2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Individual Documents
Sub-title:
Two other party members, arrested with him, were also killed by junta troops, while one man escaped.
Description:
"The body of a National League for Democracy MP has been found two weeks after his arrest. Kyaw Myo Min had been tied up and buried in a shallow grave in Kayin state’s Hpa-An township. He had been arrested in his home town of Belin in neighboring Mon state on June 22 along with two other NLD members and a local who were traveling by motorcycle. Junta forces shot at them and they were then arrested.
An NLD member told RFA the troops had tried to hide Kyaw Myo Min’s body.
“He was tied up at his back and buried on the shore of the creek, but he was not buried well and his head was visible. It seems the body was dumped on the shore of the creek and covered with leaves. It was difficult to identify the body as it had decomposed. There were no visible bullet or stab wounds”, he said.
A member of Kyaw Myo Min’s family, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, said the family knew he was in danger because it was impossible to contact him after his arrest.
Last Saturday locals also found the bodies of the other two arrested NLD members, Pan Myint and Ko Ko Maung. The bodies were dumped in Hpa-An township close to where the MP’s body was found.
There are a number of infantry troops stationed in Belin township: the Thein Zayat-based Kha Ma Ya 207 brigade, the Kyaik Hto-based Kha La Ya , Kha Ma Ya 102 from Tha Hton, along with Military Battalion 33 and the Border Guard Force Brigade. It is not yet known which troops were involved in the arrests and killings.
Calls to the military council spokesman by RFA went unanswered and it has not released any statement on Kyaw Myo Min’s arrest.
One of his family members told RFA the local who was arrested with the NLD members managed to escape so the troops broke the other captives’ legs and critically injured Kyaw Myo Min.
“Now they are doing what the powerful do: anything they want without following laws regarding prisoners,” said an NLD source and colleague of the murdered MP.
“I will record their illegal activities so I can recall them during the [coming] revolution. People will know who committed the crimes and they will be made to suffer one day.”
Kyaw Myo Min became an MP in 2011. He also served as chairman of the Belin branch of the NLD.
An NLD statement released in May said 917 NLD members had been arrested since the coup on February 1, 2021. It also said 18 party members, including MPs, died due to inadequate health care and brutal interrogations.
Many NLD members joined the mass protests after the 2021 coup and armed themselves to fight after junta forces launched a brutal crackdown on peaceful protests..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-07
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles and reports about the NLD, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders
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"Displaced civilians living in war-torn Demawso Township in Karenni State have started building a clinic in their camp after rain made it difficult to seek medical care elsewhere. But they say they lack medical staff, medicines, tables and beds.
“Right now we can only give people pills,” a woman in charge of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) camp told Kantarawaddy Times, on condition of anonymity.
Another anonymous woman at the camp, where 1,000 people have sought refuge, said: “Currently, we’ve to walk at least 30 minutes to reach a clinic in another area. If you’re travelling by motorbike, you can easily be involved in an accident because the road is muddy.”
According to the camp leader, they’ve asked the Karenni State Consultative Council as well as private donors and aid agencies to provide materials for the construction of the clinic, which started on 2 July.
The civilian watchdog group, Progressive Karenni People’s Force, have reported IDPs urgently need health care service and medicines. Since the coup happened, at least 33 in the camps have died from various causes.
Khoon Philip, the director of Civil Health and Development Network, said that babies and pregnant women died when they didn’t get medical care.
“When pregnant women do not receive proper medical care during their pregnancy, the risk of stillbirth or premature birth and an underweight baby increases,” said a doctor in Burma, who asked that his name not be disclosed..."
Source/publisher:
Kantarawaddy Times (Deemawso Township)
Date of publication:
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Kayah (Karenni) State
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Ruling junta’s talk of peace is desperate political necrophilia and ultimately just cover for more war
Description:
"Myanmar is in conflict freefall, as the State Administration Council (SAC) junta regime fights a myriad of proliferating resistance groups on fronts across the country, many galvanized to arms by the military’s democracy-toppling February 2021 coup.
Fighting in western regions such as Sagaing, Magwe and Chin State has surged in recent months, as scores of People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) ambush military columns and battle pro-SAC militias.
The military, in turn, has pulverized civilian villages with air strikes, heavy artillery and army columns in expeditionary arson campaigns that have destroyed close to 20,000 houses, by some estimates. Internal displacement in the country, meanwhile, has surpassed one million.
Despite the desperation of the humanitarian and human rights catastrophe, many analysts estimate that the military has been seriously degraded by armed resistance to the coup. That’s been led by PDFs and many established ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) such as the Karen National Union (KNU), some of which have forged alliances with or otherwise pledge loyalty to the National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel administration formed after the coup.
So what does the SAC leadership do when faced with such unprecedented and geographically spread resistance? Logically, it calls for peace talks, the tried and true escape hatch for military repression in Myanmar.
Myanmar’s Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed by eight mostly small organizations in 2015 (another two signed in 2018), but despite incessant talks and secretive mediation, the agreement was moribund by October 2018.
The military commander Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the current dictator who staged the 2021 coup, announced a “Ceasefire for Eternal Peace” in December 2018, extending it every few months for years through the Covid-19 pandemic right up to the coup, even as fighting raged with EAOs in many parts of the country.
The call for new peace talks in April this year conforms to a consistent pattern of perfidy over peace talks. Using a motley crew of desperate or insignificant NCA signatories is for the SAC desperate political necrophilia.
The first round of “talks” in May was with Chairman Yawd Serk of the insurgent Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) resulted in a number of agreements related to the “Union Accords”, which were negotiated for several years in a pre-coup process.
The RCSS’s eagerness can be largely explained by its strategic missteps since late 2015. It used the cover of signing the 2015 NCA as a pretext to expand operations in northern Shan state, triggering a multi-sided conflict for control of territory and commodities between various EAOs, especially the ethnic Ta’ang armed group and the RCSS parent organization the Shan State Army (SSA) formed in 1964.
This conflict displaced thousands of civilians, many for several times a year, disrupting livelihoods and trade and exacerbating intercommunal tensions amid aid restrictions by the military and previous government. The RCSS has decided to sit out the post-coup resistance and prioritize its own survival now that it has been restricted to territory closer to the Thailand border.
The arrival of Saw Mra Razar Lin of the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) at the junta’s peace talks was particularly surreal. The only senior woman leader of an EAO to attend peace talks for several years, she commands few troops, most of which are based on the Thailand-Myanmar border far away.
The ALP and its armed wing are meaningless compared to the ethnic Rakhine Arakan Army (AA), which is estimated to field more than 8,000 troops. In heavy fighting between 2019 to the end of 2020, AA fought the Myanmar military to a standstill, inflicting hundreds if not thousands of casualties during a conflict that displaced some 200,000 civilians.
An uneasy ceasefire has allowed space for the AA to expand its own judicial and taxation system on an estimated 60% of western Rakhine state, incorporating Rohingya Muslim representatives of the Arakan People’s Authority (APA).
The AA suffered a blow on July 4 when an air strike killed six of its soldiers in a base in Kayin state close to the Thailand border, raising new questions about the durability of their uneasy post-coup ceasefire.
Other groups that attended the talks included the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the New Mon State Party and the Pa-O Nationalities Liberation Organization (PNLO).
These groups could potentially muster several hundred troops combined among them, but they have essentially been artificially inflated by Western donors to the peace process for several years. They are now ornamental bit-part actors in the SAC’s shoddy process.
The largest EAO in Myanmar, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), controls its own autonomous region on the Chinese border with an estimated 30,000 troops and sophisticated weaponry, and didn’t really need to attend the peace talks.
It dispatched a nominally senior official of no real significance in the hierarchy, and released a statement following the talks which basically stated that the Wa had their own autonomy and this was a Burman problem they wanted nothing to do with.
Planned talks with the Shan State Progress Party, or SSA, have not been held as fighting continues between their forces and the SAC’s army in northern Shan State.
In another indication of renewed bellicosity, well-known Myanmar model and actress Thin Zar Wint Kyaw has reportedly been arrested after wearing an SSA military uniform at a recent wedding ceremony close to the EAO’s headquarters at Wan Hai, after traveling to the area to endorse business initiatives. The SAC is making enemies of everyone, even as it supposedly cultivates peace.
Further adorning the pretense of peace talks, the SAC has called for PDF members, or people involved in the civil disobedience movement (CDM), to defect from the “terrorist” NUG and return to the “legal fold”, a euphemism for the peace process of the 1990s which resulted in reduced conflict fighting but no conflict resolution.
The SAC in recent days has even pledged to open “reception centers” for resistance actors to surrender along the borders, another indication of the junta’s underlying desperation.
The subterfuge of peace talks extends to efforts at mediation by the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), whose Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn visited Myanmar recently and was instructed to only meet with EAOs who had attended the SAC talks.
This clearly violates the terms of the Five Point Consensus the SAC’s leader reached with ASEAN in April 2021: “constructive dialogue among all parties concerned shall commence to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of the people.”
ASEAN is further compromised by the role of the ASEAN Humanitarian Center (AHA), which is conducting a needs assessment essentially as cover for the United Nations to operate in SAC-controlled areas and not areas of armed conflict where belligerents who are not part of the peace talks operate, and where civilian communities and aid workers are not represented and rely on cross border assistance not covered by the AHA or the UN.
The NUG and main EAOs fighting the SAC issued a bitter statement condemning the role of ASEAN in humanitarian aid delivery in May, as the exercise was seen as clearly pro-SAC.
Myanmar’s military leaders may lack sophistication but they possess the cunning to checkmate rule-bound international aid actors, consistent with the past decade during the previous peace process.
A serious danger is that peace talks, alongside SAC announced plans for a nationwide election in 2023 with an entirely new electoral system that will likely ban the coup-ousted National League for Democracy’s participation, provide the bare minimum of a lifeline for the international community, especially the UN and international aid agencies, to justify their continued presence.
It is perilous to promote fake peace while a conflict is raging elsewhere. The only accurate gauge of the SAC’s true intent is its behavior on the ground, seen in the thousands of civilian casualties, burning villages and interdiction of humanitarian assistance. In Myanmar, talk of peace is often cover for just more war..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသာ မအုပ်ချုပ်ခဲ့လျှင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ကမ္ဘာတွင် အချမ်းသာဆုံးသောနိုင်ငံ တစ်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်နေတာကြာပြီ။
အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် အာဏာရှင် နေဝင်းက မတ်လ၊ (၂) ရက်နေ့၊ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာကို စစ်လက်နက်များ အသုံးပြုပြီး မသိမ်းခဲ့လျှင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အာဆီယံတွင်သာမကပဲ ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် အချမ်းသာဆုံး၊ အကောင်းဆုံးနိုင်ငံ တစ်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်မည်ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အရင်က ချမ်းသာကြွယ်ဝမှုများက သက်သေ ပြနေပါသည်။ အကယ်၍ လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀)တွင် ဤကဲ့သို့သော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ မထွန်းကားခဲ့လျှင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် G7 တွင် ပါဝင်သောနိုင်ငံ၊ အာရှတိုက် တစ်ခုလုံးကို အကျိုးပြုသော နိုင်ငံ၊ အဖွံ့ဖြိုးဆုံး၊ အတိုးတက်ဆုံးနိုင်ငံဖြစ်မည်ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ချမ်းသာကြွယ်ဝခဲ့သော သမိုင်းက သက်သေပြ လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်(၆၀) ဇူလိုင်လ (၇)ရက်နေ့၊ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဆန္ဒပြနေသော ကျောင်းသားများကို အကြမ်းဖက် ဖြိုခွင်းခဲ့သည်။ ကျောင်းသားတွေ အမြတ်တနိုးထားရာ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂ အဆောက်အအုံကို ဗုံးဖောက်ခွဲ ဖျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ ဤသွေးစွန်းခဲ့သော နေ့ရက်ကို ဆဲလ်ဗင်း ဇူလိုင်ဟု သတ်မှတ်ကာ နှစ်စဉ်အောက်မေ့ သတိရခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဤအကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များသည် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ဘိုးဘွားခေတ်၊ မိဘခေတ်၊ ယခု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ခေတ်အထိ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မြန်မာပြည်သူများကို ခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ရက်စက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ မုဒိမ်းကျင့်ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ခြယ်ခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံ၏ ချမ်းသာကြွယ်ဝမှုများကို ခိုးယူခြင်း၊ ၎င်းခိုးယူထားသည့် ငွေဖြင့် စစ်လက်နက်များကို ဝယ်ယူခြင်း၊ ၎င်းဝယ်ယူ ထားသည့် စစ်လက်နက်များဖြင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ နေရပ်များကို လေယာဉ် ဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲခြင်း၊ အောက်ခြေမြေပြင်တွင် စစ်လက်နက်အမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု အမျိုးမျိုးကို သမိုင်းတလျှောက် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များသည် မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံ လွတ်လပ်ရေးမရခင်ကတည်းကပင် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုကို စစ်ကျွန်ဘဝအောက်ထားဖို့ရန်အတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပြင်ဆင်လုပ်ဆောင်လာခဲ့ပါသည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀) ကိုနောက်လှည့်ကြည့် လိုက်လျှင် ကမ္ဘာကို ထမင်းကျွေးနိုင်သော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တွေ့ရမည်။ ကိုးရီးယားကျွန်းဆွယ်တွင် စစ်ဖြစ်တုန်းက စားစရာ ဆန်မရှိသောကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက ပို့ပေးခဲ့ရဖူးသည်။ လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀) ကို နောက်လှည့်ကြည့်လိုက်လျှင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ၏ ပညာရေးစနစ်၊ ချမ်းသာကြွယ်ဝမှုကို စင်ကာပူနိုင်ငံ ကတောင် အားကျရပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကဲ့သို့ ဖြစ်ချင်ခဲ့သည်။ စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာခြင်းကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ယခုဆိုလျှင် ထမင်းငတ်နေသော နိုင်ငံဖြစ်နေပါသည်။ ယခုဆိုလျှင် စင်ကာပူနိုင်ငံနှင့် နှိုင်းယဉ်လို့ မရသော နိုင်ငံဖြစ်နေပါသည်။
ယခုဆိုလျှင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် သူ၏အပေါင်း အပါများ၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်ခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်းကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နေ့စဉ်နေ့တိုင်း သွေးမြေခလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် ဦးဆောင်သောအကြမ်းဖက် စစ်သား များ၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်လူဦးရေ ထက်ဝက် (၂၇)သန်း ခန့်သည် ငတ်မွတ် ခေါင်းပါးခြင်းကို ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေကြရသည်။ ၎င်းအနက် မြန်မာပြည်သူ (၁၅) သန်း ကျော်သည် အကူအညီမရှိလျှင် မဖြစ်တော့သည့် အခြေအနေကို ရောက်ရှိနေကြသည်။ ၁.၂ သန်းခန့် ရှိသော မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု သည် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်နေကြပြီး တောတောင်ထဲရှိ ဒုက္ခသည် စခန်းများတွင် သောင်တင်နေကြသည်။ လူနေအိမ်များ၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများ၊ ဘုရားကျောင်းများ အပါအဝင် အိမ်ခြေ ၂ သောင်းကျော်ကိုလည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။
မီးလောင်နေသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို မီးငြိမ်း စေဖို့ရန် ကျွန်တော်တို့ ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ဦးချင်းစီတိုင်းမှာ တာဝန်ရှိသကဲ့သို့ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အစိုးရများတွင်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ သွေးထွက်နေသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို သွေးတိတ်စေဖို့ရန်အတွက် ကျွန်တော်တို့ တစ်ဦး ချင်းစီတိုင်းတွင် တာဝန်ရှိသကဲ့သို့ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အစိုးရများတွင်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ကျွန်တော်တို့အားလုံးသည်ကျွန်တော်တို့ကို သတ်ဖြတ် နေသော စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် များကို အနိုင်မရမချင်း ဆက်လက်ချီတက်တော်လှန်မည် ဖြစ်သလို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အစိုးရများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ အပေါင်းအပါများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာ ဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့ အရေးယူပြီး မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ လွတ်လပ်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး အတွက် တော်လှန်ရေးကို အားပေးကူညီထောက်ပံ့ရန် တာဝန်ရှိ ပါသည်။
ယူကရိန်း တစ်နိုင်ငံကို ရုရှားက အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်းကြောင့် တစ်ကမ္ဘာလုံး လက်ရှိတွင် စားဝတ်နေရေး ခေါင်းပါးပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့စီးပွားရေး၊ အစားအစာလုံခြုံရေး စသည့်တို့ကို ထိခိုက်နေသည်မှာ အားလုံးအသိ ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ပင် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ တော်လှန်ရေးသည် ကမ္ဘာ့စားဝတ်နေရေး ဖူလှုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လွတ်လပ်ရေး တို့အတွက် အရေးကြီးသည်ကို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အစိုးရများက သိနှင့်ပြီးသား ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်မြင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ဦးချင်းစီတွင် တာဝန်ရှိသကဲ့သို့ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အစိုးရများ၊ ခေါင်းဆောင်များတွင်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ၎င်းသမိုင်းကပေးသော တာဝန်များကို ကျွန်တော်တို့တတွေ ကျေပွန်စွာထမ်းရွက်ဖို့ အလွန့်အလွန် အရေးကြီးပါသည်။
မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀)ကြာအမှောင်ထုကြီးကို နိဂုံးချုပ်စေ ရပါမည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို မြန်မာပြည်သူ ပြည်သားအားလုံး အတွက်ဖြစ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံအဖြစ် တည်ထောင်ခြင်းကလွဲလို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အနာဂတ်အတွက် အခြားနည်းလမ်းမရှိပါ။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ် ချေမှုန်းနိုင်သောနေ့သည် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အောင်မြင်သောနေ့ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုနေ့သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအားလုံးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံ စတင်တည်ထောင်သော နေ့ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုနေ့ရက်သို့ မရောက်မချင်း နောက်မဆုတ် လက်မမြှောက်ပဲ အတူတကွ ချီတက်ကြမည်။ အကောင်းသည် အဆိုးကို အနိုင်ရသကဲ့သို့ ကျွန်တော်တို့ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုများသည် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မုချအောင်နိုင် ရမည်။ ဓမ္မသည် အဓမ္မကို အနိုင်ရသကဲ့သို့ မြန်မာ့နွေဦး တော်လှန်ရေးသည် မုချအောင်ရမည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားခွင့်ပေးနိုင်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ စနစ်သည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို ချိုးဖောက်ဖျက်ဆီးနေသော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို မုချအနိုင်ရလိမ့်မည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"၁။ အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ဖိနှိပ်မှုအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် အုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် ယင်းတို့အား ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များအား သွေးချောင်းစီးအောင် ဖြိုခွင်း သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည့် ဝမ်းနည်းဖွယ်အဖြစ်အပျက်သည် ယနေ့ဆိုလျှင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀) ပြည့်မြောက် ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်နေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သော အာဏာသိမ်းအစိုးရသည် တက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားထုအား ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်သည့် ကျောင်းဆောင်စည်းကမ်းသစ် (၂၂) ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန် ခဲ့ရာ မတရားမှုကိုလက်ခံနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိသော ကျောင်းသားထုနှင့်ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂတို့က ၎င်းကိစ္စ ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ကန့်ကွက် ဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ၁၉၆၂ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ၊ ၇ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်တပ်သည် လက်နက်သုံး၍ အင်အားအလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် သွေးချောင်းစီးအောင် ဖြိုခွဲရာ ကျောင်းသားများ ရာချီသေဆုံးခဲ့ကြရပြီး ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂ အဆောင်ကိုလည်း ဗုန်းခွဲဖျက်စီးခံ ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ထိုအချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်အစိုးရအဆက်ဆက်သည် ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများကို တရားဝင် ရပ်တည်ခွင့်မပေးဘဲ ကွယ်ပျောက်သွားစေရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြပါသည်။
၃။ မည်သို့ပင် ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်ပိတ်ပင်ခဲ့သော်လည်း ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများသည် ထိုအချိန် မှစ၍ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်တွင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး၊ ပညာရေး၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ ကျောင်းသားများ၏ အခွင့်အရေးအား ကာကွယ်နိုင်ရေးတို့အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ မတရားသော ဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။
၄။ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူများက စုပေါင်းအားဖြင့် အသက်သွေးချွေးများစွာ စတေး၍ ခက်ခဲပင်ပန်းစွာရယူခဲ့ရသည့် မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီဖွံ့ဖြိုးမှုတို့အား လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် သိမ်းယူရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့သည့် လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သော စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စုအား ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေသည့် မြန်မာ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးခရီးကြမ်းတွင်လည်း ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် တို့သည် အရေးပါသော အခန်းကဏ္ဍတွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၅။ အာဏာရှင်များအား ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်တွင် နည်းလမ်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန် ခဲ့သည့်နည်းတူ ယနေ့အချိန်တွင်လည်း နည်းပညာ၊ ကျွမ်းကျင်မှုတို့အပြင် ခက်ခဲကြမ်းတမ်းသော လက်နက်ကိုင်ခုခံဆန့်ကျင်ရာတွင်လည်း အင်အားကြီးသောအစုအဖွဲ့အဖြစ် ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိ ပါသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က အလိမ်အညာလှည့်ဖြားမှုများဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးအရှိန်ကျသွား စေရန် နည်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းလုပ်ဆောင်နေသော်လည်း ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၏ ပြင်းပြသောစိတ်ဓာတ်၊ ခိုင်မာသော လုံ့လအားစိုက်မှုတို့အား များစွာဂုဏ်ယူလေးစားပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ် ပါသည်။
၆။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် မသမာသော လုပ်ရပ်အမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေး ပျက်ပြားစေရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေစေကာမူ တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးအတွက် ဆက်လက်ပါဝင်ဆင်နွှဲသွားကြမည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်တို့နှင့် မိမိတို့အားလုံး၏ ထပ်တူညီသော ဆန္ဒဖြစ်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်ကြီးဆီသို့ ယုံကြည်ချက်အပြည့် အဝဖြင့် ဆက်လက်ချီတက်ကြပါစို့ဟု တိုက်တွန်းရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာအား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History
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Description:
"The Myanmar military has been blocked from livestreaming MRTV broadcasts by Dacast, a live streaming and video hosting company, based in California.
MRTV is a national broadcaster controlled by the illegitimate Myanmar military junta, under its information ministry, and had been using Dacast to livestream broadcasts on its new MRTV website and mobile apps.
The Myanmar military uses MRTV to disseminate hate speech and disinformation.
Justice For Myanmar contacted Dacast warning about the Myanmar military’s use of their software. A Dacast representative replied, “We had no prior knowledge of the customers use case and will investigate the issue thoroughly. If it breaches our terms we will take action.” Dacast declined to comment further.
Hours later, the livestream on the MRTV website and apps displayed the message, “The broadcaster of this content has been blocked”.
Dacast’s Terms of Service allow for immediate termination of service without notice, when used for illegal purposes, to violate the rights of a third party and for other legal or regulatory reasons.
The MRTV website and apps were first launched by war criminal Min Aung Hlaing on May 4, 2022.
Justice For Myanmar publicly called out the Iowa-based company, Apps Web Social LLC, which had published the MRTV apps on the Apple App Store and Google Play in May. They were removed from the App Store and Google Play on May 5, and the website was taken down.
The website has since been republished under a new domain, and the apps are again available in the Apple App Store and Google Play.
The registrar for the junta’s new domain name, mrtv-media.com, is GoDaddy.com, also a US company.
MRTV continues to publish on Twitter and Telegram.
The illegal junta’s State Administrative Council (SAC), which has control over MRTV, is sanctioned in the US, raising questions over whether tech companies are compliant with US sanctions.
The junta’s former information minister, Chit Naing, was sanctioned by the US on July 2, 2021, shortly before he was replaced by Maung Maung Ohn.
MRTV is banned from Facebook, as part of a ban against the Myanmar military and its businesses.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Dacast’s swift action when notified that the illegitimate Myanmar military junta, a terrorist organisation, was using their software to spread hate speech and disinformation.
“It is deplorable that companies including Apple, Alphabet, Cloudflare, GoDaddy, Telegram and Twitter continue to do business with the Myanmar military and allow its junta to use their technology against the people of Myanmar.
“The junta targets human rights defenders, journalists and democracy activists with total impunity. More than 2,000 people have been murdered by the junta, with over 14,000 arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Its deliberate attacks against the people, indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, rape and torture amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“We call on tech companies to act swiftly, in accordance with their global human rights responsibilities, and ban the Myanmar military and its businesses, including MRTV and the military’s mobile operator, Mytel.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
150.76 KB 100.37 KB
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Sub-title:
The grisly video may have been purposefully leaked in order to terrorize civilians and deter them from supporting anti-regime resistance forces.
Description:
"Among the latest of many distressing videos to emerge from the killing fields of Myanmar was one of a young woman being decapitated, allegedly by army personnel who suspected her of being involved with a resistance group.
On July 1, the two-minute video went viral among some Myanmar communities that have taken refuge in neighboring countries after fleeing from brutal military raids.
A resident belonging to the Chin community in a border state of India’s northeastern region claimed that the woman was apprehended in Magwe Region after days of tracking by a combined squad of the military and loyalist militias known as Pyu Saw Htwe.
“What we have heard so far is that the woman was on the hit list of the army and its band of loyalists. She had been putting in efforts to convince a section of police personnel to join the People’s Defence Force (PDF). Apparently, one among them in the region had joined the PDF,” the resident said on condition of anonymity. “The information about the woman’s role seemed to have been leaked by some police personnel loyal to the regime.”
The chilling two-minute video shows the woman with tied hands kneeling at the porch of a wooden house with a man wielding a sword and standing by her side. The sword then descends on her neck and what followed thereafter bore a horrific similarity to some of the beheading videos released by the Islamic State not long ago.
The neck was not severed completely when the executioner seemed to have been instructed by his companion to complete the job. After it was finally separated with a few more blows, the sword was thrust three times into the stomach of the woman’s headless corpse.
Another member of the Indian refugee community was of the opinion that the video was deliberately filmed and leaked as a deterrent against similar efforts by the PDFs in the future.
Magwe, which lies in central Myanmar, is the second largest of the seven Bamar majority regions in the disturbed country. The resistance movement against the military regime has also been among the most potent in this zone, where conflict has historically been rare, compelling the military to adopt ruthless tactics to put an end to the rebellion that seems to have garnered wide support among the populace.
The latest ambush took place on June 9, when as many as 20 regime troops were reportedly killed following an ambush by the Yaw People’s Defense Force in Magwe’s Gangaw township.
Videos and photographs of unbelievable atrocities committed by the military against the civilian populace have also emerged intermittently from Sagaing Region and Chin State since last year, when the PDFs were formed in order to resist the military regime that seized power in February 2021. Along with Magwe, these two regions, which border India, are among the greatest hotspots of resistance in the country.
One video which was circulated among a section of the refugee community in India showed a male teenager being left to die by the military after being burned alive. He was reportedly a member of the Kalay PDF, which has been among the most active resistance squads in the country. Videos of settlements being raided and bombed were more common from Mindat township and the adjoining areas in southern Chin State, where a movement against the regime has become unflagging and widespread.
The military regime’s atrocities are reflective of its increasing desperation to retain power by any means necessary, in the face of a swelling resistance in a large part of the country. According to most estimates, its effective fighting strength is no more than 100,000-120,000 troops, who are currently battling a large number of PDFs, ethnic armed organizations, and other unidentified resistance groups.
While many PDFs are in alliance with the EAOs and owe their allegiance to the National Unity Government that has been set up to coordinate the resistance against the junta, some have been carrying out attacks independently, making the regime’s task of defeating them extremely difficult..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Women's rights, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"Myanmar
31 January 2022: In Kanpetlet town and township, Mindat district, Chin state, a school and education office as well as a police station were occupied by approximately 300 State Administration Council (SAC) forces.* Source: Myanmar Now
01 February 2022: In Kalay town, township and district, Sagaing region, a 42-year-old female middle school teacher, also a member of Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was shot and killed while she was driving a motorcycle by an unidentified perpetrator. Source: Myanmar Now
08 February 2022: In Taung Pyin Nge village, Sagaing region, SAC forces occupied a local school and detained 68 villagers.* Sources: Myanmar Now I and Myanmar Now II
13 February 2022: In Pyigyitagon township, Mandalay division, People's Defence Force (PDF) fighters attacked a school occupied by SAC soldiers.* Source: The Irrawaddy
26 February 2022: In Chinpon village, Yinmabin township and district, Sagaing division, SAC forces launched a raid on a PDF training graduation ceremony leaving nine civilians dead, including one woman. Approximately 200 civilians, including teachers, were held hostage for two days. Sources:
The Irrawaddy..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"SITUATION OVERVIEW:
The people of Myanmar are dealing with an evolving humanitarian crisis where humanitarian needs have continued to escalate since the third wave of COVID-19 in 2021 and the ongoing political unrest since Myanmar’s military intervention on 1 February 2021.
The country is now entering the second year of this crisis, where ongoing inter-factional tensions have fueled its complexity and multi-dimensional characteristics. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) continues to be supported by many in Myanmar, impacting public services, including health, schools, and government administrations in states and regions across the country.
Clashes and targeted attacks between various armed actors, including the People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF), continue and have intensified in several states/regions. Simmering historical tensions exist across certain key states, and, in some locations, these tensions have become exacerbated as a consequence of military intervention. Numerous new forces have emerged, and several ethnic armed groups, established many years before the military intervention, have become increasingly recommitted to the insurgency resulting in fighting occurring in areas that have been without conflict for decades.
Some sources have recorded nearly 13,000 political violence and protest events throughout 2021. The degree of violence against civilians has been severe. The number of casualties has increased, while thousands of houses and the properties of other civilians have been burnt down or destroyed. This has triggered multiple large scale population displacements. As of 28 February 2022, roughly 873,000 people have been internally displaced in Myanmar. About 502,600 people have been displaced by insecurity and the increased vulnerability of host and resident communities in affected areas since 1 February 2021. The northwest part of Myanmar (Sagaing, Magway and Chin) has recorded the highest level of new internal displacements, with 246,600 internally displaced persons (IDPs) (49 per cent), followed by the southeast part of Myanmar (Kayin, Kayah, and Shan) with 233,600 IDPs contributing 46.5 per cent. Displaced populations face significant challenges in access to basic needs and services, specifically, food, healthcare, shelter materials, clean water, and sanitation facilities.
Myanmar is also experiencing a socio-economic crisis exacerbated by the protracted COVID-19 epidemic. The local currency, the Kyat, has fluctuated with a significant drop in value by 60 per cent7 in the month of September 2021, while costs for food items, fuel, and other essential goods have soared. In September 2021, inflation increased to 7.3 per cent. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates that in 2021, some 1.6 million jobs were lost, leaving only 18.9 million women and men employed. The farming, construction, garment, tourism, and hospitality industries are among the hardest hit. The economic and political volatility is projected to have driven almost half of the population into poverty in 2022.
The 2022 Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) for Myanmar , which was published on 31 December 2021, predicts that approximately a quarter of the population (14.4 million people – 4.9 million women and five million children) will be classified as requiring humanitarian support during 2022, up from about one million people in need before February 2021. This increase is driven by the social, economic and health impacts of COVID-19, worsening food insecurity, and the mass movement of the population since the events of 1 February 2021 and subsequent need for protection. These factors have generated an array of new needs and exacerbated the vulnerability of specific groups.
The HNO analysis estimated that 14 out of 15 states and regions in Myanmar are now within the critical threshold for acute malnutrition. Prices for key commodities in some states and regions have increased significantly, resulting in some food items no longer being affordable to many families. At the beginning of 2022, fuel prices increased by 14-18 per cent from the previous month. Compared to the pre-crisis period through to March 2022, fuel prices skyrocketed by 82-150 per cent , impacting transportation costs and contributing to unpredictable commodity prices.
Humanitarian access to reach conflict-affected populations remains a major challenge for the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) and other humanitarian organizations. Travel restrictions are currently in place due to the security context, military checkpoints, stringent administrative authorization requirements, and COVID-19 regulations.
This has impacted the distribution of humanitarian resources, direct support from personnel and disrupted monitoring and evaluation activities, including data collection and verification. Several private companies have withdrawn and/or halted services in Myanmar, which has impacted transportation, the supply chain, and costs, eventually delaying humanitarian assistance from reaching those most in need.
With continuous dialogue and advocacy efforts with all stakeholders and state administrators, the MRCS gradually secured safe access to wider vulnerable populations. This engagement is based on autonomous Red Cross Red Crescent-led needs assessments and a decision-making process that supports independent humanitarian action. The MRCS collaborates with both International Red Cross Red Crescent Movement (the Movement) and non-Movement partners, such as UN agencies, to deliver assistance to broader geographic areas. The National Society remains flexible and adaptive to the dynamic operational context to reach the most vulnerable and affected populations whilst ensuring compliance with security protocols for mobilizing personnel..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies
Date of publication:
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Public Health, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.37 MB (27 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"Around 5,000 residents from over 10 villages in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township have been forced to flee their homes after the Myanmar military airlifted reinforcements into the area.
On Monday at around 4.30pm three helicopters carrying over 50 junta soldiers landed in a Tabayin village, forcing the residents to flee the same evening, according to local sources.
A volunteer helping the displaced people said on Tuesday: “It was not convenient for travel as it rained the whole night. The temporary camps are crowded. People continued to flee their homes until midnight. People fleeing in their cars, motorbikes and motorized trailers formed a long line. There were unspeakable troubles.”
Junta forces carried out airstrikes on July 2 after a memorial to mark the one-year anniversary of fighting in Tabayin’s Set Pyar Kyin Village which left over 20 resistance fighters dead. Regime troops have since been raiding villages in Tabayin.
Clouds of smoke were seen in Kyauntawlay and Inpin villages on Tuesday. It was unclear how many houses were torched by military regime forces as villagers still can’t return home, said a resident.
Regime troops stationed in Set Pyar Kyin and Boke villages reportedly used heavy weapons to attack resistance fighters advancing to the villages, according to a local resistance member.
One resident said: “As they kill not only children but also elderly persons by burning them alive, slitting their throats and shooting them in their heads, people dare not let the soldiers see them. They flee as soon as they hear soldiers are heading to their villages.”
Over 340,000 people have been displaced by fighting in Sagaing Region, as well as some 110,000 people in neighboring Magwe Region, according to the Institute of Strategy and Policy Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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1.78 MB
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime reportedly carried out 125 airstrikes within five days to defend its strategic outpost in Karen State near the Thai border while it was being attacked by resistance forces.
The armed wings of the Karen National Union, the Karen National Liberation Army and the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO), and other resistance forces assaulted the Ukayit Hta outpost on a strategically important road near Waw Lay in Myawaddy Township on June 26.
Fighting continued for nearly a week. Witnesses said the battle for Ukayit Hta is the fiercest they have seen since last year.
A source said last Tuesday that shells landed every three seconds.
Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told a press conference on Friday that the outpost is still in junta control with the support of airstrikes and artillery.
Drone pictures released by the Cobra Column, one of the resistance groups, show heavy destruction at the outpost and the bodies of junta troops on the ground after an attack. The resistance forces have reported casualties because of junta airstrikes and artillery.
Cobra Column said from June 27 to July 1 the junta conducted 125 attacks with YAK jets and a MIG-29 jet. It said the group suffered no casualties in the airstrikes.
It said junta reinforcements were sent 12 times by helicopter from Mawlamyine.
Reinforcements were attacked and a Cobra Column video shows a junta corporal captured by the group saying at least 20 soldiers (of his group) were killed in an attack. The corporal was shown being treated for his injuries.
He said his commander fled during the attack so he ran away and was captured later.
The KNDO said on Thursday it attacked Light Infantry Division 44 reinforcements, killing at least seven soldiers and seizing weapons.
The casualties on both sides are unknown.
More than 300 Waw Lay residents have fled across the Moei River to Thailand.
On Friday and Saturday junta airstrikes killed two civilians and injured seven others, including children, in two Karen villages..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-07-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"A transgender prisoner detained in Sagaing Region’s Monywa Prison for anti-junta activities has been sexually abused by a prison officer, said LGBT Alliance-Myanmar.
Prison officer Zaw Zaw Aung, also known as Paline, forced the prisoner into performing oral sex on him on June 30 and also attempted to have anal sex, said the Monywa Strike Committee.
The LGBT Alliance-Myanmar issued a statement condemning the sexual assault. Justin Min Hein, a spokesperson for the LGBT Union Mandalay, said that the report came from credible sources inside Monywa Prison and that the group is making further inquiries.
The transgender prisoner was detained at home around one month ago and charged with incitement. The prisoner has reportedly been forced to wear male clothes while in jail.
Justin Min Hein said: “Anyone subjected to sexual violence, not just LGBT people, can be demoralized. We feel emotional and discouraged when we hear about such cases. I can’t help respecting the prisoner for having the courage to speak out about the abuse.”
The prison officer perpetrator reportedly often beats political prisoners when he is drunk.
“Similar things happen in other prisons across the country,” said a member of LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. The group said it would report the case to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and ask for its intervention.
In March, rights groups called on the ICRC to probe human rights violations in the country’s jails and the use of sexual violence against political prisoners.
However, the regime has rejected the ICRC’s request to resume its prison visits and other humanitarian activities and allow family visits. Prison visits by the ICRC and families of detainees have been suspended since March 2020, following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Former political prisoner U Tun Kyi said: “A prison officer sexually assaulting a LGBTQ person is not something unusual anymore. They do it as if it was part of their daily routine. They are officially licensed to do so. It is indisputably one of the worst and gravest human rights violations.”
Since the coup, female detainees have especially suffered from sexual abuse inside prisons, but sexual assaults on male and LGBTQ prisoners are on the increase.
In October last year, Shin Thant, an advocate for LGBTQ rights in Mandalay, was detained after junta troops rammed a car into her. The activist was sexually abused during her interrogation.
Over 20 LGBTQ detainees have experienced sexual assaults in prisons, according to sources.
LGBTIQ groups in Myanmar have actively participated in anti-regime protests since last year’s coup and so have been targeted by the military regime..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-07-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Sexual orientation - Discrimination based on
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Sub-title:
UN Member States Should Press for Arms Embargo, ICC Referral
Description:
"Shocking footage has recently emerged on social media of brutal killings allegedly in Myanmar’s Sagaing Region where a United Nations investigator has documented apparent war crimes by the Myanmar military.
The footage, recovered from a cell phone belonging to a Myanmar soldier and verified by media outlet Radio Free Asia (RFA), but not independently verified by Human Rights Watch, shows about 30 men captured after a Myanmar military raid in Mon Taing Pin village, Ayadaw township, on May 10, 2022. At least five of them later appear dead, their hands bound, shot from behind. RFA reported that a villager had found the phone after it had been dropped. In the footage, three soldiers discuss in Burmese the number of people they have killed. A sergeant, identified by the insignia on his uniform, brags about shooting and killing 26 people. Another soldier says he killed five people by slitting their throats.
The images are further damning evidence of the brutal military operation underway in Sagaing Region. They reinforce a pattern of killings that Human Rights Watch and other human rights groups have documented that bear the hallmarks of the military’s atrocities.
As international attention to Myanmar wanes, its soldiers appear to be more willing to record even the most horrific acts of violence against the civilian population. Military-linked Telegram accounts post images of brutality. There is no evidence whatsoever that military commanders are acting to stop such atrocities; they may be directly responsible for them. Since the February 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch and others have documented that the military and pro-military militias have summarily executed and forcibly disappeared civilians and razed villages during military operations.
International efforts to hold the military junta accountable are falling short. Concerned governments should persistently press the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo and refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court. If Russia and China choose to veto it, they will have to explain to UN member states why they have chosen to side with a military implicated in numerous atrocity crimes. In the meantime, governments should use national and regional mechanisms to expand efforts to financially isolate the junta.
Unified international efforts are needed or the post-coup reality for Myanmar’s people will remain one horror after another..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-07-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Crimes Against Humanity
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Sub-title:
NUG urges G7 member countries to deliver on commitments made last year - G7 အစည်းအဝေးမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား ပေးထားသည့်ကတိကဝတ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်း
Description:
"(1) When they met in 2021, the
G7 member countries condemned
the illegal coup, the arbitrary arrest
of innocent people, and the
violence committed by the junta’s
forces. Member states committed
themselves to the support of all
those who are working to create a
stable and inclusive democracy, and
t o u n f e t t e r e d a c c e s s t o
humanitarian aid for vulnerable and
displaced populations, and further
made a common commitment to
pursuing “additional measures” if
necessary.
One year on from the
meeting, the violence of the military
continues against innocent civilians.
The National Unity Government
(NUG) therefore urges all G7
member states, and those countries
invited to attend, to act on the
humanitarian and economic
catastrophe caused by the coup.
(2) Prime Minister U Mahn
Win Khaing Than stated at the
59th cabinet meeting that the
international community is
interested in learning more
about cooperation with
revolutionary forces, and
f u t u r e p l a n s f o r j o i n t
operations. The prime minister
added that negotiations and
efforts are being made on the
distribution of funds raised
through the “Mother Su”
campaign to the those interim
administrative areas such as
Sagaing and Magway Regions
and Chin and Karenni State
where civilians administrations
are well established.
The Welfare And Lives Of Those Who Have Been Taken Hostage
By The Military Are In Grave Danger
(3) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (ICCPR) state that detaining
individuals as hostages for whatever reason is a
violation of human dignity, fundamental rights, and
the values set forth by the UN including the rights to
life, freedom, and security.
The NUG announced on the 29th of June that all the
political leaders, activists, protesters, and dissenters,
up to and including the president and state
counsellor arrested by military are being held as
hostages. The world must understand that their
welfare and their lives are in grave danger.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
(CRPH) declared on 1st March 2021 that the military
illegally attempted to dissolve the union
government by force on 1st Feb, 2021. This is an act
recognised as criminal insurrection against the
government under the article 6 of the criminal code.
In light of this, and their many other crimes and
abuses, the CRPH declared the military council a
terrorist organisation..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-07-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"On 30 June-02 July 2022, H.E. PRAK Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Kingdom of Cambodia, conducted his second working visit to Myanmar in his capacity as the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar. He was accompanied by H.E. Ekkaphab PHANTHAVONG, Deputy Secretary-General of ASEAN for ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC), who represented H.E. Dato LIM Jock Hoi, Secretary General of ASEAN; members of the Office of Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair; and representatives of the ASEAN Secretariat and ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre).
The working visit aimed to move forward the progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC), notably on the expediting of the delivery of humanitarian assistance and joint vaccination program, which were endorsed at the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 06 May 2022 in Phnom Penh, and the engendering of a conducive environment for an inclusive political dialogue.
Starting off the visit, on 30 June 2022, His Excellency Deputy Prime Minister attended the handover ceremony of Chinese government’s contribution of two million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to ASEAN for Myanmar, which was presented by His Excellency CHEN Hai, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Myanmar in Yangon.
Later on, in the afternoon, H.E. Deputy Prime Minister paid a courtesy call on H.E. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC), in Nay Pyi Taw. With the ASEAN Leaders’ Five Point Consensus as an overarching guide, both sides exchanged views on situational updates and challenges in implementing this key document, and also followed up on the three previous meetings between Samdech Techo Prime Minister HUN Sen and the Senior General, as well as the outcomes of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar. The Senior General shared with H.E. Deputy Prime Minister the current security situation, including violence, brutality, and intimidation against civilians. The Senior General informed of the improvement of security for the people and his willingness to engage directly in the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). He also reassured the Special Envoy of his full support to the fulfilling of the latter’s mandate. The Special Envoy also took the opportunity to urge the SAC to explore ways to work with the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy, so that we can further enhance synergy between our works within the framework of cooperation between ASEAN and the UN.
H.E. Deputy Prime Minister also met his counterpart Foreign Minister H.E. U Wunna Maung Lwin to discuss ASEAN-related matters. H.E. Deputy Prime Minister recalled the recent two communications on death sentence and the request to return Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into house detention. In the same tone of consistency, the Special Envoy reiterated his call for the cessation of violence, and requested the SAC to support a safe, timely and impartial delivery of humanitarian assistance to hard-to-reach areas, the release of prisoners, and for meetings with several non-SAC individuals, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Daw Su Su Lwin. He was informed that due to health condition, Daw Su Su Lwin was unable to meet the Special Envoy while the case of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains under judicial procedure.
H.E. PRAK Sokhonn also met the Myanmar Task Force on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance, headed by H.E.U Ko Ko Hlaing. Expediting the delivery of humanitarian assistance in a safe, timely and impartial manner was the key topic for discussion. The Meeting also deliberated on how the UN Specialized Agencies and international non-Later on, in the afternoon, H.E. Deputy Prime Minister paid a courtesy call on H.E. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC), in Nay Pyi Taw. With the ASEAN Leaders’ Five Point Consensus as an overarching guide, both sides exchanged views on situational updates and challenges in implementing this key document, and also followed up on the three previous meetings between Samdech Techo Prime Minister HUN Sen and the Senior General, as well as the outcomes of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar. The Senior General shared with H.E. Deputy Prime Minister the current security situation, including violence, brutality, and intimidation against civilians. The Senior General informed of the improvement of security for the people and his willingness to engage directly in the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). He also reassured the Special Envoy of his full support to the fulfilling of the latter’s mandate. The Special Envoy also took the opportunity to urge the SAC to explore ways to work with the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy, so that we can further enhance synergy between our works within the framework of cooperation between ASEAN and the UN.
H.E. Deputy Prime Minister also met his counterpart Foreign Minister H.E. U Wunna Maung Lwin to discuss ASEAN-related matters. H.E. Deputy Prime Minister recalled the recent two communications on death sentence and the request to return Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into house detention. In the same tone of consistency, the Special Envoy reiterated his call for the cessation of violence, and requested the SAC to support a safe, timely and impartial delivery of humanitarian assistance to hard-to-reach areas, the release of prisoners, and for meetings with several non-SAC individuals, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Daw Su Su Lwin. He was informed that due to health condition, Daw Su Su Lwin was unable to meet the Special Envoy while the case of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains under judicial procedure.
H.E. PRAK Sokhonn also met the Myanmar Task Force on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance, headed by H.E.U Ko Ko Hlaing. Expediting the delivery of humanitarian assistance in a safe, timely and impartial manner was the key topic for discussion. The Meeting also deliberated on how the UN Specialized Agencies and international non-government organizations can engage in Myanmar-led humanitarian works, including the Joint Need Assessment in the hard-to-reach areas
. The request was raised to the Myanmar Task Force in facilitating and simplifying procedures while Myanmar side called for more cooperation with local authorities and avoid political distancing from the side of international organizations and partners. The Special Envoy conveyed the willingness of Samdech Techo Prime Minister to dispatch Cambodia’s voluntary health personnel to help administer vaccines in those areas, which was strongly welcomed by the Myanmar Task Force.
On 01 July 2022, H.E. Deputy Prime Minister had a meeting with H.E. Lieutenant General Yar Pyae, Chairman of National Solidarity and Peace-making Negotiation Committee (NSPNC). The meeting focused on various agendas, including approaches to further engage with Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and the role of the Committee in humanitarian assistance operation and vaccination campaign to the people of Myanmar. H.E. Lieutenant General Yar Pyae expressed his willingness to cooperate with and welcome the participation of all parties concerned in Myanmar to become the signatories of the existing NCA. The Special Envoy shared with the Committee Cambodia's experiences in succesffully implementing the Win-Win policy of Samdech Techo Prime Minister Hun Sen, which has brought about peace and stability, and unity of the national army.
H.E. PRAK Sokhonn and accompanying delegates, then, held talks with the representatives of seven EAOs, who have signed the NCA with the SAC. The main topic of dicussion, among others, was on the challenges to end this decades-long conflict and how to advance peace talks for the benefit of all people in the country. The Special Envoy, once again, emphasized on how Cambodia brought about today’s peace, stability and development through the Win-Win Policy, initiated by Samdech Techno Prime Minister. Calling Cambodia as a friend in need, the EAOs commended Cambodia’s experience on national reconciliation and Win-Win Policy and appreciated the good office of the Special Envoy to help bring Myanmar back to normalcy. On the last day of the visit, H.E. Deputy Prime Minister met with representatives of seven political parties in Myanmar, who won seats at the 2020 election. The political parties briefed the Special Envoy on the developments of political and humanitarian situation on the ground in each state and region. They all shared great concern on the severe impacts of violence on civilians, including the burning of villages, without clear responsible organizations. They also shared common desire for peace and non-violence, and some political parties also informed of how they have helped support the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) coming from other regions. They called for early delivery of humanitarian assitance to their respective regions. The Special Envoy updated the Meeting on the progress of the the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) and the follow-up to agreement reached at the Consultative Meeting on Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar, and expressed his commitment to help expedite the delivery of humanitarian assistance and to create conducive environment for political dialogue to start.
Before concluding his mission, the Special Envoy held a fruitful discussion with H.E. Christian Lechervy, Ambassador of the French Republic; H.E. Thomas L. Vajda, Ambassador of the United States of America; H.E. Ranieri Sabatucci, Ambassador of the European Union; and Mrs. Angela Corcoran, Chargé d’Affaires of the Australian Embassy. They exchanged views on the progress of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) and their assessments on political, economic and social situation in Myanmar and have commended the role played by Cambodia in humanitarian aspect, especially the recent two communications on death sentence and request for transfer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi back to house detension..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-07-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-04
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar has
recently taken note of plans of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Forum to
convene the 7th LMC Foreign Minister’s Meeting in Myanmar in July of this year.
The NUG would like to voice its continued commitment to the principles of the
Sanya Declaration of the first leader’s meeting of the LMC, and particularly the
"commitment to peace, stability and sustainable development and prosperity of the
sub-region," the “spirit of openness and inclusiveness,” and the LMC’s dedication
to advancing the priority areas of ASEAN Community building.
In respect of the above principles, and the NUG’s desire to continue sustained
progress towards the 26 measures outlined in the Sanya Declaration, the NUG
respectfully requests that China, as the permanent joint-chair of the LMC platform
considers the following points:
(1) The Myanmar army is a criminal organization that has no interest in
peace or sustainable development in Myanmar; its self-styled State
Administrative Council is illegal, cannot he considered a legitimate
government, and should be barred from any and all involvement in the
LMC. For the past 1 7 months, the Myanmar army has waged a horrific
military campaign against the people of Myanmar, including Myanmar’s
civilian government, the country’s labor unions, teachers, medical
professionals, ordinary civilians and the country’s ethnic armed
organizations. It is directly responsible for the displacement of over 700,000
people across the country since launching this attack in February of 2021. As
the recent report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human
rights indicates, this includes over 250,000 children, with an additional
1,400 children arbitrarily detained by the junta. In addition, the military has
tortured over 142 children since the coup, and deprived 7.8 million more
children of access to education.
(2) Any effort to convene an LMC Foreign Minister’s Meeting in partnership
with the Myanmar military or its illegal military junta violates the will o f
the Myanmar people, and undermines community building in Myanmar.
For the past year, ASEAN has determined that a non-political representative
should attend Foreign Minister’s meetings and Leader’s meetings. This
included the ASEAN-China Special Summit to Commemorate the 30th
Anniversary of ASEAN-China Dialogue Relations held in November of
2021. As ASEAN has determined not to invite senior representatives of the
military junta to Foreign Minister’s meetings or Leader’s meetings, such a
move on the part of the LMC runs directly counter to ASEAN's decision,
posing a grave threat to ASEAN 's community building efforts. No ASEAN
states should participate in any LMC FM meeting involving the Myanmar’s
illegitimate military junta
(3) As the legitimate representative o f the government o f the Republic o f the
Union o f Myanmar, the NUG stands ready to take on all responsibilities o f
Myanmar with respect to the LMC and the joint-chair role. The NUG's
Ministry of Foreign Affairs is ready to meet with its counterparts in China
and other LMC countries to discuss the convening of the Foreign Minister’s
meeting. The NUG further suggests that the 7th Foreign Minister’s meeting
focus exclusively on the political and security pillar, and welcomes the
assistance of the LMC countries in developing an action plan to end the
regional security crisis triggered by the military’s ongoing crimes against
humanity. Such a plan should be aligned with the principles of the Sanya
Declaration, taking into consideration the 3+5 Cooperation Framework.
(4) The NUG expresses concern strong concern that the military has begun to
weaponize Chinese investments and assets in country by deploying troops
inside company campuses and or project sites. The military’s intention is to use Chinese investments as a shield or "safe space" from which they can
launch attacks on communities. By permitting troops to be based on their
project sites, Chinese companies are increasingly perceived by local groups
as aiding and abetting the enemy of the people. This is making it more
difficult for the NUG and PDFs to ensure the security of Chinese
investments projects. The best means for the Chinese government to ensure
the safety and security of its assets is to avoid them being used by the
military. Under such circumstances, it will be easier for the NUG and PDFs
to protect Chinese assets, interests and workers in the country.
(5) The NUG requests that all LMC member countries immediately cease all
participation in any activities o f the Integrated Law Enforcement and
Security Cooperation Center o f the Lancang-Mekong Region that involve
the Myanmar military. The Myanmar military is deeply involved in and
responsible for a massive incursion of transnational crime into the
Lancang-Mekong region, especially at Shwe Kokko along the
Thai-Myanmar border. Before the military’s attempted coup, with China's
assistance, this activity was brought under control. Just weeks after the coup,
transnational criminals resumed and dramatically scaled up their
cross-border crimes to the benefit of the military and its aligned border
guard force militias. The NUG suggests that the LMLECC immediately
establish an investigatory mechanism to hold the criminal networks, the
Myanmar army and its aligned militias accountable for this growing security
threat to the region.
In closing, the NUG recognizes the positive role that the LMC could potentially
play in addressing the ongoing crisis in Myanmar should it respect its founding
values and commitment to peace. The NUG stands ready to partner with its
counterparts across the LMC, and further requests that the ASEAN Secretary
General and the United Nations General Secretary offer their support to China to
ensure that the LMC plays a positive role in advancing the UN 2030 Agenda for
Sustainable Development and contributes to the efforts of ASEAN to resolve the
Myanmar crisis..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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"(CNN)I am thinking of a man who sang of freedom. His name is Zeyar Thaw.
He released my country's first hip-hop album in 2000. In the Myanmar of that time, this was almost a revolution. His rap touched the lives of many.
Anyone who spoke of freedom then was living dangerously. A founder of Generation Wave, a pro-democracy movement, Zeyar Thaw's music brought him inevitably into politics.
In 2011, after a stint in prison for his political activism and just as our democratic transition began, Zeyar Thaw was released and elected to parliament.
Now he is sitting on death row. A few weeks ago, Zeyar Thaw and fellow freedom activist Ko Jimmy were sentenced to die by the military regime that stole power in February 2021. If their execution goes ahead it will be the first in the country in decades.
Their crime? The regime accuses them of being "involved in terrorist acts." What does this mean? That they believe in freedom.
The National Unity Government (NUG) has recorded almost 3,000 people who have been killed since the illegal coup. More than one million people have been displaced from their homes, with many seeking shelter in refugee camps. Another 1.6 million more have lost their jobs. More than 19,000 homes have been destroyed, the NUG estimates.
I was elected by the people of my constituency in November 2020. I was waiting to take the oath of office and to choose our next President. But on February 1, 2021, soldiers under the command of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing surrounded the dormitories where we lived as parliamentary members. They forced each of us to choose -- do we surrender to their guns or do we resist?
I had already endured 11 hard years as a political prisoner under a previous military regime between 1998 and 2009. Most of those I spent in solitary confinement. This time, I could not just watch as another despotic general forced my country into chaos. I chose resistance.
So did Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy and many thousands across Myanmar. Nurses, teachers, doctors, farmers, even children -- they came out into the streets against the unwanted coup.
We are living in a world where dictators support each other to retain their power. Therefore it must be clear that the struggle for democracy and freedom undertaken by the Myanmar people is a struggle that concerns everyone
Zin Mar Aung
We chose to assert our legitimacy, as elected members of parliament. We formed the National Unity Government because our freedom will not be stolen by the military's Russian guns.
Russia continues to be a major supplier of arms, equipment and training to the military in my country, including fighter jets, helicopters and drones -- weapons which have been used to bomb and kill civilians since the coup.
We have first-hand experience that Russia's military interference is not limited to Ukraine. Russia and Myanmar are strengthening their ties and we see it as part of a larger strategic engagement with Southeast Asia -- a coordinated attempt to promote autocracy and erode democracy in the region.
In turn, the military junta has sided with Russian President Vladimir Putin and his invasion of Ukraine. Just last week a high level delegation from the military council attended the 25th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum with the aim of strengthening their ties with the Russian regime.
We are living in a world where dictators support each other to retain their power. Therefore it must be clear that the struggle for democracy and freedom undertaken by the Myanmar people is a struggle that concerns everyone.
I am the Foreign Minister of the National Unity Government of Myanmar. It is my task to tell the world we will not be defeated. But what can I tell the people of Myanmar in return? What is the world saying to us?
Over a year on from the coup, no country has formally recognized the regime of Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. The military continues its campaign of violence -- killing, burning, destroying food and crops, imprisoning people without charge. The generals stand accused of dreadful crimes against the Rohingya Muslim community and other ethnic minority people in our country.
It claims it is targeting what it calls and has designated "terrorists" and blames many of these incidents on resistance fighters, rather than its own military.
But US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken's words in March 2022 need to be heard: "There is no one the Burmese military won't come for. No one is safe from atrocities under its rule. And so more people in Burma now recognize that ending this crisis, restoring the path to democracy, starts with ensuring the human rights of all people in the country, including Rohingya."
We have to overcome this junta, changing their calculus so that they realize that they cannot keep Myanmar forever in the chains of their fear and greed.
This is how we are going to do it.
We must deny the junta the income that funds its violence. The United States, the European Union and the United Kingdom have imposed some sanctions against the regime. But much more must be done to deny the junta the foreign currency it craves.
The military continues to rely on funds from foreign companies to fund its acts of war. That flow of money, especially oil dollars, must and can be stopped.
It also relies on Russia. Russian weapons are flowing into my country, and Min Aung Hlaing has visited Moscow and even been honored by a Moscow university since the coup. Russia's veto makes it impossible for the UN Security Council to reach any common position on stopping this violence.
The example of Ukraine demonstrates how the world can use economic levers to put pressure on a regime.
Sanctions have thus far been used in Myanmar mostly against individuals -- more can and must be done to go after oil revenues and the ease with which the military can use the international banking system to extract its stolen riches and import the weapons it needs to prosecute its crimes. Recently, the UK government imposed sanctions against Russian companies that are supporting the military junta: this a step in the right direction.
The murderous acts of the Myanmar military will not stop until their income fails.
Domestically, we will overcome the junta by the power of inclusion. My country has been at war with itself for many decades. Now, in opposition to the military, a new alliance between the ethnic groups of Myanmar is building a new, shared future. We are addressing the root causes of violence through our new Federal Democratic Charter -- a plan for a decentralized, inclusive Myanmar. We are learning together where we need to go.
The murderous acts of the Myanmar military will not stop until their income fails
Zin Mar Aung
This vision has been validated by our National Union Consultative Council, the most inclusive, substantive and people-oriented process we have ever had in Myanmar. This NUCC brings together representatives of different political parties, ethnic voices and civil society to create common solutions to the challenges we face. We are learning together where we need to go.
And we are putting this inclusion into practice. Many parts of our country are already free from junta control thanks to the bravery of ethnic resistance organizations and the actions of the people in defending their own homes.
In these areas, we are working with ethnic political and civil society organizations to build local administrations led by the people's representatives, and these new administrations are taking responsibility for health and human services.
Another element in our plan is to oppose the sham election that the junta seeks to impose on the country.
This tactic is familiar, creating elections in which only they can stand, only they can win, and then parading the result as if it matters. This traps Myanmar in endless cycles of disempowerment and violence.
Our intention is to give the people of the country real freedom, not some mockery that serves the ambitions of one general who knows the people spurned him last time they had a choice.
Internationally, we assert the right of the people of Myanmar to the government that they choose. The French Senate and other parliaments have already determined that we are the legitimate government, because we carry the authority of the 2020 election and the consent of the people.
The current ASEAN Five Point Consensus has failed. The international community needs a more effective strategy to help Myanmar -- and restore the civilian government.
This must start with a more effective plan to deliver humanitarian assistance. Efforts at providing aid will fail if the donors allow the military a veto over how it is delivered --- Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen do not care about the sufferings of the people. They have even in the last few days targeted food supplies so as to starve our people.
They made clear that they want full control on humanitarian aid as a way to gain legitimacy and leverage on their strategy.
We in the National Unity Government stand ready to enable humanitarian agencies to reach those most in need. Myanmar has a resilient civil society that is carrying out incredible work to serve their communities. Humanitarian aid can and should be delivered while being accountable to the Myanmar people.
Finally, we must hold Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen to account for the crimes they committed. The murdered children, the people taken and tortured in prison, the villagers forced to watch their crops destroyed -- victims have a right to justice, and it shall not be denied to them.
We have seen the international reaction to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. That reaction gives me hope. We do not want to live in a world where such crimes can be committed with impunity. People believe that Ukraine can and should be free.
My country, its people and my friends -- Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy, about to be murdered -- they are waiting for the world to believe that Myanmar can be free as well..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-01
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will travel to Myanmar this weekend for a regional meeting in what will be Beijing’s highest-profile visit since the military seized power.
Wang will attend a foreign ministers’ meeting of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation mechanism in the UNESCO World Heritage town Bagan in Mandalay Region.
The Chinese foreign minister’s visit comes on the heels of the regime’s recent transfer of Myanmar’s detained State Counselor and democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to solitary confinement in a prison from house arrest.
It also comes in the wake of attacks by anti-regime armed resistance groups on Chinese projects in the country for harboring regime soldiers, who have killed civilians and torched villages nearby.
Recently, Chinese-owned Wanbao Mining Company in Sagaing Region was attacked with explosives and its power cables were blown up. The company condemned the attacks but didn’t comment on the sheltering of regime troops in its compound.
Some armed resistance groups are now openly challenging Chinese projects in Myanmar and have condemned China’s support for the regime.
Amid these attacks, there are reports that China wants to negotiate with the regime to send trained security guards to protect Chinese interests and mining projects in central Myanmar.
Hundreds of Chinese nationals have reportedly entered Myanmar through two major checkpoints including Chinshwe-haw in Laukkaing Township, in Shan State’s Laukkaing District. Several ethnic armed groups based along the China-Myanmar border believe that the Chinese have negotiated with the regime to deploy more security guards at the targeted projects in Myanmar.
The question now is whether Wang will meet coup leader Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing in Myanmar this time. If they meet, will Wang raise the issue of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was transferred from house arrest to prison last week? Or it will their talks focus more on extracting assurances from the regime that it will protect Chinese interests and projects in Myanmar?
After the coup, massive anti-China protests broke out in Myanmar and Chinese factories came under attack.
The attacks on China-linked businesses and China’s natural gas pipelines prompted Beijing to request an emergency meeting with regime officials, at which the Chinese side urged the junta to tighten security measures.
Wang is no stranger to Min Aung Hlaing or Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and last visited Myanmar in January 2021, just weeks before the coup. On that occasion he met with the country’s civilian President U Win Myint and the State Counselor, as well as military chief Min Aung Hlaing.
Since the coup, with Western governments imposing sanctions in response to the junta’s violent crackdown on dissent, the regime has turned increasingly to allies including China and Russia.
In April, current regime Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin was invited to visit China and received a warm welcome from Wang. Beijing said it would help safeguard Myanmar’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity “no matter how the situation changes”.
Wang told his Myanmar counterpart that Beijing “has always placed Myanmar in an important position in its neighborly diplomacy” and wants to “deepen exchanges and cooperation.”
Wang’s comments amounted to Beijing’s most unambiguous statement of support to date for the military regime.
Last year, Yun Sun, an expert on Myanmar-China relations with the Stimson Center, a US think-tank, said, “I think the Chinese can see that this military coup is successful and is here to stay.”
China is one of the top investors in Myanmar (as well as a major arms supplier) and has strategic infrastructure projects in the country, including energy pipelines that give Beijing a critical link to the Indian Ocean.
For Beijing, ultimately the question boils down to: Who can protect its interests and geopolitical objectives in Myanmar?
China insists it is sticking to its classic “non-interference” policy—one of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that is core to its foreign policy. In reality, given China’s enormous overseas interests and global economic power, it will do what is necessary to protect its business interests and counter security threats. Myanmar is no exception.
Therefore, China will need the regime’s assurance that it can protect its interests in Myanmar from those hostile ethnic armed groups and newly formed resistance groups that now pose immediate threats to Chinese projects.
In contrast, in June, US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet, making a visit to Southeast Asia, said the military is suffering “serious losses” in its fight against its own people, who have been resisting military rule in the country.
Given the ongoing crisis in Myanmar, Chollet said the regime was finding itself increasingly isolated, not just internationally but at home.
“They’re not winning. They’re losing territory. Their military is taking serious losses,” he told The Irrawaddy in a recent interview.
More than 2,000 people have been killed in the military’s crackdown on dissent since the coup, according to a local monitoring group. Thousands of villages have been burned down and activists and politicians have been locked up in prisons. Several politicians and activists have been taken away and next morning family members have been told to claim the dead bodies.
The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in February said it had stepped up its emergency response to assist hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people in Myanmar as their number crossed the 800,000 mark—a doubling since last year’s military coup.
Myanmar citizens are well aware of China’s self-interest, and therefore Wang’s visit to Myanmar will be keenly monitored. Any endorsement of the regime and General Min Aung Hlaing will backfire. The threats to Chinese interests are real. It is about time China engaged with opposition forces in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-01
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma's economic relations with China, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, China-Burma relations
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"Kirin Holdings has announced a share buyback with their joint ventures, Myanmar Brewery and the smaller Mandalay Brewery, which will see the company exit Myanmar and place their business partner, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), in control.
The deal will ensure the continued operations of the business, providing ongoing revenue for the Myanmar military through MEHL.
Kirin holds 51% of Myanmar Brewery, to MEHL’s 49%.
According to Kirin’s statement, the share transfer price is approximately 22.4 billion JPY (324 billion MMK or 163.9 million USD).
In November 2020, Kirin suspended dividend payments to MEHL. The company has not disclosed what will happen to the accrued dividends and the company’s bank balance when it exits Myanmar.
Civil society in Myanmar, Japan and across the world have called on Kirin to responsibly end their business with MEHL. Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, a mass boycott of Myanmar Beer has had a major impact on the company’s profits.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "Kirin’s decision to hand over control of Myanmar Brewery and Mandalay Brewery to military conglomerate Myanma Economic Holdings Limited is a windfall for the Myanmar military and will ensure a continued stream of revenue to finance atrocity crimes.
"Kirin appears to be excusing this irresponsible exit by claiming it is in the best interests of workers.
"The responsible move is to deny funds to the terrorist Myanmar military and remedy negative impacts to workers through compensation.
"Instead, Kirin has chosen to prioritise their bottom line over their human rights responsibilities and the lives of the people of Myanmar, who are subjected to daily arrest, murder, torture, the burning of homes and villages, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling by the Myanmar military.
“Kirin’s irresponsible exit comes as Myanmar is in crisis, as the junta wages a campaign of terror against the Myanmar people, aided and abetted by Kirin’s business with MEHL.
"Kirin must reverse this deplorable decision or be held accountable for their complicity in the military’s international crimes.
“We demand Kirin disclose their human rights due diligence, and the fate of the dividends that they had been withholding from MEHL.
"Kirin’s share transfer involves their Singapore subsidiary, Kirin Holdings Singapore Pte. Singapore should prevent transactions through their financial system that benefit the Myanmar military, including Kirin’s US-sanctioned business partner, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
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Individual Documents
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Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The terrorist military council illegally arrested State counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and she is currently being held in solitary confinement in a prison cell in Naypyidaw Prison.
In Myanmar's political history, successive military dictators have tortured, arrested and killed a variety of ways many political leaders, activists, and innocent civilians all in an effort to assert their power. In this, the latest chapter of violence and oppression, it is clear that the junta are committing even more egregious human rights violations, war crimes, and crimes against humanity than ever before.
On February 1, 2021, the terrorist group illegally attempted to dissolve the union government by force, an act recognised as criminal insurrection against the government in article 6 of the criminal code. In light of their many crimes and abuses, the CRPH declared the military council a terrorist organisation on March 1, 2021. Furthermore, trials and verdicts of courts operating under military control are null and void. The judicial and security personnel who continue to investigate, prosecute, and preside over cases within the military dictatorship's illegitimate system are complicit in a grievous crime and are viewed by the NUG Ministry of Justice as members of a criminal enterprise.
The military have arrested all the political leaders, activists, protesters, and dissenters that they can. This includes the President and State Counsellor of Myanmar. The junta's political prisoners should be seen not as criminals, but as hostages; unjust victims of the military's oppression. Their welfare and lives are in grave danger. The situation is dire.
According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), it is clear that the terrorist military council are in violation of the fundamental rights and values held by the United Nations and therefore, the international community. The military’s actions are not only incompatible with international human rights standards but also a blatant violation of the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, which the military government signed on June 4, 2004.
Therefore, we would humbly like to urge all people fighting for democracy, people who respect human dignity and rights and the international community to continue to fight and stand with the people of Myanmar to fight for the release of all unjust detainees as soon as possible.
The National Unity Government is continuously monitoring the situation of hostages and detainees in the interrogation camps and prisons, and efforts are being made to secure the freedom of all political prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Momentum is building in the Spring Revolution to dissolve the terrorist Military Council and to establish a Federal Democratic Union. Outcomes for which the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Government (NUG) and the Ethnic Brotherhood Alliances have been working tirelessly, and to which all the people aspire. Meanwhile, the terrorist Military Council and its affiliates have been intentionally producing and disseminating misleading, and false news stories, attempting to distort the image of the revolution.
Among these are fabricated claims that the National Unity Government has compiled a list of individuals of different political persuasions and held a meeting to decide procedures to endanger their lives. Not only is this categorically false, but we can point to an example eight months ago where a very similar claim was fabricated by a group of individuals and spread among the international community.
The National Unity Government considers the military dictatorship leaders, who instil fear and destabilize the civil society, as a common enemy and is striving its best to eradicate any form of dictatorship by upholding the principles of cherishing human rights, human security, and respect and appreciation for political diversity. The allegations described above are being fabricated and disseminated to distort the image of the revolution. They paint a picture which is entirely against the basic principles and policies of the National Unity Government. The National Unity Government does not, has not, and will not engage in any form of underhanded and unethical operations. The National Unity Government condemns any organisation which engages in coercion or rejects diversity of political opinion, and furthermore, the National Unity Government will drive to prosecute all perpetrators in accordance with the law..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
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"အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အပြီးသတ်ဖျက်သိမ်း၍ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တလျှက်ရှိသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတစ်ရပ်ပေါ်ထွန်းရေးအတွက် အားသွန်ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ(NUCC)၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ(CRPH)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG) နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားညီနောင်မဟာမိတ်တို့၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အရှိန်အဟုန်ရလာသည်နှင့်အမျှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်ပါးစေ အစုအဖွဲ့များက တော်လှန်ရေးကို ပုံဖျက်သည့် သတင်းတု၊ သတင်းယောင်၊ သတင်းမှားများကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ထုတ်လုပ်ဖြန့်ချိလျက်ရှိကြောင်းတွေ့ရပါသည်။
ထိုသို့သော သတင်းတု၊ သတင်းယောင်၊ သတင်းမှားများထဲတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အမြင်သဘောထားမတူသူ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အချို့အား အသက်အန္တရာယ်ရန်ရှာရန် စာရင်းပြုစုထားကြောင်းကို အစည်းအဝေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်နှင့်တကွ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များပါ ချမှတ်ထားသယောင် လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီး၍ ဖြန့်ချိနေသော သတင်းမှားတစ်ခုလည်း ပါဝင်နေသည်ကို တွေ့ရပါသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော သတင်းမှားမှာ ယခုအကြိမ်တွင် သာမက လွန်ခဲ့သော (၈)လ ခန့်ကလည်း ပုံစံတူ သတင်းမှားတစ်ခုကို လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အချို့က လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီးကာ နိုင်ငံတကာအဝန်းအဝိုင်းသို့ ပေးပို့ခဲ့ဖူးသည့် သာဓကတစ်ခုလည်း ရှိခဲ့ဖူးကြောင်း သိရသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအတွင်း အကြောက်တရားသွတ်သွင်း၍ လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း ကို မလုံခြုံမှုများဖြစ်စေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင် များသည်သာလျင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး နှင့် လူသားလုံခြုံရေးအတွက် ဘုံရန်သူဖြစ်သည်ဟု သတ်မှတ်ကာ အမြစ်ပြတ် တွန်းလှန်နိုင်ရေးကို နိုင်ငံရေးအမြင်မတူ ကွဲပြားမှုများအား လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားလျက် ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက် နေခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ တော်လှန်ရေးပုံပျက်စေရန် လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီး ဖြန့်ချိနေသည့် သတင်းမှားတွင် ပါဝင်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်မျိုးမှာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ စွဲကိုင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော မူဝါဒ၊ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်၊ ရည်မှန်းချက်များနှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သောကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ လုပ်ကိုင်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။ နိုင်ငံရေးအမြင်မတူ ကွဲပြားမှုများကို လက်မခံပဲ အဓမ္မနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို မည်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းက ကျူးလွန်သည်ဖြစ်စေ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပြီး ကျူးလွန်သူများအား တရားဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးကို တွန်းအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
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Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"At a meeting with security officials in Singapore last month, US Department of State Counselor Derek Chollet said what most international observers think when he stated that there is “no chance” that elections, which Myanmar’s junta has pledged to hold next year, will be free and fair. On the contrary, he said, “it can be an attempt to just manipulate the region, the international community.” But a notable exception is Pornpimol “Pauline” Kanchanalak, Thailand’s newly appointed special envoy to Myanmar. Speaking at the same conference, she said that the international community must take the junta’s commitment to hold elections “at face value” and that “condemnations, sanctions, ostracization” of the junta “have reached diminishing returns.”
It is hard to say whether Pornpimol really believed what she said or if it was merely an outcome of the notion that being kind to the junta and showing it some understanding would produce results. But, as last year’s coup clearly shows, the kind of “constructive engagement” that several outsiders, among them Western academics, diplomats and aid officials, pursued prior to the military takeover was severely misguided. As history has proved time and again, Myanmar’s generals do not listen to anybody but themselves. Pornpimol may also be a victim of another gross misunderstanding that is common among Thai policy makers: that they have a positive, special relationship with the Myanmar military that other outsiders lack. Therefore, the generals will listen to their “Thai brothers and sisters”, especially if they refrain from condemning human-rights abuses perpetrated by the Myanmar military.
Troubled history
But Myanmar’s generals may not be as easy to charm as Pornpimol and other Thai civil and military officials seem to believe. Behind the smiles and the handshakes often seen at official functions lies a long and troubled history of mutual distrust between the two Southeast Asian neighbors. Well into modern times, Thai schoolchildren learned little more about Myanmar than that its invading armies destroyed the old royal capital of Ayutthaya in 1767. Myanmar for its part had every reason to resent the Thais when they, in the early 1950s, became actively involved in sending supplies to renegade Kuomintang (KMT) forces that had retreated into northeastern and northern Myanmar following their defeat by Mao Zedong’s communist forces in 1949. The Myanmar military had to fight those unwelcome intruders while the US Central Intelligence Agency and its Taiwanese and Thai allies funneled weapons and other necessities across the border into the Shan States, where the KMT had its bases.
Then, in October 1953, traditional atavistic Thai fears of Myanmar were reinforced when the Myanmar military was trying to block a KMT advance south towards today’s Kayah State—and a Myanmar aircraft strayed across the border and accidentally bombed a village in Mae Hong Son province, killing two people and injuring five. The specter of the destruction of Ayutthaya was raised in sensational reports in the Thai media and the then Thai prime minister, Plaek Phibunsongkram, publicly threatened to shoot down any Myanmar aircraft that violated the country’s airspace. Privately, however, he invited leaders of the Mon and Karen rebel armies to Bangkok, where, for the first time, secret negotiations were held between representatives of ethnic armed organizations from Myanmar and senior Thai officials.
In March 1954, they arrived in the Thai capital. The Mon sent Nai Shwe Kyin, one of the founders of the Mon rebel movement, and Nai Hong Sa, who had a wide range of connections within Thailand’s ethnic Mon community. Saw Thra Din, a resistance veteran, represented the Karen National Union (KNU). They had a brief meeting with Plaek but negotiations were handled by Siddhi Savetsila, a young wing commander in the Royal Thai Air Force, and Charoentit Charunjamratromran, a prominent police colonel. Siddhi later became a politician and was Thailand’s foreign minister from 1980 to 1990 and, from 1991 to his death in 2015, served as a member of the Privy Council of the Thai King.
New policy
That clandestine visit of the Mon and Karen rebel leaders in 1954 marked the beginning of a new Thai policy towards Myanmar—one that would, to the chagrin of Myanmar’s military commanders, last for decades. For Thailand to police the porous, 2,416-km border with its historical enemy would have been a difficult and extremely costly undertaking. The solution was to encourage ethnic armed organizations from Myanmar to serve as buffers. While the Thai leaders pledged no direct support, the rebels were allowed to set up camps along the frontier, their families were allowed to stay in towns and villages on the Thai side, and they could buy arms and ammunition from dealers in Thailand.
The first military coup in Myanmar in March 1962, and the subsequent introduction of a disastrous policy called “the Burmese Way to Socialism” made it possible for the ethnic rebels to strengthen their respective armed forces. “Socialism” in a Myanmar context, as articulated by the new dictator, General Ne Win, meant that everything in sight was nationalized and handed over to about 20 military-run state corporations. But those were so badly managed that Myanmar’s own production of consumer goods collapsed. Official imports also came to a standstill, as no foreign traders knew how to deal with the military corporations and the officers who headed them had very limited business experience.
Enterprising black marketeers and smugglers, however, soon made up for the shortcomings. Most of the goods were brought in from Thailand—and the KNU and other ethnic rebels set up a series of “toll gates” along the Thai border where the contraband was taxed. Links were established with Thai merchants and military commanders, whose interests often were intertwined. Consumer goods, textiles, machinery, transistor radios and tape recorders, machinery, spare parts for vehicles and medicine went from Thailand to Myanmar while teak, other forest products, minerals, jade, precious stones, antiques and opium flowed in the opposite direction.
The total value of those unofficial transactions has never been thoroughly researched, but it is fair to assume that Thailand owes much of its rapid economic growth and development in the 1960s, ’70s and ’80s to the thriving black-market trade with Myanmar. The Myanmar government had to turn a blind eye to these smuggling activities along the Thai border, given a choice between contraband or no goods at all, which could result in political and social unrest. And, as an inadvertent result of Gen. Ne Win’s economic policies, the ethnic rebels were able to buy more, and more sophisticated, weapons and maintain control over most of the Thai-Myanmar border.
It was not until after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Myanmar that the Thais began to re-evaluate their border-buffer policy. The protesters did not manage to dislodge the military from power, but the Burmese Way to Socialism was abandoned and free enterprise was allowed—albeit under the strict supervision of the then junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council. In the wake of the uprising, thousands of dissidents flocked to the Thai border, where they and their activities were tolerated—but then an unprecedented and very controversial deal was struck between Myanmar’s military authorities and the Thai army commander at the time, General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. In December 1988, he went to Yangon and broke the international isolation that had been imposed on Myanmar after thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators had been massacred in the streets of the capital and other cities and towns. In return, Thai companies received lucrative logging contracts, fishing rights and deals in the hotel business. Chavalit also agreed to repatriate student activists who had fled to Thailand after the massacres, and that was not always done voluntarily.
Direct links
With direct business links being established between Thai and Myanmar interests, the old border buffer concept was becoming obsolete. It became more difficult, but not impossible, for the dissidents, and the ethnic armed organizations, to operate along the border. Many ethnic groups from Myanmar, among them the Karen, the Kachin and the Pa-O, still have contacts with Thai military officers and local government officials, which makes it difficult for the authorities in Bangkok to fully implement the new policies. And then there are groups like the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), which is armed by the Thais and is still functioning as a border buffer, but more to prevent the China-allied United Wa State Army from establishing a stronghold on the Thai border than to keep the Myanmar military at bay. But there are also occasional skirmishes between the RCSS and Myanmar junta forces. And some guns, hand grenades and explosives are even now reaching Karen guerrillas as well as the urban dissidents with whom they are allied.
One should not be surprised to learn that the Myanmar military sees the Thais as duplicitous. Private discussions with former Myanmar army officers also reveal the disdain with which they see their Thai counterparts, who they say are weak and lack combat experience. And, not to be forgotten, the Myanmar military has a long memory and cannot ignore decades of Thai border politics—which were entirely in favor of Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations—or that the Thais, at the same time, took advantage of Myanmar’s economic predicaments. That the Thais can be used, but not trusted, appears to be the consensus among Myanmar officers. Pornpimol may be correct in assuming that the Myanmar military has a very “special relationship” with the Thais. But it is not in the way she thinks, and it will not produce the results she expects to get in return for “being nice” to the generals in Naypyitaw..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
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Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Thailand-Burma relations
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The UK delivered a statement during the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (oral progress report).
Description:
"Thank you, Special Rapporteur for your update.
Special Rapporteur,
Your new report sheds light on the abhorrent violence committed against children in Myanmar. Your report underscores the shockingly high numbers of children - killed by the military, forced to flee their homes, and arbitrarily detained – with horrifying reports of torture. Their childhoods have been stolen.
The United Kingdom condemns in the strongest terms these grave violations against Myanmar’s children. The military must immediately cease all violations against children, including releasing those in arbitrary detention.
As penholder at the UN Security Council and a member of the UNSC Children and Armed Conflict Working Group, the UK will continue to ensure that protecting the children of Myanmar and safeguarding their human rights remains high on the international agenda.
The UK has announced 11 tranches of sanctions since the coup, which inhibit the military regime’s ability to finance such atrocities. We also continue to put our full support behind the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, and its mandate to collect evidence of the most serious human rights violations, including those against children..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2022-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
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"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the
situation of human rights in Myanmar, as well as the Special Rapporteur’s conference room paper1 on
the military junta’s devastating impact on Myanmar’s children.
Myanmar continues to extend its full support to the Special Rapporteur and his mandate, and
remains committed to granting him access to the country.
In his update to the Human Rights Council, the Special Rapporteur implored UN Member States to
“urgently reassess and recalibrate their policies towards Myanmar”, cautioning that the “failure to
take strong, meaningful action will be a death sentence for untold numbers of people.”
The Special Rapporteur’s conference room paper lays plain the military junta’s terrorist intent. It
catalogues crimes against humanity and war crimes against children that include hostage-taking, the
pulling out of fingernails and teeth, stabbing and burning, sexual violence, mock executions,
deprivation of food and water and the denial of medical care.
As at 29 June 2022, at least 382 children had been killed or wounded by the junta. To the Special
Rapporteur:
‘The relentless attacks on children underscore the depths of the military junta’s depravity and
its willingness to inflict immense misery and hardship on innocent victims to try and subjugate
the people of Myanmar.’
The spiralling impact of the failed coup has also devastated children’s access to education, healthcare
and economic security, while the junta’s intentional mass displacement of communities has made girls
in particular vulnerable to human trafficking and sexual exploitation.
Without ‘concerted remedial action’, the Special Rapporteur warns, ‘Myanmar’s children will become
a lost generation’.
In calling on the international community to ‘respond to the crisis in Myanmar with the same urgency
they have responded to the crisis in Ukraine’, the Special Rapporteur sets out a clear agenda for action
that must include:
• a dramatic increase in humanitarian assistance and unequivocal regional support for refugees,
including by fully funding the Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan 2022
• stronger and more unified targeted economic sanctions against the junta and coordinated
financial investigations
• UN Security Council Members finally putting a resolution forward for consideration, debate and a
vote, and referring the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
Echoing the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights during her Item 2 oral update on Myanmar,
the Special Rapporteur has also urged ASEAN and UN Member States to increase their engagement
with the National Unity Government – a call that Myanmar welcomes.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, is
committed to promoting and protecting the rights of the child, consistent with its obligations under
international law including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its optional protocols.
Myanmar also accepts the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations that it:
• promote and advance the National Unity Government – People’s Defence Forces code of conduct,
which provides guidance on the laws of armed conflict and the treatment of civilians
• accede to key international human rights treaties, including the ICCPR, CAT and ICERD
• ensure that any amendments to the 2019 Child Rights Law are in full conformity with the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, including by guaranteeing the right to nationality and to not
be stateless.
In closing, Myanmar expresses its continued gratitude to the Special Rapporteur for his tireless
commitment to the human rights, dignity and fundamental freedoms of its people..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ၏ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အား ဥပဒေမဲ့ဖမ်းဆီးကာ မတရားအမှုများစွဲကပ်၍ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် နေပြည်တော် အကျဉ်းထောင်သို့ ပို့ဆောင်ချုပ်နှောင်ထားကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။
မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေးသမိုင်းတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်သည် ၎င်းတို့၏ အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ပြည်သူများအား နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ညှင်းပမ်းနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်များကို ထိပါးဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသလို ယခုလက်ရှိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည်လည်း ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အာဏာရှင်များထက်ပင် ပိုမိုဆိုးဝါးသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုအပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများစွာကို ဆင်ခြင်တုံ့တရား ကင်းမဲ့စွာ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်မှာ ထင်ရှားလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ဥပဒေမဲ့ အနိုင်အထက်ပြုကာ လက်နက်အားကိုး၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရကို ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် အားထုတ်မှုသည် ပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေအခန်း(၆) ပါ ပြဌာန်းချက်များနှင့် ငြိစွန်းလျက် ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရကို ဆန့်ကျင်ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထောက်ပြ၍ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား “အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု” အဖြစ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီက ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အတူ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအလိုကျ အမှုများကို စစ်ဆေးစီရင်နေသည့် တရားရုံးများနှင့် ယင်းတရားရုံးများကချမှတ်သည့် စီရင်ချက်၊ အမိန့်များသည် တရားဝင်မှု လုံးဝမရှိကြောင်းနှင့် အဆိုပါ အမှုများကို စစ်ဆေးစီရင်နေသည့် စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ တရားရုံးများ၊ တရားရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ နှင့် ဥပဒေဝန်ထမ်းများသည် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကျူးလွန်နေကြသော ရာဇဝတ် ဂိုဏ်းသားများဖြစ်ကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့်လည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မတရားဖမ်းဆီးထားသော ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၏ နိုင်ငံတော် သမ္မတ၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်ဆောင်များ၊ နိုင်ငံရေး တက်ကြွ လှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ ပြည်သူများအားလုံးသည် ရာဇဝတ်ဂိုဏ်းတစ်ခုက ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူများ နှင့် အလားသဏ္ဍာန်တူနေသည့် ကာလဖြစ်သောကြောင့် တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက် ချင်းစီတိုင်း၏ အသက်အန္တရာယ်မှာ စိုးရိမ်ဖွယ် အနေအထားဖြစ်ပေသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကြေညာစာတမ်း (UDHR) နှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံသားနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေး အခွင့်အရေးများ (ICCPR) ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းများတွင် မည်သည့် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်အတွက်မဆို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းသည် လူတစ်ဦးချင်း၏ဘဝ၊ လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်နှင့် လုံခြုံမှုအပါအဝင် လူတိုင်း၏ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့် အခြေခံ အခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂက ထိန်းသိမ်းထားသော အခြေခံတန်ဖိုးများကို ချိုးဖောက်သည် ဟုပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေး စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီခြင်းမရှိရုံသာမက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက ၂၀၀၄ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ (၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့သည့် ဓားစာခံဖမ်းခြင်းဆန့်ကျင်ရေး အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းပါ အချက်အလက်များကိုလည်း ဗြောင်ကျကျ ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
ထို့ကြောင့် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူများအားလုံး အမြန်ဆုံး ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအတွက် ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေကြသူများ၊ လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုး ထားကြသူများအားလုံးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ဆက်လက်ရပ်တည်ပြီး အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် တာဝန်ရှိကြောင်း တိုက်တွန်းလိုသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့်လည်း စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများနှင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်း ဓားစာခံများသဖွယ် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံထားကြရပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံနေကြရသူများ၏ အခြေအနေအရပ်ရပ်ကို မျက်ချေမပြတ်စောင့်ကြည့်နေပြီး အားလုံးလွတ်မြောက်ရေးအတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-29
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Title: Petronas, PTTEP, ENEOS, Mitsubishi Corp & Japan Gov irresponsibly exiting Yetagun gas project
Description:
"The Myanmar military junta has appointed Gulf Petroleum Myanmar (GPM) as operator of the Yetagun gas project, according to a Justice For Myanmar source with knowledge of the deal, and reporting from Myanmar Now.
The irresponsible divestment of Petronas and their partners will provide the Myanmar military junta with a continuing source of revenue, and heightens environmental risks from the decommissioning of the gas field, which is near depletion.
Petronas is the exiting operator of the Yetagun gas project, under a partnership with PTTEP and the ENEOS consolidated subsidiary, Nippon Oil Exploration (Myanmar). Other investors in Nippon Oil are the Japanese Government and Mitsubishi Corporation.
Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar and Mekong Watch have repeatedly called on Yetagun gas project investors to responsibly exit. This must involve taking appropriate steps to close the field in a way that would ensure future revenues do not flow to the Myanmar military, and that continued human rights and environmental impacts are avoided.
Consistent calls by civil society to sanction the military controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) have also gone ignored. To date, only the EU has imposed any sanctions on MOGE.
Who is Gulf Petroleum Myanmar?
GPM is a private oil and gas company backed by the Thai tycoon Chatchai Yenbamroong, who was an executive in the telephone directory business of former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and an advisor to former Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh.
Yenbamroong’s business links to the Myanmar military started as early as 1995, when he received a ten-year licence from the military controlled Myanma Posts and Telecommunications to publish the Myanmar Yellow Pages.
GPM is part of the Thailand-based Northern Gulf Petroleum group. Northern Gulf Petroleum is structured through shell companies in Bermuda, according to the GPM website, and has a holding company in Singapore. Chatchai Yenbamroong and Northern Gulf Petroleum have also established offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands, according to the Offshore Leaks database of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.
Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands and Singapore are corporate tax havens.
Northern Gulf Petroleum was established in 2004 to bid in the 19th round of oil exploration and production concessions during the Thaksin administration, Thai media has reported. The company won concessions despite Northern Gulf Petroleum’s lack of qualifications, awarded after Thaksin was deposed in a military coup in 2006. Yenbamroong has also invested in oil and mining companies in Canada and Australia.
GPM’s chair is Kyaw Kyaw Hlaing, who is the chair and director of SMART Group of Companies. It was first established in 1994, under Myanmar’s former dictatorship, servicing the military controlled petroleum industry. A second GPM director, Zarni Swe, is a director in subsidiaries of SMART Group of Companies.
GPM director Ni Lwin Soe serves on the board of a number of Yenbamroong’s companies, including Thaisat Global’s Myanmar unit, Northern Gulf Petroleum Myanmar Limited, and Myanmar Gulf LNG Company Limited.
On May 14, 2022, the illegitimate junta launched an invitation for bids for an operator and shareholder in the Yetagun Project with a May 20 deadline, in a rush to replace Petronas.
Other bidders included a company linked to the crony Shwe Byain Phyu group.
An industry source disclosed to Justice For Myanmar that GPM began taking over the project on May 31. Petronas is to complete the handover to GPM after the completion of its Acid Gas Removal Unit (AGRU) project. Petronas previously had a sales purchase agreement with GPM.
GPM did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding the resumption of operations, contract terms and whether they will be working with any joint operators.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Gulf Petroleum Myanmar’s takeover of the Yetagun gas project ensures the continued flow of funds to the Myanmar military junta, a terrorist organisation that commits war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
“Gulf Petroleum Myanmar and its directors and shareholders must be held accountable for aiding and abetting the military’s crimes.
“Their entry is enabled by the failure of the US, Japan and other governments to sanction the Myanmar military controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise.
“We call for urgent and coordinated sanctions to block the junta’s access to oil and gas revenues.
“Petronas, PTTEP and Nippon Oil are responsible for the human rights and environmental impacts of their disengagement from the Yetagun gas project.
“They must disclose their human rights and environmental due diligence, consult with the National Unity Government, civil society and affected communities, and remedy negative impacts.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-28
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"Dear Friends, thank you very much indeed for this invitation to brief you on religious freedom in Myanmar. As you know, the military generals in Myanmar are infamous for their crimes against humanity and their repression of freedom. They especially target religious freedom. Freedom is a gift from God. We are born free and we will live free. In the month of May alone more than 7,000 civilian houses, churches and other places of worship were burnt down and destroyed by genocidal military soldiers and their sponsored civilian militia partners. Since 2021 February, more than 20,000 houses and places of worship have been burned and destroyed by the command of the genocidal military generals. Due to these atrocities, more than 1.2 million people are displaced and have become homeless. Many of these atrocities are occurring in religious minority populations such as Chin, Karenni, Karen, Kachin (mostly Christians) and in Rakhine mostly among minority Muslim Rohinga communities.
Throughout the history of Myanmar these same military generals have time and again proven that they are the enemy of freedom, federal democracy and self-determination and they have made a policy called “Race and Religious Protections.” The military generals are doing everything they can so that the people of Myanmar are not free to choose their faith and believed. They are using religion and race as weapons by supporting ultra-extremist groups such as Mabata which mean our race, religion and mission. And the extremist group leader Wirathu was named by the time magazine as the face of Buddhist terror. Mabata created several movements such as 969 movement which openly advocated violence against other religion minorities community in Myanmar and spread hate speeches against religion minority in Myanmar. The genocidal military have been using Buddhism as weapons by using it to discrimination against other minority religion and brutal military generals created the state sponsored Ministry called Ministry of religion affairs which have created several strategies to discriminate against religious minority in Myanmar based of race and religion.
Many minorities’ religions organization in Myanmar are named after their race and identity which became the target places for genocidal military generals to execute their policy of divide and rule-based on race and religious. The genocidal military in Myanmar have been weaponizing our diversities by using this evil policy of divide and rule- based on diverse background, ethnicity, race, and religions. Furthermore, they are using starvation, hunger, and poverty as a weapon to intimidate and destroy our religious freedom. They are intensifying their attacks by using battlefields weapons specially to these religions’ minority groups such as Christians majority states Chin, Karenni, Kachin, Karen and Muslim minority, Rohinga populations in Rakhine. These brutal attacks created unspeakable crisis among these minority population in Myanmar. Then they put brutal military four cuts’ policies in placed so that these suffering victims received no food, medicines and aides. The military affectively stop the aides to go to these minority areas and they control where the aides go so that they can weaponized humanitarians’ assistance.
The freedom to believe is the fundamental freedom that all human beings are granted by Almighty God. That has to be upheld, respected and protected. That is exactly what the people of Myanmar want. The international community has a responsibility to respect and protect the will of the people of Myanmar. The people of Myanmar want to have full religious freedom, the freedom to believe or not believe and the freedom to choose their future.
When we talk about freedom, we are talking about freedom to choose, freedom to believe, freedom to hope, love and live in peace. Freedom of education including religious education. The freedom to thrive and flourish, the freedom to choose health care, the freedom to not have military caused food insecurity and crisis, freedom to the fruits of one’s own labor and the freedom to have peace and stability. These are the reasons for this historical Myanmar people’s revolution, the brave people of Myanmar are fighting for freedom and federal democracy. The resolute people of Myanmar have chosen their future which will be free with federal democratic government by the people, for the people. That’s all the future that awaits the people of Myanmar. We are doing everything we can to remove the enemy of freedom, the genocidal military dictatorship that is standing in the way to freedom for ALL the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, gender, culture, ethnicity, and background.
Dear friends and colleagues the people of Myanmar need you, they need your supports so they can be free from this tyranny and darkness. We need your help in our journey. We need your help to free the people of Myanmar from these injustices and unrighteousness. They deserve to have justice and righteousness. The people of Myanmar needed to be free, especially from the atrocities of religious oppression, burning, looting, murder, systematic rape, tortures, intimidation, and discrimination. They deserve peace, they deserve the opportunity to pursue prosperity, they deserve stability. This will be the way of the people of Myanmar in Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. The brave people of Myanmar will never give up, we will not rest nor stop this fight for our Freedom and Federal Democracy. We must overcome this darkness to bring light to the future of Myanmar. We all are committed and determined to end this reign of terror against the people of Myanmar and to stop all these crimes against humanity. We will write Federal Democratic Principles-based Constitution that belongs to ALL the people of Myanmar, the Constitution that respects, protects, and promotes freedom and rights for ALL the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, gender, color, language, background, and ethnicity. We will build our glorious future under the light of free Myanmar and Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. The free and Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar will thrive and flourish not only for ALL the people of Myanmar but also for the whole region and for the world to make better places for ALL. Once again thank you so much indeed for having me here today.
May God bless you, May God Bless Myanmar. Thank You and Sincerely,
Dr. Sasa..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-28
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Individual Documents
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190.32 KB 550.89 KB
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Description:
"His Excellency Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and
International Cooperation, and Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, has
conveyed to the State Administrative Council (SAC ) of the Union of Myanmar the
"deep concern expressed by ASEAN colleagues" with regard to the report on the
transfer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from the home to a jail in Nay Pyi Taw and urged the
SAC to facilitate her return to the home where she was originally detained.
"I have no doubt that the same concern resonates beyond ASEAN, considering that
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is regarded internationally and by many in Myanmar as
having a critical role in your country's return to normalcy and national reconciliation
through a peaceful political solution," wrote Deputy PM Prak Sokhonn in his recent
letter to H.E. Wunna Maung Lwin, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the
Union of Myanmar.
In my capacity as the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, he continued,
"I would like to echo the voice of our ASEAN colleagues in urging the State
Administrative Council of Myanmar to exercise compassion and facilitate the return
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the home where she was originally detained, in
consideration of her fragile health and well-being, as well as fair and judicious
practice of the rule of law."
"We all share the view that a peaceful national reconciliation cannot be expected
when one party to the conflict is taken out of the resolution equation," said the ASEAN
Chair Special Envoy, underlining that 'Therefore, all our ASEAN colleagues strongly
encourage the State Administrative Council of Myanmar to begin an inclusive process
of national reconciliation without further delay". A peaceful political resolution to a
conflict, no matter how complex it is, must involve the sharing of political space by
all involved, he added..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-06-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
NUG welcomes the UK’s decision to impose sanctions on companies delivering weapons
Description:
"(1) The National Unity
Government welcomes the United
Kingdom’s decision to impose
sanctions on companies delivering
the weapons that allow Myanmar’s
terrorist military junta to perpetrate
its brutal violence. These sanctions
target several Russian arms dealers
who are selling drones and
helicopter parts to the junta as well
as Myanmar companies who act as
intermediaries between the Russian
weapon suppliers and the military.
The following Myanmar companies
are contained in the sanctions list:
Myanmar New Era Trading
Company Limited, Sky Aviator
Company Limited, and Synpex
Shwe Company Limited
https://bit.ly/3A1ERy8
NUG welcomes the UK’s decision to impose
sanctions on companies delivering weapons
(3) The National Unity
Government i s s u e d an
addendum to the Federal
Democracy Charter: “The
Federal Democracy Union
Declaration”. The declaration
was first proposed on June
31st, 2021, and approved with
some amendments in the first
people's congress held 27th -
29th January, 2022.....NUG announced that it can wage guerrilla
warfare and direct confrontations with many
PDF battalions
(2) The National Unity
Government announced that it is
both purchasing and manufacturing
armaments so that the combat
forces can continue their campaign
of guerrilla warfare against the SAC.
With the formation of hundreds of
battalions and the increased
availability of arms, the NUG has
also indicated that pro-democracy
forces will soon be able to launch
direct conventional military
operations against the junta's
forces. Already the NUG's forces..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
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200.49 KB
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၉/၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
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332.55 KB
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Description:
"1. In order to eliminate dependency on banking systems under the control of the illegal military council, and to institute an independent and secure mechanism for financial transactions in our endeavour to bring about eradication of military dictatorship, the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment hereby announces the establishment of the Digital Myanmar Kyat (DMMK), which shall have the same cash value as the Myanmar kyat, as the official digital currency of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.
2. The NUGPay Mobile Wallet shall be the official electronic wallet for use in conjunction with the Digital Myanmar Kyat.
3. In accordance with the Federal Democracy Charter Part II, Interim Constitutional Arrangements, Chapter 4, Section 25, subsection (b), this Notification is hereby published with the consent of the Union Government..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
18.33 KB
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Description:
"The forthcoming meeting o f the G7 group o f countries in Germany provides an
important opportunity to update the commitments made last year to the people of
Myanmar.
When they met in 2021, the G7 condemned the illegal coup, the arbitrary arrest of
innocent people, and the violence committed by the junta's forces. They committed
themselves to the support o f all those who are working to create a stable and
inclusive democracy, and to unfettered humanitarian access to vulnerable and
displaced populations.
Further to this, the G7 made a common commitment to pursuing "additional
measures" should those prove necessary.
One year on from the G7 meeting in the United Kingdom, the violence of the
military continues against innocent civilians. The same military is denying
humanitarian access to those in need. Grievous abuses o f human rights have taken
place. Increasingly, junta forces are using hunger as a weapon o f war against whole
populations.
The National Unity Government urges all the member countries o f the G7, and
those invited to attend, to take seriously the humanitarian and economic
catastrophe caused by this coup. It is causing immense suffering.
G7 countries have the power to impose additional sanctions so as to limit further
the flows of foreign funds to the junta.
G7 countries must also stem the flow o f arms from Russia and other countries that
are enabling the military to continue their murderous campaign.
The National Unity Government and the people of Myanmar are looking to the G7
to deliver on its commitment to additional measures, and to support us in our
struggle for freedom..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
Language:
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pdf
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60.61 KB
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Description:
"Three days after her 77th birthday, Myanmar’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi found herself in a prison of one of the most ruthless regimes in the world.
It’s hard for anyone to imagine themselves in her shoes—from a pro-democracy fighter to a prisoner, from a prisoner to the country’s elected leader, from the elected leader to a prisoner again.
At this age, she must be the unluckiest person or politician in the world to be subject to solitary confinement in prison. Worse, she is a prisoner of a brutal and wicked regime.
That’s her choice, however. Life is a choice.
If it’s a fault, then it has been her fault since the start. Consciously, she chose this life.
Since 1988, she has taken up the cause to fight for “the country’s second independence struggle”, in her own words, for her country and its people to be free from dictatorship.
She must have known that one day her life was likely to end this way.
At least, it must have occurred to her on Feb. 1, 2021 when she became a prisoner again when the military seized power after overthrowing her elected government.
As a sensible and mindful person, she must since then have prepared to spend time alone in prison.
Perhaps this time the 77-year-old was prepared for worse things, or even the worst—to face death behind bars—given the regime’s lengthy sentences against her.
No doubt that is the final mission of her captors.
She should have known that the junta and its chief Min Aung Hlaing himself were planning to end the political life she’s chosen, and her own life too, the one her mother brought into this world.
She has been the biggest thorn in the side of the ruling generals ever since she first shook their grip on power.
Thus, the generals tried to keep her away from politics with the punishments below:
Detaining her under house arrest for 15 years over the past three decades. Annulling the electoral victories of her party. Overthrowing her elected government. Crippling her popular party. Slaying her supporters. Sentencing her to lengthy imprisonment terms. Keeping her under house arrest until recently.
All these punishments were not enough.
Sending her to prison on Wednesday was a part of their final mission.
This time, the generals seriously intend to get rid of her, unlike before. A lucky thing for them now is her age.
Min Aung Hlaing, his deputy generals and his former senior generals as mentors will feel lucky that soon they can rest assured she will draw her very last breath in prison.
But for the people of Myanmar, they have lost their leader again after losing her repeatedly in the past following her multiple arrests.
They can’t help appreciating her selfless efforts for their country. They can feel her true feeling for them. They respect her and love her. They voted for her whenever they got the chance to exercise their democratic right at polling stations.
She and her party repeatedly won landslide victories over the past three decades.She is their sole representative. She is more representative than other elected leaders around the world.
By sending their leader to prison it seems that the generals were punishing the people for voting for her.
Whatever the junta did to her was done to the Myanmar people too.
Annulling the 2020 election result was itself the junta’s attack on the people who voted for her party. The junta is waging a war against the people.
The leader suffers and the people suffer too.
To err is human, and she is no exception.
She was wrong to believe in reconciliation with the military leaders. Totally wrong. But she was not alone. At that time, many believed that working with the military was the only option.
That was a general idea or concept at that time—to try, as the best option, to rebuild the country together with the country’s most powerful institution.
That notion lasted until the coup in 2021 but is now a relic of the past. The coup destroyed that political idea. People in Myanmar no longer accept it.
Another thing she was wrong about was the generals’ genocidal intent.
She didn’t think the generals had genocidal intent when their troops committed atrocities against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2017.
In fact, Myanmar’s generals have not been professional military officers for a very long time. They long ago became “a bunch of thugs” killing innocent people, willing to destroy any ethnic people or any political group or party.
After the coup last year, the genocidal intent with which they killed many people indiscriminately was shown again.
The generals also proved that they are no more than a bunch of thugs. That’s what the people believe too.
So most people have given up on the idea of negotiating with these thugs at all. What they all seek is to uproot the military and found a new army to serve the people.
That’s what the people want their leader to understand too. No more reconciliation with that bunch of thugs. She must be with the people. Otherwise, she can’t represent the people. But history has proved that she is always a leader of the people.
Because she is the one the thuggish generals fear most. That’s why she has been arrested and attacked much more than any other leading activist or politician in the country. She is the biggest enemy for them, as most people support her.
That means she is on the right side of the people. She has continued to fight together with the people for what the people want.
That’s why on her birthday on Sunday, even young protesters in urban areas and young resistance fighters in their military outfits celebrated her birthday as their leader.
Let’s see if the ruthless generals will accomplish their final mission, which is against the people’s will. Previously, she has always survived the regime’s arrests, attempts to assassinate her and all of their wicked plots against her.
She is thin but strong. She is old but determined. She is alone but mindful. She is locked up but peaceful..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
more
Description:
"This speech is to honor the hero Salai Tin Maung Oo from Chin State, who was brutally tortured and executed by dictator Ne Win in 1976 at the age of 25. He is a hero of the nation, hero of freedom and federal democracy, who has sacrificed his life for the sake of the nation and the people of Myanmar. He had shown massive courage and bravery for freedom. Today, we are seeing this darkest moment again in our history. Our nation is full of young people like Salai Tin Maung Oo, who are willing to give their lives for the freedom and federal democratic union future of the country. They don't want to live under oppressive, brutal military regime anymore. They have said enough is enough, especially the young generation of Myanmar, Gen Z, who most of them are now members of PDF and freedom fighters of ethnic armed organizations.
If you look at 10 months ago, we had nothing. But now, there is already 267 freedom fighters’ battalions, who are willing to sacrifice their lives for the future of Myanmar. If you look at local defense forces, together with NUG, more than 500 groups have come together to defend the country from the fascist military. That is the big number of young people like Salai Tin Maung Oo. In Chin state alone, there are now more than 20 Chinland Defense Forces, more than 20,000 young men and women like Salai Tin Maung Oo in Chin state, fighting for self-determination, freedom and federal democracy. It is the same across Myanmar, it is the same across other states like Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin. Most of them are young people, fighting for freedom and democracy, fighting for the future federal union of Myanmar where they will flourish and thrive. But now, when they look at the hands of brutal military regime, all they see is death, destruction, loss. There is nothing more hopelessness and helplessness than what the military brings to the country and the people they swore to protect and serve. That is exactly what Salai Tin Maung Oo was against. He gave hope to young people, he gave hope for the future of Myanmar, and he will be remembered by all the people of Myanmar like Martin Luther King Jr. Even though he is not with us today, he is always in our thoughts, our hearts, our prayers. His visions, his sacrifices and his missions are still with us. We must accomplish the mission that Salai Tin Maung Oo has left us to accomplish.
I also would like to take this opportunity to salute the brave young men and women of Myanmar, for their love of peace, their love of freedom, their love of federal democracy. Better tomorrows are coming soon, where freedom is awaiting us, where the true federal democratic union is forming, where everybody will have rights to be respected, promoted, and protected regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, background and ethnicity. And this is exactly what is signed in Pin Laung Agreement. Equality, self-determination, freedom, what Salai Tin Maung Oo had given up his life for, what the young people of Myanmar today are sacrificing their lives for. I want to urge the international communities, our neighbors, United Nation and the leaders of the world, to recognize the words of the young people of Myanmar. The desire of Salai Tin Maung Oo must come to reality sooner than later.
We must do everything in our power to make freedom come soon, to make federal democracy flourish sooner than later, before more precious lives of young people are taken.
May the revolution succeed; the revolution is succeeding. May God bless you; may God bless Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
100.27 KB 445.79 KB
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Description:
"၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့အထိ ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် ပထမအကြိမ်ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ချက်များဖြင့် အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည်။
မာတိကာ
နိဒါန်း
အခန်း (၁) ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်
အခန်း (၂) ပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ပါဝင်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (Members of the Charter)
အခန်း (၃) အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (သို့မဟုတ်) နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ
အခန်း (၄) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲခြင်း
အပိုင်း (၁) ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုး၊
အပိုင်း (၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ
အပိုင်း (၃) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူဝါဒများ
အခန်း (၅) ဝန်ခံကတိပြုချက်
နိဂုံး
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်
Federal Democracy Charter
နိဒါန်း
သမိုင်းစဉ်ဆက် သီးခြားလွတ်လပ်စွာနေထိုင်ခဲ့ကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများသည် လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အတူတကွရယူပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ပူးပေါင်း ထူထောင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည်။ သို့ရာတွင် လွတ်လပ်ရေးရရှိသည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ ရေးဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းကျင့်သုံးခဲ့ကြသော ၁၉၄၇ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ၊ ၁၉၇၄ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေတို့သည် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်တွင် သဘောတူညီထားခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့် အဝ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိသောကြောင့် ဤတိုင်းပြည်တွင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကျော် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့်အပြင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ဖြစ်ပွားပြီး စစ်အာ ဏာရှင်စနစ်နှင့် တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ်တို့၏ ဆိုးကျိုးများကို ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး ခါးစည်းခံနေကြရသည်။
စစ်အုပ်စုက တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ် ထူထောင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့သော ၁၉၇၄ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေကို ရှစ်လေးလုံးအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးက ဖျက်သိမ်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် လူထုဆန္ဒ မပါဘဲ အတင်းအဓမ္မ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကိုလည်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကြီးဖြင့် ဖျက်သိမ်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် သူတို့ကိုယ်တိုင် ရေးဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့သော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သောကြောင့် ထိုအာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည်ပင်လျှင် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ပျက်ပြယ်သွားစေခဲ့သည်။
၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလတွင် ကျင်းပခဲ့သော ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် မဲစာရင်းမှားယွင်းသည် ဟု အကြောင်းပြ၍ ဖြစ်ပွားသော စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး အကြမ်းမဖက် ငြိမ်းချမ်း စွာဖြင့် ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်သည့် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှု၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း အပါအဝင် လူငယ်၊ အမျိုးသမီး၊ ဝန်ထမ်း၊ အလုပ်သမားနှင့် သမဂ္ဂများက အစပြု၍ အမျိုးသမီး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအပါအဝင် အရပ်ဖက် လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ သပိတ်ကော်မတီများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၊ လူထုလူတန်းစား အလွှာအသီးသီး၊ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို လက်မခံသော နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက် သော လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုသပိတ်တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြည်ထောင်စုတဝှမ်းလုံးတွင် ပြုလုပ်နေကြသည်။ ထိုအာဏာသိမ်းမှု ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်သော သက်ဆိုင် သူများ (Stakeholders) ၏ စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် တစ်ခုတည်းသောအင်အားစုကို ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်နိုင်မှသာ စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်ကို အပြီးသတ် တိုက်ဖျက်ချေမှုန်း သွားနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှကို အမြစ်ပြုတ်တိုက်ဖျက်နိုင်မှသာ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်း ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက် ပေးနိုင်သည့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီး ခိုင်မာသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကို ထူထောင်နိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်သည်။
ဤ“ပဋိညာဉ်”အား လက်ခံသဘောတူညီကြသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် ဖော်ပြပါ စံတန်ဖိုးများကို ကိုင်စွဲပြီး အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ပပျောက်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုပေါ်ပေါက်ရေးတို့အတွက် အဆင့်လိုက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက် ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ၊ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြခံဥပဒေရေးဆွဲရာတွင် အခြေခံရမည့် လမ်းညွှန် အခြေခံမူများ၊ အခြေခံမူဝါဒများဖြင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးကို ကြိုးပမ်း တည်ဆောက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချအပ်ပါသည်။ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို လက်ခံသဘော တူညီကြသူများ၏ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုမှတဆင့် စုပေါင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက် မှုများသည် လိုရာပန်းတိုင်သို့ တွန်းပို့ရောက်ရှိနိုင်မည့် စုပေါင်းအင်အားကို ဖြစ်ပေါ် စေမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ခိုင်မာသော ယုံကြည်ချက်ဖြင့် ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကြီးအား အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်း လိုက်သည်။
အခန်း (၁)
ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်
အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဖက်ဒရယ်နှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားများကို လျစ်လျူရှုကာ နိုင်ငံအဆင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုလုပ်ရပ်များ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည်။ ဤအခြေအနေတွင် ပြည်သူလူထု ကိုယ်စားပြုမှုရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း များ၏ အခွင့်အာဏာပေးအပ်ထားသည့် ညီလာခံ (Assembly) တစ်ရပ်နှင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (National Unity Government) ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
ဤအခြေအနေတွင် အာဏာရှင်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုကိုယ်စားပြုမှုရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက ဦးဆောင်၍ အခန်း (၃) တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြ မြေပုံနှင့်အညီ တိုင်းပြည် ပြန်လည်တည်ငြိမ် အေးချမ်းသာယာစေရန်၊ ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သော အနာဂတ်တိုင်းပြည်အတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအသစ်တစ်ခု ပေါ်ထွက် လာရန်နှင့် ထိုဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအားဖြင့် စစ်မှန်သော အရပ်သား အစိုးရများ ပေါ်ထွက် လာရန်အတွက် ဤသဘောတူ ပဋိညာဉ်ကြေညာစာတမ်းကို ကတိကဝတ်ပြုသည့် အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများသည် အတူတကွ စုပေါင်းသန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ပြု၍ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် ရည်ရွယ်ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
ထို့အပြင် အဓိကအရေးကြီးသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် ပဋိပက္ခများ၊ အရင်းခံပြဿနာများကို အပြီးသတ်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းစေနိုင်ရန် အတွက်လည်းကောင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် လက်တွဲနိုင်ရန်အတွက်လည်းကောင်း၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ စနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးပြီး တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ကို အာမခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝင်လူမျိုးများအားလုံး၊ နိုင်ငံသားများ အားလုံး လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း၊ တန်းတူညီမျှခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတခြင်းတို့ကို အခြေခံကာ အပြန်အလှန် အသိ အမှတ်ပြုလေးစားမှု၊ ချစ်ကြည်ရိုင်းပင်းမှု၊ သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်မှုတို့ကို တည်ဆောက်ပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ အေးအတူပူအမျှ အတူတကွ ယှဉ်တွဲနေထိုင်နိုင်သော သာယာဝပြောသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုအား တည်ဆောက်ရန် လည်းကောင်း အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ လုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် ရည်ရွယ်သည်။
၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ် မှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်ရေး။
၂။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အပြီးသတ် ဖျက်သိမ်းရေး။
၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေး။
၄။ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရ ပေါ်ထွန်းရေး။
အခန်း (၂)
ပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ပါဝင်သည့် အစုအဖွဲ့များ (Members of the Charter)
ဤပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ဖော်ပြပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်တို့ကို စုပေါင်း အကောင် အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် အောက်ပါနယ်ပယ်များမှ အစုအဖွဲ့များ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် ကြသည်။
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံ လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ
၂။ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ
၃။ သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့်လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ်ဖက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ
၄။ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (Ethnic Resistance Organizations)
၅။ ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ် ကိုယ်စားပြုနှင့် လူမျိုးအခြေပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်း/ကောင်စီများ
အခန်း (၃)
အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (သို့မဟုတ်) နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ
၁။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှ ပြုတ်ကျသည်အထိ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ အပါအဝင် လူထု အထွေထွေသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို အဆက်မပြတ် ဆက်လက်လှုပ်ရှား ဆောင်ရွက် နိုင်ရေး စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ဆော်ခြင်း၊ အားပေးခြင်းနှင့် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီခြင်း။
၂။ ရွေးကောက်ခံ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ များ ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း။
၃။ နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာသဘောတူညီချက်များ ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုနိုင်ရေးနှင့် ရှေ့လုပ်ငန်း စဉ်များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် မိတ်ဖက် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအပါအဝင် အရပ်ဖက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ လက်တွဲ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်သည့် အခင်းအကျင်း ဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်း။
၄။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြုခြင်း။
၅။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (Interim National Unity Government) ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားရေးမဏ္ဍိုင်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း။
၆။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူ အင်အားစုအားလုံးပါဝင်သော ပြည်သူ့ ညီလာခံတစ်ရပ် ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပခြင်း။
၇။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ပပျောက်ရေး၊ ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ဖျက်သိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် မဟာဗျူဟာချမှတ်၍ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း။
၈။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေရေးဆွဲခြင်း။
၉။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ အစိုးရဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း။
၁၀။ တိုင်းပြုပြည်ပြုညီလာခံ (Constitutional Assembly) ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြုခြင်း။
၁၁။ တိုင်းပြုပြည်ပြုညီလာခံက ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြုထားသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်း ပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို လူထုဆန္ဒခံယူပွဲ ကျင်းပပြီး အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်းခြင်းနှင့် ရွေးကောက် ပွဲကျင်းပခြင်း။
၁၂။ အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်းလိုက်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအရ ဥပ ဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး နှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးမဏ္ဍိုင်များကို ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေစနစ် (Constitutionalism) အရ လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးခြင်း။
အခန်း (၄)
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲခြင်း
ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကိုအခြေခံ၍ အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ ချမှတ်ကာ အနာ ဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေ (မူကြမ်း)ကို ရေးဆွဲရမည်။
အပိုင်း (၁) ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုး
အပိုင်း (၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံ မူများ
အပိုင်း (၃) အခြေခံမူဝါဒများ
အပိုင်း (၁)
ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုး
ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက် (Union Vision)
လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှုကို အာမခံပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်မည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုစံတန်ဖိုး (Union Values)
ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးကို တည်ဆောက်ရန်အတွက် အောက်ပါတို့ကို စံတန်ဖိုးအဖြစ် ယုံကြည်လက်ခံသည်။
၁။ အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေး (Fundamental Human Rights)
၂။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအခွင့်အရေး (Democratic Rights)
၃။ လူနည်းစုအခွင့်အရေး (Minority Rights)
၄။ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် (Equality and Self-Determination)
၅။ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှု (Collective Leadership)
၆။ စုံလင်ကွဲပြားမှုကို အပြန်အလှန်လေးစား အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်း (Pluralism, Mutual Respect and Mutual Recognition)
၇။ သဟဇာတဖြစ်ခြင်းနှင့် မတူကွဲပြားမှုကို လက်ခံသော ညီညွတ်ခြင်း (Unity in Diversity)
၈။ ဂျန်ဒါ တန်းတူရေး (Gender Equality)
၉။ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုမရှိခြင်း (လူမျိုး၊ ကိုးကွယ်ယုံကြည်မှု၊ ဘာသာစကား၊ စာပေ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှု၊ ကျား/မ၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှု) (Non-Discrimination)
အပိုင်း (၂)
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် ယင်းပြည်နယ်များအတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူတို့သည် အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ၏ မူရင်းပိုင်ရှင်များ ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အပြည့်အဝ ရှိသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များအားလုံး (ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်အားလုံး) တို့သည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ တန်းတူသည်။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များသည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိသည်။
၄။ အာဏာခွဲဝေမှု (Division of Power)၊ သယံဇာတခွဲဝေမှု (Revenue Sharing) နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးစနစ် (Fiscal Federalism) တို့ကို ကျင့်သုံးသည်။ ထိုသို့ ခွဲဝေရာတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အနီးကပ်ဆုံးအစိုးရအဆင့်က လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်သည်အထိ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ပြုသောစနစ် (Subsidiarity Principle) ကို ကျင့်သုံးသည်။
၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာတပ်ဖွဲ့များ အားလုံးသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ ကွပ်ကဲမှု နှင့် စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် ရှိရမည်။ လူသားလုံခြုံရေးကို အခြေခံသည့် မူဝါဒ ကျင့်သုံးရမည်။
အပိုင်း (၃)
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူဝါဒများ
ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အသွင်သဏ္ဍာန်
၁။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအခွင့်အရေးများ အပြည့်အဝကျင့်သုံးသော၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်း ခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသော၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအင်္ဂါရပ်များနှင့် ပြည်စုံသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို တည်ဆောက်မည်။
၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်း ခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်တိုင်းတွင် သီးခြားဥပဒေပြုရေးအာဏာ၊ သီးခြား အုပ်ချုပ် ရေး အာဏာနှင့် သီးခြားတရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာတို့ ရှိသည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် ယင်းပြည်နယ်များရှိ ပြည်သူလူထုသည် အချုပ် အခြာအာဏာ၏ မူရင်းပိုင်ရှင်များဖြစ်ကြသည်။
၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ၏မဏ္ဍိုင် (၃) ရပ်ဖြစ်သည့် ဥပဒေပြုရေးအာဏာ၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအာဏာနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာတို့ကို လွတ်လပ် စွာ ပိုင်းခြားကျင့်သုံးခြင်းနှင့် အပြန်အလှန် ထိန်းကျောင်းခြင်း ရှိစေရမည်။
၆။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စု အဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်များအကြား ခွဲဝေကျင့်သုံးခြင်း ရှိရမည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်များအကြား စနစ်တကျ အာဏာခွဲဝေကျင့်သုံးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စု အာဏာ၊ ပြည်နယ်အာဏာနှင့် ထပ်တူပြုအာဏာများကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်များအားလုံး၏ ဘုံအကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ကျင့်သုံးရန် လိုအပ်သော အခွင့်အာဏာများကိုသာ ပြည်ထောင်စုသို့ အပ်နှင်းသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအာဏာ၊ ပြည်နယ်အာဏာနှင့် ထပ်တူပြုအာဏာများတွင် ထည့်သွင်း ဖေါ်ပြထားခြင်းမရှိသည့် ကြွင်းကျန်အာဏာများသည် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ် များတွင် တည်ရှိသည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုဥပဒေပြုရေး
၇။ ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်ကို အာဏာတူသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်အထက်လွှတ်တော်နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် အောက်လွှတ်တော်တို့ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ အထက်လွှတ်တော်ကို ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင် စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးက တူညီသော အရေအတွက်ဖြင့် ရွေးချယ်စေလွှတ်သည့် ရွေးကောက်ခံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ အောက်လွှတ်တော်ကို မြို့နယ် အပေါ်တွင် အခြေခံ၍သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ လူဦးရေအပေါ်တွင် အခြေခံ၍ သော်လည်း ကောင်း ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများတွင် မဲဆန္ဒရှင်ပြည်သူများက ရွေးကောက်တင် မြှောက် လိုက်သည့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ ယင်းလွှတ်တော်နှစ်ရပ်က ပြည် ထောင်စု ဥပဒေများကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းသည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး
၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ်သည် ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဦးဆောင်သောစနစ် (Parliamentary System) ဖြစ်သည်။ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဦးဆောင်သောစနစ်တွင် ပြည်ထောင် စုဦးသျှောင် သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ ထားရှိသောစနစ် ဖြစ်သည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုတရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး
၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာကို ကျင့်သုံးနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားလွှတ်တော်ချုပ်နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားရုံးများ အဆင့် ဆင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားရှိရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတက အဆိုပြု တင်သွင်း လာသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားသူကြီးချုပ်အား ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်က စိစစ်အတည်ပြုပေးရမည်။
၁၀။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်နယ် အချင်း ချင်းအကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော အငြင်း ပွားမှုများကို ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် လွတ်လပ်သော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေ ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံးကို ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ရမည်။
၁၁။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေသည် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အမြင့်ဆုံးဥပဒေဖြစ်သည်။
ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ
၁၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များသည် ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေများကို ရေး ဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိသည်။
၁၃။ ပြည်နယ်တွင်း ဒေသန္တရအဆင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာကို ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေ တွင် ရှင်းလင်းတိကျစွာ ဖော်ပြပြီး ၎င်း၏အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာကောက်ယူနိုင်သည့် စာရင်းများကို တိကျစွာ သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။
၁၄။ ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးတိုင်း၏ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်း စသည့် ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သော အခွင့်အရေး များကို ကာကွယ်ထိန်းသိမ်း မြှင့်တင်ပေးရမည်။
၁၅။ ပြည်နယ်များ၏ ရုံးသုံးဘာသာစကားကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်က သင့်လျော်သလို သတ်မှတ်နိုင်သည်။
လွတ်လပ်သော ကော်မရှင်များ
၁၆။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ လွတ်လပ်သော ကော်မရှင်များကို ဖွဲ့ စည်းရမည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြားကော်မရှင်များကိုလည်း လိုအပ်သလိုတိုးချဲ့ ဖွဲ့စည်း နိုင်သည်။
(က) အကျင့်ပျက်ခြစားမှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Anti-Corruption Commission)
(ခ) ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကော်မရှင် (Election Commission)
(ဂ) ခွဲခြားမှုပပျောက်ရေးနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Anti-Discrimination and Human Rights Commission)
(ဃ) သတင်းအချက်အလက် သိပိုင်ခွင့်ကော်မရှင် (Right to Information Commission)
(င) ဂျန်ဒါအခြေပြုအကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့် အိမ်တွင်းအကြမ်းဖက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ကော်မရှင် (Commission on Gender-based Violence and Domestic Violence)
(စ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ တရားမျှတမှုဆိုင်ရာ အမှန်တရားနှင့် ပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Transitional Justice, Truth and Reconciliation Commission)
(ဆ) လူနည်းစုအခွင့်အရေး ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မြှင့်တင်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Minority Rights Commission)
(ဇ) နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာသူများ ပြန်လည်နေရာချထားရေးကော်မရှင် (Commission for the Resettlement of the Displaced People)
(ဈ) အမျိုးသမီးအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Women Rights Commission)
(ည) ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Child Rights Commission)
(ဋ) အလုပ်သမားနှင့် လယ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Labor and Farmer Rights Commission)
(ဌ) တောင်သူလယ်သမားနှင့် မြေယာဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Farmer and Land Rights Commission)
(ဍ) ခြားနားစွမ်းသူများအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Rights of the Differently Abled Commission)
(ဎ) လူငယ်ရေးရာကော်မရှင် (Youth Affairs Commission)
(ဏ) ဂျန်ဒါတန်းတူရေးကော်မရှင် (Gender Equality Commission)
နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့်ဘာသာရေး
၁၇။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုသည် နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် ဘာသာရေး ရောယှက်ခြင်း မရှိသော၊ ဘာသာရေးကို အခြေမခံသော နိုင်ငံရေးစနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးသည်။
ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ် (Fiscal Federalism)
၁၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် အစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အဆင့် အစိုးရများအကြား တိကျ၍ စည်းစနစ် ကျသော အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကောက်ခံသည့် စာရင်းကို တိကျစွာ ဥပဒေပြု ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကောက်ခံသော ယန္တရားနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကောက်ခံသော ယန္တရားတို့ သီးခြားစီ ရှိရမည်။
၁၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်တို့အကြား ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းနှင့် ခွဲဝေခြင်း (Fiscal Management and Sharing) ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများကို ရေးဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များ ဘက်စုံညီမျှဖွံ့ဖြိုး တိုးတက်ရေး အတွက် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဆိုင်ရာ သာတူညီမျှရေးအစီအစဉ်ကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။
မြေနှင့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတ
၂၀။ မြေနှင့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတ စီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ် များက လွတ်လပ်စွာ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။
၂၁။ ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ မြေနှင့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတအရင်းအမြစ်များအားလုံး၏ မူရင်း ပိုင်ရှင်သည် ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းနေထိုင်သော ပြည်နယ်သားများဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်နယ် အတွင်းရှိ သဘာဝသယံဇာတ အရင်းအမြစ်များ စူးစမ်းရှာဖွေခြင်း၊ တူးဖော် ထုတ်လုပ်သုံးစွဲခြင်း၊ ရောင်းဝယ်ဖောက်ကားခြင်း၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်ခြင်း စသည်တို့ကို ပြည်နယ်က လွတ်လပ်စွာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိသည်။
၂၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် သယံဇာတမှ ရရှိသော ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်က စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့် နှင့် အကျိုးခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။
၂၃။ သဘာဝသယံဇာတ အရင်းအမြစ်များ ထုတ်ယူသုံးစွဲရာတွင် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဒေသခံများ၏ သဘောဆန္ဒကို ရယူရမည့်အပြင် ထိုဒေသ၏ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုကိုလည်း တိုက်ရိုက် အကျိုးပြုမှု ရှိရမည်။ သဘာဝသယံဇာတများ ထုတ်ယူသည့်အတွက် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာမည့် လူထုနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်အပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် ဆိုးကျိုးများနှင့် ပျက်စီး ဆုံးရှုံးသွားသော ဂေဟစနစ်ကို ပြန်လည်ကုစားရေးအတွက် သီးခြားအခွန်ငွေ ကောက်ခံ ပြီး ရန်ပုံငွေအစီအစဉ် တစ်ရပ်ကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။
အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများ
၂၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် နေထိုင်သူတိုင်းသည် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားခွင့် ရှိရမည်။
၂၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွား တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများအားလုံးသည် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တစ်ဦးချင်းအလိုက် ခံစားခွင့်ရှိသည့် တသီးပုဂ္ဂလအခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၏ လူမျိုး အလိုက် ခံစားခွင့်ရှိသည့် စုပေါင်းအခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် အစုအဖွဲ့အလိုက် ခံစားခွင့်ရှိသည့် စုပေါင်းအခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိရမည်။
၂၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ နိုင်ငံသားအဖြစ် ခံယူထားသော ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် နိုင်ငံသားများ၏ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေး (Citizen Rights) များ၊ တသီးပုဂ္ဂလ အခွင့်အရေးများ (Individual Rights) နှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ (Cultural Self-Determination) ကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားခွင့်ရှိရမည်။
၂၇။ နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် အခြေခံအကျဆုံးဖြစ်သည့် တသီးပုဂ္ဂလအခွင့်အရေးများကို လူမျိုး၊ ယုံကြည်ကိုးကွယ်မှု၊ ကျား/မ၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုတို့ကို အခြေမခံဘဲ အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။
စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေးနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ
စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ
၂၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် တရားသဖြင့် ရှာဖွေရရှိထားသော ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်၊ လွှဲပြောင်းခွင့်၊ ထုခွဲရောင်းချပိုင်ခွင့်၊ အမွေဆက်ခံပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိရမည်။
၂၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း၏ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်ကို အများပြည်သူ အကျိုးအတွက်သာလျှင် ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ရုပ်သိမ်းမှု ပြုလုပ်နိုင်စေရမည်။ ရုပ်သိမ်းခံရသူ ၏ အကျိုးနှင့် အများပြည်သူတို့၏ အကျိုးကို တရားမျှတစွာ ချိန်ဆ၍ ထိုက်တန်သော လျော်ကြေးပေးပြီးမှသာ သိမ်းယူခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။
၃၀။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် ဇာတိ၊ ကိုးကွယ်ရာဘာသာ၊ အဆင့် အတန်း၊ ကျား/မ၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှု၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု၊ အသား အရောင်၊ လူမျိုး၊ အသက်အရွယ် အပေါ် မူတည်၍ ခွဲခြားခံရခြင်း မရှိစေရဘဲ အလုပ်ရွေးချယ်ပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် အလုပ်လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိစေရမည်။
၃၁။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် မိမိ၏ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းအတွက် လွတ်လပ်စွာ စီးပွားရှာဖွေခွင့်နှင့် စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ တည်ထောင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။
၃၂။ အထက်အပိုဒ်(၃၁)ပါ အခွင့်အရေးကို ကျင့်သုံးရာတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုက ချမှတ်ထားသော စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာမူဝါဒများ၊ စီမံကိန်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတော်လုံခြုံရေး၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးတို့ကို ထိခိုက်မှု မရှိစေရ။
၃၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် လွတ်လပ်စွာ တီထွင်ဖန်တီးပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် နည်းပညာ မူပိုင်ခွင့်တို့ကို ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။
၃၄။ မိရိုးဖလာ သဘာဝအမွေအနှစ်များ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အမွေအနှစ်များနှင့် ဓလေ့ ထုံးတမ်းအစဉ်အလာအရ သီးသန့်ပိုင်ဆိုင်လာခဲ့သော နည်းပညာဆိုင်ရာ အမွေအနှစ် များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ အစဉ်အဆက် ထိန်းသိမ်းပိုင်ခွင့်၊ အသုံးပြုပိုင်ခွင့်၊ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။
၃၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် မိမိနေရင်းပြည်နယ်မှ အခြားပြည်နယ် တရပ်ရပ်သို့ အခြေချနေထိုင်ခြင်း၊ စီးပွားရှာဖွေခြင်းတို့သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်၏ တရားဥပဒေ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက် များနှင့်အညီသာလျှင် ဖြစ်စေရမည်။
၃၆။ နိုင်ငံခြားရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ ပြည်နယ် လုပ်ပိုင် ခွင့်၊ ထပ်တူပြုလုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို သတ်မှတ်ပေးရမည်။ ကြွင်းကျန်လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် များသည် ပြည်နယ်များ၌ တည်ရမည်။
လူမှုရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေး
၃၇။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် -
(က) လွတ်လပ်စွာ ပညာသင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။
(ခ) မိမိနှစ်သက်ဝါသနာပါရာ အတတ်ပညာ၊ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းပညာ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာရွေးချယ်ပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။
(ဂ) အခြေခံပညာရေးကို မသင်မနေရအဖြစ် အခမဲ့သင်ကြားခွင့် ရရှိစေရမည်။
၃၈။ တိုင်းရင်းသားများ၏ မိခင်ဘာသာစကားအခြေပြု ဘာသာစကားစုံပညာသင်ကြား ရေးစနစ်ကို ပြည်နယ်များ၏ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့်အညီ အကောင်အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရမည်။ ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပညာရေးကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ကျင့်သုံး မည်။
၃၉။ တက္ကသိုလ်များ၊ ကောလိပ်များ၊ သိပ္ပံများ၊ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းဆိုင်ရာ အဆင့်မြင့် ပညာသင်ကျောင်းများနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိကကျောင်းများကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသော ဥပဒေ နှင့်အညီ တည်ထောင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို အာမခံရမည်။
၄၀။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် အခြေခံကျန်းမာရေး ကာကွယ် စောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့်ကုသမှုကို အခမဲ့ ရယူခံစားပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ကျန်းမာရေး စနစ် ဖော်ဆောင်ကျင့်သုံးရမည်။
၄၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း နေထိုင်သူများအားလုံးသည် လူမှုရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ ကိုလည်း တန်းတူညီမျှစွာ ခံစားခွင့်ရှိရမည်။
သတင်းမီဒီယာအခွင့်အရေးများ
၄၂။ သတင်းမီဒီယာများ၏ လွတ်လပ်စွာ ရပ်တည်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ လွတ်လပ်စွာ သတင်းရယူပိုင်ခွင့်၊ လွတ်လပ်စွာ သတင်း တင်ပြပိုင်ခွင့်တို့အား အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည်။
ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ
၄၃။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၏ အစုအဖွဲ့အခွင့်အရေးများဖြစ်သော ဘာသာစကား၊ သမိုင်း အမွေအနှစ်၊ ရိုးရာဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်းအစဉ်အလာများနှင့် အထိမ်းအမှတ် လက္ခဏာများကို ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။
၄၄။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် မှီတင်းနေထိုင်သူတိုင်းသည် မိမိတို့လူမျိုး၏ ဘာသာ စကားနှင့် စာပေတို့ကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ပြောဆိုခွင့်၊ သင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့်၊ တိုးတက် ပြန့်ပွားအောင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။
အထူးစီမံဆောင်ရွက်မှုဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ
၄၅။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးစုများ၏ ရိုးရာဓလေ့ ထုံးတမ်းအစဉ်အလာများ၊ ဘာသာစကား များကို နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ စံနှုန်းများနှင့်အညီ လွတ်လပ်စွာ ထိန်းသိမ်း ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၏ မွေးရာပါ အခွင့်အရေး အဖြစ် ပိုင်ဆိုင်ထားသော အမျိုးသားလက္ခဏာနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေး။ များကို မည်သည့်အခြေအနေတွင်မျှ ရုတ်သိမ်းဟန့်တားခြင်း မရှိစေရ။
၄၆။ တိုင်းရင်းသားများသည် လူမှုစီးပွား၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ သာတူညီမျှစွာ ခံစားခွင့်ရှိရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး တိုးတက်မြှင့်တင်ပေးသည့် ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ (Progressive actions/Affirmative Actions) များကိုလည်း ခံစားခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။
၄၇။ လူမျိုး၊ ဘာသာ၊ ကျား/မ၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု(ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ)၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှု၊ အသားအရောင်ကို အခြေခံပြီး တိုက်ရိုက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ သွယ်ဝိုက်၍ဖြစ်စေ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှု များနှင့် အခြားသော မည်သည့်ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှု မှန်သမျှကိုမဆို လုံးဝ ပိတ်ပင် ဟန့်တား ရမည့်အပြင် ထိုအခွင့်အရေးများကို မြှင့်တင်ခြင်း၊ ကာကွယ်ခြင်းနှင့် လေးစားလိုက်နာ ခြင်းများ ရှိရမည်။
၄၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း တန်းတူရေးကို အကောင်အထည်။ ဖော်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ချမှတ်သည့် အခန်းကဏ္ဍ အဆင့်ဆင့်တွင် အမျိုးသမီး များ အနည်းဆုံး ၃၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း ပါဝင်ရေးမူကို ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၄၉။ ကလေးသူငယ်များဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေး
(က) ကလေးငယ်တိုင်းသည် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသူအဖြစ် ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မှုကို ရရှိခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ကလေးငယ်တိုင်းသည် အမျိုးသားထုတရပ်လုံး၏ ဖေးမ ကူညီမှုကို ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။
(ခ) ကလေးများအား မိဘ သို့မဟုတ် အုပ်ထိန်းသူတို့၏ ဆန္ဒမပါဘဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုထံမှ ကွဲကွာအောင် မပြုလုပ်ရ။ ကလေးများကို ပြုစုစောင့်ရှောက်ခြင်းနှင့် သွန်သင်ပြုပြင်ခြင်းတို့သည် မိဘတို့၏ သဘာဝအခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သည်။ ကလေး သူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂညီလာခံ သဘောတူစာချုပ်နှင့်အညီ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသော ကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရမည်။ အကယ်၍ မိဘ သို့မဟုတ် အုပ်ထိန်းသူတို့က ဝတ္တရားပျက်ကွက်လျှင် သော် လည်းကောင်း၊ တနည်းနည်းကြောင့် ကလေးများ ခိုကိုးရာမဲ့ဘဝသို့ ရောက်ရှိမည့် အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ကလေးများအား မိသားစုနှင့် ကွဲကွာ စေခြင်းကို ဥပဒေအတိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဂ) ကလေးများကို စီးပွားရေးနှင့် လူမှုရေးအရ ခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်ခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်စောင့် ရှောက်မှု ပြုရမည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်ကျင့်တရား၊ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ အသက်အန္တရာယ်၊ ကိုယ်ခန္ဓာကြီးထွားဖွံ့ဖြိုးမှု၊ ပညာသင်ကြားခွင့် တစ်ခုခုကို ထိခိုက်စေသော အလုပ် လုပ်ကိုင်စေခြင်းများမှ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရမည်။
(ဃ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က ကလေးများအခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။
၅၀။ အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေး
အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများပြဋ္ဌာန်းရာတွင် အောက်ပါအချက်များ အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာစံချိန်စံနှုန်းသတ်မှတ်ချက်များ၊ သဘောတူညီချက်များနှင့်အညီ ပြည်နယ် လွှတ်တော်များနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်တို့မှ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။
(က) အလုပ်လုပ်သူတိုင်း လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့်အညီ ရှင်သန်ရပ်တည်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် -
(၁) သင့်တင့်လျောက်ပတ်သော လုပ်ငန်းခွင်အခြေအနေများရရှိခွင့်
(၂) လူမှုဖူလုံရေးခံစားခွင့်နှင့် လူမှုကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးခံစားခွင့်
(၃) မျှတသောအလုပ်ချိန်သတ်မှတ်ချက်နှင့်အညီ အလုပ်လုပ်ခွင့်
(၄) အားလပ်ရက်နှင့် ခွင့်ရက်များခံစားခွင့်
(၅) အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများ လွတ်လပ်စွာ တည်ထောင်ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် (ILO Convention 87) နှင့် စုပေါင်းညှိနှိုင်းတောင်းဆိုခွင့် (ILO Convention 98) များရရှိစေရမည်။
(ခ) ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပရွှေ့ပြောင်းအလုပ်သမားများနှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားမှ ဝင်ရောက် လုပ်ကိုင် သော နိုင်ငံခြားသား အလုပ်သမားများအတွက် ဥပဒေများ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်း ပေးရမည်။
၅၁။ တောင်သူလယ်သမားအခွင့်အရေး
(က) တောင်သူလယ်သမားတိုင်းသည် -
(၁) သီးနှံများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ စိုက်ပျိုးခွင့်၊ ရောင်းချခွင့်၊ ထုတ်လုပ်ခွင့်၊
(၂) အခွန်ဟူသမျှ ငွေကြေးဖြင့် ပေးဆောင်ခွင့်၊
(၃) တောင်သူလယ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများ လွတ်လပ်စွာဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။
(ခ) တောင်သူလယ်သမား အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာကဏ္ဍ အလိုက် ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်များနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်တို့က ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။
တန်းတူအခွင့်အရေးဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်း
၅၂။ အဘက်ဘက်မှ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုနောက်ကျခြင်းနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများ ဆုံးရှုံးခြင်းတို့ကို ခံစားနေရသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများနှင့် အစုအဖွဲ့များအတွက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ စွမ်းဆောင် နိုင်မှုအခြေအနေနိမ့်ပါးလျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံသားအစုအဖွဲ့များအတွက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ အချို့သော ထုံးတမ်းစဉ်လာများအရ နှိမ့်ချဖယ်ကြဉ်ခြင်း ခံထားရသော နိုင်ငံသားအစုအဖွဲ့များ အတွက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်း၍ အထူးစီမံ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များဖြင့် အကာအကွယ်ပေးခြင်း၊ စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းတို့သည် နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း တန်းတူအခွင့်အရေး ရရှိစေရမည်ဟူသော ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်ကြောင့် အဟန့်အတား မဖြစ်စေရ။
၅၃။ ပြည်နယ်များအတွင်းရှိ လူနည်းစုများ (Minority within Minority) နိုင်ငံရေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အခန်းကဏ္ဍတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်နိုင်စေရန် အဆင့်ဆင့်သော နိုင်ငံရေးကဏ္ဍတို့တွင် ပါဝင်နိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အလမ်းများကို ဖန်တီးပေးရမည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြားသော ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတွင် အထူးစီမံဆောင်ရွက်ချက် (affirmative action) များကိုလည်း မူဝါဒချမှတ်ဖော်ဆောင်ပေးရမည်။
၅၄။ သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေး
(က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိခိုက် ပျက်စီးမှုကြောင့် ကြုံတွေ့ခံစားရမည့် အတိဒုက္ခများမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရမည့် အပြင် သဘာဝတရားနှင့် ကိုက်ညီ၍ ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် ညီညွတ်သည့် သဘာဝ ပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ကို ရရှိရန် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိသည်။
(ခ) လူနည်းစုဋ္ဌာနေတိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းစောင့် ရှောက်ခွင့်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့အခြေချနေထိုင်ရာဒေသအတွင်း သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိခိုက်မှုကို ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သည့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတများ အလွန်အကျွံ ထုတ်ယူ သုံးစွဲခြင်းအပေါ် ကန့်သတ်ထိန်းချုပ်ခွင့်ရှိခြင်းကို ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရများကလည်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုရမည်။
ဖက်ဒရယ်လုံခြုံရေးနှင့်ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာအခြေခံမူ
၅၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာမူဝါဒများသည် လူသား လုံခြုံရေးကို အခြေခံရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေး ဆိုင်ရာ တပ်ဖွဲ့များ အားလုံးသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် ရှိရမည်။
၅၆။ ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်သည် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒများနှင့် ဥပဒေများကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အသုံးစရိတ်များကို ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်က စိစစ် အတည်ပြုပေးရမည်။
၅၇။ ပြည်ထောင်စုရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် ပြည်နယ်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့တို့ကို သီးခြားစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေးတပ် ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်နယ်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေး တပ်တို့သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်အစိုးရ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်နယ်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေးတပ်တို့၏ အသုံးစရိတ်များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်က စိစစ်အတည်ပြုပေးရမည်။
၅၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်အခြေအနေတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ သဘာဝ ကပ်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်များနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာလုပ်ငန်းများကို ထိရောက်စွာ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက်သော်လည်းကောင်း လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအား အသုံးပြုမှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရတို့က ညှိနှိုင်း ဆုံးဖြတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၅၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အမျိုးသားလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးကောင်စီကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ၎င်းကောင်စီတွင် ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးကောင်စီများမှ အနည်းဆုံးတစ်ဦးစီ အပါအဝင် ကောင်စီဝင် စုစုပေါင်း၏ (၃၀) ရာခိုင်နှုန်းထက် မကျော်သော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။
ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလုံခြုံရေးစနစ်
၆၀။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ ပြည်နယ် နှင့် ဒေသန္တရအရပ်သားအစိုးရများအကြား လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ဆိုင်ရာ အာဏာများခွဲဝေခြင်း၊ အစုအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အတွက် သီးခြားပေးအပ်ထားသော အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ခွဲဝေခြင်းနှင့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ချမှတ်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ အာဏာ ခွဲဝေခြင်းတို့ ကျင့်သုံးပြီး ဒေသခံတို့၏ ဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်းများ၊ စိုးရိမ်ချက်များနှင့် လိုအပ်ချက်များကို ထင်ဟပ်ပုံဖော်သည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပထဝီအနေအထားအခြေခံ မဟာဗျူဟာများချမှတ်မှုနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးဆိုင်ရာတာဝန်ရှိသူများ တာဝန်ချထားမှုတို့ကို လုပ်ဆောင်ကာ ပြည်သူလူထုလုံခြုံရေး၊ ရပ်ရွာဘေးအန္တရာယ်တားဆီးရေးနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုကာကွယ်ရေးကို အာမခံသည့် လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၊ ဘက်ပေါင်းစုံလွှမ်းခြုံ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်သည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အင်အားစုများနှင့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကို အကောင် အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု လုံခြုံရေးစနစ် တစ်ရပ် တည် ဆောက်ရမည်။
စီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းခြင်း (Administration and Public Services)
၆၁။ စီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းများတွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မည့်သူများ အား လေ့ကျင့်သင်ကြားရေးအတွက် မူဝါဒများရေးဆွဲခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းလေ့ကျင့် သင်ကြားရေးကျောင်းများတွင် သင်ကြားမည့် သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းဆိုင်ရာ စံနှုန်းများ သတ်မှတ်ခြင်းကို ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရများ၏ ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းမှုဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည်။ ဖြစ်ပေါ်တိုးတက်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး နှင့် နည်းပညာ အခင်းအကျင်းများနှင့်အညီ သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းများကို လိုအပ်သလို ပြန်လည်သုံးသပ်ပြင်ဆင်ရမည်။
၆၂။ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ထမ်းရွေးချယ် လေ့ကျင့်သင်ကြားရေးကျောင်းများ သီးခြားဖွင့်လှစ်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့် နှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ရွေးချယ်ခန့်အပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိသည်။
အစိုးရအချင်းချင်းအကြားဆက်ဆံရေး (Inter-Governmental Relations)
၆၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်ကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်နယ် အချင်းချင်းကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း အငြင်းပွားစရာများ၊ ပြဿနာများ ပေါ်ပေါက် ပါက ပူးပေါင်းကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းရန်နှင့် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်တာများကို အတူတကွ ပူးပေါင်း လုပ်ကိုင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကြီးအကဲများ ပူးတွဲကော်မတီကို သော်လည်း ကောင်း၊ လုပ်ငန်းကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတို့တွင် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ဝန်ကြီးများ ပူးတွဲကော်မတီကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ မျှဝေသုံးစွဲရန် သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ဝင်ငွေများကို စီမံခန့်ခွဲရန်အတွက် ဘဏ္ဍာရေး ပူးတွဲကော်မတီကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း စသည့် ပူးတွဲကော်မတီတို့ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်သည်။ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သည့် ကိစ္စရပ်၏ လိုအပ်ချက်အရ ကော်မတီ သက်တမ်းကို သတ်မှတ်ထားရှိရမည်။
၆၄။ ပြည်နယ်အကြီးအကဲများသည် ပြည်ထောင်စုအင်္ဂါစဉ်အရ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများ၏ အထက်တွင် ရှိသည်။
အခန်း (၅)
ဝန်ခံကတိပြုချက်
ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အား စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ပေါက်ရေးအတွက် လှုပ်ရှားမှုများတွင် ပါဝင်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်း အားလုံးက ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံရှေ့မှောက်၌ အတူတကွ ကတိကဝတ်ပြု သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချ၍ လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် သဘောတူအတည်ပြု (ratify) ကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်အရ မိမိတို့သည် လက်ရှိတွေ့ကြုံနေရသည့် အကျပ်အတည်း ဖြစ်နေသောအခြေအနေမှသည် de jure နှင့် de facto တို့၏ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှုရှိသော၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီအားကောင်းသော၊ တာဝန်ယူမှုရှိသည့် အစိုးရရှိသော အနေအထားသို့ ရောက်ရှိအောင် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်၏ စိတ်အလိုရှိသည့်အတိုင်း အကြမ်းဖက် အုပ်ချုပ်နေမှုအောက်တွင် ဒုက္ခခံစားနေရပြီး တရားဝင်မှုရှိသည့် အစိုးရမရှိတော့ပေ။ အကျိုးဆက်မှာ မိမိတို့သည် ဖရိုဖရဲပရမ်းပတာ အခြေအနေနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရပါသည်။ ဤအခြေအနေတွင် မိမိတို့သည် တပ်မတော် အုပ်ချုပ်မှုကင်းစင်ပြီး တည်ငြိမ်မှုကို ပေးနိုင်မည့် တညီတညွတ်တည်း ရှိသော အစိုးရ တစ်ရပ်ကို လုံးဝ လိုအပ်နေပါသည်။ ဤ ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ အချက်များသည် ဓမ္မကို အခြေခံ၍ သက်ဆိုင်သူ (stakeholders) များမှ နက်နက်ရှိုင်းရှိုင်း သက်ဝင်ယုံကြည်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံရှေ့မှောက်၌ အတူတကွ ကတိကဝတ်ပြု သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချ၍ လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် သဘောတူ အတည်ပြု (ratify) ကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အတွက် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံအတိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့် အလုပ်များမှာ အရေးကြီး၍ မြင့်မြတ်သော လုပ်ငန်းများဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မိမိတို့သည် ပရမ်းပတာ လုံခြုံမှု ကင်းမဲ့သည့် အခြေအနေမှ တည်ငြိမ်မှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရန်၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများမှ တရားမျှတမှုရှိလာရန်၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ ပြန်လည်ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှု ရရှိရန်၊ စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ထွန်းကားရန်၊ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းတမ်းမှုများမှ လုံခြုံစိတ်ချရမှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရန်၊ မုန်းတီးမှုများမှ အမှန်တရားကိုအခြေခံသည့် ဂရုဏာစိတ်ထားများ ပြန်လည်တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် နှင့် ဖိနှိပ်မှုများမှ လွတ်မြောက်ရန် စသည်တို့အတွက် အတူတကွ အပြန်အလှန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုခြင်းဖြင့် ရှေ့ဆက် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် သဘောတူညီချက်များကို အမှန်တကယ် လေးစားစွာ၊ တာဝန်ရှိစွာ နှင့် ကတိကဝတ် ခိုင်မြဲစွာ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
ဤပဋိညာဉ်သည် တရားဝင် စည်းနှောင်ချုပ်ဆိုထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုမျှမက ကိုယ်ကျင့်တရားကို အခြေခံ၍ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း မှတ်ယူသည်။ ထိုတာဝန်ရှိမှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သဘောတူအတည်ပြုသည့် အဖွဲ့တိုင်းသည် အခြား ကတိကဝတ်ပြု၍ သဘောတူအတည်ပြုသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုချင်း အပေါ်တွင် လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းအသီးသီး၏ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များအပေါ်တွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ပြည်သူများ အပေါ်တွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ အနာဂတ် မျိုးဆက်သစ်များအပေါ်တွင် လည်းကောင်း တာဝန်ခံသည်ဟု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။
၁။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များအား ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ (People’s Assembly) ၏ စုပေါင်းဦးဆောင်မှုနှင့်အညီ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ကာ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှုရှိပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကို တည်ဆောက်မည်။
၂။ ထိုသို့တည်ဆောက်ရာတွင် အပိုင်း (၃) ပြည်ထောင်စုအသွင်သဏ္ဍာန် အပိုဒ် ၁၊ ၂၊ ၃နှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ အပိုဒ် ၄ တို့တွင် သဘောတူညီမှုရရှိထားပြီး ဖြစ်သည့် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာနှင့် စံတန်ဖိုးများကို အခြေခံ၍ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ဆုံးဖြတ်ပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များသည် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများအား အပြည့်အဝ ကျင့်သုံးပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။
၃။ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများ၊ ဂျန်ဒါတန်းတူညီမျှရေးနှင့် လူနည်းစုတို့၏ အခွင့်အရေးများ ရရှိစေရမည်။ နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း၏ လူမှုဘဝ လုံခြုံမှုရှိစေရေးအတွက် လူသားလုံခြုံမှုကို အခြေခံသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒ များကို ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
၄။ နိုင်ငံသားတို့၏ လူနေမှုဘဝ အဆင့်အတန်း ပိုမိုမြင့်မား၍ ဆန်းသစ် ပြောင်းလဲမှု နှင့် စွန့်ဦးတီထွင်မှုတို့ကို အားပေးထောက်ကူပြုသည့် မူဝါဒများကို ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
၅။ လူတိုင်းလက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သည့် အားလုံးအကျုံးဝင် ပညာရေးစနစ် (Universal Education Coverage)၊ မိခင်ဘာသာစကားအခြေပြု ဘာသာစကားစုံ ပညာသင်ကြားရေးစနစ် (Mother Tongue-based Multi-lingual Education) နှင့် လူတိုင်းလက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သည့် အားလုံးအကျုံးဝင် ကျန်းမာရေးစနစ် (Universal Health Coverage) မသန်စွမ်းသူများ၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များ၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများ၊ ကိုယ်ဝန်ဆောင်များ အပါအဝင် အမျိုးသမီးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ၊ မူးယစ်ဆေးဝါးနှင့် စိတ်ကို ပြောင်းလဲစေသော ဆေးဝါးများ အလွဲသုံးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အန္တရာယ်လျှော့ချရေး (Harm Reduction)၊ ကုသရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် ထိရောက်သော မူဝါဒများကို ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
၆။ ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒနှင့်အညီ အပ်နှင်းခြင်းမဟုတ်သော အခွင့်အာဏာများအား ပြန်လည် ရုပ်သိမ်းရမည်။ ရွေးကောက်ခံများကို အခြေခံသော အရပ်သား အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်မည်။ တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု မရှိသော အစိုးရများအား ပြည်သူ့အင်အားဖြင့် ဖြိုချပါမည်။ အချုပ်အခြာ၏ မူလရင်းမြစ်သည် ပြည်သူအများ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အာမခံနိုင်ရမည်။ နိုင်ငံ့အာဏာသည် ပြည်သူလက်ထဲတွင် ရှိကြောင်း သေချာစေရမည်။
၇။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ အကြောင်းအရာများ၊ ဖော်ပြချက်များနှင့် မူဝါဒများသည် မကြာမီ ကာလတွင် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာမည့် ကြားကာလအစိုးရ၊ ကြားကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများတွင် ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် ကိစ္စရပ်များအတွက်သာမက ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲရာ၌လည်း လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရမည့် အခြေခံလမ်းညွှန်ချက်များ ဖြစ်သည်။
နိဂုံး
တိုင်းရင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင်ကြီးများသည် ၁၉၄၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်ကို ချုပ်ဆိုကာ လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အတူတကွ ရယူခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်ထောင်များ စုပေါင်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံအဖြစ် တည်ထောင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည်။ လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း၊ တန်းတူခြင်း၊ စုံလင်ကွဲပြားခြင်း၊ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်ခြင်းနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိခြင်းတို့ကို ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ စံတန်ဖိုးများအဖြစ် ကိုင်စွဲ၍ လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ အေးအတူပူအမျှ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဖြင့် အတူတကွ ယှဉ်တွဲ နေထိုင်နိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအား တည်ဆောက်ရန် ရည်မျှော်ခဲ့ကြသည်။
သို့ပါ၍ ငြိမ်းချမ်းသာယာသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ မူရင်းပဋိညာဉ် ဖြစ်သည့် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်၊ ပင်လုံကတိကဝတ်နှင့် ပင်လုံမူတို့ကို ပြန်လည်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ပြန်လည်ရေးဆွဲရမည်။ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေအရ အုပ်ချုပ်သော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေစနစ် (Constitutionalism) ကို ကျင့်သုံးမည်။ လိုအပ်သော ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုများကို ဆောင်ရွက်မည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အင်္ဂါရပ်များနှင့် ပြည့်စုံရန် လုပ်ဆောင်မည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလက္ခဏာ တည်ဆောက်ရေးဖြစ်သည့် အသွင်သဏ္ဍာန် လက္ခဏာတည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် အနှစ်သာရ လက္ခဏာတည်ဆောက်ရေးတို့ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည်။ စုပေါင်း တည်ထောင်ခဲ့သော ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးအား စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် တင့်တယ်စေရမည်။
စံတန်ဖိုးများနှင့် ခိုင်မာသည့်မူဝါဒများကို လေးစားယုံကြည်လိုက်နာသော လွတ်လပ်၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်း၊ ကြီးပွား၊ တိုးတက်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုသစ်ကြီးကို ထုဆစ်ပုံဖော်ရန်အတွက် ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကြီးကို စုပေါင်း ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်း အတည်ပြုကာ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် စုပေါင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Federal Union Affairs
Date of publication:
2022-01-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Format :
pdf
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19.48 MB
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Description:
"၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ၂၇ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့အထိ ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် ပထမအကြိမ်ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင်
ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ချက်များဖြင့် အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည်။
မာတိကာ
နိဒါန်း
အခန်း (၁) ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံ၏ရည်ရွယ်ချက်
အခန်း (၂) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ
အခန်း (၃) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ
အခန်း (၄) ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များ
အခန်း (၅) ကြားကာလ ဥပဒေပြုရေး
အခန်း (၆) ကြားကာလ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး
အခန်း (၇) ကြားကာလ တရားစီရင်ရေး
အခန်း (၈) ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး၊ ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေး
အခန်း (၉) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာ ပြင်ဆင်မှုအစီအမံများ
အခန်း (၁၀) ပဋိညာဉ်အား ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ခြင်း
အခန်း (၁၁) အထွေထွေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များ (General Provisions)
အခန်း (၁၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကတိပြုချက်များ
နိဒါန်း
ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း နေထိုင်ကြသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးတို့၏ ခိုင်မာသည့် လိုလားတောင့်တချက်မှာ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုတို့ကို အခြေခံသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက် ပေးနိုင်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရေးပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုး ပေါင်းစုံတို့၏ မွေးရာပါအခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာတို့ကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားသော စံတန်ဖိုးများ၊ ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် အခြေခံရမည့် အခြေခံမူများ၊ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ၊ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရမည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (သို့မဟုတ်) နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံတို့ကို ဤပဋိညာဉ်၏ အစိတ် အပိုင်း (၁) တွင် ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးကို စုပေါင်း အင်အားဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ကြမည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအင်အားစု အသီးသီးတို့ကလည်း သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချမှတ် ကတိ ပြုကြပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသည့် ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များကို လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန်နှင့် ရှေ့ဆက်သွားမည့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ အဆင့် ဆင့်အား လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ခြင်းဖြင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်နိုင် ရန် အလို့ငှာ ကြားကာလတွင် အခြေခံရမည့် “ကြားကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများ (Interim Constitutional Arrangements)” ကို ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) အဖြစ် အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်းလိုက်သည်။ ဤကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများ၏သက်တမ်းသည် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီး စတင်အသက်ဝင်သည့်အချိန်အထိ ဖြစ် သည်။
အခန်း (၁)
ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံ၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်
၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မဆို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးကို ဦးတည်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေပေါ်ပေါက်သည်အထိ လိုအပ် သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များအား အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်၊
၂။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မဆို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူ အင်အားစုအားလုံးပါဝင်သော ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတစ်ရပ်ကို စတင်ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပရန်၊
၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်၏အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြ မြေပုံ အဆင့်ဆင့်တို့ကို ဦးဆောင်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီအား အတည်ပြုဖွဲ့စည်းရန်၊
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ ညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ ၎င်း၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ၊ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရန်၊
၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ တော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွက် လိုအပ်သောစုဖွဲ့မှုများကို ပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ၊ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရန်၊
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာ ပြင်ဆင်မှုအစီ အမံများ ရေးဆွဲရန်၊
အခန်း (၂)
ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ
ရည်ရွယ်ချက်
၇။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ စုပေါင်း၍ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဏာရှင် စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများ၊ မူဝါဒများ၊ မဟာဗျူဟာများနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေး ဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများ ညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေး အတည်ပြုဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ဤပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို ကျင်းပခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
ညီလာခံဖွဲ့စည်းကျင်းပပုံ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို ဦးဆောင်ကျင်းပရမည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ညီလာခံ အောင်မြင်စွာကျင်းပနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကျင်းပပုံ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများကို ရေးဆွဲရမည်။
၉။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အောက်ပါနယ်ပယ်များမှ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို သဘောတူသော အစုအဖွဲ့များ၏ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ ပါဝင်မည်။
(က) ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ
(ခ) နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ
(ဂ) သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ် ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်နေကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း များ အပါအဝင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ
(ဃ) တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
(င) ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်ကိုယ်စားပြုနှင့် လူမျိုးအခြေပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်း/ ကောင်စီများ
၁၀။ ဤပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ပါဝင်သည့် အဖွဲ့ဝင်များသည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား တရားဝင် ကိုယ်စားပြုသူများဖြစ်၍ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များအတိုင်း ရပ်တည်၍ ပူးပေါင်း အကောင် အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရမည်။
လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် တာဝန်များ
၁၁။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် အောက်ပါတာဝန်များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်။
(က) လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ကို အခြေခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်သွားရန်အတွက် လမ်းညွှန်မှုများ ပေးရန်၊ မိတ်ဖက်များအဖြစ် တာဝန်ခွဲဝေမှုများ ပြုလုပ်သွားရန်။
(ခ) နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူ များ မူဝါဒများ၊ မဟာဗျူဟာများကို ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုရန်။
(ဂ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (ယာယီ) မှ သဘောတူတင်သွင်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုရန်။
(ဃ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတက်ရောက်သည့် အင်အားစုအားလုံးမှ ကိုယ်စားပြုပါဝင်သော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီအား ဖွဲ့စည်းရန်။
(င) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို အတည်ပြုပေးရန်။
(စ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) တို့၏ မူဝါဒများကို သုံးသပ်ပြီး ဆုံးဖြတ်အတည်ပြုပေးခြင်း၊ အဓိကလုပ်ဆောင် သွားမည့် လုပ်ငန်းနယ်ပယ်များကို ချမှတ်ပေးခြင်းနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များကို သုံးသပ်ခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်။
(ဆ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ဖွဲ့စည်းသော ကော်မတီ၊ ကောင်စီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များကို အတည်ပြုပေးရန်။
(ဇ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများနှင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် များကို ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုရန်။
(ဈ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေး ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အတည်ပြုရန်။
(ည) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ ချမှတ်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အတည်ပြုရန်။
၁၂။ ညီလာခံကျင်းပခြင်း
(က) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံအား (၆) လ တစ်ကြိမ် ကျင်းပရမည်။
(ခ) လိုအပ်ပါက အရေးပေါ်ညီလာခံအား ကျင်းပနိုင်သည်။
(ဂ) ညီလာခံကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ၆၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း တက်ရောက်မှသာလျှင် ညီလာခံ အထမြောက် သည်။ ပုံမှန်ညီလာခံများတွင် မမျှော်လင့်ထားသည့်အကြောင်းတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာ သည့်အခြေအနေများနှင့် အရေးပေါ်ညီလာခံများတွင် ညီလာခံအထမြောက်မှုကို အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ဆုံးဖြတ်နိုင်သည်။
၁၃။ ညီလာခံတွင် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် ချမှတ်ခြင်း
(က) လုံလောက်သော ဘုံသဘောတူညီမှု (Sufficient Consensus) ၆၅ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကျော်ဖြင့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် ချမှတ်ရမည်။
အခန်း (၃)
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ
ရည်ရွယ်ချက်
၁၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်းဖြစ်သည်။
(က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံများကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ဦးဆောင်ရန်၊
(ခ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံမှ ချမှတ်လိုက်သော မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာများကို တာဝန်ခံအကောင် အထည် ဖော်ရာတွင် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ တစ်ခုနှင့် တစ်ခုအကြား ညှိနှိုင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရန်နှင့် မူဝါဒရေးရာများအား စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် ကြီးကြပ်မှုပေးရန်၊
(ဂ) စစ်အာဏာရှင် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူသော အင်အားစုအားလုံးကို စုစည်းနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရေးတွင် အင်အားစုအားလုံး ပါဝင်နိုင်ရန် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းပေးရန်၊
ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ
၁၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီကို အောက်ပါအစုအဖွဲ့များမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။
(က) ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ
(ခ) နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ
(ဂ) သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ် ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်နေကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း များ အပါအဝင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ
(ဃ) တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
(င) ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်/ လူမျိုး ကိုယ်စားပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်း/ ကောင်စီများ
၁၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီအတွင်း၌ သဘာပတိအဖွဲ့၊ နည်းပညာဆိုင်ရာ အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့တို့ကို သင့်လျော်သောလူဦးရေဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားရှိရမည်။
လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် တာဝန်များ
၁၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
(က) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံက အပြီးသတ်အတည်ပြုမည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ဦးဆောင် ရေးဆွဲရန်၊
(ခ) အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေး အတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူ အင်အားစုများအားလုံး လက်တွေ့ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်လာရေးအတွက် စည်းရုံးစုစည်းရန်နှင့် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရန်၊
(ဂ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ တစ်ခုနှင့် တစ်ခုအကြား ကာလများတွင် ညီလာခံအား တာဝန်ခံ၍ မူဝါဒ ရေးရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဆွေးနွေးချမှတ်ရန်၊
(ဃ) စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်ရေး၊ ဖက်ရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် မဟာဗျူဟာ ရေးဆွဲချမှတ်ရန်၊
(င) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ ချမှတ်အတည်ပြုထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ၂၀၀၈ အခြေခံဥပဒေ ပျက်ပြယ်ပြီးဖြစ် သည့် အခြေခံပေါ်မူတည်၍ မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ ဦးဆောင်မှုပေးရန်၊ ကြီးကြပ်ထိန်းကျောင်းရန်နှင့် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရန်၊
(စ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများကို ဆွေးနွေးချမှတ်၍ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့ တင်ပြကာ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရန်၊
(ဆ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ (မူကြမ်း) ရေးဆွဲရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို ဦးဆောင်ရန်နှင့် အဆိုပါမူကြမ်းကို ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ၌ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရန်၊
(ဇ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့တင်ပြကာ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူထားသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ဦးဆောင်ရန်၊
(ဈ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို တာဝန်ခံရမည်။
(ည) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ အစည်းအဝေးများတွင် ဆွေးနွေးမည့် အကြောင်း အရာအလိုက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးများကို ဖိတ်ကြားနိုင် သည်။
(ဋ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီသည် လုပ်ငန်းများ ထိရောက်အောင်မြင်စွာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် နည်းပညာအထောက်အကူအဖွဲ့များကို လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်သည်။
ကော်မတီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များ
၁၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်မည့်ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ချိတ်ဆက် လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်စေရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ အဖွဲ့ဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအပြင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ထိုသို့ဖွဲ့စည်းရာတွင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရတို့မှ အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းသည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာကဏ္ဍအလိုက်ကျွမ်းကျင်သူများပါဝင်သည့် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီများ၊ ကော်မရှင် များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များ (Joint Coordination Committees, Commissions and Working Group) စသည်တို့ကို လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်သည်။
၁၉။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည့်ကော်မတီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များသည် ၎င်းတို့၏လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များကို ရှင်းလင်းတိကျစွာ ရေးဆွဲပြီး အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီတွင် ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရမည်။ ကော်မတီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များ သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာနည်းပညာ အထောက်အကူပြုအဖွဲ့များကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီ၏ အတည်ပြုချက်ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းတာဝန်ပေးအပ်နိုင်သည်။
အခန်း (၄)
ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များ
၂၀။ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ နိုင်ငံရေးရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ၊ ဦးတည် ချက်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၂၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ ချမှတ်ထားသော ရှေ့လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင် အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်။
၂၂။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ ဦးဆောင်ရေးဆွဲထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာများနှင့်အညီ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာများ ချမှတ်၍ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင် ရွက်ရမည်။
(က) ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံတို့နှင့်အညီ ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အလိုက် ချမှတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရမည်။
(ခ) စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးနှင့် သံတမန်ရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေး စသည့် နည်း လမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၂၃။ နိုင်ငံရေး
(က) ပြည်သူလူထုကို အကြမ်းဖက်ဖိနှိပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှု ယန္တရားများကို ချိနဲ့ရပ်တန့်စေပြီး၊ ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများ ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းစေရန် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီဖြင့် ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ခ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ထောင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) ၏ မူဝါဒရေးရာ ဦးဆောင်မှုနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဂ) ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဖိနှိပ်သော ဥပဒေများကို ပြင်ဆင်ပယ်ဖျက်နိုင်ရန်၊ အခြေခံ လူ့ အခွင့်အရေးများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်သော ဥပဒေကြမ်းများကို ရေးဆွဲအဆိုပြု၍ ကြား ကာလဥပဒေပြုရေး အခန်း (၅) နှင့်အညီ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးတို့ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဃ) အကြမ်းမဖက် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (Civil Disobedience Movement) အပါ အဝင် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေစေရေးအတွက် လိုအပ် သည့် ကူညီပံ့ပိုးမှု၊ စည်းရုံးမှု၊ စုစည်းမှု၊ ညှိနှိုင်းမှု၊ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုများဖြင့် ဆက်လက် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရမည်။
(င) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ယန္တရားကို အထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေသည့် စီးပွားရေးနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးအရင်းအမြစ်များကို လျော့ပါးချိနဲ့စေရန် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသောအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်အတူ ပြည်သူများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(စ) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးရည်မှန်းချက်ပန်းတိုင်များကို အလျင် အမြန် ရောက်ရှိရန် ဆောင်ရွက်သော မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်အတွက် လိုအပ်သော စီးပွား ရေးနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးလိုအပ်ချက်များကို ပြည်တွင်းပြည်မရှိ မြန်မာ့ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသော လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များနှင့်အတူ ပြည်သူများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ဖြည့်ဆည်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဆ) နိုင်ငံတကာဖိုရမ်များ၊ အစည်းအဝေးများအားလုံးတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုအား အသိအမှတ်မပြုရေးကို မြန်မာဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံး နှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၂၄။ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး
(က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများမှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုရေး၊ ထောက်ခံရေးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လာရေးအတွက် ဆောင်ရွက်သွား မည်။
(ခ) နိုင်ငံခြားရေးမူဝါဒအရ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ကာ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား နိုင်ငံ တကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ်ပြုလာစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဂ) နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် နိုင်ငံတကာစာချုပ်စာတမ်းများအား လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးနိုင်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဃ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသော မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(င) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက ထိရောက်စွာ ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူနိုင် ရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရုံးများတွင် တရားစွဲဆိုအရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် သံတမန်နည်း လမ်းများဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၂၅။ စီးပွားရေး
(က) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ငန်းများကို အထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေသည့် စီးပွားရေးနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးအရင်းအမြစ်များကို လျော့ပါးချိနဲ့သွားစေရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ စံနှုန်းများကို လိုက်နာ၍ တာဝန်ခံမှု၊ တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုရှိသော ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ခ) ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခြေခံစီးပွားရေးကောင်းမွန်လာစေရန်၊ ငွေကြေးစီးဆင်းလည်ပတ် မှု အဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စေရန်နှင့် ငွေကြေးလိုအပ်ချက်များ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဂ) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ်တွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာ မည့် စီးပွားရေးဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုးများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဖြေလျှော့ပေးနိုင် ရေးတို့အတွက် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်မည်။
(ဃ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် ကိုက်ညီသည့် စီးပွားရေး မူဝါဒရေးဆွဲရန် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၂၆။ လူမှုရေး
(က) အာဏာရှင်စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးတွင် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်ပါဝင်လာခဲ့ခြင်း (သို့မဟုတ်) အာဏာရှင်စနစ်၏ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စစ်ရေးအရ ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်ခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံ တကာတွင် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံတို့အား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသား အဖြစ် ပြန်လည်လျှောက်ထားလိုပါက အဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည်။ ထို့ပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အမြဲနေထိုင်ခွင့်ဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများကိုလည်း စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေး ရမည်။
(ခ) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကြောင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာရသူများ၊ လူမှုစီးပွား နှင့် ဘဝရပ်တည်မှု ထိခိုက်သူများအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာအထောက်အပံ့များ ပေးနိုင်ရန် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအကူအညီပေးရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်မည်။
(ဂ) လက်လုပ်လက်စား အခြေခံလူတန်းစားများ၏ စားဝတ်နေရေး အဆင်ပြေစေရေးအတွက် တတ်နိုင်သမျှ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဃ) နိုင်ငံတကာသို့ ရောက်ရှိနေကြသည့် အသိပညာရှင်၊ အတတ်ပညာရှင်များ၏ နည်းပညာ ပံ့ပိုး မှုများအား ရယူနိုင်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၂၇။ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေး
(က) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ နှင့် ညှိနှိုင်း၍ ပြည်သူ့လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုကာကွယ် ရေးတို့အတွက် အမျိုးသားအဆင့်ကာကွယ်ရေးအစီအမံများကို ရေးဆွဲအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ရမည်။
(ခ) ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေး ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအစီအမံကို အမြန်ဆုံး ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
(ဂ) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူများ အား ကာကွယ်ရန် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအစီအမံကို ဆောင်ရွက်သည့်အခါ ပြည်နယ်အတွင်း အခြေစိုက်လှုပ်ရှားသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏အခန်းကဏ္ဍကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရင်း ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
အခန်း (၅)
ကြားကာလ ဥပဒေပြုရေး
ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု ဥပဒေပြုရေး
၂၈။ ကြားကာလအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ဥပဒေပြုရေးအာဏာသည် ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ် ပါတီစုံ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ရွေးကောက်ခံပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း မပြုသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့်လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၌ တည်သည်။
၂၉။ ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ် ပါတီစုံအထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် အနိုင်ရရှိခဲ့ပြီး “ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်” ကို လက်ခံသဘောတူ၍ ပူးပေါင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် သဘောတူညီသော၊ အကြမ်းဖက် အာဏာ သိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမပြုသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။
၃၀။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ကြားကာလ ဥပဒေ ပြုရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် “ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်” ပါ ဦီးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံတို့နှင့်အညီ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ချမှတ်ထားသော မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်သောဥပဒေများကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။
၃၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ဥပဒေပြုရေးကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အရ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ချမှတ်ရေးဆွဲထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာမူဘောင်များနှင့်အညီ မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက် ရယူ၍ ပြင်ဆင် ခြင်း၊ ပယ်ဖျက်ခြင်း၊ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၃၂။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် လိုအပ်သော ဥပဒေပြုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကို ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပနိုင်သည်။
၃၃။ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဖိနှိပ်သောဥပဒေများအား ပြင်ဆင်၊ ပယ်ဖျက်၍ အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေး များကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်သည့် ဥပဒေများ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။
အခန်း (၆)
ကြားကာလ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး
ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး
၃၄။ ကြားကာလအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။
၃၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရို ဖွဲ့စည်းရာတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ ညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရ မည်။
၃၆။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတနှင့် ဒုတိယသမ္မတများသည် နိုင်ငံတော်ကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသော နိုင်ငံဥသျှောင် အကြီးအကဲများ ဖြစ်သည်။
၃၇။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်သည် ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ အကြီးအကဲ ဖြစ်သည်။
၃၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်နှင့် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံအား တာဝန်ခံရမည်။
၃၉။ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့အား အောက်ဖော်ပြပါပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။
(က) နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ
(ခ) နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်
(ဂ) ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၁)
(ဃ) ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၂)
(င) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်
(စ) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးများ
(ဆ) ပြည်ထောင်စုရှေ့နေချုပ်
(ဇ) ပြည်ထောင်စုစာရင်းစစ်ချုပ်
၄၀။ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ပါ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးရည်မှန်းချက်များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့် အညီ ရေးဆွဲထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာအရ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို အကြံပေးရမည်။
၄၁။ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်၏ ရာထူးသက်တမ်းသည် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သက်တမ်းနှင့်အညီဖြစ်သည်။
၄၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်သည် ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦိးတည်ချက်များနှင့် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ရေးဆွဲအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် ညှိနှိုင်းလျက် အာဏာပိုင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ရပ် ရပ်ကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တစ်ဦီးဦးကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအားလည်းကောင်း တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များ ပေးအပ်နိုင်သည်။
၄၃။ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် ညှိနှိုင်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် ကြားကာလ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစီမံချက်ကို ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြု ပြဋ္ဌာန်း နိုင်သည်။
၄၄။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံက တရားဝင်အတည်ပြုပေးထားသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ မူဝါဒများနှင့်အညီ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ကော်မတီနှင့် ကော်မရှင်များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးများက ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းပေးပြီး (Facilitate) လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် အခြားပါဝင်သင့်ပါဝင်ထိုက်သူများဖြင့် လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။
၄၅။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတသည် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိလျှင် ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၁) က နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ကိုယ်စား တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရမည်။ ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၁) သည် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတတာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင် နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိလျှင် ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၂) က ယာယီသမ္မတအဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရမည်။
အခန်း (၇)
ကြားကာလ တရားစီရင်ရေး
၄၆။ ကြားကာလအတွင်း တရားစီရင်ရေးကဏ္ဍနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် ရှိရင်းစွဲ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ နယ်မြေများတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ်သည် တရားဝင်ဖြစ်သည်။
၄၇။ ကြားကာလအတွင်း ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ တရားစီရင်မှုအာဏာသည် “အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ”က အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားသော အရပ်ဘက်တရားရုံးများတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ နယ်မြေအတွင်း ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ရှိထားရှိသည့် အဆင့်ဆင့်သော အရပ် ဘက်တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ်တွင်လည်းကောင်း တည်ရှိရမည်။ တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာကို အဆိုပါတရား ရုံးများနှင့် တရားရေးစနစ်များတွင် ကျင့်သုံးပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိပြီး လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသော တရားစီရင်ရေး စနစ်ဖြစ်ရမည်။
၄၈။ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ1အတွင်း တရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အငြင်းပွားမှုများအား ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းရန် လိုအပ်ပါက ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီက တရားရေးဆိုင်ရာပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာဒေသများမှ တရားစီရင် ခွင့်အာဏာပိုင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးထားရမည်။
၄၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်ရှိ တရားသူကြီးများ သည် လွတ်လပ်စွာ တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိပြီး တရားဥပဒေကိုသာ တာဝန်ခံရမည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ နှင့် မဆန့်ကျင်သော ရိုးရာဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်းဥပဒေများကိုလည်း လေးစားလိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရမည်။
၅၀။ ကြားကာလတရားသူကြီးများအား တင်ကူးကြံရွယ်ချက်ကြောင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ အဂတိကြောင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း ဥပဒေချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းမှတစ်ပါး ၎င်းတို့၏ တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် များနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အရေးယူတရားစွဲဆွဲခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရမည်။
၅၁။ ကြားကာလအတွင်း တရားရုံးတစ်ခု၏ အမိန့်တစ်ရပ် (သို့မဟုတ်) ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်သည် သက်ဆိုင်သူ အားလုံးနှင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရားအားလုံးအပေါ် စည်းနှောင်မှုရှိရမည်။
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1 ယခုလက်ရှိဖြစ်တည်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအခြေအနေအရ ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးအပိုင်း အခြားများကို ကြားကာလအတွင်းတွင် ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်ဟု ခေါ်ဆိုသည်။
အခန်း (၈)
ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး၊ ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေး
၅၂။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဖက်ဒရယ်တည်ဆောက်မှုအခြေခံဖြင့် ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်အရ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးနှင့် တရား စီရင်ရေး ယန္တရားများကို လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
၅၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များအကြား ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင် ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အရေးကိစ္စများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီတွင် ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်။
အခန်း (၉)
အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာ ပြင်ဆင်မှုအစီအမံများ
၅၄။ ကြားကာလမှာပင် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲရေးလုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းတာဝန်ပေးအပ်မည်။
၅၅။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေမူကြမ်းကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီတွင် ကနဦးအတည်ပြု၍ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့ တင်ပြအတည်ပြုရမည်။
၅၆။ ကြားကာလ လွန်မြောက်သည်နှင့် အင်အားစုအသီးသီး ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ပါဝင်သည့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်း ရေးကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (Transitional National Unity Government – TNUG) ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးရမည်။
၅၇။ တဆက်တည်းမှာပင် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် တာဝန်လွှဲပြောင်းအပ်နှင်းရမည်။
၅၈။ ဖော်ပြပါ ပုဒ်မ ၅၆ နှင့် ၅၇ ကို ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးစီး အတည်ပြုပြီးသည်နှင့် တပြိုင်နက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံ ကို ဖျက်သိမ်းကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ကြေညာရမည်။
အခန်း (၁၀)
ပဋိညာဉ်အား ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ခြင်း
၅၉။ ဖြစ်ပေါ်တိုးတက်လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေများနှင့်အညီ ဤကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံအား ပြင်ဆင်လိုပါက အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီတွင် လုပ်ထုံးလုပ် နည်းများနှင့်အညီ ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့ တင်သွင်းအတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရမည်။
အခန်း (၁၁)
အထွေထွေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များ (General Prorvisions)
၆၀။ ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ၏သက်တမ်းသည် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီး စတင်အသက်ဝင်သည့်အချိန်အထိ ဖြစ်သည်။
၆၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော ဥပဒေ၊ ညွှန် ကြားချက်နှင့် အမိန့်များအားလုံးသည် တရားမဝင်ကြောင်း အမိန့်ထုတ်ပြန်ရမည်။
၆၂။ ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းအတည်ပြုနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိသေးမီကာလအတွင်း ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော ဥပဒေ၊ အမိန့်၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်နှင့် လက်စွဲများသည် ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့် မဆန့်ကျင်ပါက အတည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည် ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ဤပဋိညာဉ်နှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော ဥပဒေ၊ အမိန့်၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်နှင့် လက်စွဲများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ချမှတ်ရေးဆွဲထား သော မဟာဗျူဟာမူဘောင်များနှင့်အညီ မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ပြင်ဆင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခြင်း၊ ပယ်ဖျက်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်သည်။
၆၃။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက်နေချိန်တွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ် လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအပြောင်းအလဲများကြောင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို မဖြစ်မနေ ထပ်မံ ပေါင်းစပ်ချမှတ်ဖော်ဆောင်ရန် လိုအပ်လာပါက အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက တာဝန်ပေးအပ်ထားသည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအစုအဖွဲ့ကို ရေးဆွဲစေပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အတည်ပြု သွားရန်ဖြစ်သည်။
၆၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ အဖွဲ့ဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတိုင်းသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီကို တာဝန်ခံရမည်။
အခန်း (၁၂)
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကတိပြုချက်များ
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များ၊ ကြားကာလအစိုးရ၏လုပ်ဆောင် ချက်များ၊ ကြားကာလတွင် ကျင့်သုံးဆောင်ရွက်သည့် ဥပဒေပြုရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်များကို ပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) ပါ ပြည်ထောင်စု မျှော်ရည်ချက်၊ စံတန်ဖိုး၊ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ် ချက်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံများနှင့် ပဋိညာဉ်အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များနှင့်အညီ စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းတာဝန်ခံမှုတို့ဖြင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားပါမည်ဟု သဘောတူ အတည် ပြု (ratify) ကြပါသည်။
ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကို သဘောတူအတည်ပြုထားကြသော အစုအဖွဲ့အားလုံးသည် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားကို ဦးတည်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ် ကြောင်း ကတိပြုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Date of publication:
2022-01-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Unwilling to accept military rule, many in Kachin are looking to the Kachin Independence Organization to fill a void in governance. As the KIO strengthens its influence, it is facing mounting pressure to regulate environmentally destructive gold mining.
Description:
"Bawk Nu* has spent the last 11 years dreaming of the day she could safely return to her village of Nam San Yang. She is one of more than 100,000 people who fled their homes following a resumption in fighting between the military and the armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organization in 2011, and she has lived in a camp for internally displaced people near the KIO headquarters of Laiza ever since.
Not long after villagers evacuated Nam San Yang, businesspeople started buying up their land for gold mining. After the coup, the scramble for gold turned into a frenzy. Excavator trucks turned what remained of the village into gaping craters and piles of earth, but Bawk Nu was one of the few who refused to sell. On December 27, KIO banned gold mining in areas within its sphere of influence.
Both Bawk Nu and Mun Awng*, a member of the village’s Baptist church, said that although gold mining temporarily stopped in January, it had resumed when they visited the village in May. “During the day, everything was quiet, but mining happened at night,” said Bawk Nu. “The mining continued… The only thing that changed was that it wasn’t happening openly.”
Among properties mined during that time were those adjacent to Bawk Nu’s. Her land buried in waste heaps, she recently conceded to sell it, feeling she had no alternative. “I had dreamed of going back home when my village became peaceful,” she said. “After I saw all the gold mining in my village, I felt like my dream was shattered.”
She is one of many people across Kachin State who have suffered the adverse impacts of a gold mining rush since the coup, as a contracting formal economy pushes people to look for new sources of income and the collapse of rule of law emboldens people to extract resources without fear of consequences.
Interviews with 12 villagers and seven members of Kachin civil society over the past six months for a series of articles on gold mining in Kachin State highlight an exacerbation of problems which have been reported by civil society groups since the early 2000s. These include a loss of land, the deterioration of social fabric, polluted water and eroded riverbanks.
The interviews also reinforce a well-documented link between resource extraction and armed conflict.
Kachin’s resources, including gold, jade and timber, have long provided funds for armed actors including the military and KIO. Since the coup, fighting in the state has intensified as the KIO continues its fight for self-determination and joins the national uprising against the junta. The situation has fostered the perfect conditions for the state’s conflict resource economy to thrive, at the expense of local communities and the environment.
Local sources told Frontier that regardless of whether the military, KIO or militia groups claim control over an area, any group which can access the area is likely to collect taxes on gold mining operations there, but none were systematically regulating the industry.
They said that as the KIO increases its influence in areas outside of its territory as well as its legitimacy in the eyes of the public, they would like to see it step up its response to gold mining.
“In this current situation, we see the KIO as our parent and our government,” said Naw Ja* from Hpung Ing Yang village in Sumprabum Township. “I would like the government to address gold mining…[and] prioritise protecting our natural environment.”
A sandy wasteland
Although people in Kachin have traditionally panned for gold and used rudimentary diving methods, mechanised gold mining first picked up after the military and KIO signed a ceasefire in 1994 and the military began issuing large resource concessions across the state. Since the coup, however, the mining has reached unprecedented levels, local sources said. “After the coup, people mined gold without concern for the environment,” said Naw Ja in Hpung Ing Yang. “After gold miners finish, they just abandon their sites. Many cows fall into mining pits and die.”
Sources also said that rivers and streams have become muddy and discoloured with sediment, that gold miners commonly use and dispose of mercury without taking any precautions, and that water levels are exceptionally low, affecting drinking, bathing, fishing and farming.
Gold mining is even increasing in environmentally fragile locations, including in the Indawgyi Lake Wildlife Sanctuary. La Ring*, who is from a village** southwest of the lake, said that gold mining is especially spreading in Ma Mon Kaing and Maing Nawng villages. He added that it was encroaching on the Nam Yin Hka Forest Reserve, which officials were not only failing to monitor, but profiting from gold mining there. “Gold mining is turning the forest into a sandy wasteland,” he said.
The increase in gold mining has also brought harmful social impacts. Several local sources described to Frontier an influx of narcotic drugs into some gold mining areas. “When gold miners become addicted to drugs, bosses cut the cost from their wages. Almost all of the bosses sell drugs to their workers,” said La Ring.
Rifts have also developed between people perceived as enabling or benefitting from gold mining and those resisting it. Mun Awng of the Nam San Yang Baptist church said that the mining had placed the village’s two church denominations at odds because many of those involved in the business or brokering land sales were Catholic, while the Baptist church had been leading efforts to stop the mining.
The situation is straining tensions that surfaced in 2019, when a group of mostly Catholic IDPs returned to Nam San Yang through a controversial initiative facilitated by the military, but Baptists mostly stayed in displacement camps. “This small number of people who returned are the ones doing all this mining and working as brokers,” said Mun Awng. “They call other villagers who are still living in IDP camps or other areas and ask them to sell their land.”
In a village** on the Mali River just west of the town of Machanbaw, Htun Ja* said that many ethnic Lisus had sold their land. “Gold miners convinced [Lisus] to sell their farmland…so villagers from other ethnicities asked them why. We have to convince them not to sell,” he said. According to Htun Ja, some of those who sold had asked businesspeople to build public roads and irrigation canals in return. “We have to explain to them why we should not ask for help from businesspeople…Businesspeople are not a charity organisation. They are looking for profits,” he said.
A vicious cycle
Although many of those mining gold are migrants from across the state and country, people are also mining in their own villages at a time of diminishing alternatives. “Local gold miners feel bad about mining [gold], but they still have to do it for their livelihoods,” said Brang Naw* in Naung Chein village, Waingmaw Township.
La Ring said that southwest of Indawgyi Lake, many farm labourers had also shifted to gold mining. “Rice farming businesses can’t compete,” he said. “Local farmers aren’t able to pay 10,000 kyats (US$5) per day to workers, but gold mining bosses can pay.”
According to Zaw Man Aung of the Hukawng Land Development Programme, a civil society group based in Tanai Township, local people are also increasingly turning to gold mining in the Hukawng valley, which hosts a large wildlife sanctuary and has long experienced intensive gold mining to the detriment of its forests and local land rights.
“Some people know [mining] isn’t good for the environment, but they have no choice,” said Joseph, whose group organised a debate for local youth on June 5 about whether gold mining should be banned. “Especially at this time…they take everything they can. They aren’t sure about tomorrow, so they will do it now.”
Local sources described a range of factors driving people to sell their land and also said that land grabs were happening in some areas. Southwest of Indawgyi Lake, La Ring said that many farmowners had sold their property because they “just saw an instant huge amount of money,” but that in other cases, gold miners “leave local landowners with no choice by disposing of waste on their farmland,” he said.
West of Machanbaw, Htun Ja said some of the mining was happening on land which had not been sold, including that of villagers living in IDP camps. “When we went to ask [the miners] about it, they said they did all the process at the higher levels. We don’t know whether they have permission or not,” he said.
At a time when humanitarian aid is dwindling and armed conflict is ongoing, some IDPs who held onto their land for years are now selling. “Many think that they will sell their land and buy land in the city and resettle there,” said Mun Awng in Nam San Yang.
But land grabs and the loss of land through collateral damage are also common in the village, according to Mun Awng. “Some land has been mined without landowners’ consent or knowledge. In some cases…[people’s] land has been destroyed and landslides have been happening due to mining on their neighbours’ land. Some [businesspeople] don’t pay the full amount for the land and disappear,” he said.
The situation has contributed to a vicious cycle in which, unable to monitor their land closely and fearing they will lose it anyway, many IDPs are selling, which then drives even more people to sell, often at low prices. “Landowners are worried that their land will disappear to landslides when it rains or mined without their knowledge, so one by one they are selling,” said Bawk Nu.
A call for help
Locals who have tried to resist gold mining said they felt unsupported by any armed actor or political institution and they feared social backlash as well as physical attacks as a result of speaking out. “I don’t feel safe because gold miners have noticed me,” said Htun Ja, who joined other locals near Machanbaw in appealing verbally to local KIO officers and petitioning in writing to the village’s General Administration Department, as well as posting wooden signboards gold miners to keep out, without any result so far.
Near Indawgyi Lake, La Ring also said he felt unsafe for speaking out against gold mining, while his efforts appealing to the Forest Reserve Group and KIO officials had so far come to nothing. “The KIO do not take any action against gold mining because they even collect taxes from it. The SAC and militia groups also do not take any action,” he said, referring to the State Administration Council, the official name for the junta.
Mun Awng said that the Nam San Yang Baptist church has been petitioning the KIO in person and in writing since around 2013 to stop gold mining in the village, and that he was frustrated not to see more decisive action yet. “We cannot sell farmland or houses in our area without KIO involvement. Although they say ‘We are not a government; we are a revolutionary organisation’, what I understand is that when they need to take something from us, they say they are our government, but when they need to solve problems for us, they say they are just a revolutionary organisation.”
He also said he fears the consequences of raising his voice because it involves challenging the KIO. “It is not easy to speak against them in our area. When we speak against Bamar people, the whole public supports us, but when we speak against our KIO, people will think we are crazy.”
Colonel Naw Bu told Frontier during a phone interview in April that the KIO had stopped nearly all gold mining operations in areas under its control since December of last year, and that it was not permitting new operations in the Kachin Region, which it defines as Kachin State and parts of northern Shan State. “We are a revolutionary organisation, but we take responsibility and accountability to protect our land,” he said.
He said that the KIO was unable to address gold mining in areas outside of its control because it might lead to armed conflict with military forces, and that some businesses were “taking advantage.” “The formal dialogue channel is gone and we cannot negotiate anymore. We are in wartime and as such, we cannot enforce the law effectively,” he said.
He also acknowledged that the KIO was still collecting taxes on gold mining operations in some areas under military control, but said that he did not have further information on the amount or locations because this was handled at the ground level. “We have ordered all offices to collect taxes where it is appropriate to do so,” he said in June, adding that the KIO central committee had warned its members not to engage in any deceitful acts.
When asked in a follow-up call on June 23 to respond to claims that mining had resumed in Nam San Yang, he reiterated that the KIO had stopped all gold mining in the village, and said that the KIO was not collecting any taxes there either.
“If we use our armed forces to check the situation, there might be some challenges or armed clashes with those responsible [for mining],” he added. “In this situation, some people might pull the wool over [our] eyes and keep on mining gold, but I would like to restate that the KIO has clearly banned gold mining in that area.”
Frontier also spoke with Dr Hkalen Tu Hkawng, the National Unity Government’s Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation and an ethnic Kachin. He said that it was important to consider the KIO’s taxation of gold mining within the broader context of its fight against the military. “The KIO has supported and cooperated with many local revolutionary groups,” he said. “If we ask them not to collect taxes, how can they get money during this revolutionary period?”
Monitoring and regulating gold mining is further complicated, he said, because of contested governance across the state, leaving a grey area regarding the legitimacy of permits – including the 236 small-scale gold mining permits of four acres each issued by the ousted National League for Democracy-led government.
According to Dr Tu Hkawng, the first priority in addressing the gold mining crisis should be defeating the military regime. “We need lasting peace and stable politics in order to protect natural resources and close down mining…If we just keep on closing down all the mining, the people who get their incomes from it will be angry.”
But he said that his ministry had no plan to respond to gold mining in Kachin because it fell under the jurisdiction of the Kachin Political Interim Coordination Team (KPICT), which is serving as an interim political body for the Kachin Region. Its spokesperson, Nsang Gum San, did not reply to Frontier’s emailed request for comments.
Those interviewed by Frontier said that for people experiencing the harmful effects of gold mining, waiting for peace and stability to regulate it is unsatisfactory. “[The KIO] have been fighting for Kachin State, for federal democracy, for more than 60 years but our land and environment are being destroyed by gold mining,” said a civil society worker from the Myitsone confluence, where 100 women gathered to protest mechanised gold mining on 5 June.
Seng Hkum, a Kachin student who is pursuing his master’s degree in public administration and natural resource management policy at Indiana University’s O’Neill School of Public and Environmental Affairs, told Frontier he was hopeful that as voices from the public grow stronger, the KIO would respond.
“As they are preparing to take on the role of government in the Kachin Region, they must be responsible and accountable for public concerns. The Kachin Region should seriously consider how to make its future economy more inclusive and diverse in order to reduce its natural resource dependency and chronic resource curse.”
* denotes the use of pseudonym for safety reasons;
**In the case of small villages where sources could be easily identified, village names have also been withheld.
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2022-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Gold mining and trade, Armed conflict in Kachin State - economic factors associated with the conflict, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Human Rights Watch says the moving of detained 77-year-old State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into solitary confinement in Naypyitaw Prison is an attempt to break her will which will backfire.
“What we are seeing is the Myanmar junta moving towards a much more punitive phase, towards Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for the New York-based NGO. “They are obviously trying to intimidate her and her supporters.”
According to sources, the ousted leader predicted she would be transferred to prison and arranged to leave behind all her possessions not required for her trial.
Agence France-Presse reported that she remained in strong spirits after being moved from house arrest on Wednesday, quoting a legal source.
Robertson told AFP that the junta may think it is showing its strength but it will backfire and boost the resistance movement.
Ko Bo Kyi of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners told The Irrawaddy: “They may think the prison is safer and maybe that it will trouble her more mentally and physically and disconnect her more from the environment.”
The regime has held Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest since last year’s coup in which her government was ousted. It followed her resounding victory in the November 2020 general election.
She has won in every election by a landslide she and her party have contested.
The junta moved her to an unknown location in Naypyitaw in April 2021 where she was accompanied by a few of her staff and her dog.
In solitary confinement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will have three female prison staff.
The Nobel peace laureate faces numerous charges, carrying a combined sentence of over 100 years.
She remains hugely popular with the electorate.
On Sunday resistance fighters, striking civil servants, anti-regime protesters, political prisoners and expats marked her 77th birthday and called for her release.
Three days later, the state counselor was moved into solitary confinement.
Stephane Dujarric, a spokesman for United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, told reporters on Thursday that the global body was “very concerned” for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
“The junta’s move goes against everything we’ve been calling for, which was her release and the release of all of the other political prisoners,” Dujarric said.
Since the coup, the junta has detained more than 14,000 people, including elected leaders, lawmakers, activists, students, peaceful protesters and striking civil servants..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"Last week, two seven-year-old boys were tragically killed in a grenade round explosion in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region.
The incident occurred on 19 June, when the two boys were playing with an unexploded grenade round they found in a jungle.
Landmines and unexploded ordnance (UXO) continue to kill and maim many children in Myanmar.
At least 115 children have been killed or injured by landmines and UXO since February 2021, including 47 casualties that occurred between January and April 2022 alone.
In times of conflict, children are the most vulnerable, including from landmines and UXO. Since children are smaller than adults, they are more likely to take the full impact of the blast and are therefore more likely to suffer death or serious injury.
In Myanmar, more than one third of the reported casualties from landmines and UXO are children.
The safety and rights of children must be the primary consideration in all contexts. During the first five months of 2022, UNICEF and partners have reached 20,000 children across Myanmar with Explosive Ordnance Risk Education.
UNICEF calls on all parties to facilitate access for assistance to victims; to stop laying mines and to clear existing mines and UXO..... ပြီးခဲ့သည့်ရက်သတ္တပတ်အတွင်း မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်တွင် အသက် ၇ နှစ်အရွယ် ယောက်ျားလေးနှစ်ဦး ဗုံးသီးပေါက်ကွဲမှုအတွင်း ဝမ်းနည်းဖွယ်ရာ အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပါသည်။
အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်မှာ ဇွန်လ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကလေးနှစ်ဦးက တောထဲတွင်တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သော မပေါက်ကွဲသေးသည့် ဗုံးသီးတစ်လုံးကို ကစားနေစဥ် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းများနှင့် မပေါက်ကွဲသေးသော စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်း (UXO) များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးငယ်များစွာကို အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးစေခြင်းနှင့် ကိုယ်လက်အင်္ဂါချို့တဲ့စေခြင်းများ ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလမှစ၍ မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းနှင့် မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းနှင့် မပေါက်ကွဲသေးသော စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ (UXO) ကြောင့် အနည်းဆုံး ကလေးငယ် ၁၁၅ ဦး သေဆုံး ဒဏ်ရာရခဲ့ပြီး ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလမှ ဧပြီလအတွင်းမှာပင် သေဆုံး ဒဏ်ရာရသူ ကလေးငယ် ၄၇ ဦးအထိ ရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။
ပဋိပက္ခအချိန်များအတွင်း ကလေးသူငယ်များသည် မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းနှင့် မပေါက်ကွဲသေးသော စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ (UXO) ကြောင့် အပါအဝင် အားနည်းထိခိုက်လွယ်ဆုံးသူများဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ကလေးငယ်များမှာ လူကြီးများထက် အရွယ်အစားအားဖြင့် ပိုမိုသေးငယ်သောကြောင့် ပေါက်ကွဲမှုဒဏ်ကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံရနိုင်ဖွယ်ပိုများသည်ဖြစ်ရာ သေဆုံးခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ပြင်းထန်ဒဏ်ရာရာနိုင်ချေပိုများပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းနှင့် မပေါက်ကွဲသေးသော စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ (UXO) ကြောင့် သေဆုံးဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူများ၏ သုံးပုံတစ်ပုံကျော်မှာ ကလေးငယ်များဖြစ်သည်။
မည်သို့သော အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင်မဆို ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အဓိကထည့်သွင်းစဉ်းစားရပါမည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ပထမ ၅ လအတွင်း ယူနီဆက်နှင့် မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးငယ် ဦးရေ ၂၀,၀၀၀ အား ပေါက်ကွဲစေတတ်သောလက်နက်များအန္တရာယ် အသိပညာပေးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ပေးနိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
ယူနီဆက်အနေဖြင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံးအား ထိခိုက်နစ်နာသူများအတွက် အကူအညီများ လွယ်ကူချောမွေ့စွာ ပေးနိုင်ရန်၊ မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းအသုံးပြုမှုများ ရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် ရှိနှင့်ပြီးသော မြေမြှုပ်မိုင်းနှင့် မပေါက်ကွဲသေးသော စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ (UXO) များကို ရှင်းလင်းကြပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံ တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ရပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Children's Fund
Date of publication:
2022-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"This speech is to honor the hero Salai Tin Maung Oo from Chin State, who was brutally tortured and executed by dictator Ne Win in 1976 at the age of 25. He is a hero of the nation, hero of freedom and federal democracy, who has sacrificed his life for the sake of the nation and the people of Myanmar. He had shown massive courage and bravery for freedom. Today, we are seeing this darkest moment again in our history. Our nation is full of young people like Salai Tin Maung Oo, who are willing to give their lives for the freedom and federal democratic union future of the country. They don't want to live under oppressive, brutal military regime anymore. They have said enough is enough, especially the young generation of Myanmar, Gen Z, who most of them are now members of PDF and freedom fighters of ethnic armed organizations.
If you look at 10 months ago, we had nothing. But now, there is already 267 freedom fighters’ battalions, who are willing to sacrifice their lives for the future of Myanmar. If you look at local defense forces, together with NUG, more than 500 groups have come together to defend the country from the fascist military. That is the big number of young people like Salai Tin Maung Oo. In Chin state alone, there are now more than 20 Chinland Defense Forces, more than 20,000 young men and women like Salai Tin Maung Oo in Chin state, fighting for self-determination, freedom and federal democracy. It is the same across Myanmar, it is the same across other states like Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin. Most of them are young people, fighting for freedom and democracy, fighting for the future federal union of Myanmar where they will flourish and thrive. But now, when they look at the hands of brutal military regime, all they see is death, destruction, loss. There is nothing more hopelessness and helplessness than what the military brings to the country and the people they swore to protect and serve. That is exactly what Salai Tin Maung Oo was against. He gave hope to young people, he gave hope for the future of Myanmar, and he will be remembered by all the people of Myanmar like Martin Luther King Jr. Even though he is not with us today, he is always in our thoughts, our hearts, our prayers. His visions, his sacrifices and his missions are still with us. We must accomplish the mission that Salai Tin Maung Oo has left us to accomplish.
I also would like to take this opportunity to salute the brave young men and women of Myanmar, for their love of peace, their love of freedom, their love of federal democracy. Better tomorrows are coming soon, where freedom is awaiting us, where the true federal democratic union is forming, where everybody will have rights to be respected, promoted, and protected regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, background and ethnicity. And this is exactly what is signed in Pin Laung Agreement. Equality, self-determination, freedom, what Salai Tin Maung Oo had given up his life for, what the young people of Myanmar today are sacrificing their lives for. I want to urge the international communities, our neighbors, United Nation and the leaders of the world, to recognize the words of the young people of Myanmar. The desire of Salai Tin Maung Oo must come to reality sooner than later.
We must do everything in our power to make freedom come soon, to make federal democracy flourish sooner than later, before more precious lives of young people are taken. May the revolution succeed; the revolution is succeeding. May God bless you; may God bless Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"1. The 54 million people of Myanmar have been going through their darkest period for the last 16 months. A period of pain, suffering, death, destruction, atrocities, and crimes against humanity inflicted upon them by the brutal and cruel hands of the genocidal military dictators of Myanmar. In regards to the brave people of Myanmar’s defensive activities, we have been doing everything we can to end the junta’s reign of terror against the people of Myanmar and to defend and protect the civilians and people’s properties from the cruel military’s acts of terrorism. We have been working hard on training, equipment, and establishing a chain of command. We have been acquiring armaments in two ways: purchasing them outright from non-state actors, and locally manufacturing arms.
2. To this day, we have received no material assistance from the international community when it comes to defending freedom and democracy and protecting the lives of the people of Myanmar. We have made repeated calls for the international community to listen to the people of Myanmar and to give help to end this military reign of terror and to assist us to achieve freedom and federal democracy. Material assistance is the fastest most efficient route to end the suffering in Myanmar and put the Nation on the path to Freedom and Federal Democracy.
3. Besides the generous donations of many both domestically and abroad, for which we are grateful, we are currently generating income through the sale of NUG bonds, which have amounted to $38M (USD) thus far, and the sale of property illegally acquired by the junta, such as Min Aung Hlaing's illegal belongings (the mansion stolen from the people of Myanmar) the sale of which has thus far raised $7M (USD). Most of these funds have gone to strategic spending like; sharing with our alliance, strengthening of people’s defensive activities, increasing of the people’s defense capacity, and for social and humanitarian relief projects.
4. The people's contributions have resulted in the rapid progress that we have seen in the revolution recently. To continue our efforts, we need to secure a great deal more in funds. We are investigating a range of options to bring in this sum, and in the meantime, we call on all entrepreneurs to assist the NUG by paying all due taxes.
5. To facilitate financial transactions which are safe, secure, and above all, free from SAC control, we are launching a mobile payment system called NUG Pay. A pilot project will begin by the end of June. The Initial roll out will be in NUG dominated territories and will spread nationwide from there.
6. We also announce that another property illegally occupied by the terrorist military leader Min Aung Hlaing will be auctioned, and public land unjustly confiscated by the army in the center of Yangon will serve as a green space featuring the Spring Revolutionary Memorial Park, for which the NUG is inviting design proposals. Interested investors whether local or foreign will be invited to invest in this Development Project, the purpose of which is to pay homage to fallen heroes, rehabilitate injured fighters of the Spring Revolution who have lost their body parts, and assist heroes of the revolution and CDM who have lost their homes.
7. The Central Committee for Natural Resources Administration (CCNRA) has organized municipal-level sub-committees to manage the natural resources in NUG controlled areas. As a result, the National Unity Government can manage natural resources in our controlled areas and prevent illegal logging and mining. The CCNRA has been arresting and prosecuting those guilty of illegal logging, and 70% of the money raised from the confiscation of illegally logged timber and the proceeds of illegal sales are being handed over to municipal officials and 30% is being used by NUG-MONREC.
8. Together with our allies, the NUG controls more than 50% of Myanmar's territory. In Sagaing and northern Magway – traditional heartland strongholds of the military élite – more than 80% of villages and 90% of the transportation infrastructure is under PDF control. Previously in recent history the military have never before lost control of these two key divisions, and the dominance of pro-democracy forces here is a strong indication that the junta are being progressively beaten day by day.
9. Furthermore, the PDFs are advancing in Tanintharyi and northern Mandalay, while in Yangon, Bago, Irrawaddy, Naypyidaw and southern Mandalay intense guerrilla campaigns are being fought, despite the military's many crimes against our freedom fighters and their allies. Ethnic organizations are collaborating with PDF to expand their areas of control in Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Chin, northern Mon, while ethnic resistance organizations in Rakhine, and northern Shan have also made significant territorial gains.
10. As far as the fighting for freedom and federal democracy itself is concerned, we have seen significant losses on the part of the military, while pro-democracy forces are preparing to transition away from guerrilla tactics to conventional warfare when training, manpower, and material are more favorably balanced.
11. Currently, the NUG has established 257 PDF battalions, and this is in addition to the over 500 local PDF groups who are under the command of NUG-MOD. By contrast, over 10,000 SAC personnel have defected to the democratic cause, many bringing their weapons and ammunition with them. This demonstrates the military's inability to control their own foot-soldiers in a time of war, and raises genuine doubts on the part of the rank and file that the war is even winnable for the junta. We are therefore preparing to establish a new professional defense force of Myanmar the Federal Army under the Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar.
12. Despite the SAC's continued crimes against our heroes the CDM participants and pro-democracy activists, the pro-democracy and pro-peace movement remains unshakable and strong. These brave and peaceful movements of CDM have proved that they are stronger and more powerful than the junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar.
13. To provide stability and justice as a government, we have declared the formation of local judiciaries in 15 municipalities. Subject to declaration 11/2022, the judiciaries will soon begin their task of hearing trials and dispensing justice. Trials will proceed in person wherever possible. However, in cases when logistics or security do not permit, trials can be held via online platforms. Additionally, prisons are currently under construction in NUG-controlled territory for the detention of those awaiting trial.
14. Furthermore, to ensure safety and security in NUG-controlled regions, the PDF along with our allies are taking on security roles subject to the people's administrative bodies which have already been formed in 36 townships.
15. People’s administration bodies are in addition to the People's Police Force which was formed on the 7th of June through the Office of the President. This force will be tasked not only with ensuring public safety and compliance with the law, but also investigations and the collection of evidence, and ensuring that perpetrators are brought to justice.
16. Regarding Education: We are delivering education services to the children of Myanmar in two ways: online and on the ground. On the ground: We are doing this in two ways at the moment: school-based education in schools or home-based education. Home-based education targets students who cannot go to schools for several reasons. For propositional education and higher education, we are also making guidebooks and textbooks available online.
17. Online Education: This is a remote and digital approach to education delivery that we have been undertaking. Currently, we have 52 online schools operating. For propositional and higher education, guidebooks, notebooks, and educational resources are being prepared. These are made available online. For remote education where there is no internet connection. We have adopted a practical approach to educational learning. Teaching materials are stored on memory sticks and distributed to remote regions/places.
18. Our hero CDM teachers together with private and volunteer teachers are the main reason we can deliver this much-needed education service to the children of Myanmar. These are both being delivered in Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Magway, Bago, Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi divisions, Kachin, Karen, Kayah( Karenni), Shan, Mon and Chin states.
19. Regarding Healthcare Services: We are doing everything we can in our power to deliver much needed healthcare services to the people of Myanmar. We are delivering healthcare to the people of Myanmar in two ways by online and on the ground.
20. Telehealth and telemedicine services: Telehealth and telemedicine services are being made available to more than 90% of all the townships across Myanmar (more than 309 townships). Our great heroes, CDM doctors, nurses, midwives and health workers, are providing this service day and night together with our alliances from 11 countries across the world.
21. On the ground health care services: We have been delivering emergency healthcare services to the brave people of Myanmar through (267) mobile frontline clinics, which are all operational on the ground. We are operating (52) hospitals across Myanmar. Six hospitals with fifty beds each are under construction and soon to be operational on the ground. Again, our brave heroes, CDMs, doctors, nurses, mid-wives, and health workers are doing this life-saving work in these (267) clinics and (52) hospitals.
22. Regarding Humanitarian Affairs: We have been doing everything in our power to secure humanitarian assistance for the brave people of Myanmar. We have delivered over 3 billion MMK worth of aid to populations most in need. However, it is only a tiny drop of water in the ocean of need. On the other hand, the military regime is constantly and deliberately creating more humanitarian crises by instigating bloody violence against the people of Myanmar.
23. During the month of May alone, more than seven thousand civilian houses were burnt and destroyed by military foot soldiers in Sagaing and Magway divisions. A total of more than 20 thousand houses, places of worship and public buildings have been destroyed by the genocidal military generals.
24. Because of this reign of terror against the people of Myanmar by the genocidal military more than 1.2 million people are displaced, homeless, and over half the population of Myanmar is being forced to live below the poverty line. About 15 million people of Myanmar are in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. The military generals in Myanmar created all these atrocities, violence, hunger, and starvation, and at the same time they are using these crises as weapons.
25. All humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar must bypass the military generals’ control and weaponization to reach the people of Myanmar. We have made this very clear to the many generous donors such as ASEAN AHA Centre, OCHA, Governmental and UN agencies, international donors and INGOs. The profound mistrust of the people of Myanmar towards the junta is real and must be taken into consideration while delivering this much needed humanitarian assistance.
26. Regarding International Affairs: We have been requesting to the International Community to take coordinated, targeted, and tougher actions by the total rejection and sanctioning of the brutal military SAC regime and by recognizing and supporting the peace and freedom loving people of Myanmar through their democratic representatives such as CRPH, NUG and NUCC. This is the fastest way to end Myanmar’s crisis and put Myanmar on the path to freedom and federal democracy.
27. A delegation led by H.E Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Foreign Affairs visited the United States between the 11th and 22nd of May and met with the U.S. Deputy Secretary of state of USA, H.E Wendy Sherma, senior U.S. government officials, representatives of the U.S. Senate, the Minister of foreign affairs of Malaysia, H.E Saifuddin Abdulla and several leaders from ASEAN, including a meeting with Minister of Foreign Affair of Sweden, H.E Ann Linde.
28. A delegation led by H.E U Aung Myo Min, the union minister of human rights, and NUG representative U Lin Tant met with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, H.E Mr. Jiří Kozák, and officials of the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs on June 9th.
29. A delegation led H.E Professor Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the union minister of health and education, travelled to the UK, European Union and Norway between the 24th of May and 10th of June to discuss international relations, the military's human rights violations, humanitarian assistance, revolutionary issues, and Myanmar's ultimate path to restore peace and democracy. During their visit to the UK, they met with the Rt. Hon. Amanda Milling, minister of state for Asia and Middle East; Lord Kamall, undersecretary of state for innovation; and the Academy of Royal Colleges. They then met with the vice president of the European Parliament, H.E Heidi Hautala and H. E Paola Pampaloni, Deputy Managing Director for Asia and Pacific Department, the European External Action Service (EEAS) of EU in Brussels, and in Oslo they met with officials from the University of Oslo, various INGOs, the Oslo Peace Research Institute, the Norwegian Buddhist League, and visited Diakonhjemmet hospital.
30. As we all know this terrorist Military Council has no legitimacy. They disregarded the democratic voice and will of the Myanmar people. They instigated detention, arrest, prosecution, and unlawful imprisonment of elected leaders, the President of the union of Myanmar H.E Win Mint and the State Counsellor of Myanmar, H. E Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, members of the Parliament, and many pro-democracy activists. We strongly condemn and reject the illegal military council’s unjust arrests of elected officials, innocent people, illegal trials, death sentences, and in particular, the confirmation of death sentences handed down to Ko Jimmy, Phyo Zayar Thaw, U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thura Zaw.
31. To continue their brutal and cruel control over the nation, the military junta have committed acts of terrorism, carried out arbitrary and unlawful arrests, and have torched entire villages. The military's crimes are horrific and beyond words to properly describe. War crimes and crimes against humanity plague the Myanmar people across the nation. The National Unity Government and the media have already received mountains of evidence that prove these many crimes of the military. The evidence is being examined by international governments and prosecution bodies with intent to launch formal investigations and legal proceedings.
32. In the brutal military junta’s attempt to normalize their crimes, the SAC is attempting to pull the wool over the international community's eyes to steal legitimacy through sham and fake elections. We will never accept this criminal attempt and they will fail. By all means, we will stop their crimes and we will never allow normalization of crimes against humanity committed against the people of Myanmar by genocidal military generals.
33. We have had free and fair and democratic election in 2020 where the people of Myanmar have spoken loudly and clearly by electing their representatives for the people of Myanmar. These legitimate elected members of Parliament formed the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)- Committee Representing the Union Parliament of Myanmar, then the National Union Consultative Council (NUCC) and National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) which truly represents the people of Myanmar inclusively.
34. We make it loud and clear that the military general’s constitution known as the 2008 constitution has been abolished and is no longer in effect, we adhere to the Federal Democratic Charter as its roadmap for the establishment of a true federal democratic Union of Myanmar for all the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, gender, culture, ethnicity and background and these federal democratic principles are already being implemented in the interim revolutionary administration.
35. This is the darkest moment in our history but also this is the first time in the history of Myanmar that we have a National Unity Government of Myanmar-NUG and National Unity Consultative Council- NUCC. Together we have achieved a historical Unity in diversity, our Nation’s greatest strength is our Unity in diversity and that’s who the brave people of Myanmar are now. We are united to end the military dictatorships once and for all, we will not rest nor give up until Freedom and Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar fruit and flourish not only for Myanmar but also for whole regions and the world..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-23
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"Content note: this statement contains references to violence, murder, and potential war crimes.
For months, the Myanmar military has systematically imposed internet shutdowns to facilitate an aggressive scorched-earth campaign across the nation. Internet, mobile, and landline connections are cut in an impending sign of a military attack — and as shutdowns reign for days on end, entire villages, schools, places of worship, and personal property are torched, villagers killed, and food and other necessary supplies destroyed. Internet shutdowns have fortified the military’s oppressive “Four Cuts” strategy — a military campaign to indiscriminately destroy anything or anyone deemed to support the raging popular resistance movement on the ground. As places continue to be wiped out amidst communications blackouts, the international community and companies tasked to enforce the junta’s orders have remained largely silent. This must change.
Internet shutdowns have been imposed across regions where resistance against the military has been most intense and where arson attacks by the junta have been most widespread as both punishments and cover for atrocities. In one of the worst-hit regions of Sagaing, internet, mobile, and landline connections have been shut down since late 2021, with access only available intermittently for a few hours every few days. Out of 34 townships in Sagaing, eight are facing regular internet blackouts, while the other townships have access only to 2G connections. Reports indicate that more than 22,000 sites, including residential and religious buildings, were burned down between February 1 and May 2022. Homes have been raided by soldiers, property destroyed, and burned bodies reportedly found “shot in the head” and “tied with cables.” Regional shutdowns have been reported and continue across the regions of Magway and Mandalay and the states of Chin, Kayah (Karenni), and Kachin, where intense fighting between military and resistance forces is ongoing. This is all being perpetrated with impunity amidst recurring internet shutdowns, now in place in at least 54 townships across the country.
As shutdowns continue indefinitely, people are not only impacted by active conflict but struggle to lead daily lives. Those attempting to leave their homes have no means to find out information to help keep themselves safe, such as where attacks may be launched or where road bombs may be laid. People who wish to find out how their friends, family, or loved ones are coping cannot communicate with them. Transport of essential supplies is blocked to villages, as drivers are unable to discern safe routes for travel. People are unable to transfer or receive funds as they are cut off from mobile payment services. Amidst a pandemic, people have no way to share health information or receive medical attention, in a violation of their right to health, and risks of gender-based violence are exacerbated.
Meanwhile, children who were already unable to receive in-school education because of ongoing school boycotts and burnt-down schools are now cut out of online means of learning, leading to an increasing number of school dropout cases and reported cases of child abuse through forced child marriages. Humanitarian actors and journalists who remain in the country struggle to monitor and report on the ongoing human rights violations and provide essential aid. At the same time, UN experts have highlighted challenges to gathering evidence of human rights violations.
This situation on the ground will only deteriorate unless international actors continue to keep global attention on Myanmar and push back firmly against aggression by the junta. The military must not be allowed to perpetrate crimes with impunity under the cloak of darkness, and governments and companies must push back..."
Source/publisher:
Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of publication:
2022-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"22 June 2022: There is more that the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council can and must do to promote and protect the human rights of all Myanmar peoples and to address ongoing human rights atrocities in the country, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The Council should engage with the National Unity Government (NUG) and consider the establishment of a special tribunal for human rights atrocities in Myanmar.
SAC-M recently concluded a mission to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland. During the mission, the members of SAC-M met with members of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, diplomats and UN officials.
The Human Rights Council heard an oral update on the situation in Myanmar by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights during SAC-M’s mission. The High Commissioner told the Council that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the military is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with respect to the systematic and widespread use of tactics against civilians. These include the well-documented military tactic of burning entire villages, with some estimates of 11,000 protected civilian objects having been burned down since the attempted coup began, explained the High Commissioner.
“We welcome the High Commissioner’s statement which continued to call out the mass human rights atrocities of the Myanmar military in its ongoing attempt to seize power, and the ineffectiveness of international efforts to reign it in,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “We also thank the High Commissioner for her leadership, in calling for international engagement with the National Unity Government of Myanmar towards identifying a solution to the crisis, and for all Member States to intensify their pressure on the military leadership.”
The Human Rights Council also heard a panel discussion on the root causes of human rights violations against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Expert panellists and speakers, including activists Wai Wai Nu and Tun Khin, highlighted ongoing impunity as a key reason for the past and present cycles of violence in Myanmar.
“The National Unity Government of Myanmar has accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) over international crimes in Myanmar since 2002, but the Court has not yet acted on this,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “If the ICC does not act, then the Human Rights Council must explore all other avenues towards ensuring accountability, including the establishment of a special tribunal. The people of Myanmar, including the Rohingya and all other victims of the military’s atrocities simply cannot wait.”
Member States of the Human Rights Council emphasised the need for humanitarian assistance for Myanmar and expressed their support for Myanmar’s democratic process in response to the oral update and panel discussion. Yet, ironically, no representative of Myanmar’s democratically elected government was able to respond. The Human Rights Council has chosen to bar Myanmar’s participation despite the UN General Assembly’s decision to allow the NUG-aligned Kyaw Moe Tun to continue to represent Myanmar in New York.
“The international community generally, and members of the Human Rights Council specifically, must wake up to the realities on the ground in Myanmar and respond accordingly,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The military junta was never the legitimate authority in Myanmar, and it is not now. That is crystal clear, but it is not even the de facto authority. The National Unity Government and allied ethnic administrations control the majority of territory in the country and, apart from the capital, Nay Pyi Taw, the rest of the country is contested. The NUG and the ethnic administrations, along with local civil society and other actors, are already providing people with essential government services and building the new Myanmar.”
“If the international community is to play any constructive role in Myanmar’s future, then it must engage with the National Unity Government, as the High Commissioner herself has called for,” Sidoti concluded..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Dealing a new blow to detained Myanmar democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the military junta has ordered that she be moved to Naypyitaw Prison on Wednesday from an undisclosed location where she has been under house arrest, according to sources close to the matter.
She will be held in solitary confinement in a small isolated building within the prison, the sources said.
The Myanmar Police Force’s Special Branch informed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her lawyers of the transfer during a hearing on Tuesday at a special court in Naypyitaw, where she has been tried on more than a dozen charges filed by the regime.
The reason for the transfer wasn’t clear yet.
The regime has held Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who turned 77 on Sunday, under house arrest since the coup in February last year. It moved her to an unknown location in Naypyitaw in April 2021.
Under the previous military regime she spent 15 years under house arrest, ending in 2011.
It will be the second time she has been incarcerated in a prison. In 2009, the previous regime transferred Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from her home to Yangon’s Insein Prison for four months for violating the rules of her house arrest after an American intruded onto her property.
After her move to Naypyitaw Prison on Wednesday, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s ongoing trials will be conducted at a special court inside the prison. So far the regime court has sentenced her to 11 years in prison.
If found guilty on all counts, she will spend the rest of her life behind bars, as the charges carry a combined sentence of more than 100 years.
Since her house arrest last year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been assisted by seven people detained with her, and has had the companionship of her dog.
It was not clear whether her aides would be released upon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s transfer to the prison.
The move to the prison has prompted concerns about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s wellbeing, especially given her old age.
On Wednesday, Myanmar’s detained President U Win Myint was also reportedly moved to Naypyitaw Prison from house arrest. The Irrawaddy was unable to independently confirm the report, however..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"စစ်ရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေး၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကဏ္...စတင်ဖွဲ့စည်းမှု တစ်နှစ်ကျော်ကာလ ၊ ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ် စတင်ပြီး (၉) လကျော်ကာလအတွင်း ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF) ၏ လေ့ကျင့်မှု၊ စုဖွဲ့မှု၊ ကွပ်ကဲမှု၊ တပ်ဆင်မှု၊ ထုတ်လုပ်မှု တို့သည် ပိုမိုအားကောင်းလျက် Professional Army တစ်ရပ်အဖြစ် တဖြည်းဖြည်းပုံပေါ်လာပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကာလတွင် ပျောက်ကျားစစ်သာမက လိုအပ်လျင် တပ်ရင်းလိုက် ရင်ဆိုင်တိုက်ပွဲများ ဆင်နွှဲနိုင်သည့် အနေအထားသို့ ရောက်ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းတပ်ဆင်မှုနဲ့ပတ်သက်၍ ဝယ်ယူတပ်ဆင်ခြင်း၊ ထုတ်လုပ်တပ်ဆင်ခြင်း နည်းလမ်း (၂) ခုဖြင့် အနိမ့်ဆုံးလိုအပ်ချက် ပြည့်မီရေး ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးမှုအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးများဖြစ်သည့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်း(မြောက်ပိုင်း)တို့ရှိ အဓိကလမ်းမကြီးများ၏ ၉၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းခန့်နှင့် ကျေးရွာအများစုကို ၏ ၈၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကိုPDF များက စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်ထားနိုင်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တနင်္သာရီတိုင်းနှင့် မန္တလေးတိုင်း(မြောက်ပိုင်း) တို့တွင် PDF တို့၏လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပိုမိုအားကောင်းလာကာ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်း၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်း၊ ဧရာဝတီတိုင်း၊ နေပြည်တော်နှင့် မန္တလေးတိုင်းတို့တွင်လဲ မြို့ပြပျောက်ကြားလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ဆက်လက်ရှင်သန်လျက်ရှိနေသည်။ ပြည်နယ်များ ဖြစ်သည့် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကယား(ကရင်နီ)ပြည်နယ်၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်(မြောက်ပိုင်း) တို့တွင် မဟာမိတ် EROs များနှင့် PDF တို့၏ စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်မှုများ တိုးပွားလျက်ရှိကာ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်(မြောက်ပိုင်း) တို့တွင်လဲ EROs တို့၏ စစ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုနှင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်မှုတို့ အားကောင်းလျက်ရှိသည်။
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ (၁၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံးက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၁/၂၀၂၂) ဖြင့် မြို့နယ် ၁၅ မြို့နယ်တွင် မြို့နယ်တရားသူကြီးအဖွဲ့များကို ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး စက်ရှင်တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာများ အပ်နှင်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသို့ တိုင်ကြားထားသော ဒေသအတွင်းဖြစ်ပွားသည့် အမှုများ ကိုစတင်ကိုင်တွယ်ဆောင်ရွက် တော့မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသို့ ကာယကံရှင်ကိုယ်တိုင် တိုင်ကြားထားသော အမှုများကိုလဲ ရဲလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်နဲ့ ကိုက်ညီအောင် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိ ပါသည်။ တိုင်ကြားထားသော အမှုများကို အွန်လိုင်းမှတဆင့် စစ်ဆေးစီရင်ခြင်း၊ မြေပြင်တွင် စစ်ဆေးစီရင်ခြင်း စသည့် နည်းလမ်း (၂) မျိုးဖြင့် စစ်ဆေးစီရင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တရားစီရင်မှု မပြုလုပ်နိုင်မည့်ကာလအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးရမိသူများကို ထိန်းသိမ်းထား ရှိရန်အတွက်လဲ စိုးမိုးထိမ်းချုပ် နယ်မြေများတွင် အကျဉ်းထောင်များထားရှိနိုင်ရေး အစောတလျင်ဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအား မတရားဖမ်းဆီး ချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ တရားစီရင်ခြင်း၊ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်း၊ ဦးကျော်မင်းယု(ခ) ဦးဂျင်မီ၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ဦးလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့၏ သေဒဏ်ကို အတည်ပြုခြင်း စသည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချသည်။.....စီးပွားရေး၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးကဏ္ဍ...ငွေတိုက်စာချုပ်ရောင်းချရမှုမှ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၃၈ သန်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်မင်းအောင်လှိုင် မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ထားသည့် ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုကိုရောင်းချမှုမှ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၇ သန်းကျော် စုစုပေါင်း အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၄၅ သန်းရရှိပြီးဖြစ်ကာ အဆိုပါ ငွေကြေး၏ ၉၅ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကို ကာကွယ်ရေးအသုံးစရိတ်အဖြစ်အသုံးပြုထားပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရေးအသုံးစရိတ်ဟု ဆိုရာတွင် မဟာမိတ်များနှင့် မျှဝေသုံးစွဲခြင်း၊ စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်း ထုတ်လုပ်ရေးများတွင် သုံးစွဲခြင်း၊ PDF များကို လက်နက်တပ်ဆင်ပေးခြင်း စသည့် အသုံးစရိတ်များပါဝင်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရထံသို့ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ထည့်ဝင် ထောက်ပံ့မှုများကြောင့် တော်လှန်ရေးမှာ ယခုကဲ့သို့ လျှင်မြန်စွာ တိုးတက်အောင်မြင်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။တော်လှန်ရေး အသုံးစရိတ်အနေဖြင့် လစဉ် တစ်လလျှင် အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ (၁၀)သန်းရရှိရန်လိုအပ်ပြီး ထိုပမာဏကို လစဉ်ပြည့်မှီ စေရန်အတွက် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိရာ လုပ်ငန်းရှင်များအနေဖြင့်လဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရထံသို့ တော်လှန်းရေးတာဝန်တစ်ရပ် အနေဖြင့် အခွန်ဆောင် ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုသည်။ ငွေကြေးစီးဆင်းမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထိန်းချုပ်မှုမှ လွတ်ကင်း၍ လုံခြုံစွာနှင့် အဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စွာဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် NUG Pay အမည်ရ Moblie Payment System တစ်ခုကို ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လအကုန်ပိုင်းတွင် Pilot Project Launch လုပ်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ထားပါသည်။ စိုးမိုးနယ်မြေများတွင် စတင်အသုံးပြုမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး တနိုင်ငံလုံးလွှမ်းခြုံ အသုံးပြုနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
မကြာမီအချိန်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ထားသည့် ပြည်သူပိုင် အိမ်တစ်လုံးအား ထပ်မံလေလံတင်ရောင်းချ ရန်ရှိသည့်အပြင် ပြည်သူပိုင်မြေများကို မတရားသိမ်းဆည်း ရယူထားသည့် ရန်ကုန်မြို့အချက်အချာ ကျသော နေရာမှ တပ်ပိုင်မြေအချို့ကို နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပန်းခြံ အပါအဝင် စိမ်းလန်းဧရိယာ(Green Area) တစ်ခုအဖြစ်ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် စီမံကိန်းတစ်ခုကို စိတ်ဝင်စားမှု အဆိုပြုလွှာခေါ်ယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်ရှိပါသည်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ကျဆုံးသွားသော သူရဲကောင်းများ၊ ကိုယ်လက်အင်္ဂါဆုံးရှုံး သွားရသည့် သူရဲကောင်းများ၊ အိုးအိမ်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ ရသည့် ပြည်သူများ၊ CDM သူရဲကောင်းများအတွက် ဂုဏ်ပြုချီးမြှင့်နိုင်ရန်၊ ပြန်လည်ကုစားနိုင်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပမှ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံလိုသူများအား ကြိုတင်ဖိတ်ခေါ်၍ Development Project များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်သွားမည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေများတွင် သဘာဝသယံဇာတ စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် တရားမဝင် သစ်ခိုးထုတ်မှုများ၊ တရားမဝင်သတ္တုတူးဖော်မှုများကို ကာကွယ်ရန် အတွက် သဘာဝသယံဇာတဗဟိုအဆင့် စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးကော်မတီက မြို့နယ်အဆင့်ကော်မတီခွဲများ ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိသည်။ တရားမဝင် သစ်ခိုးထုတ်မှုများကို ဖမ်းဆီးစစ်ဆေးအရေးယူလျက်ရှိကာ သိမ်းဆည်းရမိသည့် သစ်များရောင်းချ ရငွေများ၏ ၇၀%ကို မြို့နယ်အဆင့်တာဝန်ရှိသူများက စီမံသုံးစွဲပြီး ၃၀% ကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ စီမံသုံးစွဲလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
လူမှုရေး၊ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ဆောင်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကဏ္ဍ
နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးမှုရှိသော ဒေသများတွင် မြေပြင် ပြည်သူ့ပညာရေးစာသင်ကျောင်းများဖွင့်လှစ်သင်ကြားလျက်ရှိပြီး နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးမှုမရှိသေးသော ဒေသများရှိ ကျောင်းသူကျောင်းသားများအတွက် Online စာသင်ကျောင်းများ ဖွင့်လှစ်သင်ကြားပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ကာ ပြည်သူ့ပညာရေးဖော်ဆောင်နေသော Online ကျောင်း စုစုပေါင်း (၅၁) ကျောင်းရှိပြီး ၊ မြေပြင် သင်ကြားရေးအနေဖြင့်လဲ ရန်ကုန်၊ မန္တလေး၊ စစ်ကိုင်း၊ မကွေး၊ ပဲခူး၊ ဧရာဝတီ၊ တနင်္သာရီ၊ ကချင်၊ ကယား၊ ကရင်၊ ချင်း၊ မွန်၊ ရှမ်း စသည့်ဒေသများတွင် ပြည်သူ့အခြေပြု စာသင်ကျောင်းများ ဖွင့်လှစ် သင်ကြားလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ကျောင်းများကို CDM ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများက အဓိက ဦးဆောင်ပြီး စေတနာ့ဝန်ထမ်းနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိက ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ Online စာသင်ကျောင်း များနှင့် မြေပြင်စာသင်ကျောင်းများတွင် အပ်နှံပညာသင်ယူရန် အခက်အခဲရှိနေသော ပြည်သူများအတွက်လဲ နေအိမ်အခြေပြုပညာသင်ယူခြင်း(Home-Based Learning : HBL) စနစ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်လျက်ရှိပြီး အသေးစိတ်အချက်အလက်များကို လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာ https://www.facebook.com/BE.moeNUG တွင် ဝင်ရောက်လေ့လာနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြေခံပညာ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာ၊ သက်မွေးပညာတို့နှင့် ပတ်သက် သော သင်ထောက်ကူဗွီဒီယိုများ၊ ကျောင်းသုံးပြဌာန်းစာအုပ်များ၊ ဆရာလမ်းညွှန်စာအုပ်များကို https://learning-moe.nugmyanmar.org/ တွင် ရယူလေ့လာနိုင်ပါသည်။ အင်တာနက်အဆင်မပြေသော ဒေသများအတွက်လဲ OTG Stick များအတွင်း သင်ထောက်ကူဖိုင်များထည့်သွင်းကာ ဖြန့်ဝေပေးလျက်ရှိ ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှု ပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်အတွင်း ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူများကို ကုသမှုပေးနိုင်ရေး အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှုဖြင့် တယ်လီကျန်းမာ အစီအစဉ်ဖြင့် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးရှိမြို့နယ်များ၏ ၇၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကျော်ကို Online ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှု ပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ် နယ်မြေများတွင် ရှေ့တန်းဆေးရုံ ၁၆၇ ရုံနဲ့ အခြေစိုက်ဆေးရုံ ၅၂ ရုံ ဖွင့်လှစ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ဆက်လက်ပြီး ကုတင် (၅၀) ဆန့် အခြေစိုက်ဆေးရုံ (၆) ရုံ ကိုလဲ ဆောက်လုပ်လျက်ရှိသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များသည် စစ်ရေးအရရှုံးနိမ့်နေသည့် ဒေသများတွင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအား ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိပြီး နေအိမ်အဆောက်အအုံများအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးလျက်ရှိရာ ယခုလက်ရှိအချိန်အထိ အိမ်ခြေပေါင်း တစ်သောင်းကိုးထောင်နီးပါး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခံရမှုများတွင် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းတို့တွင် အများဆုံးဖြစ်ပြီး မေလအတွင်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး ခံရသည့်အိမ်ခြေ ၇ထောင်ကျော်ရှိသည်ဟု အချက်အလက်များအရ သိရှိရပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် တိုးပွားလာလျက်ရှိသော နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာပြေးနေရသည့် ပြည်သူလူထုထံသို့ အကူအညီများ မှန်ကန်မြန်ဆန်စွာရောက်ရှိစေရေးအတွက် တိုင်းရင်းသားမဟာမိတ်များ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
အာဆီယံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီပေးရေးစင်တာ (ASEAN AHA Centre) မှတဆင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရာတွင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ၀န်ကြီးဌာန၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ၊ ပြည်နယ် အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီများနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးတိုင်ပင်ခဲ့ခြင်းမရှိပဲ လုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် ကြိုတင်ပြင်ဆင်မှုနှင့် လေ့လာဆန်းစစ်မှုများဆိုင်ရာ ပုံစံဒီဇိုင်းနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်အား အပြီးသတ် လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာလူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများနှင့် ကျင့်စဥ်ကောင်း များ၏ စံတန်ဖိုးများ အပေါ်တွင် အခြေခံ၍ သက်ဆိုင်သူ အားလုံးပါ၀င်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေးမှုကို ပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် အရေးပေါ် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီ လိုအပ်ချက်ကို နယ်စပ် ဖြစ်ကျော် ပံ့ပိုးပေး နိုင်ရန် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေး ညှိနှိုင်းမှုရုံး (OCHA)နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ကြက်ခြေနီကော်မတီ (ICRC) တို့အား တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးကဏ္ဍ
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင် ဦးဆောင်သော ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၂ ရက်နေ့ အထိ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသို့ ရောက်ရှိခဲ့ပြီး၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဒုတိယနိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီး Mrs. Wendy Sherman ၊ အမေရိကန်သမ္မတဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒန်၏ အထူးလက်ထောက်ဖြစ်သူအပါအ၀င် အဆင့်မြင့် အရာရှိကြီးများ၊ အမေရိကန်နိုင်ငံ ရီပက်ဘလစ်ကင် အထက်လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မစ်ရှ်မက်ကော်နယ် အပါအ၀င် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ အာဆီယံမှ မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး အပါအဝင် ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် လည်းကောင်း၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းနှင့် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ NUG ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဦးလင်းသန့်တို့သည် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဒုတိယ ဝန်ကြီး Mr. Jiri Kozak နှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ တာဝန်ရှိ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအား ဇွန်လ ၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် လည်းကောင်း၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဝန်ကြီး Professor ဇော်ဝေစိုးသည် UK ၊ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နော်ဝေနိုင်ငံသို့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၂၄ ရက်မှ ဇွန်လ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့ အထိ သွားရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း UK နိုင်ငံတွင် Minister of State for Asia and Middle East Rt Hon Amanda Milling၊ Under Secretary of State of Innovation Lord Kamall၊ Academy of Royal Colleges၊ Brussel နိုင်ငံတွင် ဥရောပပါလီမန် ဒုဥက္ကဌ Heidi Hautala နှင့် Norway နိုင်ငံ အော်စလိုမြို့တော်၌ အော်စလိုတက္ကသိုလ်၊ iNGO အဖွဲ့များ၊ အော်စလို ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသုတေသနဌာန၊ Diakonhjemmet ဆေးရုံ၊ နော်ဝေဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာအသင်းချုပ်တို့မှ တာဝန်ရှိသူများ၊ နှင့် လည်းကောင်း အသီးသီးတွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ကြပြီး မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေးကိစ္စများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုကိစ္စများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက် ထားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေးကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ လမ်းကြောင်းပေါ်သို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရေးကိစ္စများနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် အသွင်းကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလအတွက် ပြင်ဆင်မှုများကဏ္ဍ
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်ခဲ့သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ ဆန္ဒမဲများကို လျစ်လျှူရှုကာ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ သမ္မတ အပါအဝင် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ဝင် အားလုံးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးကြိုးပမ်းသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပုဒ်မအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တရားစွဲ၊ ထောင်ချခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံအနှံ့ပြည်သူလူထုကို အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီး နှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ ရပ်ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း စသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ မြောက်များစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့၊ ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲ ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်များကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို သက်သေပြနိုင်သည့် သက်သေအထောက်အထားများစွာကိုလဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့် သတင်းမီဒီယာများက လက်ခံရရှိထားပြီးဖြစ်ကာ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တရားစွဲအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အစိုးရများသို့လည်းကောင်း ပေးပို့၍ လိုအပ်သော စစ်ဆေးဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုအခါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ယင်းတို့ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့၊ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ် အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် ထွက်ပေါက်ရှာသည့် အနေဖြင့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအတုအယောင်တစ်ခုကို ဖန်တီးကာ ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းအား လိမ်ညာလှည့်ဖျားရန် ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိပေသည်။ ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲရလဒ်အရ ဖွဲ့စည်းပေါ်ပေါက်သော မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုကို အမှန်တကယ် ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ကိုယ်စားပြုပါဝင် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) တို့ကို တခဲနက်ထောက်ခံလျက်ရှိကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီပြုလုပ်မည့် အတုအယောင်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကို မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ လက်ခံမည် မဟုတ်သည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားအမှန်ကို ဦးထိပ်ထားလျက် တော်လှန်ရေး အောင်မြင်သည်အထိ ဦးလည်မသုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ထူထောင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဠိဉာဏ်ကို လမ်းပြမြေပုံအဖြစ် ကိုင်စွဲဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပြီး လက်ရှိကြားကာလ စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရာတွင်လဲ ဖက်ဒရယ်အခြေခံမူများကို အခြေခံ၍ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန် အစီရင်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.59 MB
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Description:
"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the oral update of the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights on the situation of human nghts in Myanmar
The High Commissioner in her update expressed respect for the " strength and resolve of Myanmar' s
people, who continue to reject and resist the military and their attempts to assert control."
As the High Commissioner acknowledges, the military junta has failed to secure the levers of state.
Frustrated by this failure, the junta is escalating its commission of crimes against humanity and war
crimes, amplifying civilian suffering.
Forced disappearances, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and mistreatment, and the razing of
homes and villages are systematic tactics used by the junta for military gain. Humanitarian aid is being
manipulated for political leverage. The junta's recent announcement of its intention to resume
executions of political detainees is the latest act In a clear campaign of terror. In its escalation of
atrocities. As ever, Rohingya and other minority communities already subject to entrenched exclusion
face heightened and compounded forms of disadvantage.
During the interactive dialogue, a number of States asked the High Commissioner what could be done
in the face of the junta's blanket rejection of international norms and international pressure. As the
High Commissioner conceded, "international efforts to rein in the military's recklessly violent
approach have been largely ineffective."
The High Commissioner has proposed two paths - engage with the National Unity Government and
civil society, and intensify pressure on the junta’s leadership.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, welcomes
both calls. Myanmar is committed to strengthening its partnership with its fellow ASEAN members
and the international community to cement democracy in Myanmar, to stem the junta's atrocities, to
secure the delivery of desperately needed humanitarian assistance, and to support the voluntary
return in safety and dignity of all Myanmar refugees and internally displaced persons, including
Rohingya and other minority communities.
Myanmar also accepts without question its obligations under international human rights law and
international humanitarian law, and will ratify additional instruments including the ICCPR and CAT.
Furthermore, in its pursuit of justice and accountability, Myanmar will continue to engage with the
International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-
General on Myanmar, and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar.
Myanmar extends its full cooperation to the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms including the
Special Procedures, and to OHCHR with a view to ultimately establishing a country office. The
provision of technical assistance, including through the UN Country Team, will assist Myanmar to
advance these commitments.
W ith regard to the intensification of pressure on the military junta, the recommendations presented
by the High Commissioner at HRC49 still stand Belligerent to ASEAN appeals, obstructive to the Five-
Point Consensus, the junta's escalating atrocities demand escalated action.
The Human Rights Council and UN member states must therefore bring creativity to their efforts to
secure accountability, to prevent the flow of arms to the junta, to starve junta-controlled financial
holdings and business interests, to formally list the junta as a terrorist organisation, and to strengthen
OHCHR's mandate and resources.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar restates it commitment to constructive engagement with the
Human Rights Council and its support for the mandate of the High Commissioner..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-21
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Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီတွင် ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး၏ မိန့်ခွန်းအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြန်လည်တုန့်ပြန်ချက်
၂၁ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၂.....
Statement in response to the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights at the UNHRC Session
21 June 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The person most responsible for the deaths of 26 residents in Ye-U Township, Sagaing Region, recently reported by Radio Free Asia (RFA), is alleged to be the head of 4th Military Operations Command Brigadier General Kyi Thaik and Light Infantry Battalion 708 under his control.
The operations command, which is based in Phuu Gyi between Hmawbi and Taikkyi in northern Yangon Region, controls infantry units.
Light infantry divisions and military operations commands are formed for rapid response to enemy movements.
According to conversations between three Battalion 708 troops in the video obtained by RFA, the battalion commander ordered a sergeant to kill civilians.
The troops were acting on direct orders from a divisional commander, said a former captain who has abandoned the regime.
“A battalion commander will seek permission from the division chief on how to treat captives. The battalion commander will follow the orders,” he said.
Kyi Thaik was appointed in February last year following the coup. He has been in Sagaing since last year and returned to Phuu Gyi earlier this month.
After Brigadier General Phyo Thant was promoted to northwest commander in Monywa after the 2021 coup, Kyi Thaik succeeded him as operations commander.
Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told RFA that the regime is investigating the case.
A similar incident happened in northern Shan State in July 2016 when a divisional commander, who ordered the death of detained villagers, was sentenced to five years in prison.
Light Infantry Battalion 362 under the 10th Military Operations Command raided Wan Tat village in Lashio Township on June 26, 2016, and detained five male villagers.
Battalion commander Major Tin Myo Zaw phoned his operations chief, Colonel Myo Aung, about the five detainees. Myo Aung ordered their death and Tin Myo Zaw kept a recording, according to the former captain.
After villagers and a lawmaker filed a complaint, seven soldiers, including Myo Aung and Tin Myo Zaw, were tried at a court martial at the northeastern command and given five years in prison.
Myo Aung spent less than one year in prison after the military chief Min Aung Hlaing granted an amnesty.
Myo Aung is a nephew of Aung Thaung, who was an industry minister under the State Law and Order Restoration Council junta. His cousin is the current naval chief, Admiral Moe Aung and one of Aung Thaung’s sons.
Myo Aung has been a manager at Amata Distribution Co, an IGE Co subsidiary owned by one of Aung Thaung’s other sons, since late 2017.
A striking major said the court martial should prosecute the division and battalion commanders and soldiers involved in the killings in Ye-U if someone files a complaint.
However, those with wealth and contacts will avoid any serious punishment, he said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"The Independent Mechanism for Myanmar is closely following events surrounding the recent announcement by the Myanmar military that it intends to carry out death sentences imposed on four individuals by military courts following non-public trials. Imposing a death sentence, or even a period of detention, on the basis of proceedings that do not satisfy the basic requirements of a fair trial may constitute one or more crimes against humanity or war crimes.
The Myanmar military announced on 3 June 2022 that it intends to execute four individuals who have been sentenced to death by a military court. The available information strongly suggests that under international law, fundamental rights of the convicted persons were blatantly violated in these proceedings. One of the most fundamental attributes of a fair trial is that it be held in public to the greatest extent possible. Exceptions based on national security or other considerations must be limited to the extent that they are strictly justified.[1] Yet it appears that there were no public proceedings nor are the judgments publicly available. The secrecy of proceedings is itself a violation of one of the most basic principles of a fair trial, and casts doubt on whether any of the other fair trial guarantees have been respected, such as the requirement that the tribunal was impartial and independent.
Imposing a prison or death sentence in such circumstances could constitute crimes against humanity or war crimes. The crime against humanity of persecution is the severe denial of a person’s fundamental rights under international law when committed on discriminatory grounds, such as a person’s political affiliation. Imprisonment as a crime against humanity is committed when a person is detained without due process of law, including in violation of fundamental rules of international law. It is also a war crime to impose sentences and carry out executions without a judgement by a regularly constituted court, affording all judicial guarantees which are generally recognized as indispensable. National laws or procedures relied upon to justify a conviction and sentence must not violate international law.
In particularly egregious situations, such as those presented in the Nuremberg case of Altstötter et al., the imposition of the death penalty following proceedings that blatantly violate basic fair trial rights – including holding such proceedings entirely in secret and without proper records – can lead to the inference of a “mock trial” that “is not a judicial proceeding but a murder.”[2] The participation of those involved in such proceedings is not excused on the basis that they were merely following domestic law. Even judges and prosecutors, as in the Altstötter case, can be found guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity for their roles in such proceedings.
The Mechanism will continue to monitor and collect evidence in relation to these cases, and any other cases involving the imposition of the death penalty in circumstances that appear to violate fundamental fair trial guarantees..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations
Date of publication:
2022-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"Myanmar troops swap slaughter stories
Evidence of atrocities revealed on a soldier’s lost cell phone
Editor's note: This story contains images and descriptions that some readers may find disturbing. Reader discretion is advised.
By Khin Maung Soe and Nayrein Kyaw for RFA Burmese
Two armed men stand behind a tangle of bodies leaking blood which congeals in the dust. Each of the five victims is blindfolded, hands tied behind their back, and appear to have been killed by gunfire or a blade to the throat. The armed men – one with his rifle slung over his shoulder and the other smoking a cigarette – strike a nonchalant pose that is recorded for posterity in a series of grisly photos captured on a soldier’s phone.
These graphic images are among a cache of files recently obtained by RFA Burmese that document atrocities apparently committed by soldiers during military operations in Myanmar’s war-torn Sagaing region. The files include a video in which those two same armed men brag about how many people they have killed, and how they have killed them.
The content was retrieved from a cell phone that was found by a villager in Sagaing’s Ayadaw township where the military had been conducting raids amid an offensive against the anti-junta People’s Defense Force (PDF) paramilitary group. An intermediary who obtained the video and photos forwarded them to RFA in Washington.
detainees
Among the many images is one of about 30 men with their hands tied behind their backs on the grounds of a monastery.
Among the many images is one of about 30 men with their hands tied behind their backs on the grounds of a monastery. Two of them appear to be the same men who are seen dead in the photos taken a day later of the five victims of execution.
Another series of photos shows a young man with his arms bound behind him, his face puffy and bloodied. An outstretched hand holds his chin up, forcing him to look into the camera, while a second hand holds a knife to his chest over his heart.
men-interrogation
The images also include many ‘selfie’ photos of a soldier, seemingly the phone’s owner. He also features in the video and the photos of the dead bodies.
The 10 1/2-minute video shows him and two other men mugging for the camera and chatting in crude terms about the number of people they have killed and what they did with the bodies. The phone’s owner, who wears a wide smile and sometimes slurs his words, has a hand grenade pinned to his chest. More armed men can be seen in the background.
“You said you killed 26 people. How did you kill them? Just shooting them with a gun?” asks the phone’s owner of one of his fellow soldiers.
“Of course, we killed them with our guns. But not with our hands,” the soldier responds.
“For us, we even killed a lot by slitting their throats. I, myself, killed five,” the phone’s owner says.
“I have never [slit throats],” the third soldier chimes in.
The second soldier then reconsiders his personal tally of death. “I think eight,” he says. “I killed eight [by slitting throats].”
Clues in the images
A closer look at the photos provides proof that these men serve in Myanmar’s military. Soldiers in the photos sport the arm badge of the Myanmar Army and, in at least one photo, the Northwest Military Command based in Sagaing. Soldiers are seen with bamboo baskets normally used as backpacks by junta soldiers. Numbers on rifle butts in the photos even help identify one military unit.
RFA asked Capt. Lin Htet Aung, a defector from the military who has joined the anti-junta Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), about the evidence. He said the numbers “708” and “4” seen on the guns indicate they are from the 4th Company of the Light Infantry Battalion 708 (708 LIB). The battalion belongs to the Yangon-based Military Operations Command No. 4 (MOC-4) which has been deployed to Sagaing and Magway regions and may be involved in joint operations there, he said.
rifle
When contacted about the material recovered from the cell phone, junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun told RFA that authorities had opened a probe into the matter.
“Regarding these incidents, we can respond only after investigation in the field,” he said. “We are now investigating it.”
The statements made by the men in the video appear in line with reports of attacks on civilians by junta troops in Sagaing and elsewhere in Myanmar, amid military offensives against the PDF, ethnic armies, and other anti-junta forces.
There have been widespread reports of soldiers arbitrarily detaining residents during village raids, looting their homes, setting buildings ablaze, and torturing, raping, and murdering inhabitants they accuse of assisting the armed resistance. The junta has previously denied such allegations or attributed the incidents to the PDF.
Sagaing region, home to around 5.3 million people, has seen some of the worst fighting between the military and the opposition since the junta seized power in February 2021. Thai NGO Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) says junta authorities have killed nearly 2,000 people in Myanmar since the coup, including at least 683 in Sagaing.
truck
In photos from the phone, soldiers have the arm badge of the Northwest Military Command, which is based in Sagaing region.
The images obtained by RFA provide a rare glimpse into the lives of perpetrators of the ongoing atrocities in Myanmar under junta rule. While the victims of raids have documented the aftermath of such incidents, it is rare to hear directly from those responsible, speaking in detail about how they committed the acts and attempting to justify them.
A careful review of the data from the images found they had been taken on a Chinese-made OPPO phone. The photo of the young man being interrogated at knifepoint was taken on April 28, 2022, while the photo of the bound captives was taken on May 10, and the photos of the five execution victims were taken on May 11.
Local media reports suggest killings by the military took place in Ayadaw township around the time the photos were taken. According to a May 11 Facebook post by the Ayadaw Post, junta troops entered Ayadaw’s Chin Pin village, shot six guards, and abducted 30 people on May 7.
But reporting by RFA indicates the photos may actually have been taken in neighboring Ye-U township. One of the slain men in the May 11 photo was wearing a t-shirt advertising a grocery store in the township.
murder
This photo (blurred to cover the graphic scene) shows the phone owner and a man who also appeared in the video standing next to five slain men lying in pools of blood. Two of the slain men also can be seen in the photo from the previous day showing about 30 men with their hands tied behind their backs on the grounds of a monastery.
A resident of Ye-U told RFA that the May 10 image of the 30 men with their hands tied appears to have been taken at Mon Taing Pin monastery in the township. A separate source also confirmed that another photo, taken April 26 and showing a roofed walkway, resembles a pagoda at Wet Phyu village, which lies 17.5 miles (28 kilometers) to the west of Mon Taing Pin. RFA is not naming these and other sources for safety reasons.
RFA previously reported that 27 people were killed in Ye-U township’s Mon Taing Pin and In Pin villages some time between May 10 and May 12. Villagers said the incident began late on May 9, when Mon Taing Pin village came under fire from small arms, artillery and mortars. Initially, two PDF members guarding the village were killed in the gunfire before the military raided it.
One villager in Mon Taing Pin said the soldiers rounded up several dozen men from the village, aged between about 20 and 60, and they were detained in the monastery. He said the men were beaten up and killed and then put inside houses in the village which were set on fire.
Photos provided to RFA by residents of the aftermath of the incident included images of razed buildings, human remains nearly completely incinerated by fire, bloated corpses, and the lower part of a severed torso – the legs of which had also been removed and left at the scene.
map
Boasting of killing
Details about the disposal of victims’ bodies provided by the three soldiers in the video found on the cell phone sound strikingly similar to the state of the remains discovered in Ye-U township last month. And the lack of emotion in the soldiers’ voices as they discuss the incident suggests that killing has become normal behavior for them.
“Seriously. I have killed people before. And I don’t like blood. It’s nauseating, though I killed them. Cut them in three parts,” the phone’s owner says.
“I killed those whom I caught. And the sergeant told us to cut them in three pieces and bury them,” the soldier who claims to have killed more than two dozen people responds.
The phone’s owner goes on to describe covering up his handiwork, using slurred speech that suggests he isn’t sober.
“One guy had his head blown off at the back. He had burns all over his body and his skin was peeling off. Yuck, it was horrible,” he says.
“I had to cut off the head, bro. I had to chop it off [and it took] five or six tries … Pieces of flesh came out, like pork. But human flesh is yellowish.”
He goes on to brag that he is “an expert in killing.”
selfies
The photos on the phone include many selfies of a soldier, who appears to have been the phone owner. He also is seen in the video and the photos of the slain men.
But the boasting is intermingled with more plaintive comments, in which the soldiers compare themselves to “driftwood,” obliged to follow orders, and lament that they could be killed at any time.
“Do you know why I didn’t complain then [when we had to cut up the bodies]? [Our superiors] were leading the fight and I didn’t want to say anything. Otherwise, there’s no need to cut off their heads,” the phone’s owner says at one point.
“What is life? It’s a fight. You win or you die. But our lives don’t seem to matter whether we live or not … [This video is] just for the record. We’re brothers. If I get killed, you won’t see me anymore, but you can remember me with this.”
Reports of the military’s targeting of civilians since the coup led to U.S. sanctions last year against the 33rd Light Infantry Division (33 LID) and the 77th Light Infantry Division (77 LID) of Myanmar’s Army over “excessive force, including killings” following their deployment to Mandalay and Yangon, respectively.
The 33 LID was also the target of U.S. sanctions in 2018 “for engaging in serious human rights abuse” against the ethnic Rohingya during alleged “terrorist” clearance operations a year earlier in Rakhine state. Atrocities committed by soldiers from the 33 LID and the 99 LID during that campaign, which forced more than 740,000 Rohingya to flee across the border to Bangladesh and was subsequently designated an act of genocide by Washington, were documented in a groundbreaking investigative report by Reuters news agency in June 2018..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the panel discussion on the root causes of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, and extends its appreciation to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and to the distinguished panellists.
Over 2016 and 2017 in Rakhine State, thousands of Rohingya were killed and disappeared in military operations. Rape and sexual violence, including mass gang rape, were used as part of a deliberate strategy to intimidate, terrorise or punish the Rohingya as a tactic of war. Hundreds of villages were razed.
Years later, over a million Rohingya remain displaced not only from their villages and homes, but from the country to which they belong.
Nor were these crimes limited to the Rohingya or Rakhine State. As the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar found, military atrocities were also directed against ethnic groups in Kachin and Shan States.
Today’s distinguished panellists identified dehumanisation, exclusion, hate speech, the denial of identity and citizenship, socially-engineered discrimination, and historic impunity as root causes of these atrocity crimes.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, acknowledges with great shame that historic exclusionary and discriminatory policies, practices and rhetoric against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups laid the ground for such atrocities.
The historic impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military has since enabled its leadership to commit countrywide atrocities at the helm of an illegal military junta. The targeted few have become the many.
Myanmar’s new Federal Democracy Charter envisages a nation founded on peace, justice, equality, human rights, and the protection of minorities. In the words of the High Commissioner, “[i]f there is one ray of hope, it is the transformative discussions about the future of Myanmar that have begun within and between various ethnic, religious and social divides.” But without action, the Charter’s words are empty. Acting on the commitments made in its Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State, Myanmar will:
• submit a motion to its legislature – the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw – seeking the repeal of the Race and Religion Protection Laws of 2015
• prioritise the amendment or replacement of the Citizenship Law of 1982 with a law that bases citizenship on birth in Myanmar or birth anywhere as a child of Myanmar citizens
• ensure that all new national laws and policies are developed in consultation with the Rohingya and other minority communities and their representatives
• advocate for the formal acceptance of Myanmar’s Article 12(3) Declaration under the Rome Statute, granting the International Criminal Court jurisdiction with respect to international crimes committed in the country since 1 July 2002
• cooperate with the International Court of Justice in The Gambia v. Myanmar case under the Genocide Convention, and accept and fully comply with whatever the Court decides
• continue to share evidence and materials with the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
• support states that exercise universal jurisdiction to prosecute individuals for atrocity crimes committed in Myanmar.
Myanmar will also partner with ethnic organisations, affected communities and their representatives, neighbouring states and UN entities to create conditions conducive for the voluntary return in safety and dignity of Rohingya and all other Myanmar communities driven from their homes and villages by multiple waves of violence.
The sustainability of these actions, however, remains contingent on democracy being cemented, on violence being stopped, and on impunity being ended.
Myanmar therefore welcomes the High Commissioner’s call for “dialogue and engagement with the National Unity Government and ethnic organisations” and repeats its earlier request for the Human Rights Council and UN member states to bring creativity to their efforts to secure accountability, to prevent the flow of arms to the junta, to starve junta-controlled financial holdings and business interests, to formally list the junta as a terrorist organisation, and to strengthen OHCHR’s mandate and resources..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
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Sub-title:
အလုပ်သမားဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာကျင့်သုံး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် သတိပေးကြေညာခြင်း
Description:
"၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ လူ့စွမ်းအားအရင်းအမြစ်များ ပြုစုပျိုးထောင်ရန်၊ ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပရှိ အလုပ်သမားများအား ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရန်၊ အလုပ်ရှင်များနှင့်အလုပ်သမားများ၏ ရပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့်အကျိုးခံစားခွင့် များကို ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ မှန်မှန်ကန်ကန် ရရှိခံစားစေရန်၊ လုပ်ငန်းခွင်အေးချမ်းသာယာပြီး ကုန်ထုတ်စွမ်းအား တိုးတက်မြင့်မားစေခြင်းဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ လူမှုစီးပွားဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုကို အထောက်အကူဖြစ်စေရန် အဓိကဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရသော ဝန်ကြီးဌာနဖြစ်သည်နှင့်အညီ စစ်အာဏာရှင်လက်အောက်တွင် ထိခိုက်နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးလျက်ရှိသော အလုပ်ရှင်၊ အလုပ်သမားတို့၏ ဥပဒေပါ ရပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့်အကျိုးခံစားခွင့်များရရှိရန်၊ အလုပ်သမားရေးရာပြဿနာများ၊ လုပ်ငန်းခွင်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကင်းရှင်းရေးနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို ညှိနှိုင်းဖြေရှင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းသည့် အလုပ်ရှင်၊ အလုပ်သမား ဆက်ဆံရေး တည်ဆောက်ရန်နှင့် လုပ်ငန်းများအဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စွာ လည်ပတ်နိုင်စေရန်ရည်ရွယ်၍ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းယူထားသည့် ကြားကာလတွင် အလုပ်သမားရေးရာတိုင်ကြားမှုယန္တရား (Complaint Mechanism) ကို စတင်ခဲ့ပြီး အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံရသော အလုပ်သမားများ၏ တိုင်ကြားမှုများအား လက်ခံဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေး၊ ဥပဒေပါအကျိုးခံစားခွင့်များနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အလုပ်သမားများ ၏ နစ်နာမှုတိုင်ကြားချက်များကို စိစစ်ခဲ့ရာ အလုပ်ရှင်အချို့သည် အောက်ပါအချက်များ ချိုးဖောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း စစ်ဆေးတွေ့ရှိရသည် –
(က) အလုပ်ရှင်များသည် အလုပ်သမားများအား ခန့်ထားရာ၌ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ခန့်ထားဆောင်ရွက်မှုမရှိခြင်း၊
( ခ ) အလုပ်ခန့်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူစာချုပ်ပါ အချက်များကို လိုက်နာမှုမရှိခြင်း၊
( ဂ ) ဥပဒေပါသတ်မှတ်ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် အနည်းဆုံးအခကြေးငွေ အတိုင်း အပြည့် အဝ ပေးချေမှု မရှိခြင်း၊
(ဃ) ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ဖွဲ့စည်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းကို နည်းလမ်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တားဆီး ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်း၊
( င ) အလုပ်သမားများ၏ သဘောဆန္ဒမပါဘဲ အချိန်ပိုများ ခိုင်းစေခြင်း၊
( စ ) အချိန်ပိုလုပ်ခများကို အပြည့်အဝ ပေးချေမှုမရှိခြင်း၊
(ဆ) လုပ်ခလစာများ ဖြတ်တောက်ရာတွင် ဥပဒေထက် ကျော်လွန်ဖြတ် တောက်မှုများ ရှိနေခြင်း၊
( ဇ ) ကလေးအလုပ်သမားများ ခန့်ထားခိုင်းစေရာတွင် ဥပဒေနှင့် ညီညွတ်စွာ ခိုင်းစေမှု မရှိခြင်း၊
(ဈ) လုပ်ငန်းခွင်ဘေးအန္တရာယ် ကင်းရှင်းရေးနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်များကို အလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးမှုမရှိခြင်း၊
(ည) အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှုများ၊ နစ်နာမှုများကို တင်ပြ ဆွေးနွေးခွင့် မရခြင်း။
၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ အလုပ်ရှင်များအနေဖြင့် အလုပ်သမားများအပေါ် အလုပ်သမားဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများနှင့် အညီလိုက်နာကျင့်သုံး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန်နှင့် လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးမှုမရှိဘဲ ဥပဒေချိုးဖောက်သည့် အလုပ်ရှင်များ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရှိပြီး ပြည်သူ့ အစိုးရပြန်လည်တာဝန်ယူချိန်တွင် ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးအကြောင်းကြားလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-16
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"The undersigned organizations are gravely concerned at the recent announcement by the military authorities of Myanmar that the death sentences imposed on four people after grossly unfair proceedings have been approved for implementation. We urge the military authorities to immediately halt plans to carry out the executions, which would violate the prohibition against the arbitrary deprivation of life set out under international human rights and customary laws; establish an official moratorium on executions, following more than three decades without any; and end the crackdown on large segments of the population that has swept the country since February 2021.
On 3 June, Zaw Min Tun, spokesperson of the military, announced that the convictions and death sentences imposed on four men had been approved by the State Administration Council, paving the way for the executions to be carried out in a matter of weeks.
Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, also known as Ko Jimmy, were convicted of and sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January 2022 for offenses involving explosives, bombings and financing terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Law – charges that our organizations believe to be politically motivated. Two other men, convicted of the murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar Township in Yangon, also had their death sentences confirmed.
The proceedings against all men were secretive and grossly unfair, before a military-controlled court. Following the issuing of Martial Law Order 3/2021, 1 the military transferred the authority from civilian courts to special or existing military tribunals to try cases of civilians. These tribunals have been overseeing trials involving a wide range of offences including those punishable with the death penalty, through summary proceedings and without right to appeal.
The right to a fair trial, the key elements of which are set out in Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), is a fundamental human right and one of the universally applicable guarantees proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has become legally binding on all states as part of customary international law.2 Under international law and standards, executions carried out following unfair trials violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life, as well as the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment.3
Since February 2021, an alarming increase in the resort to the death penalty is being recorded in Myanmar, where the military is using the death penalty as a tool for ongoing and widespread persecution, intimidation and harassment of and violence against the population, including protesters and journalists. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) documentation, at least 114 death sentences have been imposed since February 2021. All these death sentences were imposed by military tribunals or, in one case, a juvenile court on referral from a military tribunal. The reports indicated that at least 41 defendants were tried and convicted while not being present; some were imposed on people who were below 18 years of age at the time of the alleged offence or had a severe psycho-social disability,4 in violation of a prohibition set out under international human rights and customary law. Available information indicates that the proceedings were summary, with the defendants unable to access legal representation.
It is alarming that the military authorities are taking steps to carry out Myanmar’s first known executions since the late 1980s. The resumption of executions in Myanmar, after more than three decades without any, would constitute a significant setback for the country’s death penalty and deeply concerning human rights record, and would be contrary to the stated goal of abolition of the death penalty set out in Article 6(6) of the ICCPR. Over the decades, the UN system has worked to limit the use of the death penalty and has repeatedly urged UN member states to remove it from national legislation. Among other instruments, since 2007 the UN General Assembly has adopted – with increased cross-regional support – eight resolutions calling for the establishment of a “moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty”. As of today, 144 countries, including Myanmar, are considered abolitionist in law or practice and the number of those repealing this punishment from national legislation has continued to grow – with Kazakhstan and Papua New Guinea completely abolishing the death penalty in 2022.
We oppose the death penalty unconditionally and we ask Myanmar’s military authorities to uphold their international obligations to promote and protect human rights, including by protecting the right to life, in all cases, and releasing immediately all those detained in relation to the exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed a new round of sanctions imposed by the UK. The new sanctions target three Burmese arms brokers and three Russian aircraft parts suppliers for supplying equipment to the Burmese military. Since the attempted military coup last year, the British government has led the way in systematically identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue and arms to the Burmese military.
The notice on new sanctions is available here.
However, the pace of the imposition of sanctions needs to be increased. They also need to be expanded to include the supply of aviation fuel to the military.
The new sanctions come days after the UN reported that the number of people forced to flee their homes since the attempted coup last year has reached almost 700,000. In several ethnic states the majority of displaced people are displaced by airstrikes or the threat of airstrikes. The total number of displaced people in Burma is now more than 1 million, the highest ever recorded figure.
The UN report is available here.
The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT) recently released a new report, ‘New Threats from the Air’, highlighting the new and deadly trend of airstrikes over populated villages in Kachin State. KWAT calls for sanctions on companies supplying aviation fuel to the Burmese military.
The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand report is available here.
Amnesty International also released a new report last month, ‘“Bullets rained from the sky”: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar’. The report also highlights the role of military airstrikes in violations of international law and calls for a ban on the supply of military grade aviation fuel to the Burmese military.
The Amnesty International report is available here.
The sanctions announced today target three Burmese companies involved in the supply of aircraft parts to the military, Synpex Shwe, Myanmar New Era Trading and Sky Aviator.
They also target three Russian companies supplying aviation parts to the military, Ural Avia, Sins Avia Trading House, and JSC Gorizont.
“The British government has the right sanctions policy but isn’t putting in enough resources to impose targeted sanctions fast enough,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There is a human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma which needs a faster British government response. Stopping the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military is the single most effective action that can be taken to address the humanitarian crisis caused by airstrikes against civilians. It must be prioritized for the next round of sanctions.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-16
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Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Locals describe the capture of villagers—including children—by junta soldiers who force them to serve as human shields and porters before they are murdered
Description:
"Junta forces reportedly killed 10 villagers, including two children, in recent days in Sagaing Region, where the military continues to carry out fierce assaults on the civilian population in an attempt to overpower the resistance stronghold.
Eight of the victims were from Ta Ohn, a village five miles east of Shwebo Township’s administrative centre, which was attacked and looted by a 100-soldier column on June 9. Embedded in the unit were members of the Pyu Saw Htee militia, armed and trained by the Myanmar army, locals said.
The bodies of seven villagers were not found until Monday, in a stream more than one mile away from the community where they lived.
“The bodies were badly decomposed. I think they shot them on the hill and dragged them into the swamp,” a villager told Myanmar Now, adding that locals were unable to retrieve and bury the corpses due to the continued junta occupation of the area.
The victims, who are believed to have been forced to act as human shields and porters for the military column, were identified as Thein Tan, 50; Kyaw Lin, 45; Sein Mahn, Maung Htoo and Win Shwe, all aged 40; Pho Htoo, who was in his 30s; and 20-year-old Ye Wai Lin.
Another local man, 50-year-old Hnin Maung, was shot dead and his body burned inside Ta Ohn, the villager said, citing eyewitnesses.
Locals explained that the troops detained multiple residents at the village’s monastery, including women and children. Myanmar Now was unable to confirm the total number of civilians who were abducted.
“The villagers had nowhere to run when the military entered, firing their guns. They captured everyone that fled and made them stay inside the village. That’s how they detained so many people,” another villager said.
He said that at least nine of those who were taken by the junta were forced to carry supplies on June 10 and 11 while soldiers raided the neighbouring villages of Ohn Pauk, Maung Tat, Ti Pin and finally Se Gyi, where they were last seen alive by eyewitnesses on June 12.
There, the troops torched five homes identified by the accompanying Pyu Saw Htee members as allegedly belonging to members of the local anti-junta People’s Defence Force (PDF), a Se Gyi resident told Myanmar Now.
“Everyone had to flee. Some fled on carts while some fled on motorcycles. We had to leave everything behind as they started firing heavy weapons,” he said. “I don’t think words can do justice for what I’m feeling right now. I want revenge but I have no weapon in my hands. It’s really heartbreaking and I feel powerless.”
The seven men from Ta Ohn are believed to have been killed at a site one mile from the village of Se Gyi. The identities of the remaining two individuals who were captured with them were not known at the time of reporting, as well as whether they were still alive.
Mawlaik Township
Two other murders took place in northwestern Sagaing’s Mawlaik Township, where teenagers staying in an IDP camp near Ma Gyi Tan village were abducted in a junta raid on the site on June 8 and subsequently killed, their bodies found later that day.
“The children were captured and forced to carry the soldiers’ bags and guide them around the area before ultimately getting killed,” a 50-year-old woman from the area told Myanmar Now.
They were identified as Sithu and Phyo, both in ninth grade, but whose exact ages were not known.
Moe Di, spokesperson for the Mawlaik PDF—which clashed with the junta column in question on the day of the raid on the camp—confirmed the death of the two boys, saying that their bodies were found with knife wounds and their hands tied behind their backs.
Myanmar Now was unable to obtain photos of the victims due to the ongoing military-imposed internet blackout on much of Sagaing.
The military unit combined with another coming from Kalay to the south, forming a new column of some 150 troops in Mawlaik on June 10 before focusing their assaults on villages on the western shore of the Chindwin River, Moe Di explained.
A PDF member was killed in a battle which took place with the Myanmar army that day, but the resistance group was not able to inflict any casualties, the spokesperson said, adding that his fighters were forced by heavy artillery fire to retreat.
“We had to withdraw because there was no way for us to defend against such a weapon,” Moe Di said, adding that clashes were still ongoing at the time of reporting.
Hundreds of homes were burned by the military over the next four days, including almost all of the residences in the village of Ma Gyi Tan, as well as houses in Yuwa and Tat Kone, locals said.
Some 5,000 residents from a total of five communities were forced to flee the arson attacks—which the military has repeatedly denied perpetrating nationwide—to the eastern shores of the Chindwin.
The telecommunication cuts have meant that an assessment of the extent of the damage was still ongoing at the time of reporting.
Depayin Township
A 30-year-old man in Depayin Township narrowly escaped death during a military raid on his village of Muu Kan Gyi on Tuesday, describing to Myanmar Now how he hid and witnessed more than 75 troops burning 200 other residences.
“I could see them from the house I was hiding in. They seemed to be enjoying torching the houses,” he said.
The building in which he had sought refuge reportedly failed to catch fire.
“One of the army officers they called Kyaw Tun gave them permission to burn the house and two soldiers came inside to torch it,” the man recalled. “I could smell alcohol on them while I was hiding under the bed. I would have been killed if they found me.”
He emerged after the troops left the following morning to find that his own house had been destroyed, along with his food stores.
“I wish nothing but death on them,” he said of the junta troops. “They’re funded by our tax money, and they are terrorising us.”
Locals said that the same junta column that torched Muu Kan Kyi had previously burned the villages of Ywar Soe and Pauk Chaing in neighbouring Shwebo Township over the weekend, and had gone on to occupy the communities of Ti Pin and Htoo Gyi, all located along the eastern bank of the Muu River.
A local anti-junta defence force, Min Ma Naing Thein Nghat, reportedly tried to drive out the unit from the village of Ye Kyi Wa, across the Muu River from Muu Kan Gyi—which is situated on the western shore—but they ultimately were forced to retreat by the difference in firepower, the guerrilla group’s leader said.
“They relentlessly fired both 60mm and 40mm shells at us from the other side of the river. That’s why we had to withdraw,” he told Myanmar Now, adding that a 30-year-old resistance fighter was killed in the clash.
The leader emphasised the need for the civilian National Unity Government to arm forces like Min Ma Naing Thein Nghat, noting that there was only one gun for every three members of his group.
“We have to face the junta with handmade rifles and 10 to 15 bullets while 100 percent of the junta personnel are armed with a rifle each,” he explained. “If only they could arm us properly, there isn’t any reason we wouldn’t win over the military.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"JAKARTA – Despite pledges to oppose the overthrow of the democratically elected government of Myanmar and hold the country’s abusive military to account, international actors have failed to take the necessary steps to force the junta to negotiate a political solution, failed to address the mounting humanitarian needs, and failed to bring about the necessary diplomatic coordination to prevent Myanmar from becoming a failed state, a newly established international parliamentary inquiry said today.
The International Parliamentary Inquiry into the International Response to the Coup in Myanmar (IPI), chaired by Heidi Hautala, Vice-President of the European Parliament, brings together members of parliaments from Asia, Europe, Africa and the Americas to investigate the international response to the crisis triggered by the coup d’état in Myanmar and where it is failing. The members of the committee form a truly international panel that has come together because of their common concern to protect the rights of the most vulnerable.
“The response to the devastating crisis unfolding in Myanmar is going nowhere fast,” said Hautala. “As parliamentarians, we know that governments and international institutions can, and must, do more to end the current impasse. These hearings aim to shed light on where the response is falling short, and to provide information on the next steps that can be taken to put effective pressure on the Myanmar junta.”
The IPI is an initiative of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). It will follow the format of tried-and-tested parliamentary inquiries conducted at a national level. In addition to requesting information from individual governments and international organizations, the IPI will accept both written and oral submissions of testimony and evidence from a variety of stakeholders.
“We are concerned that international institutions have not lived up to their own promises, and we are appalled that the situation in Myanmar is worsening the longer the international inertia continues,” said Charles Santiago, Chair of APHR. “We, as parliamentarians from all over the world united by a common purpose, will approach this inquiry unhindered by the type of geopolitical considerations that have resulted in the current deadlock.”
The violence, death, and suffering being caused as a result of the Myanmar coup continues to escalate and intensify in the absence of adequate international efforts to alleviate the suffering of the Myanmar people. In January, the U.N. High Commissioner on Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, stated that the international response had been “ineffectual and lacks a sense of urgency commensurate to the magnitude of the crisis.”
“The Burmese people have clearly and courageously demonstrated their aspiration for democracy”, stated Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, who will be participating from the United States. “They do not want a military government. The United States must stand unequivocally with those advocating for a Burmese democracy rooted in human rights and equality. We must also support the human rights of religious and political minorities, including Rohingya who have already suffered so much, and indeed all those facing oppression.”
The Committee is to gather evidence by sending requests for information to key agencies/institutions, opening a call for written submissions, and conducting public hearings in June and July..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
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"The Myanmar junta has deliberately killed hundreds of children as part of a strategy to inflict immense suffering on innocent civilians and subjugate the people of the country, a UN expert said on Tuesday.
At least 382 children have been killed or injured by armed groups since the coup and the Myanmar military bears the most responsibility for these deaths, according to a report by Tom Andrews, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
Of the deaths and injuries of children, 59 percent occurred during targeted or indiscriminate attacks by the military, according to the report, which also found that at least 111 were killed or injured by landmines.
The report states that the junta has arbitrarily detained over 1,400 children since the coup and at least 274 remain behind bars. From 2021 to March 2022, it adds, at least 142 children were subject to torture in prison, resulting in injuries and in some cases deaths. Regarding junta forces’ treatment of child prisoners, Andrews writes: “They have beaten, cut and stabbed children, burned them with cigarettes, forced them to hold stress positions, subjected them to mock executions, deprived them of food and water.”
Additionally, at least 61 children—some very young—are currently being held as hostages to put pressure on family members wanted by the regime.
On April 5, a 3-year-old boy was abducted from his kindergarten in Yangon by junta forces after they arrested his mother. On the same day, a 14-year-old boy was arrested by regime forces looking for his father, a friend of the 3-year-old’s mother.
The special rapporteur was unable to confirm the whereabouts of the mother, her son or the 14-year-old, all of whom appear to remain in the junta’s custody.
More than 250,000 children have been displaced since the coup due to junta attacks on civilians, Andrews said based on information from UN agencies, humanitarian and human rights groups and civil society organizations.
He urged the world to return its attention to Myanmar.
“Member states, regional organizations, the Security Council, and other UN entities must respond to the crisis in Myanmar with the same urgency they have responded to the crisis in Ukraine,” he said.
The UN special rapporteur recommended imposing an arms embargo on Myanmar, slapping sanctions on the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and other key sources of revenue, and facilitating cross-border humanitarian aid by the UN and ASEAN..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Myanmar is currently fraught with rising humanitarian needs, and an impending economic meltdown that seems quite probable
Description:
"This piece is part of the essay series, Instability in India’s neighbourhood: A multi-perspective analysis
On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military or Junta seized power from the second-time elected government, the National League for Democracy (NLD) citing unverified claims of widespread fraud in the 2020 polls. The State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi along with a few of the NLD leaders were arrested and the NLD party was banned by the Junta. The coup triggered mass protests to fight the autocracy: Countrywide boycotts, protests, and synchronised civil disobedience movements were launched.
The State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi along with a few of the NLD leaders were arrested and the NLD party was banned by the Junta.
The nation is currently fraught with rising humanitarian needs, and an impending economic meltdown seems more probable, triggered by pandemic-induced value-chain disruptions, diminished workforce, food insecurity, destruction of resources, and cash shortages on the domestic front. Additionally, the outflow of capital from the country coupled with fresh sanctions from western countries has put the country in a precarious external position. The interconnectedness between these economic issues in Myanmar has made the problem more complex.
Domestic economy and capital productivity
The impact of any civil unrest on the domestic economy is always brutal in a multitude of ways. The coup and successive violence have reduced the growth and productivity of the factors of production (human and physical capital) that form the backbone of the nation, thereby, reducing the return on investment on economic capital. Further, the destructive effects of the coup have invariably hiked the rate of capital depreciation in the nation. The deterioration of Myanmar’s economic capital can be explained through the following lenses.
Firstly, since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and especially after the military takeover of the government, most companies and firms have experienced reductions in sales, shortages in cashflows, and difficulties in accessing banking and internet services. This has been detrimental to the workforce in the economy where the combined effects of the coup and pandemic cost Myanmar around 1.6 million jobs in 2021. Whilst the rural farmers were severely affected by armed conflict; construction, garments, tourism, and hospitality, industries suffered year-on-year employment losses of 31 percent, 27 percent, and 30 percent, respectively.
Secondly, large-scale economic losses and unemployment have induced a food crisis situation wherein a large segment of the population is deprived of nutritionally rich food. Moreover, the military takeover has not only increased the cost of fuel-petrol by 33 percent and diesel by 29 percent, but the dollar has also started to become more expensive for Myanmar since October 2021. A major fallout of these changes is the increase in the retail prices of almost all the commodities; cooking oil increased almost three times its earlier price before the coup, and the price of overall food imports increased by 20-50 percent.
Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and especially after the military takeover of the government, most companies and firms have experienced reductions in sales, shortages in cashflows, and difficulties in accessing banking and internet services.
The country is suffering from a food security crisis that threatens to affect 70 percent of the populace. Thirteen million people have been estimated to face moderate or severe food insecurity in 2022. Whilst incomes have declined, food and agricultural input prices have increased, pushing vulnerable people to take on debts, spend savings and sell off assets to cover their families’ subsistence needs. The practice of such adverse mechanisms, in addition to eating less or skipping meals, or not consuming food for a day, has increased from 23 percent in 2020 to 33 percent in 2022. In Rakhine State, 30 percent of households reported having no food in 2021 compared with 9 percent in 2020. In Chin State, 58 percent of households reported intaking less food compared with 21 percent in 2020.
Investment outflow and international trade
Myanmar’s economy experienced an 18 percent contraction by September 2021 and since then the growth projected till September 2022 is only around 1 percent. The stumbling economic parameters bear testimony to the fact that the ongoing political turmoil has devastated the business climate in the economy, decreasing foreign investments to a large extent. Not only are the infrastructure project funding from donor countries, such as the aid programmes from Japan on the line; many international businesses, such as the Norwegian telecom giant: Telenor, are reconsidering their investments in Myanmar. Additionally, western economies such as the United States (US), United Kingdom (UK), European Union (EU), and Canada have not only placed sanctions against individuals connected to the Junta regime but also prohibited business dealings that are controlled by Myanmar’s military.
The sector witnessed decreased demands from not only the domestic side, but its global partners such as H&M, Benetton, and Primark who have also ceased business in Myanmar.
The twin crisis induced by the virus and the coup has also dampened Myanmar’s external trade, which slumped from US$ 20.36 billion in October 2020 to US$ 15.78 in April 2021. Myanmar’s garment sector used to be a significant component in the country’s international trade. The garment shipments which rose from US$ 1 billion (10 percent of total exports) to US$ 6.5 billion (30 percent of total exports) from 2011 to 2019 are struggling to operate effectively with tens of thousands of garment factory jobs lost in Myanmar. The sector witnessed decreased demands from not only the domestic side, but its global partners such as H&M, Benetton, and Primark who have also ceased business in Myanmar. Consequently, factory closures and interruptions in manufacturing, and work stoppages related to COVID-19 and coup restrictions have impacted the sector at large.
Myanmar economic recovery Plan
The Myanmar government is expected to announce the Myanmar Economic Recovery Plan (MERP) covering the 2021–2022 to 2023–2024 period as a medium-term agenda to facilitate post-COVID-19 economic recovery ahead of the next election in 2023. It is said to contain 30 goals, 165 outcomes and 430 action plans to increase job opportunities and induce value-added economic activities. It is also expected to include reforms in procedures covering taxation, banking, finance, trade, development of the digital economy, transport and supply chains, tourism development, agriculture, livestock and fisheries, and the energy sector. However, no plans or documents regarding this have been announced or forwarded to the public domain to date.
Myanmar is reeling under a critical humanitarian crisis, the worst that the country has faced in the last two decades. The number of displaced people in Myanmar including children has exceeded 1 million by May 2022. The nation seems to have reached a stalemate to advance adequate solutions in the form of economic reforms, to improve the situation of the labour markets and food security. To overcome the challenges posed by the pandemic and political issues, and promote job creation, the Myanmar government needs to implement multiple economic stimulus programmes intended by the MERP to mitigate the economic crisis which seems to be gaining strength every day..."
Source/publisher:
Observer Research Foundation
Date of publication:
2022-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Economy: general, analytical, statistical (various sources)
Language:
more
Description:
"Armed resistance to the military regime in Kayah State, southeast Myanmar began in May last year in response to the lethal crackdowns on civilians by the junta. Along with resistance groups in Sagaing Region and Chin State, Karenni fighters pioneered the use of homemade weapons against the regime.
Despite being the smallest state in Myanmar, with a population of around 300,000, Kayah State is currently home to over a dozen resistance groups. Among them is the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), which has been fighting the junta for over a year.
On May 31, the KNDF celebrated its one-year anniversary. The group now has 21 battalions, some with female fighters, led by young people. It fights alongside several People’s Defense Forces (PDF), and the Karenni Army (KA), the armed wing of the Karenni National Progressive Party.
To understand the complexity of the resistance movement, and the prospects of building a peaceful federal democratic union, The Irrawaddy spoke to KNDF chair Khun Be Du, who is also a deputy minister of natural resources and environmental conservation for the shadow National Unity Government (NUG).
A dedicated fighter, the ethnic Karenni leader patiently answered The Irrawaddy’s questions despite an unstable phone connection and having to cut off the call every two minutes to avoid it being traced by the junta and so revealing his location.
What are the achievements of the KNDF since it was formed?
We measure our achievements based on the current strength and capability of the KNDF. We now have control over main roads and in towns and we are better equipped to execute and accomplish missions. We also measure our achievements based on the size of our arsenal and networking with PDFs and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) fighting alongside us in Kayah State. Our achievement is that we are only getting stronger to complete the revolution in shorter time.
How did you found the KNDF and is it difficult combining your role as leader with being a deputy NUG minister?
The KNDF is doing an important job and the NUG also plays an important role. So we have to do those two jobs together. Young and middle-aged people in our state decided to carry out revolution and organized training. We gathered arms on our own and also looked for donors. After our group had managed to obtain around 100 weapons, people in other townships also wanted to join the revolution and we gave up our original name and ambitions. We chose our current name KNDF so that not only indigenous ethnic Karenni people but also other ethnic people in Karenni State can join the task of protecting the people. Today, we have 21 battalions and over 8,000 fighters who have signed up to serve in the army for two years.
I engage mainly in preparing and overseeing military operations including the provision of food supplies and weapons. At the same time, the Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC) has assigned us to join the NUG to establish better networking with resistance groups across the country. We are assigned not just to take a seat in the NUG but to work actively in it. Besides my work as a deputy minister, I also engage as a coordinator in other NUG programs such as assisting military defectors and the NUG’s local administration as well as other committees. We coordinate closely to ensure that the revolution succeeds across the country, and not just in our state.
How much territory does the KNDF now control? What are the challenges in feeding, arming and managing a big army?
It is important that every member has discipline and follows the rules and regulations. Yes, there have been a few cases of KNDF member kidnapping and extorting people. But we have been able to enforce rules and regulations in most of the cases. We also treat prisoners of war in line with international procedures. We have detained more than 100 [civilian] criminals and junta soldiers. It is important to make sure our side does not commit war crimes.
Our army is fed and armed by contributions from people near and far. Most of the weapons are bought by KNDF members themselves. As cash contributions from the donors are likely to decline over time, we have designed some plans. But those plans are not about extorting money or imposing taxes on people. Instead, we will use methods that are acceptable to all.
We have been able to produce some weapons, as well as ammunition, in the last six months. So we believe we will not run short of weapons. The revolution will succeed when we share our resources and technology with each other.
How many resistance fighters have died in comparison to junta casualties in Kayah State?
It is the people who have borne the brunt of the fighting. We have sympathy for them. People are enduring this to seek justice one day. More than 200 civilians have died [in Kayah State]. Junta troops have committed arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings. They have dumped bodies into septic tanks. They are quite cruel. In December last year, they slaughtered more than 40 civilians and set fire to their bodies. Over 500 houses were destroyed and damaged by junta artillery strikes and arson attacks. Many villages were torched. This is the loss of the country.
Nearly 50 KNDF members have sacrificed their lives so far. We gave them proper burial as the martyrs of our revolution. We assume some 30 junta soldiers died or were at least seriously injured for every KNDF member who has fallen. The combat capability of KNDF members is not in question. Our fighters work hard and have high morale, which determines the results of the clashes. Our arsenal grows day by day while the regime has to bring in reinforcements every day.
We had to withdraw from Demoso in January and February when junta troops conducted large-scale operations with artillery strikes and aerial attacks to retake control of towns. We returned to attack junta troops in Demoso around April. Our fighters were killed or injured by landmines there, and have learned lessons from that. Although regime troops are deployed in towns, they can’t run the administration at all. And although we had to withdraw from Demoso, sneak attacks on junta troops still continue daily there. We occupied a few outposts temporarily and seized arms. The KA, which is older and more senior than us, seized the Kyar Pa Sak outpost, but had to withdraw later.
We are holding fire and preparing ourselves for now, considering the losses people have suffered so far, and waiting for the rise of revolution in other parts of the country. The revolution will succeed early if the international community takes action before the country sustains huge losses. Especially, the revolution will succeed quicker if senior Myanmar military personnel take swift action [mutiny]. We are still hoping to avoid more bloody fighting that will harm the country.
The KNDF has a company of female fighters. What percentage of KNDF members are women and do you think the role of women revolutionaries is important?
We don’t have a military unit that solely consists of women. There are women leading companies in our 21 battalions. Women leaders are largely involved in the administration of battalions. We have strong female participation.
I don’t want to highlight the number of women members. What is more important is that women are playing a part in the revolution. We haven’t sent women fighters to the frontline. But we need them now for fighting, and have provided advanced level training and refresher training for them. Now women have opportunities to utilize their shrewdness on the frontline.
Soon there will be guerilla operations by women KNDF members. There will be women commanders. We will recognize, without discrimination, their rights and their ability to perform. There will be women snipers, too. Thanks to the capacity of women members, the administration of our battalions is systematic and organized. Women medics have proven their remarkable performance by saving many resistance fighters. They should be honored. They have saved the lives of more than 100 fighters who were seriously injured or lost their limbs. They also carried them back to the rear safely and protected them in safe places.
How is the relationship between the KSCC, revolutionary groups, the KNDF and the NUG?
The KNDF serves as the defense force of Kayah State and the Karenni State Police [KSP – a parallel police force formed by striking police officers] takes responsibility for the rule of law in Kayah. The KNDF is fully responsible to fight the regime troops and the KSP is responsible for enforcing existing laws, and the laws issued by the NUG, the KSCC, our customary laws, and enforcing the rulings of the judiciary and providing security to establish the rule of law.
Both the KNDF and the KSP network with PDFs and other groups in implementing our goals on the ground, although we are not under a single chain of command. The KSCC is working to coordinate those goals and the administration of Kayah State.
As everyone knows, the KSCC consists of elected lawmakers, representatives of EAOs, ethnic political parties and civil society organizations. The KSCC is providing public services as the regime’s administration has ceased. The KSCC implements its aims according to the charter [adopted by the National Unity Consultative Council]. The charter allows states and units to form their own governments, and all units and states network together in fighting the regime.
The NUG is our interim government [of the country] and the KSCC is our interim government of Kayah State. We expect we will be able to present a clearer picture of union-level units and state-level units next month. We are taking pragmatic approaches to building a federal Union, which is the aspiration of the people.
Karenni State was never ruled by any central Myanmar authority until independence from Britain. The KA has fought successive military regimes for autonomy for Kayah State. It is now cooperating with NUG to build a future federal union. What role will the KNDF play in any future union?
Firstly, before Myanmar’s independence, Karenni State worked together with inland Myanmar to fight the British. Karenni leaders in 1947 decided to join the union.
Secondly, we were oppressed all along after we became part of the union. Natural resources in our state were never used for us, but used for other parts of country or exploited by the generals, while we were denied our rights.
Thirdly, we must be aware that the National League for Democracy (NLD) had power only after it won the election. Fourthly, it must be acknowledged that all of us, including those in other states who have actively participated in this revolution, hope that power will be equally shared, that there will no more civil war, and that there will be no more discrimination and repression after we win this revolution.
So we can’t dwell on the past or let the NLD play us as it pleases. We have to find a common answer, which is federal democracy. We have to prepare for this now. So all the groups in our state must work in unity in fighting the regime, and when this revolution succeeds we must undergo security reforms together in the state.
After the revolution is completed, the KSCC will continue to serve as the interim government and initiate reforms which will enable us, after a democratic election, to make good use of natural resources and bring about sustainable development of Kayah States as well as the country. We want to prove that it is wrong to accuse us of wanting to secede from the union.
We will approach federalism pragmatically. Based on historical status, current situation, and aspirations of the people, our state will join as a part of the union. And we will make sure we can enjoy all the rights people in our state should enjoy. We will not make unrealistic demands, but the union must grant us equal rights. This is our approach.
The NLD government suppressed Karenni youth and organizations before the coup. What made the Karenni people resist the military regime despite that suppression?
Young Karenni people were arrested for protests against [the NLD government’s erection of] General Aung San statues in Kayah State. And some were detained and jailed when we protested over civilian deaths. There were also arrests and imprisonment under U Thein Sein’s government.
Young Karenni people have always demanded equal rights and reasonable opportunities for development of our state and that our identity is recognized. But successive governments have rejected our demands and suppressed us.
We have always done what is important first. We have not just demanded equal rights, but we have fought for many years to end military dictatorship. When the 2008 [military-drafted] constitution was ratified, many young Karenni people staged protests despite the risk of imprisonment.
As the most important thing is to fight the regime, we have ignored arrests and imprisonment over the [General Aung San] statues. And we are even working together with people from the NLD, for example officials of the Kayah State government, who detained and imprisoned our Karenni people. We are working together with them to end military dictatorship, holding meetings with them daily.
We are politically aware that military dictatorship must be deposed. Only when military dictatorship has ended, will there be freedom and transparency which will enable us to make demands and have a greater say. This is our major motivation for fighting the regime at the frontline.
After the coup, we demanded that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released, parliament be convened, the 2008 constitution be scrapped and a federal union established. We have demanded that all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released and elected parties take power while our federal rights are being established.
Has there been any discussion about establishing an independent Karenni State? What is the KNDF’s position?
We will not work to have an independent state while we are working to establish federalism. We are concerned when charters for independent states and self-administration are talked about. As the country is gaining political momentum, some are portraying us as would-be separatists. We assume all those acts are dangerous.
The position of both the KNDF and the KSCC is that we don’t have a policy to ask for a charter that allows self-government and an independent state, but that we stand for equal rights in the union. Our approach is for all parties ‘to come together’.
For this approach to be successful, both the regime, the NLD and other parties that won [the 2020 general election] must see this and cooperate again with correct steps. They must welcome each other.
The military regime is extremely frightened that our democratic forces will unite. At the same time, some people from the NLD are concerned that ethnic people will have equal rights, and they hold the view that the central government that won the election should decide everything. And their responses are influenced by those concerns, which is very saddening. Their actions undermine the current cooperation between us and amount to a violation of the charter agreed by the majority..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
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Description:
"Distinguished Vice-President,
Excellencies,
Since my last update to this Council in February this year, the human rights situation in Myanmar has continued to rapidly decline. Still suffering from the devastating consequences of the February 2021 military coup, the people of Myanmar remain trapped in a cycle of poverty and displacement, human rights violations and abuses.
What we are witnessing today is the systematic and widespread use of tactics against civilians, in respect of which there are reasonable grounds to believe the commission of crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Since February 2021, at least 1,900 killings by the military have been reported. The humanitarian situation is dire. One million individuals have been registered by the UN as internally displaced while some 14 million remain in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.
The military coup has crippled Myanmar’s economy, with millions losing their jobs or sources of income in the last year. The value of the national currency has plummeted, and prices of essential goods have surged.
Internet shutdowns imposed by the military across large parts of the country, and the harassment and prosecution of journalists and individuals reporting on human rights have severely limited information flows and civic space.
Nevertheless, my Office continues to monitor and document the scale and magnitude of violations on the ground.
Excellencies,
Despite the commitments made by the military to ASEAN, senseless violence in Myanmar has intensified, with scant provision for civilian protection or respect for international human rights and humanitarian laws by the military. Recent military operations in the south-eastern states of Kayin and Kayah, the north-western state of Chin, and the central regions of Sagaing and Magway have amplified the suffering of civilians.
Local residents are often detained, and in some cases may have been forcibly disappeared or used as human shields. A well-documented tactic of the military is the burning of entire villages, residential buildings, schools, houses of worship, and other objects specially protected under international humanitarian law. Some estimate over 11,000 such sites have been burned since the attempted coup began last year. Food stocks and other basic supplies have also been destroyed.
At the same time, the military continues to apply its so-called “four cuts” strategy to punish the local civilian population and to alienate those who refuse to accept their attempted seizure of power.
I am deeply troubled by reports which indicate that the Tatmadaw is trying to militarize whole communities, by expanding its allied local militia organizations, and formalizing military control of police forces. My Office has also received reports that they have launched an initiative to enlist local fire-fighters, Red Cross workers and other public service groups into the security apparatus.
In the face of such repression and violence, I respect the strength and resolve of Myanmar’s people, who continue to reject and resist the military and their attempts to assert control. Daily peaceful protests throughout the country and efforts to boycott services provided by military-run governmental institutions remain ongoing after almost 500 days.
These peaceful expressions of dissent, however, are met with the continued use of arbitrary arrest and detention. Since 1 February 2021, more than 13,500 people, including politicians, media professionals, lawyers, civil society leaders and other members of civil society, have reportedly been arrested for opposing the Tatmadaw’s purported seizure of power. More than 10,500 remain in detention.
Former detainees have reported the frequent use of torture and ill-treatment in military bases, police stations and other places of detention. Arrest warrants have allegedly been issued against another 1,900 individuals.
In a recent concerning development, a military spokesperson announced the intention of executing four death sentences, including of two prominent democracy activists. Myanmar has not carried out court-ordered executions for approximately 30 years. I urgently call on military authorities to refrain from such a regressive step which would not only violate the right to life but will further set back prospects for political reconciliation.
Excellencies,
In Rakhine State, the situation is critical, with the Arakan Army and Tatmadaw seemingly on the verge of renewing armed conflict. Since last November, there have been regular ripples of violence between the two parties and public verbal exchanges have been increasingly hostile.
Members of the Rohingya Muslim community are caught in the middle. There have been no concrete and systematic efforts to work with the Rohingya to solve the longstanding human rights abuses, discrimination and exclusionary practices that have plagued their communities for decades. Added to this, conditions in Rakhine State remain far from adequate for Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh, or for those who have been living in internal displacement camps in Myanmar for 10 years now, to return to their homes.
Instead, the military has continued to use hostile and derogatory language to threaten and marginalize the Rohingya and to implement strict discriminatory limitations on their movement. In the past weeks, over 300 Rohingya have been arrested for traveling, what they call, ‘illegally’ outside their communities. Hundreds have been prosecuted and sentenced to prison terms up to two years for exercising their basic right to freedom of movement.
On 21 May, another boat capsized near the coast of Pathein township, just south of Rakhine State, resulting in at least 17 deaths, many of whom were children. UNHCR has reported that since the beginning of the year, at least 630 Rohingya have attempted desperate sea journeys to escape violence, the vast majority women and children.
Excellencies,
The lives and future of Myanmar’s people are hanging in the balance. It is extremely disappointing to note that international efforts to rein in the military’s recklessly violent approach have been largely ineffective. The ASEAN five-point plan seems to have produced limited results to date since its adoption in April 2021. I urge ASEAN and its members to continue engaging with all relevant national stakeholders, including representatives of the National Unity Government and of civil society.
Additionally, the military has been allowed to veto efforts to generate dialogue and political engagement. The National Unity Government of Myanmar - established by democratically elected leaders and with the vast support of the people - has been excluded from discussions.
Today I call for sustained and concrete action by all parties to stem the violence. The targeting of civilians and the burning of villages must stop now. The protection of civilians is an absolute imperative, and access must be granted for vital humanitarian assistance to reach all communities.
Any solution to this crisis has to be built on broad-based consultation with all stakeholders in the democratic movement and with ethnic minority groups. A climate in which productive political discussions can take place to advance this priority is urgently required.
I urge all Member States, particularly those with the highest-level access and influence, to intensify their pressure on the military leadership. Available measures include placing increased restrictions targeting military-controlled financial holdings and business interests, and limiting their access to foreign currencies to restrict their ability to purchase military equipment and supplies.
I also call for continued support to the efforts underway to pursue accountability for the ongoing and past serious human rights violations, as well as alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity, through all available tracks.
Myanmar’s future depends on addressing the root causes of this crisis. Its people deserve a return to democracy, an end to impunity and the immediate cessation of the systemic discrimination that has persecuted minorities – in particular the Rohingya - for decades.
They are counting on this Council’s support.
Thank you..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
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Description:
"More than 10 people held in Yangon’s Insein Prison by Myanmar’s military regime for anti-junta activities were injured in a beating by the prison authorities, according to sources close to the prison where hundreds of activists are being held and face prosecution.
Some political prisoners from Thabyay ward in Insein staged a hunger strike on June 8 against the junta’s decision to execute four dissidents, including prominent 88 Generation student leader Ko Jimmy and National League for Democracy lawmaker Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw.
Some also complained about forced labor to a director of the Correctional Department who visited the prison the following day.
Prison officers were angry with their complaints and ordered staff and criminal inmates to beat 11 political prisoners who made complaints.
One of them had a rib cracked, another had his forearm broken and another had his nose torn. Among the torture victims were a priest, doctor, lawyer and engineer.
The Thabyay warden reportedly told political prisoners: “You can report your beating. We just need a piece of paper [to show our commanders] why you died.” Prison staff also reportedly swore and made threats.
The prisoners’ health conditions are unknown. Those who participated in the hunger strike have been moved to other wards, said a source.
“They were forced to work on prison farms for 12 hours a day. They were told to pay 150,000 kyats if they don’t want to work on the farm. If they refused, they were forced to sleep in a crowded cell. Around 120 prisoners were in a cell which can only hold 60 people,” said the source.
The prison authorities have cut off electricity and water to the women’s ward since a strike, forcing inmates to drink toilet water. Many are suffering from diarrhea.
Last month, the prison authorities failed to take a pregnant woman having a difficult labor to hospital and the baby was stillborn, prompting women detainees to strike.
Sources said the woman who lost her baby and her husband were prosecuted and jailed on political charges. Their details are unknown.
A former prison officer said: “I suspect that they are deliberately and systematically torturing political prisoners. I never saw such awful things when I worked in the prison. They appear to be trying to inflict permanent trauma on inmates.”
Prison commander Zaw Lin Aung and supervisor Aung Ko Oo are responsible for torture in Insein, said sources. Several criminal inmates are involved in beating political prisoners at the instruction of Zaw Lin Aung and Aung Ko Ko, said sources.
Zaw Lin Aung is a former military officer who was transferred to the Correctional Department after the 2021 coup. Observers said the regime has replaced civilian staff with military personnel in prisons across the country to torture political prisoners.
The torture of political prisoners has been the most severe at Insein, Obo Prison in Mandalay, Monywa Prison in Sagaing and Hpa-an Prison in Karen State, according to observers.
On June 6, when political prisoners raised objections to a plan to keep them with convicted criminals in Hpa-an, the authorities fired warning shots and attacked with catapults and bamboo sticks, injuring around 60 political prisoners.
Political prisoners were beaten following a brawl in Obo on June 5. Two political prisoners were stabbed by prison staff and at least 10 others were injured. Political prisoners were subsequently kept in solitary confinement..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"The Myanmar military junta has brutally attacked and killed children and systematically abused their human rights, a UN expert said in a report released today that calls for immediate coordinated action to protect the rights of children and safeguard Myanmar’s future.
“The junta’s relentless attacks on children underscore the generals’ depravity and willingness to inflict immense suffering on innocent victims in its attempt to subjugate the people of Myanmar,” said Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
“The international community’s approach to the coup and the junta’s atrocities has failed. States must take immediate coordinated action to address an escalating political, economic and humanitarian crisis that is putting Myanmar’s children at risk of becoming a lost generation.”
The Special Rapporteur said it was clear from the evidence that the children of Myanmar were not only being caught in the crossfire of escalating attacks, but that they were often the targets of the violence.
“During my fact-finding for this report, I received information about children who were beaten, stabbed, burned with cigarettes, and subjected to mock executions, and who had their fingernails and teeth pulled out during lengthy interrogation sessions,” Andrews said.
“The junta’s attacks on children constitute crimes against humanity and war crimes. Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and other architects of the violence in Myanmar must be held accountable for their crimes against children,” he said.
“For the sake of Myanmar’s children, Member States, regional organisations, the Security Council, and other UN entities must respond to the crisis in Myanmar with the same urgency they have responded to the crisis in Ukraine.”
Andrews urged Member States to work in coordination to alleviate the suffering of children by systematically increasing pressure on the junta. He urged States that have already imposed sanctions on the military and military-linked companies to take stronger coordinated action that will inhibit the junta’s ability to finance atrocities.
“States must pursue stronger targeted economic sanctions and coordinated financial investigations. I urge Member States to commit to a dramatic increase in humanitarian assistance and unequivocal regional support for refugees,” he said.
“It is scandalous that the international community has committed only 10 percent of the funds required to implement the Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan 2022, causing lifesaving programs for children to be shelved,” he said.
The Special Rapporteur’s report describes the impact of the 1 February 2021 coup on the human rights of children in Myanmar and details the alarming, underreported facts of the violence being perpetrated against them. Soldiers, police officers and military-backed militias have murdered, abducted, detained and tortured children in a campaign of violence that has touched every corner of the country, the report said.
Over the past 16 months, the military has killed at least 142 children in Myanmar. Over 250,000 children have been displaced by the military’s attacks and over 1,400 have been arbitrarily detained. At least 61 children, including several under three years of age, are reportedly being held as hostages. The UN has documented the torture of 142 children since the coup.
The junta has intentionally deprived children of their fundamental human rights to health, education and development, with an estimated 7.8 million children out of school. Following the collapse of the public health system since the coup, the World Health Organization projects that 33,000 children will die preventable deaths in 2022 because they have not received routine immunizations.
Andrews said the lack of action by Security Council was a moral failure with profound repercussions for children in the country.
“World leaders, diplomats and donors should ask themselves why the world is failing to do all that can reasonably be done to bring an end to the suffering of the children of Myanmar,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta committed almost 2,800 war crimes across the country in the last six months, according to the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG).
The NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration said that from December 1 to May 31, regime forces committed 2,778 war crimes including arbitrary killings, extrajudicial executions, the use of torture, using civilians as human shields, air and artillery strikes on civilian targets, the looting and burning of houses and the use of sexual violence.
Some 12,719 houses and religious building have been destroyed by junta forces, causing estimated losses of 241 million kyats (US$6.9 million).
Last Friday, the ministry also said that the regime had conducted 910 arrests and carried out 479 arson attacks, 346 murders, 336 attacks, 226 robberies and 101 cases of torture in the same six month period.
Regime forces also committed 10 cases of sexual violence, as well as 27 instances of using civilian detainees as human shields to deter attacks by resistance groups.
Sagaing Region, a stronghold of the resistance movement, suffered the most recording a total of 1,178 war crimes, followed by Magwe Region with 537 cases and Mandalay with 234.
Junta arson attacks also targeted Sagaing the most, with some 8,933 houses being lost, followed by Magwe with 2,168 and Chin State with 1,332, according to the NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration.
The ministry said it has collected evidence of the military regime’s war crimes and that its priority is to hold those responsible accountable for their crimes.
People are being urged to report junta war crimes to police forces and People’s Administration Groups operating under the NUG, which is working with local and international organizations to hold the regime responsible for its atrocities.
“Everyone who committed war crimes must be held to account whatever the situation,” said the NUG.
In early June, authorities in Turkey initiated a preliminary investigation into members of the regime, including coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, concerning a criminal complaint filed by the Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP), a UK-based nongovernmental organization.
In late March, MAP filed a criminal case with the public prosecutor’s office in Istanbul, Turkey against junta leaders over the use of torture in the military interrogation center in Yangon.
As of June 10, over 1,900 people have been killed by regime forces and more than 14,000 people, including democratically-elected lawmakers, have been arrested or detained since last year’s coup, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, has seen daily clashes since January with Myanmar junta troops raiding and torching villages where they think people’s defense forces (PDFs) are operating. Numerous civilians have been killed in junta raids which have left thousands homeless.
Bo Nagar, the leader of the Myanmar Royal Dragon Army, recently talked to The Irrawaddy about how PDFs are fighting the regime and the challenges facing them.
Junta troops have torched many Sagaing villages over the past few months. Are they torching every village?
In Budalin Township they torched three villages before we attacked. They broke into houses, boxes and jewel cases.
Residents could not take all of their belongings as they fled in fear. Junta soldiers took what they liked before torching.
To our dismay, we saw ruined villages along the road. Villagers worked hard over many years to build farms and homes. People hide in forests as they have nowhere else to go. They cannot build anything permanent and soldiers torch any shelter they find.
Living conditions are terrible. The rainy season has begun so we are rushing ahead with the revolution. Conditions and violence are worse than on social media. We are fully committed to saving our country from the hands of the sadistic regime.
We heard that you are forming a special task force to prevent arson attacks in Sagaing?
Yes. We plan to form a roughly 150-member force. We have dispatched some of them to acquire military experience. And we are giving special training to those with firsthand experience. But it costs more than US$400,000 to arm 100 fighters so we can only start with what we can afford.
We have nearly $200,000 and we urgently need another $250,000 within two weeks. We have obtained arms but have yet to pay for them. We also want uniforms and protective equipment for the special task force.
We told them that once they are trained they will have to fight repeatedly for the people. They have to do any duty assigned to them to protect the people. I will assign them operations in consultation with the PDFs. It will carry out missions upon request. That force will keep growing in size and area of operations. Its operations will not be limited.
What are the challenges in arming your group?
Every resistance group needs arms and ammunition. I am not being selfish. I share cash donations with smaller groups but I give priority to my groups when it comes to the procurement of weapons.
I have called on the National Unity Government [NUG] to arm all the groups. Every group needs arms and I urge the groups to help each other. We are arming them as much as we can.
Previously we only had traditional hunting rifles but we bought automatic assault rifles with public donations. Members of my group are working in many townships to fight the regime. As our group grows we have a lot of difficulties. We need weapons to continue to fight the revolution and it cannot progress if we lack arms.
How are discussions with the NUG on the supply of arms?
They said they would supply us. We still hope they will. We believe they will. We were fighting the revolution before the NUG was formed. We view it as our government and we cooperate with it. The NUG is our leader and we have asked it to command four of our battalions.
It has to take responsibility for battalions under its command. But it cannot afford to arm all those four battalions. We are among the first to start the revolution and we continue to fight. Groups formed after us have received arms so we want weapons too.
We cover a large area. The civilian ministry of defense should at least arm one if it cannot arm all four battalions. We are waiting.
What are the military developments in the region?
Clashes have been going on in Kani since May 20. The regime has sent troops to secure jade vessels on the river. We dispatched troops to wage guerilla warfare on them. They went to Budalin to attack troops after they heard about torching villages. They clashed with troops on the border of Kani and Mingin townships and in Pale.
Is the regime targeting any particular townships in Sagaing?
We assume the junta is targeting Sagaing’s plains since the beginning of the monsoon. Among them are Kani, Yinmabin, Pale, Myaung and Chaung-U. Clashes are also taking place in Tapayin, Wetlet, Khin-U and Taze.
Troops are focusing more on the plains. We know the terrain and gain information first. We fight guerilla warfare. We have gained the upper hand in ambushes and only suffer a few casualties.
Our enemy as usual harms the people when they suffer casualties. People suffer. But we have to fight this revolution. If we don’t fight for fear that the junta will harm the people, it will rule the country as it pleases. We cannot be discouraged by damage caused to the people. We are already dead and we can only be resurrected when we win this revolution.
We gain the upper hand in the fighting but the people suffer because troops torch villages.
What is your assessment of the junta tactics in Sagaing? How much control does the regime have following its continuous attacks?
The tactics are obscene. They have powerful weapons and use tanks, artillery and mortars. But they cannot defeat us. The tactics are the most wicked in the world.
Outside Sagaing, the regime cannot control anywhere in Myanmar. Even in Naypyitaw, there are explosions and attacks. The resistance movement has only paused for a while because the junta is using excessive force and committing the cruelest acts.
It cannot control anywhere, even in its cantonment. The junta cannot imagine controlling Sagaing. We won’t let them get an inch. Sagaing is where humane people have gathered to bravely fight the revolution. The junta cannot control a place of strong-minded revolutionaries.
What is the military situation in Sagaing Region during the rainy season?
It is encouraging. Resistance fighters will gain the upper hand. The regime cannot carry out air strikes in the rain and its troops can only reach easily accessible places.
If they maintain outposts under such circumstances, it is like digging their own graves. They will have to retreat in the rainy season. If they stay, they only stay to be killed..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders
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Sub-title:
The political crisis unleashed in Myanmar following the 1 February military coup last year, has “opened new frontlines that had long been at peace,” the UN Special Envoy told the General Assembly on Monday, noting that challenges in the country have “both deepened and expanded dramatically.”
Description:
"Noeleen Heyzer said that since she took up the job six months ago, Myanmar has “continued to descend into profound and widespread conflict”.
Already one of the world’s largest refugee emergencies, she reminded that multidimensional crises there have left over one million internally displaced people (IDPs) across the country with “serious regional and international ramifications”.
Happening today: General Assembly is briefed by Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer on the conflict and multidimensional crisis in Myanmar. Happening now in the Trusteeship or via @UNWebTV https://t.co/VkMZREJH7m pic.twitter.com/47zamXlJaj
— Paulina Kubiak Greer (@KubiakPG) June 13, 2022
Nearly one million mainly Muslim Rohingyas live in refugees camps in neighbouring Bangladesh, and hundreds of thousands of others are scattered across the region.
‘Disillusioned’ generation
This crisis has resulted in collapsing State institutions, disrupting social and economic infrastructure – including health, education, banking, food security and employment – while increasing criminality and illicit activities.
And over the past five years, the number of people living in poverty has doubled to encompass half the population.
“Today, 14.4 million people, or one-quarter of the entire population of Myanmar urgently require humanitarian assistance,” said the Special Envoy.
At the same time, following the COVID-19 pandemic and political crisis, school enrolment has dropped by up to 80 per cent in two years, leaving at least 7.8 million children shut out of the classroom.
“A generation that benefitted from the democratic transition is now disillusioned, facing chronic hardship and, tragically, many feel they have no choice left but to take up arms,” she warned.
Conflict, the norm
As military violence and distrust have continued to deepen, including against peaceful protestors, armed conflict “has become the norm” for all Burmese.
“The military continues its disproportionate use of force, has intensified its attack on civilians and increased operations against resistance forces, using aerial bombings,” said the senior UN official. “Civilian buildings and villages have been destroyed by fire and internally displaced populations have been attacked”.
Meanwhile, there are reports of up to 600 armed resistance groups, or “people’s defense forces” engaged in fighting, with some conducting assassinations targeting those seen as “pro-military”.
Feel of abandonment
Ms. Heyzer said she was continuing to work closely with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to de-escalate hostilities.
However, she pointed out that continued differences, regionally and more broadly among UN Member States, “have left the people of Myanmar feeling abandoned in their time of need.”
“I will continue to play a bridging role…in Myanmar, in the region, and the international community to address the protection needs and suffering of the most vulnerable, and to support the will of the people for a future federal democratic union based on peace, stability and shared prosperity.”
Remembering the Rohingya
Instability and conflict place vulnerable communities at further risk, including the Rohingya.
The Special Envoy has developed a multi-track strategy that focuses on humanitarian and protection needs; a return to civilian rule; effective and democratic governance; and durable solutions for the Rohingya – the majority of whom fled following violent persecution by Government forces in 2017, characterized by the then UN human rights chief as a text-book example of ethnic cleansing.
“Sustainable solutions for the Rohingya people must be built into the design of a peaceful, inclusive and democratic Myanmar,” she said.
‘Face of human tragedy’
In direct contact with the Burmese people, Ms. Heyzer said: “I have learned the face of human tragedy behind these figures.”
Rohingya refugee women shared with her how prolonged camp displacements in Bangladesh and elsewhere, have affected their daily lives and limited opportunities to build skills and livelihoods.
They also mentioned that camp shops in Cox’s Bazar and community-run learning centres have shuttered.
“Women also told me of the many protection risks that face women and girls, including trafficking, child marriage and sexual violence”, she stated. “They described how the lack of accountability has normalized violence against women and girls in the camps.”
Durable solutions
Ms. Heyzer advocated for “integrated and inclusive humanitarian, peace and development action” to strengthen rights and support Rohingya.
Turning to the Rakhine Advisory Commission, which aims to improve conditions in Rakhine state, from which many Rohingya fled north across the border, she told the General Assembly that she supported their recommendations for changes at both a “vertical” level – involving the de-facto authorities, pro-democracy actors and the separatist ethnic militia known as the Arakan Army – and the “horizontal”, such as grassroots initiatives that promote inclusivity, peaceful co-existence, and equality for all.
Ultimately, she said, it was “Myanmar’s responsibility” to address these fundamental issues..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2022-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"BANGKOK—US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet called Myanmar’s military “a bunch of thugs” suffering “serious losses” in their fight against their own people, who have been resisting military rule in the country.
The comment comes as the junta struggles to control the country, which has been gripped by an unwavering popular armed resistance against the regime following the military takeover in February last year.
Given the ongoing circumstances in Myanmar, Chollet said the regime was finding itself increasingly isolated, not just internationally but at home.
“They’re not winning. They’re losing territory. Their military is taking serious losses,” he told The Irrawaddy in a recent interview.
Last week, US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet visited Thailand where he also met with senior Thai officials in Bangkok.
He later visited the Thailand-Myanmar border and his delegation visited the Mae La Refugee Camp in Tak Province and then toured the Mae Tao Clinic, which has provided a health lifeline for Myanmar refugees in Mae Sot and surrounding areas for decades.
After returning from the border, Chollet told The Irrawaddy that Washington’s message to the regime was simple: End the fighting and return to the path of democracy.
He said the regime was trying to create a new reality after its military proxy party lost the 2020 election.
“But it’s quite clear that what we’ve seen inside Burma is that the people are not going to accept that,” he said, using Myanmar’s former name.
When asked about his impression of the regime’s extrajudicial killings of civilians, arbitrary arrests and torching villages in central Myanmar in response to armed resistance there, Chollet said they were not things a model military does.
“They are not acting as a professional military. They are acting like a bunch of thugs,” he said.
As of May 26, more than 1 million people had been displaced in Myanmar, with more than half of them losing their homes since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup, and 12,700 houses, religious buildings and schools had been destroyed, according to the UN.
Engaging with the NUG
The US recently increased its diplomatic engagement with Myanmar’s opposition and like-minded countries in the region to pressure the regime in Naypyitaw. “We are working [to] give the opposition our best advice” as well as to “address urgent humanitarian needs,” Chollet said, noting that at least tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the regime’s raids and fighting.
Last month, Daw Zin Mar Aung, foreign minister of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), met with Wendy Sherman, US deputy secretary of state, in Washington on the sidelines of the US-ASEAN summit. Myanmar regime leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was not invited to the summit.
Chollet told The Irrawaddy the US will continue to engage with the NUG on capacity building and supporting the Myanmar democratic movement. The shadow government is now trying to establish its administration and education system in some resistance stronghold areas in the country.
“It’s a huge challenge where there’s expectations placed upon you from people inside and how you learn about just the basic tasks of administration and keeping the trains running, schools opened and electricity. A lot of that knowledge has left. So, in areas outside of regime control, how can you maintain these services? There is capacity building that we can provide,” he said.
Chollet said Myanmar people have shown tremendous resilience, courage, and bravery throughout their fight against the regime, adding that their suffering over the last 18 months has been horrendous.
“What’s striking, however, is you still see so much hope and optimism in the fight for their country—whether they’re in Burma, or whether they’ve left and they’re trying to help on the outside,” referring to the determination of the majority of Myanmar people that their cause against the regime must prevail, and their effort to support it by all means.
Working with ASEAN, talking to others
Since the coup, ASEAN leaders have faced challenges and criticism, as the regional grouping is known to lack political capital in solving the decades-old crisis in Myanmar. There has also been strong criticism of ASEAN’s peace plan for Myanmar. So far regime chief Min Aung Hlaing has failed to honor most of the points in the plan. Myanmar opposition and rights groups have criticized it as a failure but also expressed concern that the US and Western governments are outsourcing the issue to ASEAN and hiding behind the bloc.
Chollet countered the criticism, saying that ASEAN is “taking steps that I think few predicted,” referring to the bloc’s exclusion of the junta leadership from its summits due to Min Aung Hlaing’s failure to implement the peace plan.
“There was doubt they would agree to the decision to disinvite political representation by the regime in high-level meetings and then stick to that position. It’s not easy to get to that point. It sounds a little self-serving, but I do think the US advocacy with the ASEAN partners to first make the decision to not invite Burma to a high-level meeting and stick to that decision matters. In individual ASEAN states, in Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia—they are quite helpful and active.”
He also said that the US is working with ASEAN and had also been very active in talking to the UK, Australia, the EU, Japan and Korea about ways to work together to help people inside Myanmar.
“It’s incumbent upon us to do whatever we can to support this,” he said.
On China
Chollet also commented on Myanmar’s powerful neighbor China, which has been supporting the regime.
In April, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his Myanmar counterpart Wunna Maung Lwin that China will support Myanmar’s military government “no matter how the situation changes” in the country.
Chollet said he thought China had been pretty quiet on this front recently, adding that the US interest in Myanmar was not just about China.
He said he was not aware that China had worked in any way to try to push back on ASEAN, while admitting that China had a complicated relationship with the junta.
“And, you know, I would say we don’t want them [China] to be part of the problem. We hope that they can be part of the solution.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, USA-Burma relations
Language:
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Description:
" The Myanmar junta’s announced decision to enforce death sentences against four individuals, including two prominent activists, marks the start of what could be a spate of death pronouncements, two UN experts* warned today, without an increase in international pressure on the brutal military regime.
“The illegitimate military junta is providing the international community with further evidence of its disregard for human rights as it prepares to hang pro-democracy activists. These death sentences, handed down by an illegitimate court of an illegitimate junta, are a vile attempt at instilling fear amongst the people of Myanmar,” the experts said.
In the face of increasing human rights violations, the experts urged the international community to exert greater pressure on Myanmar’s military.
“Without imposing serious costs on the military for its attacks on fundamental rights, we should expect increasing numbers of these death penalty pronouncements from the junta,” they said. “The international community - chiefly Member States and the Security Council - must demonstrate that these actions will not go unpunished and do more to target the military’s needs for money, weapons and legitimacy.”
The experts stressed that one of the condemned individuals is a former member of parliament from the National League for Democracy, while another is a leader of the 88 Generation activist group that stood up to former dictator Ne Win’s regime. They were sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January 2022, on charges of treason and terrorism. If the executions proceed, they will be the first judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988.
“The junta’s announced decision to execute the activists illustrates how the military seeks to use all apparatuses of the state to persecute those that oppose its attempt to return Myanmar to military authoritarian rule,” they said.
The UN experts stressed that the imposition of the death penalty was taking place alongside the military’s extrajudicial killings of civilians, estimated now to stand at nearly 2,000.
“The world must not lose sight of the fact that these death sentences are being meted out in the context of the military murdering civilians nearly every day in its widespread and systematic attack on the people of Myanmar. The military has killed civilians during massacres, crackdowns on protestors, and airstrikes against civilian locations, and has tortured detainees to death,” the experts said.
The four individuals were tried and convicted in military tribunals, and reportedly without access to legal counsel during their rejected appeals - in violation of international human rights law.
“In today’s Myanmar, fair trial and due process guarantees simply do not exist. The junta’s thumb is firmly upon the scales of justice and under these circumstances, imposing and enforcing the death penalty is especially heinous,” the experts said.
Martial Law Order 3/2021, illegitimately decreed by the Myanmar junta in March 2021, provides for the application of the death penalty for 23 vague and broadly defined offences. Most notably, the order provides that the death penalty can be applied for treason provisions, which in practice means any criticism of the military.
Since the military coup on 1 February 2021, at least 114 people have reportedly been sentenced to death, including 41 in absentia
Without recognising its legitimacy, the Special Rapporteurs called on the Myanmar junta to immediately and permanently halt the imposition of the death penalty and commute all capital sentences handed down to date.
“Where capital punishment is not yet abolished, under no circumstances can the death penalty ever be applied as a sanction against the legitimate exercise of human rights, such as freedoms of opinion and expression, assembly and association,” the experts said. They reiterated that international law unequivocally forbids the imposition of the death penalty on anyone below 18 years of age..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The Australian Government rejects this week’s court ruling in Myanmar against Australian Professor Sean Turnell.
It is more than sixteen months since Professor Turnell was detained by the Myanmar military.
He remains imprisoned in Myanmar, and we continue to call for his immediate release.
Professor Turnell has worked for Myanmar’s economic development for many years and is internationally respected for this record.
We will continue to advocate for Professor Turnell’s interests and well-being and will not stop until he is safely back with his family..."
Source/publisher:
Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs
Date of publication:
2022-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"Last week in the East Asia Pacific region, the Myanmar military continued raids and attacks on civilians across the country. In the Philippines, state forces continued to carry out operations against Islamist groups in Soccsksargen. In Papua New Guinea, election-related violence emerged in the run-up to the upcoming elections between 2 and 22 in July. In Indonesia, ethnic Papuans continued to demonstrate against the proposed creation of new provinces in Papua. In Thailand, civic groups continued to protest the government's Draft Act on the Operations of Not-for-Profit Organizations. In China, the government tightened control over political dissidents ahead of the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square protests. Meanwhile, demonstrations against COVID-19 restrictions escalated in China.
In Myanmar, the military carried out raids and attacks on civilians across the country last week, continuing offensives in Sagaing and Magway regions. The military has cut off internet access and mobile service in several townships across the two regions as it carries out operations (Myanmar Now, 30 May 2022). In Sagaing region, the military fired artillery shells in Kale township, destroying houses and a monastery in which internally displaced persons (IDPs) were sheltering, injuring seven people, including a minor. The military also killed five unarmed village lookouts in Kanbalu township on 31 May.
Meanwhile, in Magway region, it was reported this week that the bodies of six villagers were discovered near Kyauk Khwet village in Myaing township on 26 May with signs of torture and execution, including broken bones and gunshot wounds (Myanmar Now, 30 May 2022). The military abducted the victims for use as hostages and human shields two weeks prior, along with 34 other civilians from Than Chuang, Kauk Khwet, Bawton, and Baunt Bin villages along the border between Myaing and Pauk townships. Violence in Magway is both common and highly volatile; it is considered an area of 'extreme risk' by ACLED's Volatility and Risk Predictability Index (as are eight other states and regions in the country).
In Yangon region, the military injured five teenagers when they rammed vehicles into a group of anti-coup protesters in Thingangyun township, before beating and arresting the protesters. On 1 June, an explosion occurred in Kyauktada township in downtown Yangon, killing a young man and injuring nine others who were waiting at the 35th street bus stop. The military claims that the deceased person was responsible for the explosion and briefly detained his mother and sister for interrogation (Myanmar Now, 2 June 2022). Local resistance groups released statements denying their involvement and claiming that the military was behind the explosion. They note that the type of C-4 explosives used in the explosion was unaffordable for any urban guerrilla groups to make (Myanmar Now, 3 June 2022).
Meanwhile, the military indicated last week it would move forward with carrying out death sentences given to a former National League for Democracy lawmaker and a veteran democracy activist for their anti-coup resistance activities (Irrawaddy, 3 June 2022). The announcement was met with international and local condemnation (Irrawaddy, 6 June 2022). Local resistance groups warned of increased operations if the executions were to go ahead (Myanmar Now, 4 June 2022). According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), the military has handed down death sentences to 114 people, including two minors, since the 1 February 2021 coup for their roles in the resistance (AAPP, 3 June 2022). Salai Tin Maung Oo, an ethnic Chin student leader, was the last political dissident to be executed in Myanmar in 1976 under the previous dictatorship (Irrawaddy, 3 June 2022).
In the Philippines, state forces launched operations last week against Dawlah Islamiyah militants suspected of carrying out recent bombings in Soccsksargen. During these operations, a Dawlah Islamiyah -- Maguindanao Group militant was killed in a clash with the military in M'lang town, Cotabato province, Soccsksargen. The military has marked the Maguindanao Group and the Toraife Group as the Dawlah Islamiyah factions responsible for the recent bombings in Soccsksargen (Sunstar, 2 June 2022; Rappler, 26 May 2022). ACLED's Subnational Surge Tracker first warned of increased violence to come in Soccsksargen in the past month. A number of Islamic State-inspired groups in the southern Philippines have been fighting under the name and banner of Dawlah Islamiyah during the past decade (International Crisis Group, 27 June 2019). This violence contributed to the 49% increase in violence in the Philippines in the past month relative to the past year flagged by ACLED's Conflict Change Map, which first warned of increased violence to come in the country in the past month.
In Papua New Guinea, election-related violence surfaced last week in the run-up to the national elections scheduled for 2 to 22 July. In the Southern Highlands, on 2 June, unknown assailants attempted to assassinate a regional candidate of the People's National Congress. To bolster security ahead of the upcoming general election, approximately 5,000 military and police personnel have been deployed to the seven provinces of the Highlands region since March (Post Courier, 31 March 2022). The previous general elections held in 2017 were one of the most violent in recent history, with 204 deaths recorded during the election period (The Guardian, 30 October 2018).
Meanwhile, in Indonesia, ethnic Papuans took to the streets to demonstrate against the revised Papua Special Autonomy Law and the proposed creation of new administrative provinces on the island, demanding a referendum on Papuan independence. In July 2021, the central government passed a revision of the Special Autonomy Law, a move which further strengthened the central government's control over Papua (IPAC, 23 December 2021). Demonstrations were dispersed by police in several locations in Papua province, including in Jayapura, Merauke, Timika, and Nabire. State forces also arrested dozens of people, claiming that demonstration organizers did not have permits (Kompas, 3 June 2022). In Sorong city, West Papua, police fired shots and tear gas at demonstrators after demonstrators burned tires. The latest demonstrations come after President Joko Widodo signed a presidential letter in mid-May allowing the parliament to finalize a bill that enables the creation of new provinces in Papua (BBC Indonesia, 20 May 2022).
In Thailand, protesters from various civic groups held a second week of mass demonstrations in front of the UN headquarters in Bangkok to protest the government's Draft Act on the Operations of Not-for-Profit Organizations. Opponents of the bill argue that it would violate rights to freedom of association and freedom of expression since it would enable officials to order the temporary or permanent shutdown of any non-profit organization. They demand the cabinet agree to scrap the draft (Prachatai, 31 May 2022).
In China, authorities tightened security last week to prevent any form of public commemoration ahead of the 33rd anniversary of the Tiananmen Square protests on 4 June. Dozens of political dissidents, rights lawyers, and advocates were taken on a so-called 'mandatory vacation' and held incommunicado by the police last week (Radio Free Asia, 31 May 2022). In Hong Kong, the government banned an annual candlelight vigil for the third consecutive year by pro-democracy groups. Police closed off sections of Victoria Park starting on 3 June and prohibited any solo vigils attended by individuals around the park (HKFP, 3 June 2022).
Meanwhile, large-scale demonstrations against COVID-19 restrictions spread outside Beijing. On 1 June, thousands of residents clashed with police at a security checkpoint in Yanjiao township, a commuter town near Beijing (South China Morning Post, 2 June 2022). They demand the lifting of coronavirus controls that have restricted the ability of commuter workers to enter Beijing for months. Following the protests, authorities eased restrictions (South China Morning Post, 2 June 2022). The violence associated with COVID-19 restrictions contributes to the 180% increase in violence in China over the past week relative to the past month that is flagged by ACLED's Conflict Change Map..."
Source/publisher:
Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project
Date of publication:
2022-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
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"ON THE THAI-MYANMAR BORDER —
With the risk of arrest or injury high for those reporting on the Myanmar junta, many journalists have fled to borderlands or neighboring countries.
From there, journalists like Hsa Moo try to keep news flowing to their audiences.
Working from the Thai border, Hsa Moo documents evidence collected directly from her sources in Myanmar’s Kayin State. Her coverage includes military clashes and how the military coup is impacting communities and internally displaced people or IDPs.
It’s a tough beat. Airstrikes from Myanmar military warplanes and helicopters make travel risky in what is one of the hardest hit regions.
Under attack
Normally controlled by the Karen National Union army’s 5th Brigade, the region has come under attack from junta forces.
“When you go, you face the Burmese army shelling and everything,” said Hsa Moo, as she edited photographs of a bombed village.
But she added, “When you see the [displaced people] and when they see you, they also feel very happy because they know that somebody, some people, still care for them,”
Hsa Moo contributes to the Karen Peace Support Network, a civil society network for one of Myanmar’s ethnic groups. Made up of 30 organizations in Myanmar and Thailand, the network provides support and information to communities in the region.
Like Hsa Moo, many Myanmar journalists have chosen to work in neighboring countries. Some are trying to avoid arrest. Rights groups say the junta is using laws to target critics.
“If you are inside Burma [Myanmar] they will just block or censor everything. The government has a propaganda newspaper and the TV shows, but that is all the lies,” Hsa Moo said.
The junta is also proposing cybersecurity legislation that could block the use of Virtual Private Network or VPNs.
With access blocked in Myanmar to social media and other websites, VPNs have offered a workaround for those wanting access to information.
Many had come to rely on social media as a source of news. When Myanmar opened up in the early 2000s, a number of independent media turned to Facebook as a platform to post news from their regions.
“Myanmar is not like other countries. Before, it was called the Facebook nation because 99% of the public use Facebook so that is why [military] also tried to ban Facebook,” said a Kachin news editor, who goes by the pseudonym Seng Li.
Seng Li oversees a network of journalists, mainly in an area under the control of the Kachin Independence Organization.
Both Kachin and Kayin states have territory controlled by ethnic armed groups who want autonomy.
Apart from a 17-year cease-fire, the Kachin Independence Organization and its military arm, the Kachin Independence Army, have been at war with the Burmese army since 1961.
Rights groups believe the junta targets media to try to silence criticism.
“For the junta, the enemy is now anyone reporting a narrative that differs from the propaganda pushed out by the ludicrously named Tatmadaw ‘True News’ team,” said Phil Robertson, Asia deputy director for Human Rights Watch (HRW). Tatmadaw is the official name of Myanmar’s armed forces.
“Journalists still operating inside Myanmar are now almost all reporting from hiding, where they courageously continue to try to do their work despite huge obstacles and the risk of arrest at any time,” Robertson told VOA.
Arrest risks
Military spokesperson Gen. Zaw Min Tun has denied that the junta arrests journalists for their work.
Media workers are arrested only “if they are involved in violence or anti-military activities or treason,” he told VOA.
The regional group Reporting ASEAN however has documented over 120 arrests of journalists since the military seized power in February 2021. Of those, at least 48 are still in custody, data show.
Authorities sometimes add additional charges to those already detained, potentially adding years to their prison term.
Han Thar Neing, co-founder of news website Kamayut Media, received a two-year sentence on March 21, on charges of spreading false news.
Now, the 40-year-old faces an additional charge under an Electronic Transactions Law that could add seven years to his sentence.
It’s an unexpected turn of events for his family, who already suffer from chronic stress, unable to see him in person at Yangon’s Insein Prison.
Han Thar’s family can deliver limited food supplies to him twice a month, through the prison officials, but cannot see him.
His sister Kyi Thar says her heart sinks every time she sees footage of her brother on the news, sometimes in a blue prison uniform, his hands and ankles shackled.
“I hope for the future, journalists like my brother — including other Myanmar journalists — will be treated like the other country’s journalists,” she said. “They are journalists doing their job of covering the news and they don’t commit any crimes.”
International bodies have criticized Yangon’s treatment of prisoners held in Insein prison, including detained activists and reporters.
“Myanmar's prisons are among the poorest and most brutal in the Southeast Asia region, so the imprisoned journalists must be facing the equivalent of hell on earth,” HRW’s Robertson told VOA.
“Incarcerated journalists should be allowed regular, unhindered access to relatives, and to legal counsel, and be made immediately eligible for release on bail,” Robertson added.
Despite the risks that reporting on life in Myanmar brings, reporters continue to cover the conflict, both from within and outside the country..."
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2022-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders
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Sub-title:
The wife of veteran activist Ko Jimmy vows to make the regime pay if it carries out the death sentence.
Description:
"88 Generation leader Ko Jimmy and former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zeyar Thaw were sentenced to death by a military tribunal on Jan. 21 for violating Myanmar’s Anti-Terrorism Law. They and two other men on death row — Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw — lost appeals of their cases last week. A junta spokesperson on Tuesday rejected the possibility of a pardon in response to international and domestic condemnation of the sentences, meaning that the four men may end up being the first to be executed in Myanmar in 34 years. Speaking to RFA’s Burmese Service on Thursday, Ko Jimmy’s wife Nilar Thein vowed that the junta will not escape punishment if it proceeds with the execution of her husband.
RFA: The military council has issued an execution order for Ko Jimmy, who was sentenced to death. The junta’s spokesperson said the appeal process is complete and the Prison Department is now in charge of his case. What else do you know about the process?
Nilar Thein: Ever since Ko Jimmy’s arrest, we received no contact or information from the junta. Likewise, we didn’t get a chance to consult with an attorney to submit appeals for him. That’s why the junta’s decision must be incorrect. We never got a chance to work with the authorities for Ko Jimmy’s case.
RFA: What is your response to Ko Jimmy’s death sentence?
Nilar Thein: The junta will be held accountable for all its actions and statements at some point. They will have to take responsibility for what they did, regardless of who they did it to. This day will come.
RFA: Ko Jimmy has been charged under the counter-terrorism law. Do you think he was really involved in terrorist activities?
Nilar Thein: Everyone knows who is committing violent terrorist acts and who has become the victims of these acts. We have the right to defend ourselves from aggression and injustice … we have become the victims of the junta’s violent tactics. We are exercising our right to defend ourselves – to protect our lives, homes, and properties from these acts.
RFA: The military council has stated that they will move forward to execution in Ko Jimmy’s case. Do you believe they will carry out the execution order?
Nilar Thein: This is entirely up to them. Under the law and from the perspective of the human rights community, they should not carry out this death sentence. Death sentences have not been carried out in Myanmar for a long time. It is a blatant violation of human rights even to state that they intend to carry out the execution order, to kill a human being like killing a bird or chicken ... Regardless of what they will do, I want them to know they will be accountable for their decisions. Their acts will not be forgotten.
RFA: What are you currently working on for him? Are you engaged with any international organizations about his case?
Nilar Thein: I have contacted some international organizations, such as Amnesty International. As soon as the news came out about the execution orders for Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw, several international organizations and foreign diplomats contacted me and told me that they would protest the decision.
RFA: What do you want to tell Ko Jimmy?
Nilar Thein: I think he has written his history by committing to a cause he believes in. He has his duty done for the people. I want to tell him I am very proud of him.
RFA: What message do you have for the people of Myanmar?
Nilar Thein: No matter how the times have changed, the power of the people will be the deciding factor in our country’s future … Those who have participated have played important roles in the resistance and they will be part of history. Whatever comes next, I trusted in the people’s power. That’s why we all need to stay united and join hands to drive out this military regime..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"Statement by Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, the UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim, on the killing of a World Health Organization staff member.
The United Nations in Myanmar is deeply saddened by the death of Mr. Myo Min Htut, a World Health Organization staff, during a security incident in Mawlamyine Township, Mon State. Mr Myo Min Htut had worked for the World Health Organization as a driver for nearly 5 years and the United Nations sends heartfelt condolences to his family.
Mr Myo Min Htut was shot dead when riding his own motorcycle on Thanlwin Uyin Road around 5pm on 8 June 2022. The exact circumstances of the incident currently remain unclear.
Condemning the killing of the UN staff, Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, the UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim in Myanmar said, “The United Nations appeals to all parties and stakeholders to respect the neutrality of the United Nations and Humanitarians and further calls for all parties to protect the rights and safety of civilians and strongly condemns acts of violence against civilians. The United Nations expects an impartial investigation into the incident and the perpetrators to be held accountable.”
He further added, “During these difficult times, against significant odds, the United Nations continues to stay and deliver essential humanitarian and development support for the people of Myanmar”..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Free All Wrongfully Imprisoned; End Capital Punishment
Description:
"(New York) – Myanmar’s military junta announced on June 3, 2022, that it would execute four people whose appeals were rejected following grossly unjust closed-door trials, Human Rights Watch said today. The activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” and the opposition lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw were sentenced to death on January 21 by a military tribunal under Myanmar’s overbroad Counterterrorism Law of 2014.
Military tribunals in Myanmar have sentenced 114 people to death since the February 2021 military coup, including 41 in absentia. The United Nations (UN), Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and concerned governments should press the junta to immediately release all those wrongfully imprisoned, including Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy, and commute all death sentences.
“Myanmar military courts’ disregard of basic rights was evident in the farcical trials and death sentences of Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “These secretive tribunals with their lightning convictions are aimed at chilling any dissent against the military junta.”
On October 24, 2021, soldiers arrested Ko Jimmy, 52, in Yangon’s North Dagon township. The authorities had issued a warrant for his arrest on February 13, 2021, for allegedly inciting unrest and taking part in “terrorism”, both offenses under the Counterterrorism Law. The soldiers severely beat Ko Jimmy during his arrest and tortured him in custody, his family said.
On November 18, soldiers and police arrested Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41, during a raid on a housing complex in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan township. A military court charged the former National League for Democracy legislator and hip-hop artist under the Counterterrorism Law and the Public Property Protection Act with leading deadly shootings on pro-military targets.
A junta spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, announced that the two men would be “hanged according to prison procedures,” but said that no date had been set for the executions. Two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, who were convicted for killing an alleged military informant, would also be hanged, the spokesperson said. The military has not revealed where Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy are, and the men have not been seen since their arrests, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy were arrested in townships in which the junta has declared martial law. In imposing martial law, the junta transferred all executive and judicial authority to the head of the relevant regional military command, and instituted the death penalty as a possible sentence for 23 crimes, the majority of which are not capital crimes in civilian courts.
Military tribunals have issued death sentences against defendants in rushed and closed legal proceedings, depriving those charged of their basic fair trial rights. Those on trial before military tribunals face almost certain conviction regardless of the available evidence against them. There is no scrutiny of the trials by the public or the international community. Myanmar security forces have subjected many people arrested since the coup to torture and other ill-treatment, including frequent beatings.
In May 2021, the junta formally designated the opposition National Unity Government, its parliamentary committee, and their offshoot militias as “terrorist groups” for alleged acts of incitement against the junta, seemingly to justify broad suppression and to criminalize any support for activities opposing the coup. In August 2021, the chairman of the State Administration Council junta, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, amended the Counterterrorism Law to introduce harsher penalties for anti-coup activities that do not distinguish between acts of violence and peaceful protest, shifting the burden of proof to the accused.
Martial law regulations require the State Administration Council chair to approve all execution orders. They also state there is “no appeal for decisions or convictions handed down” by a military tribunal. The only option for defendants sentenced to death is to apply to the junta chair within 15 days of the conviction to reverse the decision or to reduce the sentence. The applications can only be filed through prison officials, not lawyers, Radio Free Asia reported. A source who is familiar with Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy’s cases said the families were unaware of the appeal efforts until the junta’s statement to the media.
The UN spokesman, Stephane Dujarric, said he was “deeply troubled” by the military’s decision to proceed with the executions of political dissidents. “This is a blatant violation of the right to life, liberty, and security of person as per Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” he said.
Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty in all circumstances and has long called on Myanmar to ban all capital punishment. Capital punishment is unique in its cruelty and finality, and is universally plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error.
Since the February 2021 coup, junta security forces have carried out mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. The security forces have killed over 1,800 people, including at least 130 children, and arbitrarily arrested over 13,000.
Australia, Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and other countries that have banned capital punishment, as well as ASEAN member states, should call for the release of all those wrongfully detained and the commutation of death sentences. All concerned governments should agree on a stronger, coordinated effort to impose or enhance targeted sanctions against senior military officials including by increasing restrictions on Myanmar’s foreign currency revenues.
“The junta’s threats to execute Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zeya Thaw after sham military trials should be dropped immediately,” Maung said. “Concerned governments should use concerted levers of pressure to stop these executions, and be crystal clear that executing people after unfair trials will have consequences.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations
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"၁။ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ တရားမဝင် သော တရားရုံးများက (၈၈)မျိုးဆက် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင် ကိုဂျင်မီ(ခ)ကိုကျော်မင်းယုနှင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ဟောင်း ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်တို့အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် ချမှတ်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်များနှင့် သေဒဏ်အတည်ပြုခြင်းများသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေ များကိုသာမက နိုင်ငံတကာသဘောတူစာချုပ်များနှင့် ဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်ဆောင်ရွက်သည့် လူမဆန်သောလုပ်ရပ်အဖြစ် ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ရှုမြင်သတ်မှတ်သည်။
၂။ တရားမဝင်အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ စီရင်ချက်ချမှတ်မှုများနှင့် ပြစ်မှုပြစ်ဒဏ်များအားလုံးသည် ပြည်သူများ၏ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်ကျိုးအတွက်သာ ရှေးရှု၍ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကျပ်ကိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းကို အသုံးပြုလျက် အကြောက်တရားရိုက်သွင်း အုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်ရန် လုပ်ဆောင်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ ပြည်သူများက လုံးဝ လက်မခံဆန့်ကျင်လျက်ရှိသော တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ် ကောင်စီ၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းမှု၊ သတ်ဖြတ်မှု၊ စစ်ဆေးစီရင်မှုနှင့် သေဒဏ်အပြစ်ပေးမှုများ အားလုံးကို ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချသည်။ ယင်းကိစ္စရပ်များတွင် နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် ဆောင်ရွက်နေသူအားလုံးသည်လည်း ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်သော ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သဖြင့် တရားဥပဒေအရ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူအပြစ်ပေးခြင်းများကို ခံကြရမည်ဖြစ် ကြောင်းနှင့် ယင်းသို့ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြု ကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ နှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders
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"On June 3, 2021, the junta council announced they intend to carry out the execution of death row detainees Jimmy (aka Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, heretofore given by military courts. Though announced, information regarding the status of the military court, location of the trials, and specific information on the nature of the trial, were not given to family members of each of the condemned political prisoners. The junta council has been destroying every facet of the judicial system in Burma.
Since the beginning of the coup, the junta council has been killing people across the country, burning towns and villages, as well as looting and stealing belongings of the people every day. The council’s statement on the execution of the political prisoners violates domestic, and international law, and is a blatant attempt to audaciously murder.
The execution announcement openly mocked the worlds’ efforts to abolish capital punishment. This calculated act uses political prisoners as hostage, to threaten a population resisting the military coup. As well as to bargain with international actors, who put pressure on the junta council to return democracy to Burma. The UN and others in the international community bare responsibility to help prevent the use of hostages in unjustified executions.
In accordance with our organizations belief that there can only be a true national reconciliation when there are no incarcerated political prisoners, we see the recent statement as a junta attempt to challenge and destroy future national reconciliation, including the stability of our country.
A junta council working to carry out an execution like this, is an unforgiveable act, and clear proof of utter disregard for the will of the international community who wish to return Burma to democracy, as well as to ASEAN who wish to resolve the issue through the 5-Point Consensus.
Therefore, we, the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP), strongly urge all at the UN, ASEAN and other international actors to take a stand and put political pressure to halt the announced executions..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
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129.06 KB
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"JAKARTA – Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia are alarmed by the announcement by the Myanmar junta that it will carry out the death sentences handed down to four political prisoners, including prominent former member of Parliament, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, and well-known pro-democracy activist, Kyaw Min Yu, better known as “Ko Jimmy”, both convicted on charges of terrorism.
These death sentences would be the first known judicial executions in the country since 1988, according to Amnesty International, which considers Myanmar as “Abolitionist in Practice”, as it retains the death penalty in law, but has not applied it for decades. Ever since the coup in February last year that ousted the democratically elected government, Myanmar has seen a drastic surge in the number of people sentenced to death with at least 86 people, including minors who were under 18 at the time.
“ASEAN and the international community must use every means at their disposal to prevent these executions from taking place. If they are carried out they will be nothing less than cold blooded political assassination. These executions would further contribute to prevent the already remote possibility of a sustainable political dialogue, as prescribed over one year ago in the Five-Point Consensus agreed by ASEAN member states and Min Aung Hlaing’s junta, which has not made any effort whatsoever in that direction,” said Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament from Malaysia, and APHR Chairperson.
The Myanmar military has killed at least 1,887 protesters since the coup, but it is attempting to give a veneer of legality to the execution of the four men. Yet it is abundantly clear that, as in dozens of sentences handed by military tribunals, there was no respect for fair trial rights.
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) unreservedly supports the recent United Nations Secretary General’s statement reminding Myanmar’s military that the death sentences are a blatant violation of the right to life, liberty and security of the person, as per Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We also join him in emphasizing that the Declaration also enshrines the principles of equality before the law, the presumption of innocence, the right to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, and all of the guarantees necessary for a person’s defense.
“This announcement should be viewed in the context of the increasingly brazen atrocities being committed by the Myanmar military in order to consolidate its power in the face of widespread popular resistance. The junta is killing, torturing and arbitrarily arresting Myanmar people with an impunity that owes a great deal to the failure of the international community to hold it accountable for its crimes,” said Santiago.
APHR calls on each and every member state of ASEAN, as well as its Dialogue Partners, to urgently demand an unconditional and immediate stay of execution and release of the four detainees by the self-declared State Administration Council. They must individually and collectively make a stand before it is too late, not only for these four, but for all those currently arbitrarily detained who should be immediately and unconditionally released..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"1. The National Unity Government, the Ministry of Human Rights and the Ministry of Education strongly condemn the junta’s attempts to open public schools in order to portray an image of control over the country. This is a blatant attempt to exploit our future generations purely for their own political gains.
2. Despite numerous attempts by the junta, many teachers, students, and parents are still bravely taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) regardless of the hardships it brings. As a result, we see only a small number of students registered to attend the military-run public schools. We would like to express our gratitude to all the teachers and students participating in CDM.
3. The NUG Ministry of Education is providing interim education programs and services, including both home based learning (HBL) programs and online and face-to-face schooling and is already planning for the post revolution education system. We would like to encourage the citizens and students to continue opposing the reopening of public school by the junta.
4. The junta has and continues to commit heinous crimes openly against civilians, and another unimaginable attack happened at a bus stop in Yangon on the evening of the 30th of May. Civilians were killed and injured when the bomb exploded at a bus stop in downtown Yangon. There are fears the junta could cary out similar attacks on students in the newly re-opened schools in an attempt to pin the bombings on the PDF. In such schools the junta alone is responsible for the safety and welfare of the students in attendence.
5. The Ministry of Human Rights together with respective ministries has outlined a code of conduct for the people’s defence forces. We strongly urge all civilian defence forces to strictly abide by this code of conduct. Any and all attacks on school buildings are strongly condemned regardless of who initiate the attack.
6. The international communities should not ignore the fact that students and teachers are risking their lives to oppose the junta, to take part in the CDM, and to listen to the requests made by the revolutionary forces. We should not ignore the fact that the terrorist military can attack the same schools they plan to reopen at anytime. Together with the revolutionary forces, we urge everyone to fight against the terrorist military who continually disregard children’s right to education and who exploit children for their own political gains, so that together we may build a true federal democracy where freedom of education will be guaranteed for all children..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights and Ministry of Education
Date of publication:
2022-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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32.01 KB
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"ကိုဂျင်မီ (ခ) ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ကိုအောင်သူရဇော် တို့ ၄ ဦးအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ စစ်ခုံရုံးက ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် သေဒဏ်ကို အတည်ပြုလိုက်ပြီး ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်နေပြီဟု စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ဇွန်လ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် အတည်ပြု ပြောကြားလိုက်သည်။
သို့သော်လည်း ထိုသူများကို မည်သည့် စစ်ခုံရုံး၊ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် အမှုကို ကြားနာခဲ့ကြောင်းနှင့် အမိန့်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်းကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ မိသားစုများထံသို့ပင် အသိပေးခြင်း မရှိပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားစီရင်ရေး ယန္တရားတခုလုံးအား အလုံးစုံ ဖျက်ဆီးနေပေသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အာဏာသိမ်းယူပြီးသည်မှစ၍ ၎င်းတို့အား ဆန့်ကျင်သူများကို နေ့စဉ်နှင်အမျှ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ မြို့ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ် ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများကို သိမ်းယူခြင်းများကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ်လုပ်ဆောင်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ပြောကြားမှုမှာ နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့် ပြည်တွင်း တရားဥပဒေကို အလွဲသုံးစားလုပ်ကာ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း သတ်ဖြတ်ရန် ကြိုးစားမှုတရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။
ယနေ့အချိန် ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံအနှံ့တွင် သေဒဏ်စီရင်ရေးအား ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် အပူတပြင်း ကြိုးစားနေချိန်တွင် ထိုကဲ့သို့ ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ကြေညာခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုကို ပျက်ရယ်ပြု လိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းအပေါ် ပြန်ရောက်နိုင်ရေး နိုင်ငံတကာမှ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား အပြင်းအထန် ဖိအားပေး တောင်းဆိုနေမှုများအား တစုံတရာ လျော့ကျစေရေးအတွက် အပေးအယူလုပ်ရန်နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းရှိ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုဆန့်ကျင်သူများကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်ရန်ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို ဓားစားခံအဖြစ် အသုံးပြု တုန့်ပြန်လိုက်ခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ဓားစားခံအဖြစ်အသုံးချကာ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို တားဆီးရန်မှာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းတွင်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိသည်ဟု ထင်မြင်ပါသည်။
မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်မျှ မရှိမှသာ အမျိုးသားပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေး ရရှိနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်သည့်နည်းတူ အထက်ပါကဲ့သို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုမှ အမျိုးသားပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတည်ငြိမ်ရေးကို စိန်ခေါ် ဖျက်ဆီးလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု သဘောထားသည်။
စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို ကွပ်မျက်ရေး လုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုသည် သမိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ခွင့်လွှတ်၍ မရနိုင်သောလုပ်ရပ် ဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းအပေါ် ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရေး ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်နေသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရေးအကြပ်အတည်းကို သဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက်ဖြင့် ဖြေရှင်းရန် ကြိုးစား အဖြေရှာနေသည့် အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံများ၏ သဘောထား နှင့် လုံးဝကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိကြောင်း ထင်ရှားသည့် သက်သေပြချက် ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
သို့ဖြစ်၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအားလုံးမှ အထက်ပါလုပ်ရပ်ကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ဆန့်ကျင်တားမြစ်ရန် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) အနေဖြင့် အလေးအနက်တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2022-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-06
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
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"Two men will be executed in Myanmar by the military junta after their death sentence appeals were denied, the junta said Saturday, in what would mark the first judicial executions in the country in decades.
"It's confirmed that Phyo Zayar Thaw and [Ko] Jimmy would be on the execution list," junta spokesperson Zaw Min Tun told CNN, without giving a date.
In January 2022, veteran democracy activist Ko Jimmy and former National League of Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zayar Thaw were sentenced to death, according to a statement by Myanmar's Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services.
The junta accuses the two men of being "involved in terrorist acts such as explosion attacks, killing of civilians as informants," the junta spokesperson said.
It's unclear whether Phyo Zayar Thaw and Ko Jimmy have denied the charges levied against them. Comments from the junta made no reference to their plea.
The UN said Friday it was "deeply troubled" by the decision, calling it a "blatant violation to the right to life, liberty and security of person," spokesman for the UN Secretary-General Stéphane Dujarric said in a briefing, referring to an article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
"The Secretary-General reiterates his calls for the respect of people's rights to freedom of opinion and expression and also to drop all charges against those arrested on charges related to the exercise of their fundamental freedoms and rights," Dujarric added.
The junta accuses the two men of being "involved in terrorist acts such as explosion attacks, killing of civilians as informants," the junta spokesperson said.
It's unclear whether Phyo Zayar Thaw and Ko Jimmy have denied the charges levied against them. Comments from the junta made no reference to their plea.
The UN said Friday it was "deeply troubled" by the decision, calling it a "blatant violation to the right to life, liberty and security of person," spokesman for the UN Secretary-General Stéphane Dujarric said in a briefing, referring to an article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
"The Secretary-General reiterates his calls for the respect of people's rights to freedom of opinion and expression and also to drop all charges against those arrested on charges related to the exercise of their fundamental freedoms and rights," Dujarric added.
Amnesty International said news of the resumption of executions is "shocking." They called on authorities to "immediately" drop the plan and for the international community to step up intervention efforts.
"The death sentence has become one of many appalling ways the Myanmar military is attempting to sow fear among anyone who opposes its rule, and would add to the grave human rights violations, including lethal violence targeted at peaceful protesters and other civilians," the organization said in a post published on its verified Twitter account.
Amnesty added that since the February 2021 coup in Myanmar, the organization recorded an "alarming" increase in the number of known death sentences in the country from at least one in 2020 to at least 86 in 2021.
An Amnesty from 2021 said that the last judicial execution in Myanmar known to have taken place was in 1988. There have been numerous death sentences in Myanmar since but they've usually been "commuted through mass pardons," Amnesty says.
CNN has been unable to independently verify when the last execution by the state was carried out in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Sub-title:
Columns of smoke seen rising from villages along 8km stretch in drone footage from country’s north amid opposition to regime
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"Myanmar junta troops have torched hundreds of buildings during a three-day raid in the country’s north, local media and residents said, as the military struggles to crush resistance to its rule.
The Sagaing region has seen fierce fighting and bloody reprisals since the coup last year, with local “People’s Defence Force” (PDF) members clashing regularly with junta troops.
Analysts say the informal militia has surprised junta forces with its effectiveness, and the military has on numerous occasions called in air strikes to support its troops on the ground.
Troops torched hundreds of buildings in the villages of Kinn, Upper Kinn and Ke Taung over three days last week, locals and media reports said.
On 26 May, villagers in Kinn fled as soldiers approached and began shooting into the air, said one resident who requested anonymity.
“The next morning we saw smoke rising from our village before they left.
“Over 200 houses were burned down ... my house was totally burned down, only the concrete foundation is left.”
Drone footage purporting to show the aftermath showed columns of smoke rising into the sky from the villages, set along a roughly 8km (five-mile) stretch of the Chindwin river.
A health clinic seen in the video matched the geolocation of one in Ke Taung village.
Digital verification reporters with Agence France-Presse confirmed the footage had not appeared online before last week but could not independently verify reports from the region.
Soldiers “raided and destroyed our houses”, said Ke Taung villager Aye Tin, who requested to use a pseudonym.
“And they also burned motor boats that we use for transport and for carrying food for our village, including my boat.
“My life is ruined, as I have lost my home ... and I [have] nothing left to do for a living.”
Satellite images from Nasa showed fires in locations that matched Ke Taung and Kinn villages last week.
The junta has previously rebuffed claims its troops have torched houses, accusing “terrorist” PDF fighters of starting the fires.
In a speech on Tuesday, the junta chief, Min Aung Hlaing, said “efforts were made to minimise the casualties as much as possible in performing the counterattacks to terror acts”.
“Now, the country is in tranquillity,” he said, according to state media..."
Source/publisher:
"Agence France-Presse" (Paris) via "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"၁။ (၈၈) မျိုးဆက် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင် ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်နှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၂) ဦး အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းလုံးရှိ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သေဒဏ် အတည်ပြုခြင်းများနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ တရားရုံးများက ချမှတ်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်များ အားလုံးတို့သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တည်ဆဲ ဥပဒေများနှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ အနေဖြင့် ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ အညိုးအတေး အာဃာတများဖြင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးကို စိတ်ထင်ရာ တဖက်သတ် လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းနှင့် သေဒဏ်အား အတည်ပြုလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းသည် ကြီးလေးသောပြစ်မှုကြီးကို ကျူးလွန်ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ အလိုကျ အမှုများကို စစ်ဆေးစီရင်နေသည့် တရားရုံးများနှင့် ယင်းတရားရုံးများက ချမှတ်သည့် စီရင်ချက်၊ အမိန့်များသည် တရားဝင်မှု လုံးဝ မရှိပါ။ ထိုသို့ တရားဝင်မှု မရှိသည့် စီရင်ချက်၊ အမိန့်များကို အတည်ပြုဆောင်ရွက်ကြသည့် စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအနေဖြင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များကို မသိကျိုးကျွန်ပြုခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အလိုကျ လိုက်ပါဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းများသည် ရာဇဝတ်မကင်းသော ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ဥပဒေ၏ ဒဏ်ခတ်အရေးယူခြင်းကို မလွဲမသွေ ခံကြရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ အလိုကျ အမှုများကို စစ်ဆေးစီရင်နေသည့် လက်အောက်ခံ တရားရုံးများ၊ တရားရေး ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ ဥပဒေဝန်ထမ်းများသည် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေကြသော ရာဇဝတ် ဂိုဏ်းသားများသာဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ ထို့ကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့ တရားစီရင်ခြင်းများ၊ သေဒဏ်အတည်ပြုခြင်းများနှင့် နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ဥပဒေချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချကြောင်း၊ သက်ဆိုင်သူများအားလုံးကို ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နောက်ဆက်တွဲ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာမည့် အကျိုးဆက်များအားလုံးအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက လုံးဝ တာဝန်ခံရလိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Justice
Date of publication:
2022-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-04
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Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"၁။ ၁၉၆၂ခုနှစ် ဗိုလ်နေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သော အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်၏ ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြမ်းဖက်ဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်မှု များကို ခုခံကာကွယ် တွန်းလှန်ရန် ၁၉၆၄ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ (၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကယန်းပြည်သစ်ပါတီ (KNLP)ကို ဖွဲ့စည်း တည်ထောင်ခဲ့ပြီး လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးကို စတင်ဆင်နွှဲခဲ့သည်။
၂။ ကယန်းအမျိုးသားလက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးကို နှစ် (၃၀) တိုင်တိုင်ဆင်နွှဲခဲ့ပြီး ၁၉၉၄ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် အပစ်အခတ်ရပ်စဲ၍ ဒေသဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး၊ သေနတ်သံမထွက်သည့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲလာခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ (၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် (၅၈) နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့်ဆန့်ကျင်လျက် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သောစစ်တပ်က အဓမ္မအာဏာသိမ်းယူခဲ့သည်။အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို လက်မခံပဲ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော် သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား စစ်တပ်မှ ရက်စက်စွာ အကြမ်းဖက် ဖိနှိပ်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် ကယန်းအမျိုးသား များ၏ လက်နက်ကိုင် ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မှုများ ပြန်လည်ပေါ်ပေါက်လာခဲ့သည်။
၄။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ဆင်နွှဲလာခဲ့သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်တော်လှန်ရေးနှင့်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတို့တွင် ကယန်းအမျိုးသားများ၏ အမြော်အမြင်ကြီးစွာ မမှိတ်မသုန် ပါဝင်အားထုတ်မှုများသည် လေးစားအသိအမှတ်ပြု ဖွယ်ရာပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ ယနေေ့ကျရောက်သော (၅၈) နှစ်မြောက် ကယန်းအမျိုးသား လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးနေ့မှ စ၍ ကယန်း ပြည်သူပြည်သားများ လုံ့လထုတ် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်ဟူသမျှ ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး၊ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတရေးတို့ကို အာမခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးတို့ကို ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက် အောင်မြင် နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းလျက် ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-04
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Sub-title:
Four people including ex-MP Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy to be put to death
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta has said it will execute a former lawmaker from Aung San Suu Kyi’s party and a prominent democracy activist, both of whom were convicted of terrorism, in the country’s first judicial executions since 1990.
Four people, including the former MP Phyo Zeya Thaw and the democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, better known as Ko Jimmy, “will be hanged according to prison procedures,” Zaw Min Tun told AFP on Friday.
The junta has sentenced dozens of anti-coup activists to death as part of its crackdown on dissent after seizing power last year, but Myanmar has not carried out an execution for decades.
Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former lawmaker from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy who was arrested in November, was sentenced to death in January for offences under anti-terrorism laws.
Ko Jimmy received the same sentence from the military tribunal.
“They continued the legal process of appealing and sending a request letter for the amendment of the sentence,” said Zaw Min Tun, a spokesperson for the junta. “But the court rejected their appeal and request. There is no other step after that.”
Two men who were convicted and sentenced to death for killing a woman they alleged was an informer for the junta in Yangon will also be executed, the spokesperson said. No date has been set for the executions, he said.
A spokesperson for Amnesty International called on the junta to “immediately drop such plans and for the international community to step up its efforts to intervene”.
Phil Robertson, a deputy director at Human Rights Watch, said the junta’s decision to “move towards executing two prominent political leaders will be like pouring gasoline on the fire of popular anti-military resistance in the country. Such a move will also lead to global condemnation and cement the junta’s reputation as among the worst of the worst human rights abusers in Asia.”
Phyo Zeya Thaw had been accused of orchestrating several attacks on regime forces, including a gun attack on a commuter train in Yangon in August that killed five police officers. A hip-hop pioneer whose subversive rhymes irked the previous junta, Phyo Zeya Thaw was jailed in 2008 for membership of an illegal organisation and possession of foreign currency.
He was elected to parliament representing Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD in the 2015 elections, which ushered in a transition to civilian rule.
The country’s military alleged voter fraud during elections in 2020 – which the NLD won by a landslide – as justification for its coup on 1 February 2021.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained ever since and faces a slew of charges in a junta court that could lead to her facing a prison sentence of more than 150 years.
Kyaw Min Yu, who rose to prominence during Myanmar’s 1988 student uprising against the country’s previous military regime, was arrested in an overnight raid in October. The junta issued an arrest warrant for him last year, alleging he had incited unrest with his social media posts..."
Source/publisher:
Agence France-Presse (Paris) via "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Description:
"A delegation led by the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs of National Unity
Government visited the United States from 11 to 22 May 2022 during the
US-ASEAN Summit held in Washington, DC and has met exclusively with
senior officials including Deputy Secretary of State from the United States
Department of State, members of Congress including the leader of the
United States Senate, leaders of ASEAN including Malaysian Foreign
Minister and thus, the National Unity Government of the Republic of the
Union of Myanmar (NUG) would like to express its sincere gratitude to the
United States Government and officials for hosting such important
diplomatic meetings.
• During the visit, Daw Zin Mar Aung Union Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the National Unity Government and delegation met with Mrs. Wendy
Sherman, US Deputy Secretary of State and both parties had a cordial and
open discussion regarding ethical issues related to the self-sacrificing
efforts of the people of Myanmar for the emergence of a new federal
democracy nation in the future, the efforts of the National Unity
Government (NUG), the position of the National Unity Government (NUG)
on the potential future of Myanmar, updates on international relations of the
National Unity Government (NUG) in engaging with the world countries
including ASEAN and its neighbors, humanitarian assistance for the people
of Myanmar who are suffering under the illegal rule of the terrorist military
regime.
• The delegation also met with Rob Berschinski (Special Assistance to the
President - S. Director for Democracy & Human Rights) who had
expressed that President Joe Biden and United States would continue to
put pressure for accountability and responsibility of the human rights
violations of the military junta and that they stood with the struggle of the
Myanmar people. Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Ministry of Foreign
Affairs also discussed setting military compliance measures and
regulations including the violence of the military junta and the ground
situation of the struggle of Myanmar people and the political developments
including judiciary and local administration arrangements.
• During the visit, Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Foreign Affairs of
the National Unity Government met privately with other leaders, including
the Malaysian Foreign Minister. During a private meeting with the
Malaysian Foreign Minister, efforts and challenges of the National Unity
Government (NUG) along with the people of Myanmar, issues related to
cooperation including Myanmar refugee’s crisis and humanitarian
assistance were discussed and Malaysia Foreign Minister expressed that
Malaysia was ready to whatever it could to help bring peace and restore
democracy in Myanmar.
• Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of the National Unity Government of
the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and Deputy Minister for Foreign
Affairs met with US Senate Republican Leader Senator Mitch McConnell at
his Congress Office. During the meeting, the topics discussed were acts of
repression of the military junta and the Myanmar people's struggle for a
new future nation of federal democracy, support of the Myanmar
pro-democracy movement and continued support of international
assistance including the United States to Myanmar crisis.
• The delegation also met with Democratic senators Jeff Merkley and
Edward Markey at the US Congress to discuss the current ground
situations, cutting off the revenue sources of the terrorist military junta,
imposing sanctions against Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) as
one of the military council's main sources of revenue and putting pressure
to take action against military junta for human rights abuses.
• As actual progress of the meetings taken place during the visit, a briefing
by the US Congress on Burma, which is part of The National Defense
Authorization Act (NDAA), was held on May 25 and Congress questioned
representatives of President Biden's government regarding US government
policies on Burma and actual implementation.
In his speech, Senator Mitch McConnell mentioned that he had met with
the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government
who raised the issues of promoting the legitimacy of civilian leaders
representing the people against the junta, imposing sanctions on the
revenue sources of the military junta and providing effective, substantive,
and direct assistance to the people of Myanmar. In addition, he included
questions such as while the people of Myanmar were unanimously
opposing the military rule, it was important to gain the support of the world,
so how was President Biden’s government preparing for engagement,
support and formal recognition of institutions that have public
representation such as the National Unity Government (NUG), the National
Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and the People's Defense Force (PDF)
that the National Unity Government (NUG) is very pleased with the
progress that has been made.
• The National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of
Myanmar states that it will continue to work closely with United States and
ASEAN countries regarding the discussions during the visit.....• ဝါရှင်တန်ဒီစီမြို့တော်တွင် ကျင်းပသည့် အမေရိကန်-အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးဆွေးနွေးပွဲကာ လ အတွင်း အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု သို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကိုယ်စားနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ၀န်ကြီး ဦးဆောင်သောကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၂ ရက်နေ့ အထိ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသို့ရောက်ရှိခဲ့ပြီး၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံခြား ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဒုတိယနိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီးအပါအ၀င် အဆင့်မြင့်အရာရှိကြီးများ၊ အမေရိကန် အထက်လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ခေါင်းဆောင် အပါအ၀င် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စား လှယ်များ၊ အာဆီယံ မှ မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး အပါအဝင် ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံလျက် သံတမန်ရေး အရအရေးကြီးသော အစည်း၀ေးများ ကျင်းပ နိုင်ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် ဖိတ်ကြား စီစဥ် ပေးသော အမေရိကန် ပြည်ထောင်စု အစိုးရ နှင့် တာဝန်ရှိသူများအား ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှလှိုက်လှဲစွာ အထူးကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါသည်။
• ခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့သည် အမေရိကန် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဒုတိယ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး ဝင်ဒီရှားမန် Mrs. Wendy Sherman နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ နိုင်ငံသစ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာနိုင်ရေးအတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တို့၏ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံ ကြိုးပမ်းနေမှုများနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်းသည့် ကျင့်၀တ်ဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ကြိုးပမ်းလုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုများ၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အနာဂတ် အလားအလာ နှင့်ပတ်သတ်၍ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ သဘောထား၊ အာဆီယံနှင့် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများ အပါအ၀င် ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံများနှင့် ဆက်ဆံဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ နိုင်ငံတကာ ဆက်ဆံရေးအခြေအနေများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု ၏တရားမဲ့ အုပ်စိုးမှုအောက်တွင် ဘေးဒုက္ခအန္တရယ်ကျရောက်နေသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အတွက် လူသားချင်း စာနာမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေးကိစ္စရပ်များကို စနစ်တကျ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး တို့အား နှစ်ဖက် ရင်းနှီးပွင့်လင်းစွာ အပြန်အလှန်ဆွေးနွေးနိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
• အမေရိကန် သမ္မတ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဒါရိုက်တာ ရော့ဘာရှင်းစကီး - Rob Berschinski ( Special Assistance to the President- S. Director for Democracy & Human Rights) နှင့် လည်းတွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး ၎င်းက အမေရိကန်သမ္မတ ဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒန်နှင့် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု များ အပေါ် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိစေရေးအတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေး လုပ်ဆောင်သွား မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာ ပြည်သူများ ၏ရုန်းကန် လှုပ်ရှားမှု နှင့် အတူရပ်တည်နေကြောင်း ပြောကြားခဲ့သလို၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး ဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်မှလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အခြေအနေများ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူများ ၏ ရုန်းကန်လှုပ်ရှားမှု မြေပြင်အခြေအနေများ အပါအဝင် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ လိုက်နာရမည့် အစီအမံ နှင့်စည်းကမ်း ချမှတ် ထားမှုများ၊ တရားစီ ရင်ရေး၊ ဒေသန္တရအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး စီမံထားရှိမှု အခြေအနေ များ အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာ တိုးတက်မှုဖြစ်စဉ်များအား ဆွေးနွေး ခဲ့ပါသည်။
• ခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်သည် မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီး အပါအဝင် အခြား ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ မလေးရှား နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ၀န်ကြီးနှင့် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှု အတွင်း မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် အတူ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများနှင့် စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ၊ မြန်မာဒုက္ခ သည် များ အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီ ပေးရေးကိစ္စရပ်အပါအ၀င် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည့် ကိစ္စရပ်များအား အပြန်အလှန် ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပြီး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး တို့အတွက် မလေးရှား နိုင်ငံမှ တတ်စွမ်းသမျှ ကူညီရန် အသင့်ရှိကြောင်း ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။
• ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့်အတူ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးတို့သည် အမေရိကန်အထက်လွှတ်တော် ရီပတ်ပလင်ကင်ခေါင်းဆောင် Senator Mitch McConnell နှင့် ၄င်း၏ လွှတ်တော်ရုံးတွင် တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ အဆိုပါတွေ့ဆုံမှုတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ ဖိနှိပ်ညှဉ်းပန်းမှုလုပ်ရပ်များနှင့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာနိုင်ရေး အတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တို့၏ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်နေမှုများ၊ မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုကို ထောက်ခံ ပံ့ပိုးရေး၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ မြန်မာ့အရေး ဆက်လက် ကူညီမှုပေးနိုင်ရေး တို့ကို ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။
• ထို့ပြင် ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်ပါတီ မှ Senator Jeff Merkley, Senator Edward Markey တို့နှင့်လည်း အမေရိကန်လွှတ်တော်ရုံးတွင် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး လက်ရှိမြေပြင် အခြေအနေများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ၀င်ငွေအရင်းအမြစ်များ ကိုဖြတ်တောက်ရေး၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဓိက ဝင်ငွေ ရလမ်းတခုဖြစ်သောမြန်မာ့ရေနံနဲ့ သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်း (MOGE) ကို ဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့ အရေးယူ နိုင်ရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အတွက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုအား အရေးယူ ဖိအားပေး နိုင်ရေး ကိစ္စရပ်များအား ဆွေးနွေး ခဲ့ပါသည်။
• ခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း ဆွေးနွေးမှုများ၏ လက်တွေ့တိုးတက်မှုများအနေဖြင့် The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) တွင်ပါ၀င်သော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အမေရိကန် လွှတ်တော် ၏ ကြားနာမှု briefing ကို မေလ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အမေရိကန် အစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒများ၊ လက်တွေ့ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများ ပတ်သက်၍ ကြားနာပွဲ သို့တက်ရောက် လာသော အမေရိကန်သမ္မတဘိုင်ဒန် အစိုးရ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအား လွှတ်တော်က မေးမြန်းမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြောင်းသိရပါသည်။
• Senator Mitch McConnell ၏မိန့်ခွန်းတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့်တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အစိုးရကို ဆန့်ကျင်နေသော ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စား ပြု အရပ်ဘက် ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ တရားဝင်မှုကို မြှင့်တင်ပေးရန်၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ၀င်ငွေ အရင်းအမြစ် များ ထောက်တိုင်များအား ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူမှု များ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူ များအား ထိရောက်ခိုင်မာသော တိုက်ရိုက် အကူအညီများ ပေး ရန် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ကဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြောင်း ထည့်သွင်း ဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ သည် စုစည်းညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အား ရွတ်ရွတ်ချွံချွံနဲ့ တွန်းလှန် နေချိန် တွင် ကမ္ဘာကြီး၏ ထောက်ခံမှုကို ရရှိရန် အရေးကြီးသဖြင့် သမ္မတ ဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒန် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ အနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး မတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ NUCC နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ PDF စသော ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံ၊ ထောက်ပံ့ပြီး တရားဝင် အသိအမှတ် ပြုရန် အတွက် မည်သို့ပြင်ဆင် ဆောင်ရွက် နေသနည်း- စသည်တို့အား ထည့်သွင်း မေးမြန်းခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည့် အတွက် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) အနေဖြင့် တိုးတက်မှုများ အတွက်များစွာ အားရ ကျေနပ် ရပါသည်။
• ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) သည် ခရီးစဉ်အတွင်း ဆွေးနွေးမှုများနှင့်စပ်လျဥ်းပြီး အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံများနှင့် အတူ ဆက်လက် ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်ရှိသည်များကို နီးကပ်စွာ ဆက်လက် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
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"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် နိုင်ငံကိုအုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်သည်ဟု ပုံဖော်နိုင်ရန်အလို့ငှာ စာသင်ကျောင်းများကို ဖွင့်လှစ်ရန်ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ကြိုးပမ်းမှုသည် နိုင်ငံ၏အနာဂတ်ဖြစ်သော ကလေး သူငယ်များကို ၎င်းတို့၏နိုင်ငံရေးအကျိုးအမြတ်အတွက်အသုံးချခြင်းဖြစ်သည့် ယုတ်ညံ့သော အကြံ အစည်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သောကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ပညာရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနတို့က ပြင်းထန်စွာကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချသည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကမည်မျှပင်ကြိုးစားစေကာမူ ဆရာ/ဆရာမများ၊ မိဘများနှင့် ကျောင်းသား/ ကျောင်းသူပေါင်းများစွာသည် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (Civil Disobedience Movement) တွင် ယနေ့တိုင်ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိပြီး အခက်အခဲမျိုးစုံကို ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံလျက် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲ ဝင်နေကြသောကြောင့် စာရင်းရှိ အခြေခံပညာကျောင်းသားစုစုပေါင်း၏ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအနည်းငယ်မျှသာ စစ်အုပ်စုက ဖွင့်လှစ်သောကျောင်းများသို့ တက်ရောက်ရန် စာရင်းသွင်းထားသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ CDM ဆရာ/ဆရာမများ၊ မိဘများနှင့် ကျောင်းသား/ကျောင်းသူအပေါင်းတို့ကို ဦးညွှတ် ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ကြားကာလပညာရေးအစီ အစဉ်များ၊ ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများအား ပံ့ပိုးဖြန့်ဝေပေးလျက်ရှိသကဲ့သို့ တော်လှန်ရေးအလွန်ကာလ လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည့်ပညာရေးအစီအစဉ်များကိုလည်း ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ နေအိမ်အခြေပြု ပညာသင်ကြားရေးအစီအစဉ် (HBL) အပါအ၀င် online/on ground ကျောင်းများဖွင့်လှစ်ကာ ကြားကာလပညာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကိုလည်း ပံ့ပိုးဆောင်ရွက်ပေးလျက်ရှိသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကို လက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သောပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အတုအယောင် ကျောင်းဖွင့်လှစ်ခြင်းအား ဆက်လက်သပိတ်မှောက်ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ စဉ်းစားပုံဖော်၍ မရလောက်အောင်ပင် ယုတ်ညံ့လှသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ပြောင်ပြောင် တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် မေလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့ ညနေ ရန်ကုန်မြို့ ဘက်စ်ကားမှတ်တိုင်ကို ဗုံးခွဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပြီး အရပ်သားများကို ထိခိုက်သေဆုံး၊ ဒဏ်ရာရစေခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အတူ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာမှ အထင်အမြင် လွဲမှားစေရန် အလို့ငှာ နိုင်ငံ၏ အနာဂတ်များဖြစ်သော ကလေးသူငယ်များကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ အလားတူ ယုတ်မာစွာ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မည်ကို အထူးစိုးရိမ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အခြေအနေအမျိုးမျိုးကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ဖွင့်လှစ်သည့်ကျောင်းများကို မလွဲမရှောင်သာ တက်ရောက်ကြရမည့် ကျောင်းသား/ကျောင်းသူများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုတွင် အပြည့်အဝ တာဝန်ရှိသည်။
၅။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်တွင် ပါဝင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည့် တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအနေဖြင့် လိုက်နာရမည့်ကျင့်ဝတ်များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းရေးဆွဲဖြန့်ဝေထားခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါ စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာကျင့်ဝတ်များကို ဆက်လက်၍ တင်းကျပ်စွာလေးစားလိုက်နာကြရန်အတွက် ထပ်လောင်း တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ စာသင်ကျောင်းများကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းအား မည်သည့်ဘက်၊ မည်သည့်အစုအဖွဲ့က တိုက်ခိုက်သည်ဖြစ်စေ လုံးဝလက်ခံမည်မဟုတ်ပဲ ရှုတ်ချမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ CDM ဆရာ/ဆရာမများနှင့် ကျောင်းသား/ ကျောင်းသူများ၏ အသက်နှင့် ဘဝများကို ရင်းနှီး၍ ဆက်လက်သပိတ်မှောက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြခြင်းနှင့် အဆိုပါ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးတောင်းဆိုချက်များကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် မျက်ကွယ်မပြုအပ်ပါ။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု ဖွင့်လှစ်မည့် စာသင်ကျောင်းများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ ကိုယ်တိုင် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်နိုင်သည်ဟူသည့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေကို ပေါ့ပေါ့တန်တန် မမှတ်ယူအပ်ပါ။ ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ ပညာသင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့် (Right to Education) ကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြုသော၊ နိုင်ငံရေး အကျိုးအမြတ်အတွက်အသုံးချရန် ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကို တွန်းလှန် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့်အတူ ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ လွတ်လပ်လုံခြုံစွာ ပညာသင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့်ကိုအာမခံနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
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262.8 KB
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Description:
"အလေးထားရမည့် ဒေတာအချက်အလက်များ အမှတ် – (၂၂)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်ကနေ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၆ ရက်အတွင်း လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေအကြား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတာအပြင် လက်နက်ကျည်တွေ ထိမှန်လို့ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှံးခဲ့ရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊အဆောက်အအုံ (ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံတွေအပါအဝင်) ၂၂,၂၉၉ လုံးထက်မနည်းရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ တနှစ်ကျော်ကာလအတွင်း ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၂၂,၂၉၉ လုံးထဲမှာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်းက ၁၅,၅၃၀ လုံးရှိခဲ့ပြီးတော့ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအားဖြင့် ၆၉ ဒသမ ၇ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းရှိပါတယ်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဟာ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရမှု အများဆုံးရှိခဲ့တဲ့ ဒေသတစ်ခု ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒုတိယအများဆုံး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ဒေသကတော့ မကွေးတိုင်းဖြစ်ပြီး နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၄,၈၂၂ လုံး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရကာ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအားဖြင့် ၂၁ ဒသမ ၆ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ကျန်ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့တဲ့ ၁,၉၄၇ အိမ်၊ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအားဖြင့် ၈ ဒသမ ၇ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း ကတော့ မန္တလေးတိုင်း၊ တနင်္သာရီတိုင်း၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်း၊ ကယားပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်နှင့် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်တို့ထဲက နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အုံတွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
တဆက်တည်းမှာပဲ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၁ ရက်ကနေ ၂၆ ရက်အတွင်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၇,၆၆၂ လုံးထက်မနည်း ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ အာဏာသိမ်ပြီးနောက် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့တဲ့ လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေအကြား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ အရေအတွက် (လအလိုက်) ထဲမှာ ယခုလအတွင်း ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတဲ့ပမာဏာကတော့ တနှစ်တာအတွင်း အများဆုံး ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒီလိုမျိုး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ၇,၆၆၂ လုံးထဲမှာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းက ၅,၃၃၇ လုံး၊ မကွေးတိုင်းက ၂,၁၄၃ လုံး၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်က အလုံး ၁၁၀၊ မန္တလေးတိုင်းက အလုံး ၃၀၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်က ၂၉ လုံး၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်က ၁၀ လုံးနဲ့ ကယားပြည်နယ်က ၃ လုံးတို့ ပါဝင်ပါတယ်။
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၁၈ ရက်ကနေ ၂၅ ရက်အတွင်း စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်က ကျေးရွာ အနည်းဆုံး ၁၈ ရွာမှာ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၃၉၃ လုံးထက်မနည် မီးရှို့၊ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါတယ်။ မီးရှို့ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ကျေးရွာတွေဟာ ဒေသခံ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့တွေ (LDF/PDF/CDSOM စသည်ဖြင့်) လှုပ်ရှားကြတဲ့ အဓိကဒေသတွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်က မင်းတန်းကျေးရွာမှာ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၁၀၀ ထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပြီးတော့ မယ်မသော်ကျေးရွာဟာ ခုနစ်ကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါတယ်။
∎ ဘာကြောင့်အလေးထားသင့်သလဲ
စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်ပွားလာတဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲအခြေအနေတွေအပြင် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေနဲ့ ဆက်စပ်နေတဲ့ အခြင်းအရာတွေကို လေ့လာခြင်းအားဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ ပဋိပက္ခမြေပုံအပြောင်းအလဲ နဲ့ ပဋိပက္ခရေချိန် အတက်၊အကျ စတဲ့ အကြောင်းအရာတွေကို သုတေသနပြုဖော်ထုတ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ပဋိပက္ခနဲ့တိုက်ပွဲတွေအတွင်း စစ်ဘေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရတဲ့ ဒုက္ခသည်ပမာဏာ၊ အရပ်သားတွေအပေါ် လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေရဲ့ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုး ဖောက်မှု ကျူးလွန်တာတွေ ရှိ၊မရှိကို လေ့လာပြီး အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာတရားမျှတမှုရှုထောင့် (Transitional Justice) ကနေ သုတေသနပြုနိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တဲ့အတွက် အလေးထားသင့်တဲ့ ဒေတာအချက်အလက်များပဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
∎ တွဲဖက်လေ့လာသင့်သည်များ
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း နိုင်ငံတဝန်းမှာ ဖြစ်ပွားလာတဲ့ လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေနဲ့ အကျိုးဆက် တွေ အရပ်သားထိခိုက်သေဆုံးမှုတွေ၊ နေအိမ်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတာတွေနဲ့ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ဒုက္ခသည်တွေရဲ့ အခြေအနေ တွေကို လွတ်လပ်တဲ့သတင်းမီဒီယာတွေ အထူးသဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားသတင်းဌာနတွေရဲ့ မြေပြင် အခြေအနေ ဖော်ပြချက်တွေအပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းရေးရုံး (UNOCHA Myanmar) လို ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ အခြားလွတ်လပ်သော ပြည်တွင်း၊ပြည်ပအဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေရဲ့ မှတ်တမ်း၊ အစီရင်ခံ စာ စတာတွေနဲ့လည်း တွဲဖက်လေ့လာနိုင်ပါတယ်။..."
Source/publisher:
Institute for Strategy and Policy - Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"Populations in Myanmar are facing crimes against humanity and war crimes perpetrated by the military following the February 2021 coup.
BACKGROUND:
On 1 February 2021 Myanmar’s (Burma) military – the Tatmadaw – led by Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing, overthrew the country’s civilian-led government and declared a state of emergency. Over the past 17 months, hundreds of thousands of people have participated in peaceful protests and strikes against the reimposition of military rule, while numerous civilian militias – known as People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) – have also formed as part of an armed resistance. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 1,800 people have been killed by the security forces since February 2021 and over 10,400 people remain detained for resisting the coup. At least 110 people have been sentenced to death by military tribunals.
The Tatmadaw has increasingly targeted civilian areas with airstrikes, scorched earth campaigns and other attacks, particularly in Magway and Sagaing regions and Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah and Karen states, resulting in civilian casualties and mass displacement. By the end of April 2022 the military had torched over 11,400 civilian homes across the country since the coup, with approximately 7,500 in Sagaing alone, according to the research group Data for Myanmar. Communal violence is also escalating in Myanmar with the formation of the pro-junta “Blood Comrades” militia.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, have indicated that abuses committed by the military since the coup may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. According to the UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), the “security forces have carried out a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population,” and “the reports of murders, sexual assaults, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, torture and persecution collected by the Mechanism, if substantiated, would amount to crimes against humanity.”
On 16 April 2021 a coalition of democratic opponents to military rule formed the National Unity Government (NUG), which includes members of parliament ousted by the military. The military has charged their members with high treason and pronounced that the NUG and PDFs are terrorist organizations.
An estimated 14.4 million people are in need of humanitarian aid. Nearly 700,000 people have been displaced since the coup, bringing the estimated total number of internally displaced persons to over 1 million.
In 2018 the UN Human Rights Council (HRC)-mandated Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on Myanmar concluded that senior members of the military, including General Min Aung Hlaing, should be prosecuted for genocide against the Rohingya ethnic group, as well as for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states. In 2019 the FFM also asserted that Myanmar “continues to harbor genocidal intent” toward the Rohingya.
The majority of Myanmar’s Rohingya population were forced to flee the country after the military launched “clearance operations” in Rakhine State in August 2017, bringing the total number of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh to over 900,000 people. The estimated 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State face severe violations of their universal human rights. The 1982 Citizenship Law rendered most Rohingya stateless.
ANALYSIS:
Myanmar’s armed forces previously ruled the country from 1962-2011, overseeing the violent repression of the democracy movement and waging war against several ethnic armed groups.
Impunity for past atrocities has enabled the military to continue committing widespread and systematic human rights violations and abuses against civilians, particularly those from ethnic minority populations. The risk of further atrocities remains extremely high as the Tatmadaw continues to target civilians and the armed resistance in what appears to be a widespread and systematic scorched earth campaign.
The coup also complicates the prospects for the safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh. Given its history, the military regime is unlikely to address the denial of citizenship for the Rohingya or accountability for past atrocities.
Myanmar’s military has manifestly failed to uphold its responsibility to protect and bears responsibility for the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE:
The only formal response by the UN Security Council (UNSC) to the genocide against the Rohingya was the adoption of a Presidential Statement on 6 November 2017 that stressed the “primary responsibility of the Myanmar government to protect its population.”
Numerous mechanisms have been created to investigate and potentially hold accountable perpetrators of crimes against the Rohingya. This includes the IIMM, an investigation launched by the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in November 2019 into crimes against humanity that may have resulted in the forced deportation of the Rohingya across the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, and a lawsuit filed by The Gambia in November 2019 at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing Myanmar of violating its obligations under the Genocide Convention. On 26 November 2021 Argentina’s judiciary also opened a case under the principle of universal jurisdiction. In March 2022 the United States (US) government formally determined that the violence perpetrated by the Tatmadaw against the Rohingya constituted genocide and crimes against humanity.
Since the coup, the UNSC has privately met 11 times on Myanmar and adopted nine statements, but has taken no substantial action.
A number of governments have imposed targeted sanctions in response to the coup, including Canada, United Kingdom (UK), US and the European Union (EU). The EU, UK and US have also sanctioned several military-run conglomerates. The EU also suspended development funds. Oil conglomerates TotalEnergies and Chevron announced in January 2022 their withdrawal over the human rights crisis. In February the EU sanctioned the state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). The Republic of Korea restricted military exports and suspended defense exchanges.
On 24 April 2021 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agreed to a “Five-Point Consensus,” but it has not been effectively implemented. The Tatmadaw was blocked from sending representatives to the US-ASEAN summit, held 12-13 May 2022, during which the US met with NUG representatives.
On 18 June 2021 the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for the immediate release of all political detainees and for all member states to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar.
NECESSARY ACTION:
The UNSC should impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation to the ICC. China, Russia, Serbia and India must halt their weapons transfers to Myanmar’s military. All UN member states, regional organizations and the UNSC should impose economic sanctions on Myanmar’s oil and gas sector, particularly MOGE. ASEAN member states should condemn the Tatmadaw and increasingly engage with the NUG.
The military junta should not be diplomatically recognized as the legitimate representatives of Myanmar. Foreign companies should immediately divest and sever ties with all businesses linked to Myanmar’s military. The UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Noeleen Heyzer, should promptly travel to Myanmar and engage with the junta, the NUG and civil society.
General Min Aung Hlaing and other senior military leaders who bear responsibility for atrocity crimes should face international justice..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication:
2022-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်း အပေးအယူပြုလုပ်မှုများအား တရားမဝင်ကြောင်းနှင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံခြင်းရှိမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးကြေညာချက်
Description:
"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို မူလပိုင်ရှင် ဖြစ်သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုထံမှ မတရားသဖြင့်လုယူရန် ကြိုးစားနေသော အကြမ်းဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ယင်းတို့ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ရာဇ၀တ်မှု၊ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုတို့အတွက် ကမ္ဘာ့တရားခွင်တွင် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံရမည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်း လည်းဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ အဆိုပါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုထံမှ တိုက်ရိုက်ဆင်းသက် အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားဝင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့်အာဏာ (de jure power) မရှိသည့်အပြင် တိုင်းပြည်ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ နိုင်နင်းစွာအုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်သော အခွင့်အာဏာ (de facto power) လည်း လုံးဝမရှိသည့် တရားမဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ နိုင်ငံတော်၏ စစ်မှန်သောအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာသည် လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲမှ တစ်ဆင့် ပြည်သူလူထုက တရားဝင်အာဏာအပ်နှင်းထားသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ၌သာ တည်သည်။
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေး ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၇) ရက်နေ့ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ ၂၀၁၅ ခုနှစ်က ချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့သော တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုရပ်စဲရေး သဘောတူ စာချုပ် (NCA) သည် ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအကြား ချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့သည့် သဘောတူညီမှု ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရအလား စာချုပ်ဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်း အပေးအယူ ပြုနိုင်ခွင့် အလျဉ်းမရှိချေ။
၇။ သို့ပါ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်း အပေးအယူပြုလုပ်မှုမှန်သမျှ သည် တရားမဝင်ကြောင်းနှင့် ထိုဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်း အပေးအယူပြုလုပ်မှုများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ယင်းအားဆက်ခံသော မည်သည့်အစိုးရကမျှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံခြင်းရှိမည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Since the February 1st, 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar, the country has become engulfed in a rapidly
escalating civil war as the pro-democracy movement picked up arms in conjunction with several
longstanding ethnic armed organizations to challenge the military junta’s control over the country. In
little over a year, the conflict has spread across half a dozen distinct theaters, destabilizing military
rule in many places, and resulted in widespread violence and devastation in Myanmar as the junta
deployed indiscriminate violence against its opponents. Yet, the determined anti-junta resistance gained
substantial momentum and now fields an impressive number of enthusiastic volunteers that stand
poised to continue fighting indefinitely. Challenges remain, however, most notably in the pro-democracy
forces’ lack of centralized command and equipment..."
Source/publisher:
Wilson Center, Asia Program and Tagaung Institute of Political Studies
Date of publication:
2022-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
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2.12 MB
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"The people of Myanmar are resolved to defeat the military junta and establish
a genuine federal democracy. The revolution is already forming systems of local
governance to provide essential services to people, with immediate implications
for the delivery of international humanitarian assistance, says the Special Advisory
Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
A panel of esteemed representatives from key institutions within Myanmar’s
democratic revolution joined an online public event hosted by SAC-M on Thursday
26 May, to discuss the theme “Building the New Myanmar from the Ground Up.”
“We, the people of Myanmar, know we have to defeat this evil [tyrant] military
in order to [achieve] a peaceful, prosperous federal union that guarantees selfdetermination, equality and justice,” His Excellency Duwa Lashi La, Acting President
of the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), told the panel. “Within one year
we’ve achieved significant success despite numerous challenges.”
“The junta has created a humanitarian crisis that threatens the stability of the
entire region. A priority of the NUG is to deliver unhindered humanitarian assistance
to the people of Myanmar,” the President explained.
Padoh Saw Taw Nee, Head of Foreign Affairs of the Karen National Union (KNU)
told the panel that the KNU, which runs 14 administrative departments in southeast
Myanmar including education, health, agriculture and transport, has expanded its
social service provision in response to rapidly escalating humanitarian needs caused
by the military’s attempted coup and subsequent attacks.
“After the coup we have been able to mobilise several administrative
departments across seven districts to accommodate tens of thousands of fleeing
politicians, lawyers, doctors, CDM-ers, activists, journalists as well as freedom
fighters,” said Padoh Saw Taw Nee. “We would like to request the international
community to please strengthen our existing humanitarian mechanisms so we can
reach our people who are most in need.”
The panel also heard from Salai Ram Kulh Cung, Chair of the Central Executive
Committee of the Chin National Front (CNF) in northwest Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters
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"၁။ ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ် ၊ မေလ ၃၁ရက်နေ့တွင်ကျရောက်သည့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces – KNDF)တည်ထောင်ခြင်း(၁)နှစ်ပြည့််အထိမ်းအမှတ် အခမ်းအနားသို့ ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ဤသ၀ဏ်လွှာကို ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည် ။
၂။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်၀ါရီလ(၁)ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာကို မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်က မတရားသိမ်းယူပြီးသည့်နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် မြန်မာတနိုင်ငံလုံး လှည်းနေလှေအောင်းမြင်းဇောင်းမကျန် ခုခံ တော်လှန်နေကြသော လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ပေါင်းများစွာ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာခဲ့ပါသည်။
၃။ အဆိုပါတပ်ဖွဲ့များတွင် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်(Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces – KNDF)အနေဖြင့် ရွပ်ရွပ်ချွံချွံပါ၀င်တော်လှန်နေခြင်းအတွက် မိမိတို့အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ဂုဏ်ယူ အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်း ၀မ်းမြောက်စွာပြောကြားလိုပါသည် ။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ အတည်ပြုပြဌာန်းသည့်ဖက်ဒရယ်ပဋိညာဥ်အရ အနာဂတ်တွင် ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဌာန်းခွင့်အား သေချာစွာအာမခံချက်ရှိစေမည့် ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်အဖြစ်ပြန်လည်စုစည်းတည်ထောင်ရေး နှင့် တော်လှန်ရေး အောင်မြင်ပြီးအလွန်ကာလတွင် အနာဂတ်နိုင်ငံတော်သစ်အား ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသစ် အဖြစ်တည်ထောင်သွားနိုင်ရေး အတွက် မျှော်မှန်းထားရှိကြောင်း ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်(KNDF) တည်ထောင်သည့် (၁)နှစ်ပြည့် အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့အခမ်းအနားမိန့်ခွန်းတွင် ထည့်သွင်းပြောကြားသွားခဲ့သည့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်၏ ဥက္ကဌကြီး၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သယံဇာတနှင့်ပတ်၀န်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဒုတိယ ၀န်ကြီးခွန်ဘီးထူးနှင့်ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်၏စစ်ဦးစီးချုပ် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ဘီထူးအပါအ၀င် ကရင်နီတိုင်းရင်းသား ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏သဘောထားကိုလည်း မိမိတို့အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် အထူး ဂုဏ်ယူ၀မ်းမြောက်စွာဖြင့် လှိုက်လှိုက်လှဲလှဲကြိုဆိုပါသည် ။
၅။ ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် စတင်တည်ထောင်ခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၊ မေလ (၃၁)ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ ယနေ့အထိ တော်လှန်ရေးကာလတစ်လျှောက်လုံးတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အသက်ပေးလှူခဲ့ကြသောစစ်သည်များ၊ ပြည်သူများ၊ ပါဝင် ကူညီခဲ့သောသူများနှင့်အဖွဲ့စည်းများအားလုံးကို မိမိတို့အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်နှင့်ထပ်တူထပ်မျှလေးစား၍ အရိုသေပြုအပ်သလို ထာဝရလည်း မှတ်ကျောက်တင် ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည် ။
၆။ လက်ရှိအချိန်သည် ဘုံရန်သူဖြစ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားတိုင်းရင်းသားအားလုံး အတူတကွ လက်တွဲတွန်းလှန်ပြီး ပြည်နယ်အလိုက် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးစုများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်၊ ကိုယ်ပိုင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့် အပေါ် သေချာစွာအာမခံချက်ရရှိစေနိုင်မည့် စစ်မှန်သောအနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုဆီသို့ ဦးတည် လျှောက်လှမ်းရန် အချိန်အခါကောင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု မိမိတို့ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့်လည်း ဥက္ကဌခွန်ဘီးထူး၏ မိန့်ခွန်းတွင် ပြောကြားသွားခဲ့သည့်သဘောထားနှင့်ထပ်တူထပ်မျှလေးနက်စွာ ယုံကြည်ပါသည် ။
၇။ ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်တည်ထောင်ခြင်း (၁)နှစ်ပြည့်အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့မှသည် ကရင်နီလူမျိုးများနှင့် ကရင်နီ ပြည်နယ်တခုလုံး၏ဒေသခံပြည်သူများအပါအ၀င် ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကိုးကွယ်ကျင့်သုံး နေထိုင် ကြသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွား တိုင်းရင်းသားအားလုံး၏အကျိုးစီးပွားဖြစ်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသစ်တည်ထောင်ရေးနှင့် ထိုနိုင်ငံသစ်အား စီးပွား ဥစ္စာပိုမိုတိုးတက်ပေါကြွယ်၀သည့် နိုင်ငံသစ်တရပ်အဖြစ် ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်၊ အာရှနှင့်အရှေ့တောင်အာရှဒေသအတွင်းတွင် ပီပြင် ခန့်ညားထည်၀ါစွာဖြစ်ပေါ်လာစေရေးအတွက် အနာဂတ်တွင် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်အနေဖြင့် အခြား ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားတိုင်းရင်းသား ညီအကိုမောင်နှမများ အသီးသီးပါ၀င်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေးကို လိုလားသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအပါအ၀င် မဟာမိတ်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတိုင်းနှင့်အတူတကွ တွဲလက်ညီညာ အတူမကွဲမကွာဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းလျက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces – KNDF)ထံသို့ ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်တည်ထောင်ခြင်း (၁)နှစ်ပြည့်အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့အတွက် ဤသ၀ဏ်လွှာအား ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Post-coup military assault in Kayin and Kayah States includes war crimes and likely crimes against humanity
More than 150,000 displaced, with entire villages emptied and burned
Amnesty International interviewed almost 100 people and visited border area
Myanmar’s military has been systematically committing widespread atrocities in recent months, including unlawfully killing, arbitrarily detaining and forcibly displacing civilians in two eastern states, Amnesty International said today in a new report.
The report, “Bullets rained from the sky”: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, found that Myanmar’s military has subjected Karen and Karenni civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions that often result in torture or extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages.
The violence in Kayin and Kayah States reignited in the wake of last year’s military coup and escalated from December 2021 to March 2022, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing more than 150,000 people.
“The world’s attention may have moved away from Myanmar since last year’s coup, but civilians continue to pay a high price. The military’s ongoing assault on civilians in eastern Myanmar has been widespread and systematic, likely amounting to crimes against humanity,” said Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International.
“Alarm bells should be ringing: the ongoing killing, looting and burning bear all the hallmarks of the military’s signature tactic of collective punishment, which it has repeatedly used against ethnic minorities across the country.”
Alarm bells should be ringing: the ongoing killing, looting and burning bear all the hallmarks of the military’s signature tactic of collective punishment, which it has repeatedly used against ethnic minorities across the country.
Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International
Post-coup surge in violence
For decades, ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar, including in Kayin and Kayah States, have been engaged in struggles for greater rights and autonomy. Fragile ceasefires in place in both states since 2012 broke down after the February 2021 coup, and new armed groups have emerged. In its operations, the military has relentlessly attacked civilians.
Some attacks appear to have directly targeted civilians as a form of collective punishment against those perceived to support an armed group or the wider post-coup uprising. In other cases, the military has fired indiscriminately into civilian areas where there are also military targets. Direct attacks on civilians, collective punishment, and indiscriminate attacks that kill or injure civilians violate international humanitarian law and constitute war crimes.
Attacks on a civilian population must be widespread or systematic to amount to crimes against humanity; in Kayin and Kayah States, they are both, for crimes including murder, torture, forcible transfer, and persecution on ethnic grounds.
Unlawful strikes
In its ongoing operations, Myanmar’s military has repeatedly fired explosive weapons with wide-area effects into populated civilian areas. Dozens of witnesses told Amnesty International about barrages that lasted days at a time. The organization documented 24 attacks by artillery or mortars between December 2021 and March 2022 that killed or injured civilians or that caused destruction to civilian homes, schools, health facilities, churches, and monasteries.
For example, on 5 March 2022, as families were at dinner, the military shelled Ka Law Day village, Hpapun Township, Kayin State, killing seven people, including a woman who was eight months pregnant. A close family member of four of the people who were killed said he had to sit in his house all night looking at the bodies, for fear of being injured by further shelling, before burying them in the morning.
Many people described the military’s use of fighter jets and attack helicopters as particularly terrifying. Witnesses described not being able to sleep at night out of fear of air strikes, or fleeing to seek shelter in bunkers and caves.
Amnesty International documented eight air strikes on villages and an internally displaced persons (IDP) camp in eastern Myanmar in the first three months of 2022. The attacks, which killed nine civilians and injured at least nine more, destroyed civilian homes and religious buildings. In almost all documented attacks, only civilians appear to have been present.
In one case, at around 6pm on 23 February 2022, a fighter jet fired on Dung Ka Mee village, Demoso Township, Kayah State, killing two civilian men and injuring several others. Amnesty International interviewed two witnesses and a relative of one of the deceased as well as an aid worker who responded after the attack. They said there was no fighting that evening and that the nearest armed group base was a mile or more away.
A local resident, a 46-year-old farmer who witnessed the attack, said the military aircraft made three passes, firing guns and a rocket:
“When that fighter jet was flying toward us in a nose-down position, I was numb… When they fired the rocket, I got myself together and realized I had to run [to a bunker]… We were shocked to see the dust and debris come towards us… There is a two-story building… The family lives upstairs and the downstairs is a mobile phone store. This building collapsed and it was also on fire.”
Another witness, a 40-year-old farmer, saw the remains of a neighbour’s body:
“We couldn’t even put them in a coffin, we put them in a plastic bag and buried them. People had to pick up the body pieces and put them in a bag.” In another incident, the military carried out an air strike on Ree Khee Bu IDP camp at around 1am on 17 January 2022, killing a man in his 50s as well as 15- and 12-year-old sisters.
We couldn’t even put them in a coffin, we put them in a plastic bag and buried them. People had to pick up the body pieces and put them in a bag.”
A 40-year-old farmer who witnessed an air strike.
Extrajudicial executions
The report documents how Myanmar’s military carried out arbitrary detentions of civilians on the basis of their ethnicity or because they were suspected of supporting the anti-coup movement. Often, detainees were tortured, forcibly disappeared or extrajudicially executed.
In one of many cases where soldiers extrajudicially executed civilians who ventured out from displacement sites to collect food or belongings, three farmers from San Pya 6 Mile village in Kayah State went missing in January 2022. Their decomposed bodies were found in a pit latrine around two weeks later.
The brother of one of the victims said he identified the men by their clothes and the state of their teeth. Soldiers fired on him and others as they tried to retrieve the bodies; they could only return to finish the burial a month later.
In a massacre that prompted rare international condemnation, soldiers near Mo So village in Kayah State’s Hpruso Township reportedly stopped at least 35 women, men and children in multiple vehicles on 24 December 2021, and then proceeded to kill them and burn their bodies. Doctors who examined the bodies reportedly said many of the victims had been tied up and gagged, bearing wounds suggesting they were shot or stabbed.
Amnesty International maintains that the incident must be investigated as a case of extrajudicial executions. Such killings in armed conflict constitute war crimes.
Witnesses also described Myanmar’s military shooting at civilians, including those attempting to flee across a river along the border with Thailand.
Looting and burning
Following a pattern from past military operations, soldiers have systematically looted and burned large sections of villages in Kayin and Kayah States. Witnesses from six villages reported having items including jewellery, cash, vehicles and livestock stolen, before homes and other buildings were burned.
Four men who fled Wari Suplai village, on the border of Shan and Kayah States, said they watched from nearby farmland as houses went up in flames after most villagers fled on 18 February 2022. They told Amnesty International that the burning went on for days, destroying well over two-thirds of the houses there.
“It’s not a house anymore. It’s all ashes — black and charcoal… It’s my life’s savings. It was destroyed within minutes,” said a 38-year-old farmer and father of two young children.
Amnesty International’s analysis of fire data and satellite imagery shows how villages were burned, some of them multiple times, in parts of Kayah State. The burning directly tracks military operations from village to village in February and March 2022.
A defector from the military’s 66th Light Infantry Division, who was involved in operations in Kayah State until October 2021, told Amnesty International that he witnessed soldiers looting and burning homes: “They don’t have any particular reason [for burning a specific house]. They just want to put the fear in the civilians that ‘This is what we’ll do if you support [the resistance fighters].’ And another thing is to stop the supply and logistics for the local resistance forces… [Soldiers] took everything they could [from a village] and then they burned the rest.”
They don’t have any particular reason [for burning a specific house]. They just want to put the fear in the civilians that ‘This is what we’ll do if you support [the resistance fighters].’…[Soldiers] took everything they could [from a village] and then they burned the rest.
A defector from the military’s 66th Light Infantry Division.
The violence has caused the mass displacement of more than 150,000 people, including between a third and a half of Kayah State’s entire population. In some cases, entire villages have been emptied of their populations; at times, civilians have had to flee repeatedly in recent months.
Displaced people are enduring dire conditions amid food insecurity, scant health care — including for the conflict’s enormous psychosocial impact — and ongoing efforts by the military to obstruct humanitarian aid provision. Aid workers spoke of growing malnutrition and increasing difficulties in reaching displaced people due to the ongoing violence and military restrictions.
“Donors and humanitarian organizations must significantly scale up aid to civilians in eastern Myanmar, and the military must halt all restrictions on aid delivery,” said Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues.
“The military’s ongoing crimes against civilians in eastern Myanmar reflect decades-long patterns of abuse and flagrant impunity. The international community — including ASEAN and UN member states — must tackle this festering crisis now. The UN Security Council must impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation there to the International Criminal Court.”
“The military’s ongoing crimes against civilians in eastern Myanmar reflect decades-long patterns of abuse and flagrant impunity. The international community — including ASEAN and UN member states — must tackle this festering crisis now. The UN Security Council must impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation there to the International Criminal Court.
Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues
Methodology
The report is based on research carried out in March and April 2022, including two weeks on the Thailand-Myanmar border. Amnesty International interviewed 99 people, including dozens of witnesses or survivors of attacks and three defectors from Myanmar’s military.
The organization also analysed more than 100 photographs and videos related to human rights violations — showing injuries, destruction and weapon use — in addition to satellite imagery, fire data, and open-source military aircraft flight data..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar
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"Today (31/05/2022) in Yangon, there was a bomb blast in a busy bus stop on Barr Street, off Anawyahtar Road, around 3 pm in the afternoon. It was reported that at least seven civilians were injured in the initial blast, some of whom have died, and the blast was followed by subsequent explosions.
The Ministry of Defence (MoD) of the National Unity Government has been conducting the People’s Resistance in accordance with the Code of Conduct and military ethics in order to protect the civilian population from extra-judicial torture and killings by the junta. In the Code of Conduct, it is clearly stated that threatening and targeting civilians are prohibited and that only the military and their system are legitimate targets. Training on the Code of Conduct and military ethics has been conducted. Those who violated the Code of Conduct and the ministry's ethical principles are investigated and effective actions are taken. The MOD has set the protection of the people of all ethnic groups and the safety and security of the people as a whole as prime objectives, and it continues to strive for the establishment of a federal democratic union. We strongly condemned this incident and all like it, and any and all violence against civilians.
Throughout history, the terrorist SAC has committed violent attacks and terrorist acts against civilians through extremist groups such as the Pyu Saw Htee and the so-called “blood drinkers”. And they have sought to place blame on ethnic resistance groups and revolutionary forces in similar incidents in the past. Therefore, we urge everyone to remain vigilant and cautious.
Please be informed that the relevant ministries of the National Unity Government will continue to investigate and take action to bring justice for such acts..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-31
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Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"The use of the death penalty in Myanmar has increased at an alarming rate under military rule, with nearly 90 people sentenced to death by military tribunals since the coup last year, rights group Amnesty International said.
Based on media reports and some of the other limited number of sources available, including military-controlled state media, AI said that at least 86 death sentences have been handed down since February 2021. The majority of those were against anti-regime resistance members or people with ties to the resistance movement.
Myanmar has been in social and political turmoil since the coup due to popular resistance against the regime. The junta has responded with heavy-handed tactics.
From 2017-20 in Myanmar, during which the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government was in office, the number of death penalty cases averaged fewer than 10 per year; since the coup that number has increased by about eight times. In 2020 there was only one death penalty case.
Shortly after the coup, martial law was imposed in Hlaing Tharyar, Shwe Pyi Thar, North Okkalar, North Dagon, South Dagon and Eastern Dagon (Seikkan) townships. Most of the death sentences were imposed in these townships.
The military transferred the civilian cases to special and military tribunals through summary proceedings in which the defendant did not have the right to appeal. Most of the death sentences were imposed arbitrarily—several without the defendants being present, according to the AI statement.
“Available information indicates that the proceedings were summary, with the defendants unable to access legal representation,” the rights group said.
Those sentenced to death include a former member of Parliament from the National League for Democracy (NLD), Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw, and 88 Generation student leader Ko Jimmy. They were arrested in Yangon last year and sentenced to death on Jan. 21, 2022 for aiding and abetting the armed resistance movement in the city.
In Myanmar, the death penalty has become “a tool for the military in the ongoing and widespread persecution, intimidation and harassment of and violence on protestors and journalists,” AI said.
Before February 2021, the death sentence in Myanmar was sporadically imposed in murder cases, and usually commuted through mass pardons.
AI said that according to reports on the sentences, at least 26 defendants were tried and convicted while not being present; at least two were teenagers at the time of the alleged offense; and one man was reported as having a severe mental (psychosocial) disability.
Since the coup on Feb. 1, 2021, about 1,085 people have been sentenced to prison in Myanmar and an estimated 1,864 people killed by the junta, according to data from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which documents fatalities and arrests at the hands of the military regime’s forces..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Military History
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Title: Legal Perspective Information Sheet as of 20 May 2022, Permanent Mission of Myanmar, New York
Description:
"Preface
The purpose of publishing this information sheet is to increase awareness about the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes committed by the military junta terrorists on a daily basis and to keep a record of their brutal acts for future reference and proceedings. Due to space limitations, only a selection of committed crimes are stated in this information sheet.
More than 15 months following the attempted illegal coup, the inhumane Myanmar military, under the name of the so-called State Administration Council, has been continuously conducting enormous numbers of crimes against civilians, seriously violating domestic and international laws. Throughout this period, it has been continuously intensifying efforts in various forms to suppress the anti-military movements.
(1) Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Times of Armed Conflict
In order to determine an armed conflict, it must reach a minimum level of intensity, and the parties involved must have a sufficient organizational structure, leading to obligations of International Humanitarian Law. The report by the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights to the Human Rights Council assessed that the current conflicts meet the intensity threshold and that in many parts of the country, where there have been pre-existing conflicts between the Myanmar military terrorists and ethnic revolutionary organizations or where the People’s Defense Forces (PDF) are operating under the chain of command of those ethnic revolutionary organizations, there is sufficient organizational structure among the relevant parties to determine that in those geographic locations a non-international conflict is taking place and the parties face obligations under International Humanitarian Law. International Human Rights Law is also applicable.
(a) Collective Punishment
The military terrorists torched Nyaung Hla Village in Tabayin Township, Sagaing Region, as a form of collective punishment, on April 20. When local Nay Myo Oo returned to the area after leaving his family to seek sanctuary in another village, he was arrested by junta forces. Then, they tortured and executed him with his wrists bound behind his back.
Myanmar military terrorists burnt down Kan Thit Village in Budalin Township, Sagaing Region, on May 6 at about 4 a.m. A 78-years-old lady was killed in the fire.
Collective punishment of prisoners of war or other protected people during an armed conflict is prohibited under international humanitarian law. Moreover, according to Article 50 of the 1949 Geneva Convention I, Article 51 of the 1949 Geneva Convention II and Article 147 of the 1949 Geneva Convention IV, “extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly” can be regarded as grave breaches of International Humanitarian law.
(b) Indiscriminate Attacks against Civilians
The military convoy of approximately 100 troops commanded by Light Infantry Division 33 stormed Ywar Nan Village in Wetlet Township, Shwe Bo District, Sagaing Region, at about 5 a.m. on April 7, firing heavy artillery rounds and killing three elderly women and two men.
The military forces raided Nyaung Yin Village in Pauk Township, Magway Region, on April 23 and fired heavy artillery munitions. Win Oo and Kyaw Min Lwin, two local villagers, were shot and killed at close range.
On May 4 at approximately 8:30 p.m., in Sa Kaw Hlan Ward, Tedim Township, Chin State, junta troops stationed inside High School (1) shot and killed Kap Som Kham, a local youngster from Tedim.
(c) Extrajudicial Killings
The military terrorist and their paramilitary wing, Pyu Saw Htee, soldiers raided Hnan Khar Village in Gangaw Township, Magway Region, at approximately 8:30 a.m. on April 18. San Win, 67, was taken to the cemetery with his wrists tied behind his back and shot in the head at close range by junta soldiers. From March 29 to April 10, violent battles occurred in Pinlebu Township, Sagaing Region, between the military terrorists and the local People's Defense Force. Following the confrontations, junta forces executed nine residents who were accused of supporting the PDF and had been arrested under Penal Code 505(A).
Six people from Pae Yin Taung Village in Ywangan Township, Shan State, were killed by the junta's paramilitary wing on April 19 for supposedly being PDF members. Tin Pe, Hla Soe, Tun Oo, Thet Aung, Myo Htwe, and Win Naing are the six villagers that were detained on April 16. Three additional people: Ba Htoo, Phoe Pyaung, and Hla Shwin were later murdered.
On April 28 at around 9:30 pm, two local villagers named Kyaw Htwe and Pe Than were shot and killed, while two others were seriously injured, as the paramilitary wing Pyu Saw Htee members entered the houses of local villagers in Pan Da Lal Village, Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region.
The right to life is protected by a number of international treaties including the Geneva Conventions, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Extrajudicial executions may be deemed a war crime in the context of an armed conflict. In some circumstances and if they are part of collective practice, they may also amount to genocide or crimes against humanity.
(d) Perfidious Act
Early on April 23, military troops dressed as members of the People's Defense Forces raided Ywar Thar Village in Sagaing Region's Khin-U Township (PDF). They assassinated Aung Naing Soe by shooting him in the back on his way home. Nyein Kyaw, who had been held as a prisoner, was also slain after being tortured.
Article 39(2) of the Additional Protocol (I) to the Geneva Conventions prohibited all the actions to make use of the flags or military emblems, insignia or uniforms of adverse Parties while engaging in attacks or in order to shield, favour, protect or impede military operations. Though Myanmar is not a party to the Additional Protocol (I), the Myanmar military have to follow the prohibition of perfidy since is regarded as a norm of customary international law. However, in the above-mentioned scenario, the terrorist military clearly violated the prohibition of perfidy.
2) Unfair Trials
The High Court of Mandalay Region sentenced Dr. Htar Htar Linn, director of the Ministry of Health's Department of Public Health, and Director-General Dr. Soe Oo, both members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), to imprisonment on April 20. The two were charged with mismanaging the funding for the COVID-19 vaccination program. Dr. Htar Htar Linn was charged under Section 56 of the Anti-Corruption Law and sentenced to three years in prison with hard labour. Dr. Soe Oo was charged with violating Section 56/63 of the Anti-Corruption Law and sentenced to two years in prison with hard labour.
A special court in Nay Pyi Taw convicted State Counselor H.E. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who had previously been sentenced to six years in prison, to further five years under Section 55 of the Anti-Corruption Law. U Phyo Min Thein, the Chief Minister of Yangon Region, allegedly promised State Counselor H.E. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi seven gold bars (about 11.4kg) and 600,000 dollars.
The Thandwe Court sentenced Cherry Thet Shay, a high school teacher from Taungup Township in Rakhine State, to ten years in prison for violating Section 50(j) of the Counter-Terrorism Law. On November 20, 2021, Cherry Thet Shay was detained in her home for participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Article 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states, “Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him”. In Myanmar, the victims were subject to Myanmar military-controlled kangaroo courts instead of independent and impartial decision-makers. Moreover, these military-controlled kangaroo courts do not allow the right to defense or access to information in most cases. In this regard, it can be clearly seen that the Myanmar military has been violating the right to fair trial of the people of Myanmar.
3) Taking Hostages
On 23 April 2022, as the military forces could not find a civilian named Thet Paing Soe, who is the Regional Member of Parliament (MP) of Ngapudaw Township in Ayeyarwady Region, they arrested his wife, his 10-months-old daughter, his uncle, the 13-years-old daughter of his uncle, and the neighbours as hostages. All those arrested as hostages are living in Ka Nyin Chaung Village of Ngapudaw Township.
The military arrested a civilian named Ohn, who is a teacher involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), on 22 April 2022. She was arrested as a hostage at her home in Min Tatar Ward of Mogoke Township in Mandalay Region, when the military forces could not find her niece named Htet Htet Naing, who is accused of supporting PDF members. It was reported that Ohn was later released, when Htet Htet Naing voluntarily went to the East Mogoke Police Station to be arrested.
Because the junta was unable to locate her father, Shaki, the 4-and-a-half-year-old daughter of a CDM teacher who organized a peaceful protest at Kyaukse Education, was kidnapped on May 4.
4) Violation of Fundamental Human Rights
Several junta troops detained comedian Kaung Kyaw at his residence in Ward (8), Thaketa Township, Yangon Region, on the night of April 19 for social media posts that opposed the military.
The military terrorists rammed an anti-coup demonstration in South Okkalapa Township, Yangon Region, on April 20 by driving a car into the demonstrators and then arresting them. Two members of Myanmar's Confederation of Trade Unions (CTUM) were apprehended. They were CTUM Communication Department Head Khaing Thinzar Aye (aka Bote Bote, Phaung Yoe) and Ei Phyu Phyu Myint.
From these incidents, we can clearly observe that the Myanmar terrorist military is never hesitant to torch villages as well as kill and attack civilians and their property that cannot be considered military targets. The junta’s actions that can be regarded as Crimes Against Humanity include murdering civilians; imprisoning political leaders, activists and civilians; torturing political opponents to death; sexual violence against detained women; enforced disappearances of individuals by paramilitary wings and other inhumane acts..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations, New York
Date of publication:
2022-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-30
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"The Irrawaddy’s editor-in-chief Aung Zaw recently spoke to Bertil Lintner, a veteran journalist and author of several books on Myanmar, on the peace process in the country. Here are excerpts.
Aung Zaw: Since the coup, there are endless tragic stories in Burma, or Myanmar. And the coup has faced very strong resistance in the country; the regime still tries to consolidate their power within the country but still, they are failing. And even a year after the military staged the coup, the regime keeps facing strong resistance; people take up the form of armed-resistance known as PDF [People’s Defense Force] and we now have a government in exile.
Recently, the regime leader [Senior General] Min Aung Hlaing invited ethnic armed organizations to attend the peace talks in Naypyitaw. So, there are EAOs, ethnic armed organizations, who have decided to go there and who are not going there—they are still divided. It seems to me that many major ethnic armed groups are not going there. So, but at the same time on the ground, we see a lot of fighting taking place in Chin State, Kayah State, Karen State; and a lot of clashes in Shan and Arakan [Rakhine] states. So what is your thought? I want to pick your brain. What is your thought on this—Min Aung Hlaing’s invitation and then the ongoing, very fragile peace process in the country?
Bertil Lintner: Well, basically so far, for him, it’s for a military government’s attempt to get a legitimacy that they want to invite these armed groups for talks to discuss peace and this sort of thing. But I think we’ll have to look at the so-called “peace process” and how it began and how it’s developed. Ah, I will also argue that the whole timetable—the way the talks are being conducted—is wrong. Normally, in any kind of peace process, the government will announce its desires, the armed groups will respond, ‘OK, we are not going to fight’; you meet, you talk, you reach a political consensus about the future of the country; and you sign an agreement. That’s a normal procedure anywhere in the world. But here, the whole idea was everyone has to come and sign it—the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA]—first, before they could have a real talk. It’s like, you know, putting the cart before the horse. And of course it’s never going to work. And if you look at the groups that checked and signed the so-called NCA—we have altogether 10 by now, isn’t it?
So how many of those actually have any armies? I mean, if you take, for instance, the Pa-O [the Pa-O National Liberation Army]; there was no army before they signed the NCA, but suddenly, it’s known; for them to become more credible, they created an army. The same with the Arakan Liberation Party or the Arakan Liberation Army that’s based on the Thai border with the Karen. […] And they are not having any armed activity for years, for decades, really. And suddenly, they have become a signatory, and therefore a player. The Chin National Front was also non-existent until the so-called peace process began. You have the ABSDF [All Burma Students’ Democratic Front], which gave up the armed struggle a long time ago. You have two small Karen breakaway factions which are insignificant. And they have the Lahu, basically an NGO, based in Thailand and they don’t have any army either. So, that leaves I would say two-and-a-half armies among the so-called signatories. It’s the Shan State Army of the Restoration Council of Shan State, and they do have an army; and then it’s the Karen National Liberation Army or the Karen National Union; and then the new Mon State Party and its army; which is so-so, they lost most of their strength but still they have a small force. All the major groups in the country, like the Wa, like Kokang, like Kachin, like the Shan State Army, or the SSPP—the Shan State Progress Party; they haven’t signed this agreement. I would say that […] 80 percent of all the armed non-state actors, if I may use that term, in the country belong to groups that never signed the NCA. So, the whole thing was a joke from the very beginning.
KAZ: Why they did not sign the ceasefire [the NCA]? Those groups, the TNLA, KIA, Wa? The Wa signed an informal agreement in 1989.
BL: They wanted to see some political progress first. I mean what they want is basically a federal union. Or even in some cases, a confederate mixture of states or union of states. And before they reach that, why should they sign anything? It’s like surrender, really. And it is the way, the groups that did not sign the agreement, the way they think. And if you look at two of the major armies today which are the most active, [they] are the Arakan Army and the TNLA in the Palaung area. They’re new armies. But still they’ve grown from nothing, really, to several thousand today during this so-called peace process.
KAZ: It is estimated that the EAOs, the troops, the strengths, they have total numbers of about 80,000 fighters all over the country. And they have controlled roughly 30 percent, more than 30 percent of the country’s national territory. They have more political influence than in the past, since the coup. A lot of Burman people look up to them and there are a lot of expectations over which EAO, which ethnic groups are coming to join the fight against the military regime. But the peace process; the so-called peace process seems to create more problems than solutions. Why is that?
BL: Well, there’s a split between those who signed the agreement and those who didn’t. Even if most of the groups who signed it are small and insignificant, they are still groups that are recognized as signatories of the NCA. They get access—this is in the past—the got access to a special office in Yangon. They got lots of money from the international community to continue so-called talks about nothing really, so it gave them some kind of prestige and legitimacy. And then of course they split with the groups who said, “Wait a minute, what they’re doing here is they are not talking about the future of the country; not talking about the Constitution, about what kind of country Myanmar or Burma should be in the future.” And this created a split.
KAZ: Now after the coup, there’s more talk on, not just of a federal union, but about a confederation. AA [Arakan Army] leader Tun Myat Naing told us in 2019, he said, “We prefer a confederation of states, like Wa State, which has a larger share of power in line with the Constitution.” He said, “Confederation is better than federalism.” And then he said, “We think confederation is more appropriate to the history of Rakhine State and the hopes of Arakanese people.” What do you think?
BL: Well, if you first look at the question of splits, one of the main signatories, one of the groups that actually had an army, the Karen, they have split after the coup. Because there’s certain parts, brigades of the Karen National Liberation Army that are actively fighting the Tatmadaw [Myanmar’s military], or whatever you want to call it, and there are others that are not, and they have some kind of peace agreement or ceasefire agreement with the central authorities. So it’s even caused splits within the organizations. And many of the Burman dissident groups, dissidents who have fled […] after the coup, have sought shelter in areas controlled by the Karen rebels, who supposedly are a signatory to the so-called NCA. So it has created a lot of problems and it hasn’t solved a single one. But then the question is, this is very interesting question but, I cannot really comment before I know exactly what is meant by confederation. How should the powers be divided? But these are exactly the kind of issues that should be discussed, and that should be talked about during the peace process.
KAZ: Yeah. Tun Myat Naing said, in the same context, in the same interview in 2019, “We [would] have authority to make decisions on our own. But there will be a common defense system, there would be cooperation on market regulations and foreign affairs. To have control over our own destiny, self-determination, is an inspiration of every ethnic group. We can try.”
BL: Well again, this comes back to question of power sharing, which would be the responsibility of the central government—because after all, they would need a central government—and then the confederate states. But then another problem arises naturally. If you look at the various states, the current states of the Union of Myanmar or Burma, there’s actually no state that has only one ethnic group. Chin State is probably the most cohesive in that sense, that there are very few outsiders, but then again, the Chin speak 20-30 different languages. They don’t even understand each other and sometimes they have to use Burmese to talk to each other sometimes, right? And Arakan State has a very large Muslim minority, Rohingya in the north and Kaman Muslims elsewhere in the state, and the hill tribes in the Arakan Yoma, right? In Shan State maybe 50-60 percent are Shan, hard to say, but you have large communities, other communities, ethnic communities there: Wa, Palaung, Pa-O, and Kachin; and would they want to be part of Shan State? Wouldn’t they like their own states? If you look at Kachin State, are the Kachin even the majority there? I doubt it. I would think that there are more Shan, Shanni, and Burman, actually living in Kachin State than Kachins. Then you have the question of the Rawang and the Lisu, they don’t really feel like they are Kachin so, so they would have a separate, kind-of, status or identity. Even in Karen State, Kayah State you have a mixture of various nationalities. So how do you solve that problem? But this are exactly, precisely the kind of issues any kind of peace talks should be focusing on: power sharing between the center and the states; and how to solve the minority problems within the minority areas; and what kind of solution should be found to that problem.
KAZ: When we say ‘peace talks’, my question back to you is, peace talks with whom?
Because this current military regime lacks legitimacy. They have no public mandate or public support inside and outside the country. The military is the sole problem and cause of division in the ethnically diverse country. It’s the military that’s the source of the division in our country.
BL: Yeah, that’s the main problem. If you look at what the military has said since the beginning of the so-called peace process, it’s that they have the duty to uphold and defend the Constitution. In other words, they don’t want to change the Constitution. They don’t want to change the status of the various states or the various nationalities within the boundaries of the country. And this of course is a problem if you want to talk peace. It is a non-starter basically, and I think the whole peace process, so-called peace process, was a non-starter from the very beginning.
KAZ: I want to ask you, since the coup, there were arguments that some powerful EAOs have an advantage in terms of promoting their political agenda and their inspirations for either the federal [Union] or confederation. They also get more support from the Burmese people.
BL: If you go back to what the situation was like a year ago, in 2021, the case was very similar after the 1988 uprising. The ethnic armed organizations were very slow to react. And I talked to people from the various ethnic groups after the military intervention a year ago here. They said, it is a fight between the Burmans, it doesn’t concern us. What did the Burmans do when we were under attack up in Kachin state, for instance? But then that kind of attitude disappeared quite quickly when they realized that they do have something in common with all these urban dissidents and the people resisting the new military government […] It seems to me that the KIO, the KIA is cooperating with several of the PDFs even outside Kachin State—that’s in Mandalay and Sagaing, and so on; they even send troops there to fight.
[…] It was nothing like that in 1988. And in the Karen area, parts of the Karen area, there’s a lot of different groups from the cities and the towns – which are not based there. And they cooperate with the Karen rebels..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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"In April last year, two months after the Myanmar military seized power in a coup, a group of lawmakers elected in the 2020 general election formed the parallel National Unity Government (NUG).
The following month the NUG formed the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), and later declared a defensive war against the military regime. The PDFs, many of whom received military training from ethnic armed organizations (EAO), are fighting the junta not only in the borderlands, but also across inland Myanmar, which has become the center of the country’s armed revolt against the regime. Since then, the NUG has formed its own parallel administration complete with a judicial system in parts of central Myanmar.
In an exclusive interview with The Irrawaddy, NUG acting president Duwa Lashi La talked about what the civilian government has achieved a year on from its establishment and how the NUG plans to restore democracy and end military dictatorship in Myanmar.
What has the NUG achieved since it was formed?
The military seized power in a coup on February 1 last year to resurrect military dictatorship. People were not happy and staged peaceful protests across the country in both rural and urban areas. And civil servants also joined the Civil Disobedience Movement to show their opposition to military rule. The regime conducted brutal crackdowns on the protesters, and the PDFs were formed on May 5 last year to protect the people. There are over 250 PDF battalions now.
In the aftermath of the coup, the PDFs did not control any areas. But now they control over 15 per cent of the country’s territory. Combined with the territories controlled by the EAOs, revolutionary forces now have control of over half of Myanmar.
On the diplomatic front, the regime has already suffered heavy defeats. It has been shunned by western countries and neighboring countries, as well as by fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The regime was also excluded from the recent ASEAN-US Summit. At the same time, the NUG can now meet government leaders formally and publicly; previously they only met us in private. Although we weren’t able to attend the ASEAN-US Summit, our foreign minister was invited to meet high-ranking officials and US senators. She also had a formal meeting with the Malaysian foreign minister. This is the success of Myanmar people.
Moreover, the NUG has established administrative and judicial mechanisms in areas controlled by PDFs, and we are delivering education, health and humanitarian aid as a government.
You said EAOs and PDFs ontrol over 50 per cent of the country. Where?
PDFs have taken control of rural areas in Sagaing and Magwe regions. So they provide security there. The EAOs already have their own territories. So combined with the territories held by PDFs, we control over half of the country. Junta troops are only present in urban areas, and they are not safe in rural areas.
The military regime refers to the NUG as a virtual government or a government in exile. What is your response?
This is what the military lobbyists will say. In fact, they have already seen that we are not a virtual government. We have carried out many attacks in Yangon. The NUG is a legitimate government that emerged from the support of the people. It is the government formed by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), which represents the majority of lawmakers elected in the free and fair 2020 general election. It is the government recognized by the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), which includes all the political forces such as political parties, EAOs, civil society organizations and strike committees.
The NUG is making balanced efforts at home and abroad for the success of the revolution. Some officials are operating outside the country working for diplomatic recognition. But many ministers, including the chief minister and me, stay inside the country and work together with the people. I mean that most of us are operating inside the country, working together with PDFs and local people’s authorities. We have installed people’s authorities in 36 townships so far. That is testimony to the fact that we are not a virtual government. And nor are we a government in exile. We are the people’s government.
How will the NUG fulfill the demands of ethnic groups for self-determination and racial equality?
Ethnic people want and demand self-determination and racial equality as per promises made in the [1947] Panglong Agreement. The NUG was formed out of the federal democratic charter and we have publicly articulated that we will establish a federal democratic union that guarantees ethnic equality and self-determination.
Regardless of their race, all of those who are taking a lead role in this fight to uproot military dictatorship and restore democracy are trying to build a country that guarantees equality and self-determination.
Some ethnic groups like the Rakhine people are demanding a confederation. What is the NUG’s stance on that ?
The NUG was formed based on the federal democratic charter designed by the NUCC. So the NUG follows that charter as an interim constitution. We will discuss it when we adopt a new constitution after uprooting the military dictatorship. Those topics are to be discussed by the NUCC.
The NUG is assigned by the charter to eliminate military dictatorship and establish a new country that guarantees racial equality, self-determination, liberty and justice. What we can guarantee is equal opportunities for all to establish a genuine federal union. It is important that ethnic groups get the kind of self-determination system they think is suitable for them. We have plans to discuss it in detail during the transition period.
The NUG’s federal affairs ministry said recently that the right of ethnic groups to secede from the union is a radical idea. But that right is formally enshrined in the Panglong Agreement . Does the NUG really think the right to secede is a radical idea?
The NUG cabinet has not discussed it separately. But the federal affairs minister said he failed to check the statement properly before publishing it. But federalism experts say the right to secede is necessary in a federal system because only then will governments try to make themselves good governments in order to prevent secession. We haven’t discussed anything about it so far. I can’t comment because those policies need to be discussed thoroughly by the NUCC and public consultations held on the outcome.
In April, we saw a disagreement between the NUG and EAOs in Kayah State. How do the NUG and EAOs share authority on the ground?
Our home affairs ministry issued an order [to rename an administration committee in Kayah] and the Karenni side filed a complaint. We had a discussion and fixed it. We have to follow the NUCC charter in implementing administrative, legislative and judicial works. We can’t overstep it. The charter says federal states will form legislative, administrative and judicial mechanisms as necessary and the union government and federal units shall consult with the NUCC regarding legislative, administrative and juidical affairs in their states.
I heard the NUG home affairs ministry issued the notice [in Kayah] based on the order on interim administration issued by the CPRH on February 22, 2021, while the NUG’s federal democracy charter was not yet in place. So we held talks with stakeholders from Kayah State and solved the issues.
We have to engage with various ethnic armed groups and there is no room for error. To prevent errors, we constantly engage with EAOs and find solutions through dialogue. I have told ministers to exercise caution.
The coup leader called for face-to-face peace talks with EAOs, but the NUG and PDFs were excluded from his invitation. What is your view on that?
Everyone with common sense can see that such dialogue will not be useful. All the people including politicians are aware of that. The junta leader did it just to see if there is still any opportunity for him to deceive people. The talks will not be successful, as they are intended to deceive people, and he is very aware of that.
To engage in dialogue with the relevant stakeholders is one of the points of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus. But the regime leader has excluded us from talks. It is good that he excluded us. We would feel degraded having to talk to him. He has committed so much violence against the people. But he has called us terrorists and says he does not want to meet us. This will do us no harm. It will only harm him, and his reputation will continue to suffer.
If we are pressured by the outside world to hold talks with the regime, we will only meet and not discuss anything serious with them. I have read the outcome of the meeting between the regime and the Restoration Council of Shan State. The Junta leader said he agrees to the establishment of a federal state and will hold frequent talks with EAOs. It is their [the regime’s] strategy to buy time.
What plans does the NUG have to end military dictatorship and establish a federal union in Myanmar?
The NUG is working by various means including militarily, politically and diplomatically to wipe out military dictatorship and establish a federal democratic union. We have formed PDFs which are fighting the regime. At the same time, we are cooperating with EAOs in the military and political arenas. And we have established administrative and judicial mechanisms in our controlled areas. Diplomatically we are trying to foster ties with international organizations, neighboring countries and United Nations agencies.
We are holding political dialogue, which is the basic foundation for establishing a true federal union, with concerned political party leaders, ethnic leaders and civil society organizations. As a result, several countries have downgraded their diplomatic ties with the regime. This shows that they support our actions. Our revolution will succeed because it is a popular revolt.
We also attach great importance to military means. Some people say that dictators release their grip on power only when they die. We are aware that they [the regime] will not give up and admit their faults. So we have to escalate the fighting. But as everyone knows, we are fighting the war with funds from the people. We started with home-made guns, but now we have automatic guns and our revolt is gaining momentum.
As I say, we are engaged in both armed struggle and a non-violent approach. We are trying to win diplomatic recognition, while our PDFs are protecting the people. They have proven this with their actions. But the problem is that no country has given us arms.
It costs large sums of money to arm PDFs. As we have no income from tax revenues, we have to make do with donations from the people. So it takes time. But public morale is very high at the moment and I believe we will get the arms. We are fighting for justice and God will help those who help thmselves. I totally believe things are going to be fine..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"၁။ ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး(KNU) တပ်မဟာ(၆) တည်ရှိရာ ဒူးပလာယာခရိုင်၊ တောင်ပိုင်း စစ်ဒေသတွင် KNU/KNLA၊ KNDO၊ PDF နှင့် အခြားမဟာမိတ်အင်အားစုများပါဝင်သော တော်လှန်ရေး ပူးပေါင်းအဖွဲ့သည် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ (၁၅)ရက်နေ့၊ လေးကေ့ကော်တိုက်ပွဲမှ စတင်၍ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်ကို ဆင်နွှဲလာရာ ယနေ့အထိ ရန်သူ့စခန်း(၃)ခုနှင့် ရန်သူ့လက်နက် အမြောက်အများ ကို လက်ရသိမ်းပိုက် နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
၂။ ထိုတိုက်ပွဲများအတွင်း ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ(၁၈)ရက်တွင် ရန်သူက အနှစ်(၃၀)ကျော် သိမ်းပိုက်ထားခဲ့သော သေ့ဘောဘိုးစခန်းကို ပြန်လည်သိမ်းယူနိုင်ခဲ့သည်မက ရန်သူလက်နက် မျိုးစုံ(၁၅)လက်၊ ကျည်မျိုးစုံ (၇၀၀၀)ကျော်ကိုပါ လက်ရသိမ်းဆည်းနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
၃။ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေး ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်ကို ရွံ့ရွံ့ချွံချွံ ဆင်နွှဲလျက် ရှိသော KNU/KNLA၊ KNDO၊ PDF နှင့် အခြားမဟာမိတ်အင်အားစုများ ပါဝင်သော ပူးပေါင်းအဖွဲ့၏ ထူးချွန်ပြောင်မြောက်သည့် စစ်ရေးစွမ်းဆောင်မှုကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် အထူးဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-05-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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pdf
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136.62 KB
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