians remain on the run. Cases of the junta taking family members of wanted individuals as hostages are becoming more frequent. Their widespread method of taking hostages has reached an extremely concerning stage. Last night, a wanted activist from Seikkan village in Paungde Township, Bago Region could not be found by junta forces, so they instead arrested his wife, child and stepmother. A similar case occurred in Phang Fa Village, Chaungzon Township, in Mon State on the night of May 16. A wanted man could not be found, so the junta instead arrested his father. Such arrests are clearly unlawful. This is yet another example of Burmese civilians being left unprotected, the junta use laws however they want please. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.05 MB 3.85 MB 931.47 KB
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Title: Myanmar activists say more than 800 killed by security forces since coup
Description: "More than 800 people have been killed by Myanmar’s security forces since a wave of protests broke out across the country after the military seized power in a coup in February, an activist group said. Myanmar has been in turmoil since the army ousted Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government and detained her and officials of her National League for Democracy party. The military has responded to protests by pro-democracy supporters in cities and towns with lethal force, while there has been an upsurge in fighting between the army and ethnic rebels in border areas and newly formed militia forces. As of Monday, 802 people had been killed in the junta's crackdown on its opponents, according to the activist group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. "This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher," the group said in its daily briefing. It detailed six additional fatalities including in towns in Chin state and in districts of the main cities of Mandalay and Yangon. Reuters could not independently verify the casualties and a military spokesman did not answer a phone call seeking comment. The junta has previously disputed the number of civilians that have died and said dozens of members of the security forces had also been killed during the protests. The activist group said 4,120 people were currently being detained, including 20 who had been sentenced to death. RESIDENTS FLEE Some of the most intense fighting since the Feb. 1 coup has emerged in recent days in Mindat, about 100 km (60 miles) from the Indian border in Chin state as the army battles local militias. Thousands of residents in the hill town in northwest Myanmar were hiding in jungles, villages and valleys on Monday after fleeing an assault by the military, witnesses said. Martial law was declared in Mindat last week before the army launched its assault, using artillery and helicopters against a newly formed Chinland Defence Force. The militia, armed mainly with hunting rifles, said it had pulled back to spare civilians from being caught in the crossfire. Several residents reached by Reuters said food was in short supply and estimated as many as 5,000 to 8,000 people had fled the town. Roads were blocked and the presence of troops in the streets was preventing their return. "Almost everyone left the city," said a volunteer fighter who said she was in a jungle. "Most of them are in hiding." The United States and Britain have called on the army to avoid civilian casualties and a shadow National Unity Government formed by loyalists of Suu Kyi appealed for international help. A U.N. General Assembly vote on Tuesday on a draft resolution calling "for an immediate suspension of the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and munitions" to Myanmar has been postponed, diplomats said. It was not immediately known when a vote would be rescheduled. Some diplomats said it had been delayed in a bid to win more support. The draft resolution calls on the Myanmar military to end a state of emergency, stop all violence against peaceful protesters and respect the will of the people as expressed in the results of November's election..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.13/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၁၃/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၁၃/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ (၂၁) ရက် ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ Non-CDM များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အသိပေးကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education & Ministry of Health
Date of publication: 2021-05-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: How the coup has complicated Myanmar’s Covid-19 response
Topic: Military Coup, Covid - 19, Civil Disobedience Movement,
Sub-title: As efforts to vaccinate the public fall dangerously far behind, most focus on fighting a different scourge
Topic: Military Coup, Covid - 19, Civil Disobedience Movement,
Description: "U Maung had hoped to be vaccinated before Thingyan, the traditional Myanmar New Year’s festival in mid-April. A month later, however, the 69-year-old resident of Myingyan in Mandalay Region still hasn’t received the Covid-19 vaccine that the government started making available in late January. The reason is that Myanmar no longer has a government. Instead, it is ruled by a dictatorship that has dedicated most of its energy since seizing power on February 1 to crushing anti-coup protests. The vaccine rollout hasn’t ground to a complete halt, but it has been thrown into disarray, leaving millions exposed to the impact of a power struggle that pits the military against the majority of the country’s population. For his part, U Maung has decided to take his chances with a virus that has killed millions of people globally over the past year, rather than submit to the ministrations of a regime that has murdered hundreds of civilians in the past three months. “I have no desire whatsoever to get vaccinated if they’re the ones administering it. I don’t trust them at all,” he said, echoing a sentiment expressed by many around the country.....Fighting on two fronts: A nationwide vaccination program was just getting underway when the junta upended it by overthrowing the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government. The NLD program, which aimed to cut the infection rate in a country that ranked fourth in Southeast Asia for the number of confirmed cases per capita, relied on the India-produced Covishield vaccine to protect the most vulnerable. Starting with 1.5 million doses gifted by India, the NLD government had also ordered another 30 million doses as part of an ambitious program to control the spread of the virus. Among the first to receive the vaccine were healthcare workers, public servants, and members of parliament. Vaccinations for the general public were due to begin by the first week of February. But before that could happen, the NLD government was ousted, and the nation faced a new crisis in the form of a return to military rule. After nearly a year on the frontlines of the battle against Covid-19, healthcare workers soon found themselves at the forefront of a very different struggle. Within days of the coup, medical professionals launched the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the newly formed junta. To counter the regime’s efforts to consolidate its control over the state, they abandoned their jobs at public hospitals and began offering their services through charity and private clinics. They were later joined by tens of thousands of other civil servants. According to the website CDM2021.org, there are over 200,000 public employees taking part in the CDM, of whom more than 17,000 are healthcare workers. But the loss of much of its medical workforce didn’t prevent the regime from resuming the vaccination program, which has become a key part of its bid to bolster its claims to legitimacy. However, its efforts to date have done little to inspire confidence. Observers have noted that propaganda images of people being vaccinated betray a slipshod approach that suggests a lack of proper training. “From the way they hold two or three needles at a time, instead of taking them out one by one, to the way they have the same person both filling the syringes and giving the shot, there are just so many things wrong with how they’re handling this,” said Khine Khine, a nurse from Mandalay. Specially trained to take part in the mass vaccination program, Khine Khine was forced to choose between fighting the virus and resisting the regime. In February she left her job because she decided the junta represented the greater threat.....A politicized pandemic response: More than three months after the coup, Myanmar has fallen dangerously far behind in its efforts to combat Covid-19. Instead of receiving 30 million doses of the Covishield vaccine, it has acquired just 3.5 million. Meanwhile, according to the junta’s own figures, as of April 21, just 1.54 million people had received their first shot, while only 340,000 had returned for their second dose after the prescribed four-week interval. Most of those who are at least partly inoculated belong to the first cohort vaccinated in January. Ironically, that means that CDM workers and MPs in detention or on the run are among the tiny handful of people in the country with some degree of protection from Covid-19. But it is this same group that is now among the least likely to become fully vaccinated. The vaccination program has become so highly politicized since the coup that rejecting it is seen by many as a way of defying the regime—which has, in turn, weaponized it against its opponents. Dr Thiha Kyaw, a doctor from Yangon who has joined the CDM, made no secret of his contempt for the generals who are now running the program. “It’s just a way to defy and oppose those rebels,” he said of his decision to refuse a second shot. “I don’t want to support what they’re doing. I’m being faithful to my country and my people.” But while this attitude may seem incompatible with his better judgment as a doctor, it also reflects the fact that the junta has made a point of making access to the vaccine contingent on acceptance of its rule. In Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, only public servants who have not joined the CDM are eligible to receive the vaccine, according to a local source who spoke to Myanmar Now. The source, who is close to healthcare workers and teachers participating in the CDM, cited the example of two junior doctors from the city’s general hospital who were vaccinated in January and were later urged to quit the CDM so they could get a second shot. They refused and went into hiding when it became clear that they had come under scrutiny from senior officials. “The head of the hospital made an announcement that any staff who came back to work would be vaccinated as planned,” the source said, adding that the same offer was made to teachers who abandoned the CDM.....Plagued by distrust: Apart from those deliberately excluded from the vaccination program, there are many others who choose not to participate, either for political reasons or simply out of a lack of trust in the junta’s capacity to implement public-health measures. Political opposition to the regime reaches far beyond the ranks of CDM workers. Millions have come out around the country to demand the restoration of civilian rule, braving crackdowns that have so far killed more than 800 civilians. For many, then, the idea of giving the military an opportunity to portray itself as a saver of lives is difficult to stomach. This is why much of the country has shunned its vaccination efforts. There are also others, however, who take a more pragmatic view. Maung Shwe, a 58-year-old native of the Kayah State capital Loikaw who has received two shots, said that those who refuse to accept the vaccine from the military are “being extreme”. Noting that both the general hospital and the military hospital in Loikaw were offering the vaccine at the end of April, he insisted that he really didn’t care where it came from, as long as it worked. “Whether it’s from the military or the general hospital, you just have to get the vaccine. The military has it and the public hospital has it. They’re both very convenient. We should be grateful,” he said. This is, of course, exactly what the junta wants to hear. In an article published by state-run media on May 10, the military said it had sent medical teams in response to “the requests of workers and locals in regions facing difficulty.” It added: “The locals were extremely grateful and satisfied with the healthcare they received.” The reality, however, is that many remain wary of the regime’s professed commitment to protecting the health of the country’s citizens. “It is a controversial issue among the public, regarding how much they trust the vaccines” provided by the junta, remarked one observer who has closely followed the vaccine rollout. One cause of concern is that the regime has started using vaccines sourced from China. In early May, it received a shipment of half a million doses of Vero Cell, a vaccine backed by the Chinese military. In a country where anti-Chinese sentiment runs strong, this was seen by some as further evidence of Beijing’s self-interested role in perpetuating the Myanmar military’s grip on power. More generally, however, there is a feeling that the regime can’t be trusted to store and distribute any vaccine properly without the cooperation of trained medical professionals. “I know the vaccines need to be kept in specific conditions. But most doctors are now involved in the CDM, so I’m concerned the vaccines won’t be handled appropriately,” said Phoe Htoo, a 70-year-old resident of Yinmabin in Sagaing who said he was unsure about getting the vaccine.....A clear and present danger: Perhaps the most compelling reason that most are lukewarm about receiving the vaccine is the inescapable fact that Myanmar is a nation under siege, where the invisible menace of the coronavirus is eclipsed by the threat of a military run amok. This fact was underlined on May 6, when regime soldiers shot and killed a woman who had just been vaccinated while she was sitting in a car parked in front of a Mandalay hospital. By comparison with such atrocities, which have become a regular feature of life under the current regime, Covid-19 seems like a relatively minor concern to many. “You can protect yourself from infection, and not every case results in death. But with this dictatorship, you’re not even safe in your own home. You’re not safe anywhere. It’s a constant mental torture,” said a 20-year-old man in Tamu, a town in Sagaing Region that has seen major clashes between locals and junta forces. U Maung, the Myingyan native who refused to get the vaccine despite being in a high-risk age group, expressed the difference even more starkly. “If the dictatorship falls, the lives of all 50 million people in Myanmar will be better. Covid-19 won’t kill us all,” he said. Meanwhile, neighbouring India and Thailand, which have both seen surges in the number of new cases, serve as reminders that the pandemic is far from over. It is difficult to gauge the extent of the spread of the disease in Myanmar because testing has been reduced to just a tenth of what it was before the coup. More than 60% of the cases diagnosed before February were asymptomatic, so it is likely that the number of new cases reported by the regime—just a dozen or so per day since mid-April, based on an average of about a thousand tests a day—greatly understates the magnitude of the problem. So far, more than 140,000 have tested positive for Covid-19 since the start of the pandemic, of whom 3,212 have died, according to official figures. While a more accurate measure of the scale of the disaster may prove elusive, one thing is clear—that most would rather rely on their own vigilance than on the mismanaged efforts of a despised regime to protect them from harm. “It’s not a problem to not be vaccinated right now, for the country or its people. Just wear your masks and wash your hands often,” said Dr Thiha Kyaw..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Educators Resist Pressure From Junta to Reopen Universities, Schools
Topic: CDM, college, Coup, educators, grenades, junta, protesters, regime, resistance, Students, Teachers, University
Topic: CDM, college, Coup, educators, grenades, junta, protesters, regime, resistance, Students, Teachers, University
Description: "Myanmar’s striking educators and administrative staff are continuing their anti-regime action despite pressure from the regime to return to work and reopen universities and schools. The junta has recently targeted striking educators and administrative staff who refused to serve under military rule with arrests, warrants and suspensions from their jobs. Since the last week of April, the regime has been issuing arrest warrants against teachers and education staff who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) on charges of incitement. As of Tuesday, 220 teachers, including professors, headmasters and headmistresses, education officers and officials, have been put on the list. A number of teachers who went on the strike were recently arrested, charged or sentenced. Announcements of suspensions from their jobs were also issued. Regardless of the growing threats, many striking educators and staff carry on their resistance against the junta. Myanmar Teachers’ Federations said about 60 percent of the academics at universities and colleges resisted the junta’s reopening of campuses. The junta announced the reopening on May 5 of universities and colleges that had been closed for more than a year due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Those striking academics, more than 19,000 out of a total of 35,000 teachers in universities, colleges, have been suspended from their jobs for carrying on their strike against the regime. And in public schools for basic education, more than 100,000 teachers and education staff out of a total of 450,000 [that is around 27 percent] joined the CDM, according to an initial announcement by the Ministry of Education on April 23. Starting on May 7, the junta has issued suspension orders to striking teachers and education staff at public schools nationwide. Among those who have been suspended are custodial staff, security officers at schools, lab technicians, teachers, principals and officials under the basic education department of Ministry of Education. “The reopening of the schools is just to show the country is well under the control of the military rather than concern for disrupted education,” an official from the teachers’ federation, who asked to be anonymous, told The Irrawaddy. He said that though some CDM teachers relented and returned to work in fear of being arrested after the junta ramped up detention, many of them would carry on the strike until the military regime collapses. “We are determined to continue the fight until the fall of the dictatorship and return of a civilian government elected by the people,” said the official, who himself was recently suspended from one of Yangon universities. A teacher from Yangon Region who was recently suspended from her job said she is proud to stand against injustice even though it meant she had to give up of a job she adored. “I will only return to work under our elected civilian government,” she added. Facing a shortage of educators, the military regime is recruiting lecturers and is planning to give promotions to non-CDM professors to replace striking academics. In public schools, the regime is calling for daily wage teachers to substitute for teachers on strike. Meanwhile, the regime continues to pressure striking educators to give in. In some cases, the junta has arrested the relatives of teachers, holding them as hostages to force teachers to return to work. Students boycott against ‘military’s slave education’ It is not only teachers, but also students who are boycotting the “military’s slave education.” Student protesters said they won’t attend or enroll the classes under the regime whose forces have killed hundreds of youths including high school students and children. The teachers’ federation predicted about 80 to 90 percent of university students boycotted classes by refusing to attend or enroll. The junta also plans to open public schools on June 1, but many students have expressed that they don’t want education under the dictatorship. Parents have also expressed concern for the safety of their children due to the likelihood of violence amid the regime forces’ continuing brutal actions against civilians. Making matters worse, a number of schools across the country were set on fire or bombed with homemade grenades by unknown attackers. The regime claimed that school attacks were carried out by “rioters,” using its label for anti-regime protesters. The Irrawaddy can’t independently verify the junta’s claims. Despite the attacks on schools, the regime still insists it will open schools as scheduled on June 1. During a press conference last week, a regime spokesperson said the regime would provide enough security for schools but refused to reveal any details, citing security matters. Meanwhile risk of contracting COVID-19 is also another cause of concern as Myanmar still detects a dozen cases daily. The regime has said it would deliver facial masks and shields to students free of charge. A high school student said he and his friends wouldn’t return to school until the revolution prevails. “We will go to school only when Grandma Suu [State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who was put under detention at the time of the Feb. 1 coup] is released.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Coup in Myanmar/Burma: Collective Trauma and Resilience
Description: "I wrote the following piece after 3 March 2021, on which 38 people died from the crackdown. Now the protest is over 100 days, and 782 people (as of 10 May), including children, have been killed. Over 3,740 people are in detention. Ordinary people all over Burma are living on edge due to the random acts of violence by “security forces.” When I got up on 1 February, I heard about the coup in Burma, my country. I tried to identify an assortment of feelings: anger, despair, distress, sadness, hopelessness. None of them seemed to fit precisely what I felt. Since I am not in Burma, I rely on Facebook, the communication channel most Burmese use for information, to stay informed. With those unnamable feelings in my chest, I started checking Facebook almost hourly to catch up with the ongoing situation. When a 19-year-old girl died, the first death of the protest, I could finally name the assortment of emotions I was feeling – trauma. A few years ago, a former political prisoner told me the whole country was experiencing trauma because of the violent suppression of resistance over five decades. Her words now came back to me as I tried to understand the emotions running through me. We are re-experiencing the collective trauma of living under the grip of the military. Every day the violence against protesters escalates and reminds those of us who lived and grew up under the military regime and who witnessed many violent crackdowns since 1962, of “the dark times.” I was born two years after the coup in 1962. I remember talking with my friends about politics and rumours we heard from adults, when we were about ten years old. Had Ne Win died? How much we children and the adults around us wanted him to be gone, the former dictator. My overriding memories of growing up in Burma under the military dictatorship involve a sense of lacking – of lacking necessities, and above all lacking rights and freedom. Economic struggles, censorship, martial laws, fear of the military and people associated with them; these were a big part of our everyday life. In the backdrop, there were ongoing wars with various ethnic groups. I can still recall watching tanks drive through our township to suppress the student demonstrations in 1974. The next day, we heard many young people had been killed or arrested. The atmosphere was full of fear and suppression, and it was suffocating. Then in 1988, the military killed thousands of people during a massive popular uprising for democracy. My mother went into depression in 1988 at the loss of life she witnessed. This is etched deeply in my memory. History has shown us again and again that it is always the young people who fight back, and now like before, they can be killed, beaten, tortured, raped. Still, these young people go on and take the front line. Now in 2021, Burma is a different country, but it is still beset by endless political, social and economic problems. Despite these problems, people have some freedom and hope, and communication with the outside world. There is also the widespread use of social media, which we didn’t have access to in 1988. Hence today’s young people, Generation Z, live in a very different political, social, and economic context. However, like many generations before them, they are the ones who dare to start the fight back and sacrifice their lives. The pain, sadness, anger, and anxiety of the families of those young people killed and arrested are unfathomable. Many people are saying that the revolution is close to victory. I want to believe that the people will win in the end, but at this point, it is not easy to see how the whole debacle is going to unfold. How do you fight an institution that does not hesitate or express remorse about using any weapon available to kill their own people—who are simply asking for their rights to be respected? People, especially Generation Z, persist despite the violence. On 3 March, Burma mourned the death of Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old girl who got shot in the back of her head. The words on her T-shirt said “Everything will be OK.” She left a note asking for her organs to be donated if it were not possible to resuscitate her. I felt devastated at the death of Kyal Sin and other youths on 3 March. However, it was seeing an emotional video posted on Facebook by a young woman, and recognising her own trauma, that led me to write this piece. In the video, the young woman films herself narrating her experiences of helping protesters on the frontline. This first-hand account is a plea for others to understand the violence that protesters face every day. This young woman has been helping protestors to flee from police violence. She repeatedly saw young people being brutally beaten up by the police. She had been using her car to block the road to delay the police vehicles so that she could assist the protesters to safety. It had been getting more and more difficult for her to do this because fewer people were turning up for the protests. The increasing use of tear gas, stun grenades, and live bullets emptied some of the main streets, and it was easier for the police vehicles to get through quickly to attack the protesters. Sometimes the makeshift roadblocks put up to deter police forces or police cars from passing through accidentally blocked her from reaching protesters. Other times people taking videos of the protests ignored her request to let her car pass through. Not being able to get through to the people she intended to help, and seeing police beat up her colleagues brought her to breaking point that day. She repeatedly said, “They asked the kids (protestors) to put up their hands on the heads and then they relentlessly beat them on their backs.” This broke her heart more than anything else. This woman knows she might die helping them, but she puts herself at risk to rescue the core young protestors. She wants more people to participate in protests to fight against the military and shield the front-line protestors. Since 1 February, she has hardly slept and has only eaten one meal a day because she is too tired. For her, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is not helping unless everybody participates in the protests. Like most young people, her fear of losing out to the military is far greater than her fear of dying. Her emotional response on Facebook to those criticizing young protestors for confronting the police instead of having small protests near their places of residence, and her plea to people, gave me a glimpse of what young protestors are going through. There are good days and terrible days in the over-a-month-long ongoing protests. On good days, most protestors get away unscathed, inspired, hopeful, and with renewed aspirations. On terrible days, some get killed, wounded, arrested, but the people do not give up. Every day, they come out to protest the coup. They are determined to make sure the military goes down. That’s when you can see the best of Burmese people, their resilience. The younger generation fights with creativity, resilience, and humour that keeps them going even though they are putting their lives on the line. You can see messages or posts on Facebook that encourage unity, such as “we can have different opinions but we are not divided.” People set aside religious and ethnic tensions to fight the common enemy – the military, and, by doing so, they have more compassion and understanding of years of atrocity and violence directed at ethnic groups, including the Rohingya. I have learned from a good friend of mine, a survivor of violence, that post-traumatic growth and resilience emerge in the aftermath of violence. Dealing with trauma is not a walk in the park. There are good days and bad days. Bad days can take you to the edge, but resilience can bring you back to embracing life. Sometimes it comes from inside. And sometimes the help from outside is necessary to keep on going. More than ever, people in Burma need every possible form of assistance from the international community to continue their long struggle. The UN, ASEAN, China, Russia, India, Japan, and other countries need to take action. Every country can take action if they take their mind off trade, regional competition, and geopolitical influence. The Burmese people have shown their spirit and resilience in the face of the violent suppression by the military. Day by day, people in Burma realize they cannot depend on outside help, not even the UN. Regardless, they are determined to continue their revolt against the military. The protests have grown so large and spread across the country that they have become transformed into revolution. Even if the international community fails to help Burma, the “Early Summer Revolution” (named by the protestors) will go on. People of Burma have experienced collective trauma, but they have tremendous resilience, and the world needs to stand by them. The following is an English translation of a post by a poet that was shared on Facebook:[1] I am afraid of mornings. When he wakes up, he goes straight to the bathroom, has a shower, changes his clothes, picks up his bag, and gets ready to go out of the door. He doesn’t even notice the breakfast I prepared for him. I ask, Where are you going today? He used to tell me whether he was going to Hledan, Sule, Sanchaung, or Bargyar. Now he only says where the protest is. I warn him they are going to shoot today. He said they are shooting every day. Don’t spread that kind of talk. Instead of 100 people, only 50 will come to protest. Don’t make me afraid. It’s not the time for fear. Looking thin and sunburned, no gun, no bullet, just a backpack and the three fingers salute. He: Don’t keep calling me. He goes, and I go. I can exhale when everybody comes back home in the evening. Exhausting days since the coup. I have absolute empathy for the fallen heroes and their families. Salute to them!..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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