2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Individual Documents
Description:
"1. Since the coup in February last year, armed clashes have occurred intermittently between the Myanmar military and the citizens and Ethnic Armed Organizations who are resisting the Myanmar military-led regime, mainly in the southeastern and northwestern regions of Myanmar. As a result, about four hundred and forty thousand people have become internally displaced, and they are facing shortages of food and daily necessities.
2. Against such backdrop, the Government of Japan decided on April 1 to provide an Emergency Grant Aid of 8.3 million US dollars for humanitarian assistance to the populations in the south east area of Myanmar. This Emergency Grant Aid is to be delivered directly to the people of Myanmar through the offices of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the World Food Programme (WFP) and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
3. This assistance will be delivered to approximately one hundred and sixty-five thousand people..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
Date of publication:
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Japan-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Key Countries Should Overhaul Approach to Junta’s Atrocities
Description:
"Southeast Asian governments should urgently revamp their response to Myanmar’s abusive junta by coordinating action with the broader international community, Human Rights Watch said today. Despite adopting a “five-point consensus” on the crisis a year ago, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has failed to fulfill its pledges or take meaningful steps toward pressing the junta to end its human rights violations.
“Myanmar’s junta has spent the past year committing atrocities in utter disregard for its commitments to ASEAN,” said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The ASEAN countries leading on Myanmar – Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore – should immediately alter their course to focus on protecting people’s rights and freedoms rather than helping the junta remain in power.
At a summit in Jakarta on April 24, 2021, the nine ASEAN leaders and Myanmar junta chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, agreed to five points: an immediate end to violence in the country; dialogue among all parties; the appointment of a special envoy; humanitarian assistance by ASEAN; and the special envoy’s visit to Myanmar to meet with all parties. In the year since, Min Aung Hlaing has defied each point while overseeing a brutal nationwide crackdown aimed at suppressing the millions of people opposed to military rule.
Two days after the consensus agreement, the junta walked back its endorsement, announcing it would consider the “suggestions made by ASEAN leaders when the situation returns to stability.” Rather than halting attacks as called for, the junta ramped up its abuses. Junta violations since the coup include mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Security forces have killed over 1,700 people, including at least 130 children, and arbitrarily arrested over 13,000. The military has expanded abusive operations in ethnic minority areas, displacing more than 550,000 people. Instead of heeding the consensus by allowing aid delivery, the junta has deliberately blocked humanitarian assistance from reaching populations in need as a form of collective punishment.
The five-point consensus, meanwhile, has become a pretext for governments such as the United Kingdom, United States, Australia, and European Union member states to delay real action under the guise of waiting for ASEAN leadership, Human Rights Watch said. The junta has exploited the international community’s deference to the regional bloc, which has a long record of neglecting its responsibility to protect the people of Southeast Asia under its principles of noninterference and consensus.
ASEAN appointed Brunei’s second foreign minister, Erywan Yusof, as its special envoy to Myanmar last August. His planned visit to the country in October was canceled when the junta denied him access to Aung San Suu Kyi and other detained civilian leaders, a precondition of his visit and requirement under the consensus.
The junta has indicated it will continue to block efforts to meet with Suu Kyi and other detained individuals, or with entities it has declared “unlawful,” including the shadow civilian government, the National Unity Government (NUG).
In an unprecedented censure by the bloc, ASEAN barred Min Aung Hlaing from its biannual summit in October, with only a non-political representative invited to attend. Singapore announced it was a “difficult but necessary decision to uphold ASEAN’s credibility given the unsatisfactory and highly limited progress in the implementation of the ASEAN Leaders’ Five-Point Consensus.” The junta ultimately declined to attend.
Myanmar’s refusal to meet the consensus commitments has exposed fractures within ASEAN. Several ASEAN countries – notably Malaysia and Indonesia, often alongside Singapore and the Philippines – have publicly criticized the junta’s intransigence, calling for a continued ban on political representatives from future summits.
However, Cambodia, this year’s ASEAN chair, has renewed engagement with the junta, with Prime Minister Hun Sen visiting Myanmar in January, the first foreign leader to do so. The current special envoy, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, met in late March with Min Aung Hlaing and other junta officials despite their refusal to grant access to Suu Kyi.
Prak Sokhonn’s claims of “meaningful outcomes” were immediately belied when Min Aung Hlaing, in his speech on Armed Forces Day, March 27, announced that the military “will no longer take into account negotiation with the terrorist groups and their supporters,” referring to the NUG and anti-coup movement, and will seek to “annihilate them to an end.”
On January 28, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet called the international response “ineffectual,” stating that “the actions taken by the UN Security Council and by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been insufficient to convince Myanmar’s military to cease its violence.” In her March report to the Human Rights Council, Bachelet noted that despite the consensus, ASEAN leaders “have not achieved tangible results.”
Leading ASEAN countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore, should work closely with other governments to develop a clear, timebound approach to press Myanmar’s junta toward reform, including increasing restrictions on its foreign currency revenues and weapons purchases. ASEAN should signal its support for a UN Security Council resolution instituting a global arms embargo, referring the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and imposing targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies.
US President Joe Biden, who will host ASEAN members at a summit in May, should press Southeast Asian leaders to abandon their failed consensus approach and encourage greater cooperation with other countries promoting stronger action against the junta’s rights abuses.
Over 50,000 refugees from Myanmar have fled to Thailand and other neighboring countries since the coup. Those governments should end all forced returns of asylum seekers and instead ensure refugees receive access to aid and international protection procedures, as well as facilitate emergency cross-border aid.
“For a year, governments around the world have stalled taking action on Myanmar by standing behind ASEAN’s hollow words – and have nothing to show for it,” Pearson said. “They need to adopt strong measures to deter further atrocities and hold the military accountable, not a flimsy consensus that’s proven its futility.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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Description:
"After last weekend’s massive show of force by Myanmar’s armed forces and their chief’s promise to “annihilate” all forms of opposition, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) looks back at the past three weeks of intensified judicial persecution of journalists and reiterates its call for the unconditional release of all media personnel currently held in Myanmar’s prisons.
The additions to the list of arrests and prison sentences seem to never end. According to information verified by RSF, Nay Naw, a journalist also known as Myo Naung Naung Zaw who is an editor with the Karen Information Centre (KIC) and a reporter for Bloomberg Business, was arrested on 28 Marsh in Myawaddy, a southeastern city on the Thai border.
Naung Yoe, a freelance journalist arrested on 9 April 2021, was sentenced on the same day to 18 months in prison by a court in the remote northern town of Hpakant, in Kachin State. In both cases, the authorities invoked Section 505 (a) of the penal code, which penalises the publication of false information about representatives of the armed forces.
“From north to south, in cities and in rural townships, Myanmar’s repressive military machine harasses and hunts down journalists,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “With more than 60 media workers currently in jail, Myanmar is one of the worst places in the world to try to keep your fellow citizens informed. We urge the international community to apply tougher targeted sanctions on the regime’s officials, who dare to shamelessly parade their relentless persecution of civil society.”
“Annihilate”
Addressing 8,000 soldiers gathered for a military parade on 27 April, armed forces day, in the capital, Naypyidaw, military junta chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing vowed to “annihilate” all forms of opposition “until the end.” His speech coincided with a disturbing escalation in the junta’s crackdown on press freedom.
The past three weeks of judicial persecution of journalists:
- 23 March: Two convictions in the space of 12 hours
Ye Yint Tun, a reporter for the Myanmar Than Taw Sint (or Myanmar Herald) news website, was sentenced to two years in prison by a special court in the southwestern city of Pathein. He was arrested while covering a protest on 28 February 2021.
Aung Zaw Zaw, a video editor with the Mandalay Free Press news agency, was also sentenced to two years in prison on same day by a court in Kantbalu Township, in northern Myanmar. He was arrested on the evening of 16 January 2022 at his father's home in the nearby village of Tauk Ka Shat. Like Ye Yint Tun, he was jailed under Section 505 (a) of the penal code.
- 22 March: Jail sentence for detained Mizzima News editor
After more than a year in detention, Than Htike Aung, a former editor at Mizzima News, a media outlet that has played a historic role in the fight for a free press in Myanmar, was sentenced to two years in prison. RSF has learned that he does not intend to appeal for fear that his sentence could be increased. He was transferred to Yamethin prison in the big northern city of Mandalay, where he will serve the rest of his sentence.
- 21 March: Two years hard labour for Kamayut Media co-founder
Kamayut Media news agency co-founder Han Thar Nyein was sentenced to two years of hard labour on a “false news” charge by a military court in Insein prison, in a suburb of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. He was arrested in March 2021 along with his US colleague Nathan Maung, who sought refuge in the United States after his release on 14 June 2021.
Maung told RSF he feared that his colleague could also tried for an alleged violation of the Electronic Transactions Law, which carries a possible 15-year prison sentence under Section 33 (b). He said he was saddened at the thought that “he could be brought to trial with chains on his legs and hands as a prisoner facing new charges."
- 15 March: Freelancer Aung Win Htay arrested
As reporters throughout Myanmar are increasingly forced to work clandestinely, freelance journalist Aung Win Htay was seized by a military unit in Mong Ton, a rural township near the Thai border in northeastern Shan State, and was formally detained by the police a few hours later under Section 505 (a) of the penal code for criticising the junta on Facebook.
He has worked in the past for Democratic Voice of Burma, a historic protagonist in the struggle for an independent press in Myanmar and recipient of the RSF Press Freedom Prize in 2007.
- 14 March: Convictions of Kanbawza Tai News journalists upheld on appeal
Nann Nann Tai, also known as Nann Nway Nway Hlaing, the editor of Kanbawza Tai News, a media outlet based in Taunggyi, the capital of northeastern Shan State, and one of her reporters, Nang Win Yi, were sentenced to two years in prison on appeal. Arrested in Taunggyi on 24 March 2021, the two women journalists were convicted last December under the all-purpose Section 505 (a) of the penal code.
- 11 March: 11 years in prison for Bago Weekly reporter
Nyein Chan Wai, a Bago Weekly reporter based in Tharrawaddy, a city 120 km north of Yangon, was given the extremely harsh sentence of eight years and three months in prison for inciting “disaffection towards the government” under Section 124 of the penal code. This sentence is added to the three-year jail term he received on 16 December under Section 505 (a) of the penal code. He will now have to spend more than 11 years in prison.
- 10 March: Journalist arrested, pardoned, freed… and rearrested
After Yangon-based freelance reporter Soe Yarzar Tun was kidnapped by soldiers, his family had to wait six days until the police finally told them that he was being held at Hlegu Myoma police station.
This is the second time he has been arrested. Following his arrest a few weeks after the February 2021 coup d’état, he spent four months in Insein prison until released under a pardon on 30 June 2021. For him, as for many of Myanmar’s journalists, the nightmare now resumes.
Myanmar is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in RSF's 2021 World Press Freedom Index..."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders (Paris)
Date of publication:
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"On this auspicious occasion of Karenni New Year Day, I wish all my fellow Karenni good
health and prosperity.
The Karenni people had resided independently and peacefully in Karenni state for over
2000 years since BC 739 after we departed Gobi Desert region of what is now Mongolia. However,
since the fall of our independence after the invasion and annexation of Karenni state by the
Burmese government in 1948, we have waged an armed resistance to regain our lost selfdetermination.
Although we have engaged in negotiations with successive Burmese governments to find
solutions for national, political, social, and economic problems, our efforts have not been
successful. To make matters worse, since the military coup on February 1, 2021, Karenni people
have endured various sufferings and inhumane treatments by the coup junta.
As such, the time now is of utmost importance for all of Karenni people to fight for our
self-determination and to uproot all forms of dictatorship. It is time for all Karenni people to be
alert for our national and political cause. We must actively participate in our national struggle
from wherever we are and in whichever role we can. While upholding our patriotism, we must
preserve and promote our languages, literatures, and cultures.
Finally, I would like to urge all Karenni people to strive for Karenni's self-determination
with renewed energy garnered from the new year.
May you all have a blessed new year..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party
Date of publication:
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-01
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Individual Documents
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"This Briefing pape provides a summary of the body evidence on the long-term implication for the mental health of people in Burma in view of the unprecedented levels of violence directed by the military junta towards the population, as well as the weaponization of the COVID-19 crisis in the country (1) Drawing from AAPP data, as well as academic literature and several interviews with CSO Activists, this birefing paper reveals the severe consequences of psychological traum, and the persisting effects of destress, depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among communities, after suffering from insecurity, widespread attacks, torture, displacement, and terrorist-like action by the armed wing of the military junta..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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10.57 MB 3.43 MB
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"On 27 Mar, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing vowed to “annihilate the opposition.” As of 31 Mar, the junta had arrested at least 13,040 civilians, including politicians, activists, and journalists, and killed at least 2,053 civilians. The junta got dirtier in its tactics. It funded paramilitary groups, enacted “legislation” allowing it to conscript police into its war, used social media channels to discredit and hunt down its opposition, and demanded that hospitals turn over patient records to undermine treatment of opponents. Cities across Burma struggled with power blackouts as electricity production fell to a quarter of the national demand. Outages disrupted water distribution and business operations, while rising fuel prices made the use of generators unsustainable..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-BURMA, Asia Democracy Network, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, Burma Human Rights Network, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice and US Campaign for Burma
Date of publication:
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Anti-coup protesters
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851.32 KB (Original version) - 23 pages
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"SAC terrorist Force launched offensive from 6 mile, 5 miles and Htolwebila in Demoso to Ngwe Taung Ywar Thit in Phruso township. SAC sent convoy consist of 40 vehicles from Shan state to karenni state, reinforce in Demoso township.
Karenni Coliation Forces continuously carried out Guerrilla attacks on SAC force encompassed on mountains and hills in vicinity of Htolwebelar and Ngwe Taung Ywar Thit inDemoso.
On March 24, Fight escalated between Karenni coalition forces and SAC terrorist force encompassed in Htolwebela village. SAC terrorist force burnt down (6) houses in Htolwebelar village.
Moreover, KNDF launched guerrilla attack on SAC force advancing to Ngwe Taung Ywar Thit in Pruso townships. The fight was intensified and SAC force incurred heavy causalities.
Early Morning on March 25, KNDF attacked SAC force stationed on hill near Lin Phon Lay Village. KNDF occupied the hill as SAC forces retreat and abandon their post during the attack.
In the evening of that day after 4 pm, there were two clashes between Karenni Coalition Forces and SAC force advancing form Daw Poe Ci, 5 mile and 6 Mile to Bathalein. Five houses were burnt down by SAC forces in 5 Mile.
Two attacks were carried out by Karenni Coalition forces on SAC’s infantry Battallion ( Kha Ma Ya – 428 ) in Pruso on March 26 and 27. The Fight last for about an hour in each attack, SAC incurred heavy casualties.
On March 26 at (8:00) pm, KNDF attaked on (Kha Ma Yan – 422) based in Moe Bye, killing five SAC soldiers.
Early morning at (6:00) am on March 27, Karenni Army and KNDF carried out attack on SAC force stationed in Khone Thar, Demoso. Six SAC soldiers were killed in the attack. Another attack was conducted on No. (14) Military Training School in Pruso on March 27, Killing two SAC soldiers.
On March 28, KNDF attacked SAC force in Daw Nang Khar, Demoso. two soldiers including an officer of SAC were killed. Two elderlies were injured in Daw Taw Ku village in Demoso, by SAC force’ shelling the village around 16:00 pm on March 28.
On March 30, KNDF and the People's Defense alliances Forces jointly attacked SAC’s infantry Battalion (Kha Ma Yah - 428) in Pruso Township. Eight soldiers, including an officer of SAC were killed in the attack.
On March 24, A comrade from KNDF B15 was killed during the battle of Ngwe Taung Ywar Thit. The KNDF pays tribute to the fallen comrade as a martyr..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni Nationalities Defense Force
Date of publication:
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Karenni (Kayah) - cultural, political, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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"Introduction
In 2005, the United Nations member states unanimously made a commitment to protect populations from the most serious crimes, namely genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.1 Known as the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ principle, or R2P, this commitment emphasises the primary responsibility by states to protect their own populations from these crimes, and the responsibility of the international community to support one another in their prevention.2 Recognising that atrocities are not random events but develop in a dynamic process and require the existence of an environment conducive to their occurrence, the United Nations Special Advisers on the Prevention of Genocide and the Responsibility to Protect developed a methodological framework in 2014 that enables the identification of warning signs indicating the existence of such circumstances. The Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes (hereinafter ‘the framework’) sets out a series of Risk Factors and corresponding Indicators that enable stakeholders to identify high-risk developments in situations of serious human rights violations, domestic instability and crisis, pinpoint gaps in existing prevention capacities and promote necessary responses. The framework serves as a working tool for the monitoring and assessment of atrocity risks and as an early warning mechanism to support the prevention of their commission.3
The following atrocity crimes risk assessment applies the framework to the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (hereinafter ‘Myanmar’). It identifies the most pressing risk factors and provides recommendation on future steps that can be taken by relevant stakeholders to address risks of atrocities being committed.
Since the last atrocity risk assessment of the situation in Myanmar conducted in 2019, there have been significant domestic developments that have reshaped the climate for the commission of atrocity crimes in Myanmar. The risk of atrocity crimes, specifically crimes against humanity and war crimes, is very high and the risk of genocide remains high. The military coup d’état on 1 February 2021 has resulted in a large movement of civil disobedience, the establishment of a shadow government under the leadership of former NLD politicians and its formation of an armed resistance force. The brutal crackdown by the military in response to nationwide anti-junta protests has led many civilians to take up arms and join armed resistance forces. Renewed conflict between long-standing ethnic armed groups and the military, the emergence of new local armed militias, as well as violent clashes between the military and resistance forces have dragged the country into another civil war. The means and methods deployed by the Tatmadaw against political dissidents, civilians and members of the armed resistance already meet the threshold of crimes against humanity and war crimes but indicate the risk of further escalations of the situation.
These developments occur amidst a multi-dimensional economic and humanitarian crisis that has reached new records in unemployment rates and in the number of internally displaced people in dire need of humanitarian assistance. The global COVID-19 pandemic had severe impacts not only on an already buckling health sector, but has seen many people forced out of employment and into a state of severe food insecurity. The political unrest following the military coup, which resulted in an international response of targeted sanctions, withdrawal of foreign aid and foreign investment and an increase of unemployment across the entire country’s labour force, has caused a stagnation of Myanmar’s economy and pushed the country to the brink of an economic collapse. The large-scale disobedience movements in response to the coup, disruptions in supply chains as well as the junta’s regular shutdowns of telecommunication services, internet and power outages have paralysed essential sectors and much of the country’s infrastructure. In addition, atrocities committed against the Rohingya community during the military’s ‘clearance operations’ in Rakhine State in 2017 and 2018 remain unaddressed and have further nourished a climate of prevailing impunity and injustice. Hundreds of thousands of displaced Rohingya remain in detainment camps with restricted access of humanitarian aid delivery, while being denied freedoms of movement, access to basic goods, such as food and health care, and the right to a safe, dignified and voluntary return.
While the international community has stepped up its efforts to provide humanitarian aid to Myanmar, the UN and its member States remain divided over the political disputes over power. While the majority of States condemned the military coup and refuse to recognise the military junta as the legitimate government, international response to the military use of force has been limited to targeted sanctions against senior military leaders and the exclusion of its representatives from regional summits. A stronger engagement by key regional actors, such as ASEAN member States and their newly appointed Special Envoy, and a concerted response by international actors including the UN Security Council is required to put a halt to the excessive use of force by the military against the population, to delegitimise the military junta’s claim to power and assist the country in returning to its path towards a peaceful democratic transition that is capable of addressing past injustices and building a resilient and independent national State apparatus in conformity with international human rights standards..."
Source/publisher:
The University of Queensland
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations, Genocide, International Criminal Court (Myanmar), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar
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1.3 MB (Original version) - 51 pages
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Description:
"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီပြန်လည်ထွန်းကားရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူတစ်ဦးချင်းစီ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးအတွက် အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (Civil Disobedience Movement- CDM) တွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ လူမှုဘဝ ဖူလုံရေး၊ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် နည်းလမ်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ဖိအားပေးခံရခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အထူး အလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်လျက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်တွင် ရပ်တည်နေကြသည့် လူမှုဝန်ထမ်း၊ ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည် နေရာချထားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ ရာထူးတိုးမြှင့်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအသစ်ခန့်အပ်ခြင်း၊ ပညာတော်သင်သွားရောက်ခြင်းများနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ လုံးဝ အသိအမှတ် မပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာချက် တစ်ရပ်ကိုလည်း ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၁၅)ရက် နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ(၃၁)ရက်နေ့၌ နောက်ဆုံးထားပါဝင်ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင်ပါဝင်ကြရန် သတ်မှတ်ထားခဲ့သည့်နေ့ရက်မှစ၍ တစ်နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက် ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သော်လည်း ယခင် လူမှုဝန်ထမ်း၊ ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးနှင့်ပြန်လည် နေရာချထားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အရာထမ်း၊ အမှုထမ်းများသည် ခံယူချက်မပြောင်းလဲဘဲ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဩဇာခံအဖြစ် ၎င်းတို့ဘက်မှ ဆက်လက် ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် လူမှုဝန်ထမ်း၊ ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည် နေရာချထားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ မူလတာဝန် ဝတ္တရားများဖြစ်သည့် သဘာဝဘေးအန္တရာယ်များနှင့် လူကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်တတ်သော ဘေးအန္တရာယ်များကြောင့် ဘေးဒုက္ခခံစားကြရသည့် ပြည်သူများအား လတ်တလော စားဝတ်နေရေး ပြေလည်စေရေးအတွက် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ခြင်း၊ လူတို့ကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်တတ်သော ဘေးအန္တရာယ်များကြောင့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့ကြသူများနှင့် လုံခြုံစိတ်ချမှု မရှိသော နယ်မြေအတွင်းမှ အခြား လုံခြုံသောဒေသသို့ စုစည်းပြောင်းရွှေ့ရသော ပြည်သူများအား ထောက်ပံ့မှုပေးခြင်းစသည့် လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များကို ထမ်းဆောင်ရန် တမင် ပျက်ကွက်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။
၃။ ယခုအခါ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွင် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်ခြင်းမရှိသည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လုယက်ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်များကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုနှင့် ကလေးများကို အရှင်လတ်လတ်မီးရှို့ခြင်းစသည့် လူမဆန်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေချိန်တွင် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်ရန် တာဝန်ရှိသည့် အဆိုပါဝန်ကြီးဌာနကလည်း စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများကို ထောက်ပံ့ ကူညီခြင်း မပြုဘဲ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖြတ်(၄)ဖြတ်လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် အလိုတူ အလိုပါ လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၄။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုကင်းမဲ့သည့် လုပ်ရပ်တွင် ပါဝင် ပတ်သက် နေကြပြီး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ယန္တရားလည်ပတ်ရေးတွင် အဓိကကျသော အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ အရာထမ်း များအား ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ(၁)ရက်နေ့ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်တွင် ခန့်အပ်ထားသည့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ရာထူးများအတိုင်း ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismissal)ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ သစ္စာဖောက် ဝန်ထမ်းများ အဖြစ် အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာလိုက်သည်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
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Individual Documents
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1.78 MB
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ပြည်တွင်း အလုပ်အကိုင်အကျိုးဆောင်အေဂျင်စီများ နှင့် ပြည်ပအလုပ်အကိုင်အကျိုးဆောင်အေဂျင်စီများ လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့် အချက်အလက်နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၄/၂၀၂၂
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ပြည်တွင်း အလုပ်အကိုင်အကျိုးဆောင်အေဂျင်စီများနှင့် ပြည်ပအလုပ်အကိုင်အကျိုးဆောင်အေဂျင်စီများအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏လုပ်ငန်းလိုင်စင်များကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ အောက်ပါ လင့်(ခ်) တွင် Online စနစ်ဖြင့်ပြန်လည် မှတ်ပုံတင်လျှောက်ထားရမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) is pleased to announce the release of its latest field report, Southeast Burma Field Report: Intensification of armed conflict, air and ground attacks, and widespread human rights violations, July to December 2021.
The reporting period was marked by increased armed conflict and attacks, which spread to locations in KHRG’s operational area that had reported little to no fighting or shelling during the initial five months following the February 1st 2021 military coup.
A surge of armed conflict and attacks, including airstrikes, took place in the Lay Kay Kaw area of Dooplaya District in December 2021 after State Administration Council (SAC) and Border Guard Force (BGF) troops entered the area and conducted raids and arrests while searching for Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) participants and People’s Defence Force (PDF) members. Over 10,000 people were displaced in just over a week. Possibilities for seeking refuge in Thailand remain extremely limited. Most displaced villagers were either pushed back by Thai authorities or forced to set up temporary encampments along the river.
Mu Traw (Hpapun) District had been the target of major offensives, including airstrikes, during the first five months of the coup. Although there were no further airstrikes in Mu Traw District from July to December 2021, most parts of the district continued to experience heavy conflict and military activities, with some areas experiencing fighting and shelling on a near daily basis. Many villagers continue to face displacement, while those who have remained in their villages have endured repeated threats by SAC soldiers, including battalion commanders, who seek to punish civilians for the activities of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).
The reporting period was also marked by an increase in human rights violations, including forced labour, the use of human shields, torture, killings, theft and looting, and the planting of landmines.
Incidents of forced labour, including the use of civilians as human shields, have become more widespread and systematic because tied to the movement of SAC and BGF troops through KNU-controlled areas while rotating troops or bringing food rations, supplies and ammunition to more remote army camps. In many cases, these acts were combined with other rights violations like beatings or torture, the deprivation of food and water, and various threats, including threat to life.
Theft and looting, particularly of food items, crops and livestock, also became more systematic as the presence of SAC soldiers in rural areas, including KNU territory, spread. Theft and looting often took place after villagers were forced to flee their homes, and in some cases included the destruction of property.
As the SAC continued to target anyone seen as opposing the military regime, it undertook violence, including torture and beatings, against civilians while searching for people whom they suspected of having an affiliation with the PDF and CDM. There has also been an increase in intentional killings of civilians by SAC security forces.
The situation of rural villagers in Karen State has grown more critical, with many villagers now facing severe food insecurity and health issues, including the spread of COVID-19, with little access to external support.
KHRG hopes that this field report will allow national and international stakeholders to gain a better understanding the impact of SAC atrocities in Southeast Burma. It includes a number of recommendations on how national and international stakeholders can develop more inclusive support schemes that ensure the protection and well-being of rural villagers.
Recommendations
Neighbouring states must allow for the legal provision of cross-border humanitarian aid through non-state actors and local service providers. The UN, donors and other international actors must support and increase the legitimacy of the CSOs, CBOs and ethnic health and aid providers operating on the ground because they have the most direct and best access to affected populations and understand their needs. A comprehensive global arms embargo against the Burma military must be imposed. Military “No Fly Zones” need to be established and enforced; and sanctions must be placed on supplying aviation fuel to the Burma military. Civilian safe zones need to be created, whether in Burma or across the border, and the protection of civilian safe zones must be internationally guaranteed. UN agencies in Burma must take a clear and strong position in responding to the situation on the ground, and to use all possible resources to limit the human rights abuses and violations undertaken by the SAC..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Children and armed conflict, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Introduction
This Field Report presents and analyses information collected by KHRG field researchers and covers the period between July and December 2021.[1]
The reporting period was marked by increased armed conflict and attacks, which spread to locations in KHRG’s operational area that had reported little to no fighting or shelling during the initial five months following the February 1st 2021 military coup[2]. It was also marked by an increase in human rights violations, including forced labour, the use of human shields, torture, killings, theft and looting, and the planting of landmines.
Burma (Myanmar)[3] is party to several human rights treaties and is bound by principles of customary international human rights law prohibiting arbitrary deprivation of life; torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; and arbitrary deprivation of liberty. During the current reporting period, KHRG documented multiple cases of forced labour and the use of civilians as human shields. In most cases, villagers were forced to serve as both porters and human shields as State Administration Council (SAC)[4] and Border Guard Force (BGF)[5] troops engaged in troop rotation and the transport of rations and ammunition between army camps in areas controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU)[6]. Both forced labour and the use of human shields constitute violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and other human rights conventions. In many cases, these acts have been combined with other rights violations like beatings or torture, the deprivation of food and water, and various threats, including threat to life. In Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, villagers living between Lay Kay and Yoh Klah army camps were subjected to repeated demands for forced labour and ‘navigation’ over the course of several months. In particular, skirmishes and ambush by the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[7], due to SAC and BGF trespass while travelling between their camps, systematically led SAC and BGF troops to round up any villagers they found along the way to protect themselves from further attack. At times, skirmishes and ambushes took place while villagers were forced to porter or navigate, putting them in grave danger. Villagers also experienced looting and other security threats as SAC and BGF soldiers camped in or near their villages while traveling between their army camps.
A surge of armed conflict and attacks, including airstrikes, took place in the Lay Kay Kaw area of Dooplaya District in December 2021 after SAC and BGF troops entered the area and conducted raids and arrests while searching for Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[8] participants and People’s Defence Force (PDF)[9] members. Established at the time of the earlier ceasefire agreements to welcome back former refugees and IDPs to their country, Lay Kay Kaw New Town was supposed to serve as the symbol of a new era of peace and unity. Instead, the former refugees and IDPs who live there found themselves fleeing once again for their lives as fighting erupted throughout the area. Over 10,000 people were displaced in just over a week. Possibilities for seeking refuge in Thailand remain extremely limited. Most displaced villagers were either pushed back by Thai authorities or forced to set up temporary encampments along the river.
Mu Traw (Hpapun) District had been the target of major offensives, including airstrikes, during the first five months of the coup. Although there were no further airstrikes in Mu Traw District from July to December 2021, most parts of the district continued to experience heavy conflict and military activities. In some areas, fighting and shelling took place on a near daily basis during the current reporting period, thus many villagers continue to face displacement. Those who have remained in their villages have endured repeated threats by SAC soldiers, including battalion commanders, who seek to punish civilians for the activities of the KNLA. Such acts are in clear violation of international humanitarian law, which forbids reprisals against civilian persons and objects.
Fighting continued in Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District, leading to some displacement. While no fighting or shelling was reported for Taw Oo (Toungoo), Mergui-Tavoy and Hpa-an districts prior to July 2021, during the current reporting period, KHRG documented the emergence of fighting in both Taw Oo and Mergui-Tavoy districts. In the case of Mergui-Tavoy District, the fighting occurred between the SAC and a local group of PDF fighters.
Military activity, like troop rotation and reinforcement, sending rations and ammunition, and patrolling, continued to increase throughout all districts, except Hpa-an District (for which KHRG received no reports). These activities often included or took place alongside other activities, such as the increased use of checkpoints, direct threats against local villagers, arbitrary arrests, and opening fire while in villages, that led to heightened insecurity for local villagers.
Theft and looting, particularly of food items, crops and livestock, became more systematic as the presence of SAC soldiers in rural areas, including KNU territory, spread. Most of the theft and looting during the current reporting period occurred while SAC and BGF troops passed through villages or were temporarily camped in the area. Theft and looting have often taken place after villagers have been forced to flee their homes, and in some cases have been combined with the destruction of property. Looting and the destruction of property are prohibited under various components of international humanitarian law, including Additional Protocol II (Article 14) concerning the protection of objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, like foodstuffs, crops and livestock.[10]
Other serious human rights violations like torture and killings took place during the current reporting period. As the SAC continued to target anyone seen as opposing the military regime, it undertook violence against civilians while searching for people whom they suspected of having an affiliation with the PDF and CDM. On multiple occasions, SAC soldiers tortured and beat local civilians following bomb explosions in the area. SAC soldiers intentionally shot at civilians, killing three. In one of the killing cases, local villagers believe the victim was also tortured by the SAC prior to being killed.
Landmine contamination and the planting of new landmines continued to be a serious problem, with landmines being placed in civilian areas, along transportation routes and near critical infrastructure, as well as in areas that villagers depend on for their livelihood. Two deaths and injury to eight villagers, including one child, were reported for the current reporting period. All reported incidents took place in Mu Traw District. Villagers were often not made aware of the landmine contamination in their area. KHRG also received reports of time bomb explosions.
In July 2021, Burma was hit with a third wave of COVID-19 infections, this time reaching rural areas in KHRG’s operational area. Often whole villages reported experiencing COVID-19 symptoms, but due to lack of testing facilities, there was no way to confirm that all of these were positive COVID-19 cases. However, in Mergui-Tavoy District, where the Karen Department of Health and Welfare (KDHW) actively engaged in testing, positive cases were found in every township of the district. The spread of the virus has been particularly worrisome in situations of displacement with reports of the virus spreading among groups who have displaced, since many are unaware that they are infected. Displaced villagers may also find themselves crowded together in hiding places, making the likelihood of infection greater. Access to healthcare services in general continued to be an issue due to restrictions on movement, brought about both by efforts to contain the spread of the virus and by increased military activities and armed conflict.
Access to education also continued to be an issue due to widespread school closures tied to the spread of COVID-19, the CDM and refusals by students to attend SAC-run schools since the military takeover. Most Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD)[11] schools remained open and experienced increased enrolments as students who previously attended government schools sought to continue their studies in KECD schools. The additional enrolments have placed heavy strain on KECD schools, and some have begun requiring parents to pay educational fees or rice (for the teachers) to keep the schools running.
The livelihood situation of villagers has grown more critical. Villagers reported being unable to work on their farms or plantations or travel to access work as day labourers. A number of factors have prevented villagers from carrying out their regular livelihood activities: displacement, conflict, ongoing military activity, landmine contamination, travel restrictions tied to COVID-19, increased checkpoints and security concerns while traveling, and fears of being apprehended to serve as forced porters or human shields. Many villagers are also now facing severe food insecurity as a result..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2022-03-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Armed conflict in Karen State - general articles and reports, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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pdf
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3.71 MB (Original version) - 61 pages
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"Following last year’s coup, the Myanmar military has been struggling with a growing popular armed resistance against it, as well as a rising number of defections. As of this month, the number of soldiers who have quit has risen to nearly 3,000, including some battalion commanders—the highest position among those to defect so far. Making matter worse for the regime, the Australian government has accepted defectors seeking asylum since January, prompting more troops to consider quitting the army.
Dr. Miemie Winn Byrd, a Burmese-American security expert, said defections are one of three elements—along with the people’s support and international support—necessary for all successful revolutions, adding that the resistance side in Myanmar could focus on defections as a way to deprive the regime of soldiers.
“That’s why defection is a really important strategy for successful resistance,” she said.
In this interview with The Irrawaddy, the professor at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) in Hawaii discusses how a third-country incentive is important for defection; why a public relations strategy is essential, as in Ukraine, to draw attention to the revolution against the junta; and why the Myanmar issue has been overshadowed by the Ukraine war.
The Australian government’s recent granting of asylum to Myanmar army defectors has been big news in military circles. What’s your impression?
It’s not surprising. It’s really a great incentive. According to previous studies we have seen, that type of third-country incentive is really important. This is a huge development for the people’s side. Huge negative for the mitlairy side. When Australia opens themselves, other countries may open up as well, including European countries.
Do you think the third-country incentive could lure more army defectors?
I think so. I think the NUG’s [the parallel civilian National Unity Government’s] Ministry of Foreign Affairs is specifically working on this issue. So, one of their first wins is Australia and I think there are some European countries they are working with. Now they are successful with Australia. It could have a domino effect on others countries they are working on.
What do you know about the army defectors?
I don’t have contact with defectors and I don’t have the data right now, but I think I have to go with the data from People’s Embrace [a group assisting defecting soldiers], but I will interview some of them as I want to know what is the condition inside the military. When they were interviewed they said a good two-thirds of [personnel] inside the military [are] demoralized and they want to leave. It continues. I think the latest one, like the lieutenant colonel who is the battalion commander, he was saying the key [reason for defecting] is his family, and that he can’t show his face in his hometown [in Myanmar’s heartland] anymore. He is embarrassed. His family is embarrassed. So, as long as those things continue, it would create a lot of push for the military personnel to defect to the people’s side. You will have more as the majority of the military personnel were recruited from Myanmar’s heartland. Now they are bombing in the heartland of Myanmar. So, they are bombing their own relatives’ homes and they are attacking their own relatives! So, it’s not surprising that the lieutenant colonel has family members there. He may not himself directly do that but the organization he belongs to [is doing it]. Direct personal impact!
How can Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG) and the international community be creative and encourage more army defections, especially among higher ranks?
I think there are a variety of factors. Frist, the military continues to brutalize the population. The population sees them as the enemy. Their anger towards them increases. The second is the incentive. Once they get out, safety—specifically for themselves and their families. Those are logistical pieces that the NUG and international community have to work on. Right now Australia is the first one to open up to defectors. That’s really good.
Do you have any recommendations for the NUG and the international community? Some say if there are more third-country incentives, the revolution would be 70 percent accomplished.
I don’t have any other recommendations other than keep doing it, to make sure you [are well resourced for] this strategy. We can see it could be working as we have never seen this level of defection before. Now Australia opens for them. We expect to see some other countries are opening as well. You can say the strategy is working. It can take time. We want it faster but [there are] logistical pieces to work through.
If you compare the situation with Ukraine, the Myanmar resistance against the regime has not received much international support. Any comments?
I don’t think we can say Myanmar’s revolution doesn’t have international support. They have been supporting all throughout the year like humanitarian assistance and targeted sanctions. But Ukraine’s PR team is excellent. They seemed to handle the media and PR [as part of their] military strategic communication and it’s a major part of their war strategy and their counterstrategy. They utilize it. I think some are very proud of [Ukrainian President Volodymyr] Zelensky’s team because they realize that they can’t compete with Russia based on firepower. They know that communication power is something they have to really utilize. So they effectively use it. Everybody in the strategic communication or PR arena absolutely admires what President Zelensky and his team has done on PR. I would say it was because of the way they did it—that’s why they got the attention they need. It’s just part of their strategy.
What do you think of Myanmar on the PR issue?
Given the situation and limitations, I think they have done well. But I think Zelensky has a different level. He is also an actor. He came from that kind of world. He kind of understands how to utlize that. I would say Myanmar people did pretty well. But I would give them a B+ if I have to grade them and Zelensky A+. Definitely the Myanmar team, the resistance, can pick up their game, improve their game a little bit more, looking at Zelensky. I wouldn’t say they are failing. The international community did pay attention to Myanmar. But right now Zelensky did well. Then Myanmar can leverage attention on Ukraine and try to expand their connection to Ukraine. It’s not a zero-sum game. Actually, Ukraine is the European theater in the fight for democracy and against authoritarianism. Myanmar is in the Indo-Pacific theater frontline fight for democracy. In both countries, Russian bombs and bullets are killing people.
But the Myanmar resistance has been on their own so far: not a single bullet yet from outside. This is different from Ukraine.
Yes, that’s the way the problem is framed. In the international system, a country’s sovereignty is so valued that it’s quite shocking for another country to invade. When you have an internal problem, the principle is helping Ukraine but in Myanmar it becomes a little bit of a barrier or hindrance because of the value of sovereignty. So, as for military support or no support, Ukraine has a professional military that has a long relationship with the US and the neighboring countries. Myanmar’s NUG doesn’t have that kind of ready-made platform. Those are the differences. In missing those ready-made platforms, where the US and international community can step in is [that] we do have those sanction regimes. That’s why you’ve got that, and humanitarian aid. They are the differences between Ukraine and Myanmar.
This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.
Editor’s Note: The opinion presented in this interview is Dr. Miemie Winn Byrd’s own assessment as an expert on the subject matter. Her opinions do not represent the positions and policies of the U.S. government or any other agencies..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political role of the Tatmadaw
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Description:
"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
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761.02 KB
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"- မတ်လအတွင်း ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ
- CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ စွမ်းဆောင်ရည်မြှင့်တင်ရေး
နှင့် တစ်ဖက်တစ်လမ်းမှ ဝင်ငွေရရှိရေးအတွက် ဘက်စုံသုံးဆပ်ပြာဆီပြုလုပ်နည်းသင်တန်း ဖွင့်လှစ်
- ဖက်ဒရယ်သယံဇာတဆိုင်ရာ ပညာပေးအစီအစဉ်များ
- ကမ်းရိုးတန်းဒေသနေ အမျိုးသမီးများဦးဆောင်သော စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် နည်းပညာနှင့် ဗဟုသုတများ ဖြန့်ဝေ
- ကသာမြို့နယ် ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့မှ ကျွန်းခွဲသား တန် (၂၀) တန်ခန့် ဖမ်းဆီး ရမိသတင်း
- ဆောင်းပါးကဏ္ဍ
(ကိုရိုနာဗိုင်းရပ်စ် ရောဂါပိုးကူးစက်ဖြစ်ပွားမှု (COVID-19)၊ တောရိုင်းတိရစ္ဆာန် တရားမဝင်ရောင်းဝယ် ဖောက်ကားမှုနှင့် CITIES)
- ကဗျာကဏ္ဍ (အကုသိုလ်အထု ပြုကြသူများ)
- တစ်ကွက်ကာတွန်း
- ဧပြီလအတွင်း သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ဆိုင်ရာ ကမ္ဘာ့အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့
(သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန သတင်းလွှာကို တစ်လ တစ်ကြိမ် ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။)
သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-31
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Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
Size:
1.1 MB
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"This is the first case to be brought in a foreign jurisdiction for crimes committed by the Myanmar junta since the coup in 2021. The complaint was filed at the Prosecutor’s Office in Istanbul by the Lawyer, Gülden Sönmez, acting for MAP on behalf of victims who were tortured at the notorious Ye Kyi Ain “Interrogation Centre” in Yangon.
“The military junta acted in a strict chain of command, committing crimes in a systematic, widespread and pre-planned manner,” said Gülden Sönmez. “Turkey is a signatory to the UN Convention Against Torture and an investigation must be initiated based on universal jurisdiction against the generals and commanders involved in these crimes, as well as those who actually committed the torture.”
In the file lodged with the Turkish authorities, evidence of severe torture has been presented along with the identities of named perpetrators. MAP and Ms Sonmez are demanding that those responsible should be arrested and extradited to Turkey to face justice and in order to prevent ongoing crimes.
“Turkey showed great sensitivity to the persecution of Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslims in 2017,” said MAP Director, Chris Gunness, who was in Istanbul for the case, “and there is growing support here, not just for humanitarian intervention, but for targeted legal action against the Myanmar Generals for the atrocity crimes they and their henchmen are committing on a daily basis.”
Turkey has been supportive of the genocide case against the Myanmar junta at the International Criminal Court in the Hague and the Turkish government voted for robust UN General Assembly action in a strongly worded resolution in June last year which condemned the coup and called on UN member states to impose a global arms embargo. The government in Ankara has also supported the decision of the UN General Assembly to deny recognition to the Myanmar junta.
Since the coup, the use of torture has become widespread and systematic, raising it to the level of international crimes. A report by the UN Human Rights Council found that since the coup, 325 people including 26 children had been tortured to death. The report concluded that “hundreds, if not thousands, have been subjected to torture.”
“The absence of meaningful action to prevent these ongoing crimes makes universal jurisdiction cases even more important,” according to Gunness. “The Security Council has been hamstrung by the threat of Russian and Chinese vetos and ASEAN has been hopelessly divided. In this context, it is vitally important that UN member states, such as Turkey, support criminal accountability in their national courts.”..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Accountability Project
Date of publication:
2022-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Criminal Court (Myanmar)
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Description:
"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
645.33 KB
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"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်မထမ်းဆောင်ပဲ ဓမ္မဘက်မှရပ်တည်၍ ပြည်သူနှင့်တသားတည်းဖြစ် စေရန်နှင့် အမိန့်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ကြစေရန် အကြိမ် ကြိမ်ဖိတ်ခေါ် ကမ်းလှမ်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ် ပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံးအနေဖြင့်လည်း အောက်တိုဘာလမှစတင်၍ အမိန့်အာဏာ ဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမဖွဲ့ရသေးသောဌာနအသီးသီးမှ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်ရေး တို့အတွက် အလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေ ပြီး CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှထုတ် ပစ်ခြင်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းနှင့် ဥပေဒနှင့်အညီပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုတော့သည့် လစာချေးငွေများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ခိုင်းခြင်းများ စသည့် အမျိုးမျိုးသောဖိနှိပ်မှုများကိုကျူးလွန်နေသော ဆောက်လုပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အောက်ဖေါ်ပြပါဝန်ထမ်းများအား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်းလိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the Prime Minister of the Union - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.63 MB
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-29
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979.48 KB
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"၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလတင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီးအတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်အချို့၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်မှုဟု ယူဆရသည့် ဖြစ်စဥ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့ ပူးတွဲ၍ စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ဗဟိုကော်မရှင် ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
ကနဦးသိရှိချက်အရ အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဥ်သည် ဖောက်ခွဲရေးပစ္စည်းများ မှားယွင်းပေါက်ကွဲမှုက စတင်အခြေတည်ကာ လက်စားချေသတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုအရ သိရှိရပြီး အဆိုပါ ဖြစ်ရပ်ကို ကျူးလွန်သူများက ဖုံးကွယ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြောင်းလည်း သိရသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဦးသိန်းဦးမှ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်သွားမည့်အကြောင်းကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားစဥ်က “အကယ်၍ ဒီစွပ်စွဲချက်ကသာ မှန်ကန်ခဲ့တယ် ဆိုရင်တော့ ကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းကမ်းချိုးဖောက်မှုနှင့် မလိုက်နာမှု တွေဟာ အင်မတန် စိုးရိမ်စရာကောင်းပါတယ်၊ ဒါ့အပြင် ဒီလိုမလျော်သြဇာသုံးခြင်းဟာ အပြစ်မဲ့တဲ့ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူတွေကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့တွေ အတွက် အမည်းစက်ဖြစ်သွားနိုင်ပါတယ်” ဟူ၍လည်းကောင်း၊ “ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်စဥ် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် ကာလအတွင်းမှာပင်လျှင် ဥပဒေရဲ့အထက်၌ မည်သူမျှ မရှိစေရ” ဟူ၍လည်းကောင်း၊ “ယခု စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုတွင် မြေပြင်၌ အမှန်တကယ်ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အခြေအနေများနှင့် ယင်းကျူးလွန်မှု အတွက် မည်သူတွင် တာဝန်ရှိသည်ဆိုသည့် အမှန်တရားကို ဖော်ထုတ်သွားမည်” ဟူ၍လည်းကောင်း ကတိပြု ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။
ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ ခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည့် ဗိုလ်သံမဏိက ထိုသို့ သတ်ဖြတ်ရန် အမိန့်ပေးခဲ့မှုမျိုး မရှိခဲ့သော်လည်း အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဥ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ “တချို့သော လက်အောက်ငယ်သား တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်တွေ အနေနဲ့ကတော့ ဒေါသမထိန်းနိုင်လို့ ဒီလိုဖြစ်ရပ်မျိုးကို ကျုးလွန်မိတာ ဖြစ်နိုင်ကြောင်း၊ အပြစ်ရှိကြောင်း စစ်ဆေးတွေ့ရှိပြီး ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံရရင်လည်း ဒီဖြစ်စဥ်ရဲ့ အကျိုးဆက်တွေကို မိမိအနေနဲ့ ရင်ဆိုင်ဖို့ အဆင့်ပါပဲ” ဟု ပြောဆိုသည်။
အကယ်၍ ခိုင်လုံသောသက်သေများ စစ်ဆေးတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပါက ပြစ်မှုစစ်ဆေးစီရင်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြစ်မှုထင်ရှားပါက ထိုက်သင့်သော ပြစ်ဒဏ်များ ချမှတ်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်စဥ်ကာလ၌ ကျင့်သုံးရမည့် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ စည်းမျဥ်းစည်းကမ်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား လေ့ကျင့်မှုများ၊ ရှင်းလင်းမှာကြားမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ စစ်မြေပြင်တွင် အပြစ်မဲ့အရပ်သား ပြည်သူများကို အသက်အန္တရယ်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း များကို လုံးဝ ခွင့်ပြုလိမ့်မည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက အတိအလင်း ကြေညာထားပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Justice
Date of publication:
2022-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-29
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Sub-title:
Betting on ASEAN’S Fruitless Diplomacy Undermines International Action
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"Days after the Myanmar military coup on February 1, 2021, the Japanese and Australian governments publicly “confirmed” they would “closely coordinate together regarding the situation in Myanmar.” Since then, they have repeatedly expressed “grave concerns” about human rights abuses in Myanmar while pledging to “work together closely.”
On March 3, Australia adopted new regulations that give it the ability to sanction Myanmar entities and individuals connected to the junta. This is long overdue given that in the past year Myanmar’s military has killed 1,700 people and arbitrarily arrested thousands. Sadly, it’s still an open question whether Australia or Japan will do much more than continue to talk tough and do little about the region’s deepening human rights crisis.
The two regional partners have taken some small steps on Myanmar. Japan issued statements condemning the coup and froze new non-humanitarian aid, while its Diet passed a resolution calling for the restoration of a democratic system. Similarly, Australia redirected its aid program away from junta-related entities and suspended its defense cooperation with Myanmar. A parliamentary committee examining Australia’s response to the coup urged the government to further pursue the restoration of civilian rule as a foreign policy objective.
However, Tokyo and Canberra have failed to coordinate with democratic allies such as the United Kingdom, United States, European Union, and Canada in taking further concrete action to pressure the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw. Rather than imposing targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned entities, as the four allies have done, Japan and Australia have effectively bet all their chips on the Five-Point Consensus of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the principle of “ASEAN centrality.” It’s been a losing bet.
Since ASEAN released its five-point consensus last April, there has been no progress on any of the listed issues. The junta has been unwilling to meet even ASEAN’s low bar, and instead has exploited the international community’s deference to ASEAN to keep delaying any substantive action. Meanwhile, Tokyo and Canberra conveniently hide behind the ASEAN fig leaf, refraining from enacting targeted sanctions, and thus undermining the international community’s efforts to hold the Tatmadaw accountable for its atrocities.
In late March 2022, Cambodia’s foreign minister and ASEAN’s special envoy, Prak Sokhonn, met Myanmar military leader Min Aung Hlaing to advocate for the five-point consensus, including a ceasefire. However, Prak Sokhonn himself claimed there was little progress. Myanmar’s junta barred Sakonn from meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi and other imprisoned leaders of the National League for Democracy party, which won the November 2020 election in a landslide.
In January, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Michelle Bachelet, said that “the actions taken by the U.N. Security Council and by ASEAN have been insufficient to convince Myanmar’s military to cease its violence.” Tokyo and Canberra should heed her call.
Since early 2021, Japan’s ruling and opposition lawmakers have discussed passing a U.S. Magnitsky-style law, which would allow the Japanese government to sanction violators of international human rights outside of the country. Late last year, Prime Minister Kishida Fumio said he will continue to “consider” such a law. Lawmakers have also advocated using the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Act, predominantly used to sanction human rights violators in response to U.N. Security Council resolutions.
But the Japanese government remains passive about imposing sanctions. Last April, then-Foreign Minister Motegi Toshimitsu disparaged the idea of coordinating with other countries to sanction Tatmadaw leaders, claiming without evidence that it would not lead to a “productive outcome.”
Australia, meanwhile, passed the Autonomous Sanctions Amendment Act in late 2021, enabling the government to impose targeted financial sanctions and travel bans. The government said that the new law will allow it to “respond more flexibly and swiftly to a range of situations of international concern, including in collaboration” with Australia’s close allies and partners when in the national interest. Despite pressure from civil society groups and opposition politicians, the government has been unwilling to use the new measures against the Myanmar junta.
The Australian government has said that Myanmar’s junta is “impervious” to international pressure and that sanctions would provide “very little, if any, positive impact to the people on the ground.” But this ignores calls by Myanmar’s people for targeted sanctions and the tangible role that sanctions played in the previous decade in pressuring the military to embark on the reform process. In their decision to embrace Myanmar’s shaky democratization, other governments eased the pressure too early.
Past blanket sanctions were devastating for ordinary people in Myanmar, meaning that coordinated and targeted sanctions with robust enforcement will be key. The military’s financial interests and relationships have become more integrated into the global economy, offering even greater opportunities for effective sanctions.
With the necessary laws in place, the stage is set for Japan and Australia to do more than simply deflect and defer to ASEAN. Tokyo and Canberra should swiftly place targeted sanctions against Tatmadaw leaders and military-owned entities. In addition to sanctions, the two democracies should also push other governments to support a U.N. Security Council resolution calling for an arms embargo on Myanmar. Myanmar’s junta needs to be shown there are both immediate and longer-term consequences for their grievous abuses..."
Source/publisher:
The Diplomat via Human Rights Watch
Date of publication:
2022-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
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Min Aung Hlaing also urges ethnic minorities not to support militias opposed to army rule
Description:
"Myanmar’s top general has vowed to intensify action against homegrown militia groups fighting the military-run government, saying the armed forces would “annihilate” them.
Gen Min Aung Hlaing, speaking at a military parade marking Armed Forces Day on Sunday, also urged ethnic minorities not to support groups opposed to army rule and ruled out negotiations with them.
The military seized power last year from the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi. Security forces have since used lethal force to suppress mass nationwide protests, resulting in the deaths of more than 1,700 civilians, according to a detailed tally compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Forced to turn away from peaceful protests, many of those opposed to military rule took up arms, forming hundreds of militia groups called People’s Defence Forces – better known as PDFs. In some parts of the country, they’ve joined forces with well-organised, battle-hardened ethnic armed groups, which have been fighting for greater autonomy for decades.
Min Aung Hlaing, addressing thousands of military personnel during the parade in the capital Naypyidaw, said he would not negotiate with “terrorist groups and their supporters for killing innocent people” and threatening peace and security.
He said the military, known as the Tatmadaw, “will annihilate them to (the) end”, according to an official translation of his speech.
His government has declared major resistance organisations – regardless of whether they are directly engaged in armed struggle – as terrorist groups. Membership or even contact with them carries harsh punishment under law.
“I would like to highlight that there are no governments or armies worldwide that negotiate with any terrorist groups,” he said.
Despite a huge advantage in equipment and numbers, Myanmar’s military has struggled to crush the new militia units. Outgunned and outmanned, the PDFs have relied on support from local communities and knowledge of the terrain to carry out often surprisingly effective attacks on convoys, patrols, guard posts, police stations and isolated bases in remote areas.
The military is currently conducting operations in Sagaing, in central Myanmar, and in Kayah State, in the country’s east, using airstrikes, artillery barrages and the burning of villages. The army recently seems to have expanded its offensive into Chin State in the west and Kayin State in the south-east as well.
Last year’s Armed Forces Day was the single bloodiest since the military’s seizure of power on 1 February 2021. Security forces across the country opened fire on demonstrators, killing as many as 160 people.
Anti-military protests were held on Sunday despite the risks in Yangon, the country’s biggest city, and elsewhere. To avoid arrest or injury, urban street protests usually involve flashmobs, which quickly disperse before security forces crack down.
The main opposition group, the self-styled National Unity Government, urged people to join a “power strike” on Sunday night by switching off the lights and their televisions for 30 minutes while the military parade was broadcast on state-run TV channels.
The group said the strike was also intended to protest daily power outages. The blackouts started several months ago, and the government blames them on high gas prices and damage to power lines caused by sabotage.
The US, European Union and 20 other countries issued a statement marking Armed Forces Day by recalling “those killed and displaced by violence over the last year, including at least 100 people killed on this day alone one year ago”.
It called on the military to cease its violence and return to democratic rule, and urged countries not to supply arms to Myanmar.
The US, UK and Canada on Saturday imposed the latest in a series of coordinated sanctions on senior military officials and business leaders who allegedly act as arms dealers for Myanmar’s army..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-28
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"The Myanmar military regime has destroyed more than 100 Buddhist and Christian religious buildings in resistance strongholds in the country’s northwest, heartland and southeast since the coup last year.
Since late last year, the junta has conducted artillery and airstrikes on civilian areas in Chin State and Sagaing and Magwe regions, as well as in Kayah State. It has been facing strong resistance from local people in all those areas.
The regime’s attacks on civilian targets in predominantly Buddhist and Christian areas haven’t spared religious buildings, in which people often taken shelter when clashes erupt.
In predominantly Christian Chin State, nearly 35 churches and 15 affiliated buildings were destroyed in junta attacks between February 2021 and January 2022, according to the Chin Human Rights Organization.
In mostly Christian Kayah State in southeastern Myanmar, about 12 churches were destroyed in the same period, the Karenni Human Rights Group said.
In May last year, the regime forces’ continuous shelling of the Sacred Heart Church in Kayah State’s capital Loikaw killed four people taking shelter there, not to mention causing damage to the religious building. The junta’s claim that the building harbored resistance fighters was largely denied by people there. The attack prompted Myanmar’s Cardinal Charles Maung Bo to request that the regime refrain from targeting religious buildings.
But the regime forces ignored the cardinal’s request, shelling one of the main churches in Kayah State’s Demoso Township, the Queen of Peace Church, on June 6.
A Karenni Christian leader said the regime had shelled churches even during times when there was no fighting between junta and resistance forces. Sometime it attacked religious buildings located away from the combat areas, he said.
“They are attacking the churches intentionally to suppress the spirit of Christian people by attacking their sacred churches. I condemn their bad intentions,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons.
Thantlang has been the worst-affected area in Chin State in Myanmar’s northwest, suffering artillery and arson attacks by the regime 26 times since September last year, forcing residents to desert the town. During the attacks, a Chin pastor was shot dead and his wedding ring cut from his finger by Myanmar junta soldiers when he went outside to help put out fires caused by the military’s shelling. Aerial pictures of the smoldering town with smoke snaking upward to the sky shocked the world. Three churches in the town caught on fire on Oct. 29 alone.
On Nov. 1, Washington condemned the Myanmar junta’s horrific use of violence in Chin State.
The targeting of churches in Kayah and Chin states reflects the regime’s frustration at not being able to assert control in the states despite almost 10 months of intense fighting against Karenni and Chin resistance fighters, during which the regime has resorted to using airstrikes and heavy weapons including artillery.
Additionally, the regime’s forces—who have vowed to protect Buddhism—have destroyed and launched arson attacks on Buddhist monasteries, especially in Sagaing and Magwe regions, two strongholds of anti-regime armed resistance in Myanmar’s heartland.
Based on media reports, at least 30 Buddhist monasteries in Sagaing Region and 20 in Magwe Region, which are predominantly Buddhist regions, have been destroyed, raided and looted by regime soldiers since April last year.
During clearance operations in the areas where they suspect locals of harboring resistance forces, junta troops have used heavy weapons and conducted arson attacks on monasteries, as well as destroying property and stealing valuables while quartered in the buildings.
Early this month, as many as six people died when the monastery they were sheltering in was shelled in Latpandaw Village in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin Township.
The same township suffered the regime’s brutality in late February when soldiers raided Chin Phone Village’s monastery and detained over 80 primary schoolchildren as human shields for 36 hours.
“When the abbot of the monastery tried to negotiate with the regime forces, they pointed a gun at the monk and wouldn’t let him out of the monastery,” a villager recalled.
The regime forces turned the Buddhist monastery into an interrogation center and tortured and killed nine people including a 19-year-old woman, and stole 50 million kyats donated to the monastery by villagers.
U Waryama, a striking Buddhist monk and member of the Spring Revolution Sangha Network, said that while the regime made a lot of noise about protecting and promoting Buddhism, it never failed to show its true colors whenever its power was challenged.
“They build pagodas and monasteries to show they are the guardians of Buddhism but will not hesitate to kill monks if they pose a threat to their power,” the monk said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Inter-Communal violence and discrimination - Myanmar - General articles and analysis, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Religion in Burma - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History
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"1. The National Unity Government (NUG) acknowledges the visit of the Special Envoy of the
ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, H.E. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of
Cambodia, to Myanmar on 21-23 March 2022.
2. The NUG reiterates its commitment to engage with and support the Special Envoy's mandate
to facilitate the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus (5PC). However, it is
deeply disappointed that the Special Envoy failed to meet with all parties concerned, as
required by the 5PC. As the Special Envoy has himself conceded, this approach risks lending
legitimacy to the illegal military junta. It also threatens ASEAN’s adherence to the principle
of impartiality, and hampers its ability to bring informed and inclusive approaches to
'concrete, tangible and visible' 5PC implementation.
3. ASEAN’s exclusion of junta representatives from its 2021 Summits and its 2022 Foreign
Ministers’ Meeting were a clear and principled response to the illegal military junta’s
contemptuous treatment of the 5PC. There has been no improvement since. Across two early
visits, the movements, meetings and messages of the new ASEAN Chair and his Special Envoy
have been manipulated by the junta. The Special Envoy’s claim to 'move things piece by
piece, and with patience' has so far seen him moved like a chess piece by the junta.
4. With his first working visit concluded, the NUG urges the Special Envoy to act on his
commitment to meet with all parties concerned. This must include engagement with:
• President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
• The NUG
• The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
• The National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC)
• Ethnic Resistance Organizations
• Civil society representatives, community leaders, and humanitarian organizations
operating on the ground.
5. The NUG provides the following responses to the next steps proposed by the Special Envoy
in his press briefing:1
a. Conducting a Consultative Meeting at the end of April 2022 to listen and exchange views
with different stakeholders on effective, non — discriminatory, and unhampered delivery of
humanitarian assistance to those most in need.
The NUG and humanitarian partners must participate in the proposed Consultative
Meeting on Humanitarian Assistance.
The NUG supports the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance to all communities and
persons in need including the escalating number of internally displaced persons. To
secure such access, it is essential that the Special Envoy engages with the NUG, civil
society, community-based humanitarian organizations, and other local stakeholders.
Existing cross-border assistance mechanisms must also be utilized to save lives.
b. Intensification o f discussion with the SAC and relevant stakeholders on the Troika, the
Friends o f Myanmar, and the Humanitarian Corridor arrangements.
The NUG urges the Special Envoy to confirm that it and other parties concerned identified
above (see point 4) are included within the "relevant stakeholders" with whom he will
'intensify discussion'. Their inclusion, as the representatives of the people, is essential to
progressing 'a peaceful solution in the interests of the people', consistent with the 5PC.
The NUG offers its in principle support to the proposed ASEAN Troika mechanism.
Further, the NUG seeks clarity on the proposed roles and composition of the “Friends of
Myanmar” group on humanitarian assistance. Any associated arrangement of a
humanitarian corridor must, as earlier set out, involve the NUG, civil society, and local,
community-based and cross-border humanitarian organizations already supporting the
humanitarian response.
c. Determine the schedule, substance, and possible outcomes of the next visit of the Special
Envoy, after briefing key stakeholders on the result o f this visit and listen to their feedback
and recommendations for the ways forward.
The NUG urges the Special Envoy to confirm at the earliest opportunity his upcoming
schedule and planned meetings with the NUG and other parties concerned. The NUG
included proposed meeting modalities in its 22 February 2022 correspondence to the
ASEAN Chair and the Special Envoy.
6. The NUG supports the Special Envoy’s calls for 'utmost restraint on the use of military forces’
but is dumbfounded by the Special Envoy’s inclusion of the attribution to junta-leader Min
Aung Hlaing that “nothing is more important than people’s life”. Min Aung Hlaing and his
junta are singularly responsible for the political, economic, humanitarian and human rights crises enveloping Myanmar and for associated atrocity crimes and acts of terror. Their actions
comprise war crimes and crimes against humanity, and constitute a grave threat to regional
security and to the interests of ASEAN Members and their populations.
7. The Special Envoy recognizes that the current conflict has long historic roots: "... I would like
to inform that the fighting did not take place ju st last year or a few years ago. Resistance and
fighting between the military group and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) have been
going on since Myanmar's independence in 1948, meaning more than 70 years already. " 2
The NUG welcomes this recognition by ASEAN that the military’s atrocities are decades old
and that past failures of accountability have perpetuated current crimes. Now is ASEAN’s
opportunity to correct historic missteps by genuinely supporting the will and interests of the
Myanmar people.
8. The NUG is committed to inclusive democracy, long-term stability, and sustainable peace and
development. It is engaged in genuine dialogue with Myanmar’s manifold peoples and
communities, including through the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), to
implement the Federal Democracy Charter.....၁။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးချုပ်နှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး H.E. Prak Sokhonn ၏ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၂၁ ရက်မှ ၂၃ ရက်အထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သည့်ခရီးစဥ်ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။
၂။ အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ် ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရာတွင် လွယ်ကူချောမွေ့စေရန် အထူးသံတမန်၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အား ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရန်နှင့်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ ကတိကဝတ်ပြုမှုကို ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထူးသံတမန်သည် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်၏ လိုအပ်ချက်ဖြစ်သော သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန်ပျက်ကွက်သည့်အတွက် အလွန်စိတ်ပျက်မိပါသည်။ အထူးသံတမန်ကိုယ်တိုင် ဝန်ခံခဲ့သလိုပင် ဤချဉ်းကပ်မှုသည် တရားမ၀င်စစ်အုပ်စုအား တရားဝင်မှုပေးရာရောက်သည့်အန္တရာယ်ပင်ရှိနေပါသည်။ ထိုအခြေအနေသည် ဘက်မလိုက်ရေးမူအား အာဆီယံ၏ လိုက်နာမှုကိုလည်း ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေပြီး “လက်ဆုပ်လက်ကိုင်ပြနိုင်ပြီး၊ မြင်သာထင်သာရှိရှိ နှင့် လက်တွေ့မြင်နိုင်သည့်” အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှုတွင် အားလုံးသိသာမြင်သာမှု နှင့် အားလုံးပါဝင်သော ချဉ်းကပ်မှုများအား ဆောင်ကျဉ်းလာနိုင်စေရန် အာဆီယံ၏စွမ်းဆောင်ရည်ကို အဟန့်အတားဖြစ်စေပါသည်။
၃။ အာဆီယံ၏ ၂၀၂၁ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် ၎င်း၏ ၂၀၂၂ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးများတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များကို မတက်ရောက်စေဘဲ ချန်လှပ်ထားခြင်းသည် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်အား တရားမဝင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ မထီမဲ့မြင်ပြုမှုအပေါ် ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း နှင့် မူအရပြတ်သားသော တုံ့ပြန်မှု ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုစဥ်ကတည်းကပင် တိုးတက်မှုများ မရှိခဲ့ပါ။ အစောပိုင်း ခရီးစဥ်နှစ်ကြိမ်တွင်လည်း အာဆီယံသဘာပတိသစ်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ အထူးသံတမန်၏ လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ အစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် သတင်းစကားများကို စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ကလိုသလို ကြိုးကိုင်ချယ်လှယ်ခဲ့သည်။ အထူးသံတမန်၏ 'စိတ်ရှည်သည်းခံပြီး အခြေအနေများကို တထစ်ချင်းရွှေ့ရန်' ပြောဆိုချက်သည် စစ်အစိုးရ၏ စစ်တုရင်အရုပ်ကဲ့သို့ ရွေ့သွားသည်ကို ယခုအချိန်တွင်တွေ့မြင်နေရပြီဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ပထမဆုံး အလုပ်ခရီးစဉ် ပြီးဆုံးပြီးသည့် အထူးသံတမန်အား သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားသည့်အတိုင်း လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
ထိုသို့ တွေ့ဆုံဆောင်ရွက်မှုတွင်
• သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်
• အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)
• ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)၊
• အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC)၊
• တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
• အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ ရပ်ရွာခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် မြေပြင်တွင် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်နေသော လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ပါ၀င်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲတွင် အထူးသံတမန် အဆိုပြုသည့် နောက်အဆင့်များအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည်အောက်ပါ တုံ့ပြန်ချက်များကို ပေးပါသည်။
(က) 2022 ခုနှစ် ဧပြီလကုန်တွင် အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတစ်ခုကျင်းပပြီး လိုအပ်နေသူများအား လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ ထိရောက်စွာ၊ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုမရှိဘဲ အဟန့်အတားမရှိ ပေးပို့နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် ကွဲပြားသောအမြင်များ ဖလှယ်ရန်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီဆိုင်ရာ အဆိုပြုထားသော အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ပါဝင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် ပြည်တွင်းရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်သူဦးရေ တိုးမြင့်လာမှုအပါအဝင် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများနှင့် လိုအပ်နေသူများထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို အရေးပေါ်ထောက်ပံ့ကူညီလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထိုသို့သောထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများလုံခြုံနေစေရန် အထူးသံတမန်သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြု လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အခြားဒေသခံအကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် မဖြစ်မနေလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် အကူအညီပေးရေး ယန္တရားများကိုလည်း အသုံးချ၍ အသက်များကို ကယ်တင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
(ခ) Troika (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏မိတ်ဆွေများ) အစီအစဥ် နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုစင်္ကြံဆိုင်ရာ အစီအစဉ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ စစ်ကောင်စီ နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် အပြင်းအထန် ဆွေးနွေးခြင်း။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား သူ 'အပြင်းအထန်ဆွေးနွေးမှုပြုလုပ်မည့်' သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများ' တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် ယခုထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်၏ အချက် ၄ တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော သက်ဆိုင်သူများ ပါဝင်ကြောင်း အတည်ပြုရန်တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်နှင့် အညီ 'ပြည်သူတို့၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖြေရှင်းနည်း' ကို တိုးတက်စေရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် တရား၀င်ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ပါဝင်မှုသည် မရှိမဖြစ် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG)သည်အဆိုပြုထားသောအာဆီယံTroika(မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏မိတ်ဆွေများ) အစီအစဥ်ကို မူအားဖြင့် ထောက်ခံပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီဆိုင်ရာ "မြန်မာ့မိတ်ဆွေများ" အဖွဲ့၏ အဆိုပြုထားသော အခန်းကဏ္ဍများနှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ ရှင်းလင်းချက်များကို ရှာဖွေနေပါသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုစင်္ကြံ၏ ဆက်စပ်အစီအစဉ်တိုင်းတွင် အစောပိုင်းတွင် ဖော်ပြသတ်မှတ်ထားသည့်အတိုင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဒေသဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြုနှင့် နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီများ ပံ့ပိုးပေးလျက်ရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများပါဝင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
ဂ။ ယခုခရီးစဉ်၏ ရလဒ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အဓိက သက်ဆိုင်သူများကို ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြပြီး ရှေ့ဆက်ရမည့် နည်းလမ်းများအတွက် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြံပြုချက်များနှင့် အကြံပြုချက်များကို နားထောင်ပြီးအထူးသံတမန်၏ နောက်လာမည့် ခရီးစဉ်၏ အချိန်ဇယား၊ အကြောင်းအရာနှင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ခြေရှိသော ရလဒ်များကို ဆုံးဖြတ်ခြင်း။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးသံတမန်အား ၎င်း၏နောက်လာရောက်မည့်အချိန်ဇယားနှင့် NUG နှင့် အခြားအစုအဖွဲ့များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် စီစဉ်ထားမှုကို အစောဆုံး အတည်ပြုရန် တိုက်တွန်းသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ အာဆီယံဥက္ကဌ နှင့် အထူးသံတမန်ထံသို့ ၂၂ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ပေးစာတွင် အဆိုပြုထားသော အစည်းအဝေးပုံစံများ ပါဝင်သည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးသံတမန်၏ 'စစ်အင်အားအသုံးပြုမှုကို အစွမ်းကုန် ထိန်းထိန်းသိမ်းသိမ်း' ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တောင်းဆိုချက်ကို ထောက်ခံသော်လည်း၊ "ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်ထက် ဘာမှ ပိုအရေးမကြီး" ဟု အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်အား ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသည့် အထူးသံတမန်၏ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကြောင့် အံ့အားသင့် စိတ်ပျက်မိပါသည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ဆက်နွှယ်သည့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တစ်ဦးချင်း တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ လုပ်ရပ်များတွင် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ ပါ၀င်ပြီး၊ ဒေသတွင်း လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ပြည်သူများ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ကြီးမားသော ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုတစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်လာသည်။
၇။ လက်ရှိပဋိပက္ခသည် ရှည်လျားသော သမိုင်းဝင်အခြေခံအကြောင်းအရင်းများရှိကြောင်း အထူးသံတမန်က အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။ “....တိုက်ပွဲများသည် မနှစ်က သို့မဟုတ် လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်အနည်းငယ်ကမှ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ခြင်း မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးလိုပါသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များကြား ခုခံတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလွတ်လပ်ရေးရပြီးစ (၁၉၄၈)ခုနှစ်မှစတင်ခဲ့ပြီး နှစ် ၇၀ ကျော်ကြာမြင့်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။”
စစ်တပ်၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ သက်တမ်းရှိပြီဖြစ်ပြီး ယခင်က တာဝန်ခံရန်ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းများသည် လက်ရှိရာဇ၀တ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်လာစေကြောင်း အာဆီယံ၏ အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ယခုအချိန်သည် မြန်မာလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့် အကျိုးစီးပွားကို စစ်မှန်စွာ ထောက်ခံခြင်းဖြင့် သမိုင်းဝင်အမှားများကို ပြင်ဆင်ရန် အာဆီယံ၏ အခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သည်။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်သော ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ရေရှည်တည်ငြိမ်ရေးနှင့် ရေရှည်တည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲသော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့အတွက် ကတိပြုသည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နယ်ပယ်စုံမှ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် များ၊လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများနှင့်စစ်မှန်သောတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုတွင်ပါဝင်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-28
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"Today marks the 77th anniversary of anti-fascist resistance day, where the people of Myanmar joined people all over the world to stand up to fascism. The military calls the day Armed Forces Day and celebrates it with a military parade. It is so disheartening and sad to see an institution that kills its own people celebrate itself on this day.
Exactly one year ago today, the Tatmadaw, the fascist forces, killed more than 100 unarmed civilians during brutal crackdowns across Myanmar. Of these, 11 were children. That was the day of terror that people of Myanmar will never forgive or forget. On that day, when they made “day of shame for the armed force”, the Tatmadaw or national armed forces died as a national institution and forever fell from the hearts and minds and respect of the people of Myanmar. Although it must be said that tragically, this massacre was not a surprise for an institution that has been killing ethnic minorities such as Karen, Karenni, Kachin, Chin, Shan, Mon, Rakhine and the Rohingya people for decades.
Together with our brothers and sisters, people of different ethnic groups, races and religions, the people of Myanmar once again need to unite against fascist forces and show our resistance. We must stay united and fight until we can rip out the military and their fascism root and stem. Together with the souls of our lost heroes, we will fight to the bitter end, and I believe we will achieve the future Myanmar where true federal democracy and freedom awaits us..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-27
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"1. The Ministry of Defence of the National Unity Government is doing its utmost to establish the military chain of command between the People’s Defence Force and Regional People’s Defence Organisations and to establish a People’s Defence Force that fights for the security and justice of the people and that codes of conduct and rules of engagement are adhered to all the time while undertaking the people’s defensive revolution.
2. The Ministry of Defence is in the process of educating and issuing directives to the People’s Defence Force to avoid targeting the public and mitigate harm by following the code of conduct and rules of engagement and to treat suspects and prisoners humanely and interrogations done lawfully.
3. On 26th November 2021, 6 villagers from La Poh, including Ko Htike Maung and four others were wrongfully executed by members of the Yinmabin People’s Defence Force (YMB-PDF) led by Bo Thanmani. This was reported to the Ministry of Defence as a missing person incident.
4. On 3rd December 2021, the Ministry of Defence decided to form an investigation committee to probe into the Yinmabin missing person incident and a preliminary inquiry was initiated. Then together with specialists in law from the Ministry of Justice, the investigative central committee was expanded to establish a War Crime Investigative Central Commission. This investigative central commission is in the process of investigating not only the Yinmabin case, but all other related incidents and war crimes. Despite difficulties in communication, all efforts are being made to examine all related cases so that those responsible are brought to justice and justice recompensed to those affected.
5. The War Crime Investigative Central Commission filed an interim report to the National Unity Government on 17th March 2022, after a fact-finding official inquiry into Bo Thanmani, leader of the Yinmabin-PDF, 11 members of the families affected and eighth witnesses. The investigation is to continue with further examination of other witnesses and suspects.
6. Facts from the interim report:
(A) Ko Htike Maung and six other villagers from La Poh village were wrongfully killed. The six villagers were from the Hero Tiger PDF group.
(B) The investigation also found that in addition to the 6 villagers, 2 firemen, 1 driver and one young male, who were there to help a wounded fireman were also killed.
(C) The crimes were committed by certain members of the village defence force under the leadership of Yinmabin PDF Bo Thamani.
(D) The preliminary findings are that the incident took place as a result of misunderstanding and grudges held between the two groups.
7. As soon as the investigation is completed by the War Crime Investigative Central Commission, the National Unity Government will take appropriate action upon those who committed the crime. The NUG will not allow any other judgement to the findings of this incident.
8. The National Unity Government supports the essence of the people’s defensive revolution and in so doing will safeguard the security and safety of the people and justice will be brought to bear upon any person or organisation causing harm to the public in accordance with the law.
9. All the People’s Defence Force have a duty to abide by the codes of conduct, rules of engagement and a soldier’s oath of office. They are also all duty bound to avoid harming the citizens..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"ယနေ့သည် ဖက်ဆစ်တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်လံတော်အောက်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ အားလုံး စုပေါင်းအင်အားဖြင့် လှည်းနေလှေအောင်းမြင်းဇောင်းမကျန် သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်စွာ ဖက်ဆစ်နယ်ချဲ့ စစ်ဝါဒီများအား မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှတွန်းလှန်တိုက်ထုတ်ခဲ့သော ၇၇ နှစ်မြောက်တော်လှန်ရေးနေ့ အခါသမယဖြစ်သည်။
လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းလုံးရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးအပေါ် လက်နက် အားကိုးဖြင့် ဂုတ်သွေးစုတ်အနိုင်ကျင့်ဖိနှိပ်ဗိုလ်ကျနေသော တစ်ကျော့ပြန် ဖက်ဆစ်ဝါဒီ စစ်မိစ္ဆာများကို ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားသွေးချင်းညီအစ်ကိုမောင်နှမများအားလုံး အတူတကွလက်တွဲပြီး နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ခုခံဆန့်ကျင် တွန်းလှန်ကာ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲလျက်ရှိနေချိန်ဖြစ်သည်။
တိုင်းပြည်လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်ပမှ ကျူးကျော်လာသော ဖက်ဆစ်ဂျပန်တို့အား တွန်းလှန် တိုက်ထုတ်ရာ တွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တန်းတူညီမျှရေး တို့အတွက် ပြည်တွင်းရှိ ဖက်ဆစ်ဝါဒီ စစ်မိစ္ဆာများကို ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် တော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရာ တွင်လည်းကောင်း အသက်ကိုပဓာန မထားဘဲ စွန့်လွှတ်စွန့်စား ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့ကြသူများ အားလုံးကို အစဉ်အမြဲ ဦးညွှတ်ဂုဏ်ပြုလျက်ရှိသည်။
ဖက်ဆစ်တော်လှန်ရေးကိုဆင်နွှဲရာတွင် ဗမာ့တပ်မတော်တစ်ခုတည်းက ဦးဆောင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ခြင်း မဟုတ်ဘဲ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရဟန်းရှင်လူကျောင်းသားပြည်သူများအားလုံး အတူတကွ လက်တွဲ၍ ပူးပေါင်းတော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသဖြင့် ဖက်ဆစ်တော်လှန်ရေးနေ့ဟု သတ်မှတ်ဂုဏ်ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုနည်းတူ လက်ရှိနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲရာတွင်လည်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့်အတူ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ သပိတ်ကော်မတီများ၊ နယ်ပယ်စုံမှ အသိပညာရှင် အတတ်ပညာရှင်များ၊ အနုပညာရှင်များ၊ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ အားလုံးက ဟန်ချက်ညီညီ ခုခံတော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက် ရှိသောကြောင့် မြန်မာ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအဖြစ် ကမ္ဘာက အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အောင်ပွဲရချိန်တွင် မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ ဖက်ဆစ်ဝါဒီ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးကို အပြီးတိုင် အမြစ်ဖြတ်ရှင်းလင်းဖယ်ရှားနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်သာမက ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးကို လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းခြင်း၊ တန်းတူညီမျှခြင်း၊ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ခြင်းများဖြင့် တည်ဆောက်နိုင်မည်
ဖြစ်သည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သော ၇၇ နှစ်က ဖက်ဆစ်ဂျပန်တို့ကို တစ်မျိုးသားလုံး၏ ညီညွတ်မှုအင်အားဖြင့် အောင်မြင်စွာ တွန်းလှန် တိုက်ခိုက်နိုင်ခဲ့သည့် အမွေခံကောင်းကို ဆက်ခံလျက် ယနေ့အချိန်တွင်လည်း တိုင်းရင်းသား ညီအစ်ကို မောင်နှမ များအားလုံးက ဖက်ဆစ် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကို သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်စွာ တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ထုတ်ကြပါစို့ဟု တိုက်တွန်းရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကိုပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
376.13 KB
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"Following is a joint statement on Armed Forces Day in Myanmar issued by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union and the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Australia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Georgia, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Montenegro, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Norway, Palau, Republic of Korea, Serbia, Switzerland, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Begin text:
On Armed Forces Day, we remember those killed and displaced by violence over the last year, including at least 100 people killed on this day alone one year ago.
Some countries continue to supply lethal assistance to Myanmar’s military regime, enabling its violence and repression. We urge all countries to support the people of Myanmar by immediately stopping the sale or transfer of arms, military equipment, materiel, dual-use equipment, and technical assistance to Myanmar, in line with UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/75/287. We reiterate our call on the military to cease its violence and restore Myanmar’s path to democracy..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2022-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော် (PDF)နှင့် ဒေသဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအကြား စစ်ဘက်ကွပ်ကွဲမှု တည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ခုခံစစ်ပွဲ ဆင်နွဲနေစဉ်ကာလအတွင်း စစ်ဘက် စည်းမျဉ်း၊ စည်းကမ်းများနှင့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များလိုက်နာပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံမှုနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုတို့အတွက် တော်လှန် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေသော ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ ဖြစ်လာစေရေး အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် တည်ဆောက်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၂။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များအား အရပ်ဘက်ပစ်မှတ်များနှင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာစေမည့် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ရှောင်ရှားကြရန်နှင့် အကျဉ်းသားများ၊ သံသယရှိသူများကို စစ်ဘက် စည်းမျဉ်း၊ စည်းကမ်းများ၊ အရပ်ဘက်ဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ စစ်မေးထိန်းသိမ်းကြရန် ပညာပေးခြင်း၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များ ထုတ်ပြန် လိုက်နာစေခြင်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၃။ (၂၆.၁၁.၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဒေသကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည့် ဗိုလ်သံမဏိ ဦးဆောင်သော ယင်းမာပင် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ဝင် အချို့က ကိုထိုက်မောင်အပါအဝင် လာပို့ကျေးရွာသား (၆) ဦးနှင့် အခြား (၄) ဦးအား မှားယွင်းစီရင်ခဲ့သော မှုခင်းတစ်ရပ်ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့ပြီး ယင်းကိစ္စအတွက် လူပျောက်မှုအဖြစ် ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနထံ တိုင်ကြားမှုကို လက်ခံရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။
၄။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ယင်းမာပင် လူပျောက်တိုင်ကြားမှုအတွက် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ (၃) ရက်နေ့ တွင် စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ကော်မရှင်တစ်ရပ် ဖွဲ့စည်းရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ပြီး ကနဦးစုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ဗဟိုကော်မရှင် တစ်ရပ်အား တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဥပဒေပညာရှင်များဖြင့်ပေါင်းစပ်၍ တိုးချဲ့ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ဗဟိုကော်မရှင်သည် အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ယင်းမာပင်အမှုအပါအဝင် ဆက်စပ်အမှုများ၊ စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုများအား ဆက်သွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခက်အခဲများစွာကြားမှ ကြိုးပမ်း၍ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးပြီး တာဝန်ရှိသူများ၊ ကျူးလွန်သူများအား အရေးယူနိုင်စေရန်နှင့် နစ်နာသူများအား တရားမျှတမှု ခံစားရရှိနိုင်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၅။ စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ဗဟိုကော်မရှင်သည် ပျောက်ဆုံးနေ သူများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ယင်းမာပင်ပြည့်သူကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ ခေါင်းဆောင် ဗိုလ်သံမဏိ၊ နစ်နာသူမိသားစုဝင် (၁၁)ဦးနှင့် အခြားသက်သေ (၈) ဦးကို စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးခဲ့ပြီး ကြားဖြတ်အစီရင်ခံစာနှင့် သုံးသပ်တွေ့ရှိချက်များအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသို့ (၁၇.၃.၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် အစီရင်ခံတင်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ကျန်ရှိနေသေးသော သံသယရှိသူများ နှင့် သက်သေများကိုလည်း စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုပြုလုပ်ရန် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၆။ ကြားဖြတ်အစီရင်ခံစာနှင့် သုံးသပ်တွေ့ရှိချက်များအရ
(က) လာဘို့ရွာမှ ကိုထိုက်မောင်အပါအဝင် ကျေးရွာသား (၆) ဦးကို မှားယွင်းစွပ်စွဲ သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ပြီး အဆိုပါ (၆) ဦးမှာ Hero Tiger PDF အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။
(ခ) အဆိုပါ ကျေးရွာသား (၆) ဦးအပြင် မီးသတ်ရဲဘော် (၂) ဦး၊ ကားမောင်းသူ (၁) ဦးနှင့် ခြေထောက်ဒဏ်ရာရနေသော မီးသတ်ရဲဘော်အား ကူညီရန် လိုက်ပါလာသည့် လူငယ်တစ်ဦး တို့လည်း သတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရသည်ဟု စစ်ဆေးတွေ့ရှိရသည်။
(ဂ) ဤသတ်ဖြတ်မှုကို ယင်းမာပင်ဒေသ ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ ခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သော ဗိုလ်သံမဏိ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ ကျေးရွာကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ဝင်အချို့က ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု စိစစ်တွေ့ရှိရသည်။
(ဃ) ဤအမှုအခင်းသည် ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (၂) ဖွဲ့အကြား နားလည်မှုလွဲမှား အငြိုးအတေးထားမှုများကို အကြောင်းပြု သည်ဟု ကနဦး စီစစ်တွေ့ရှိရသည်။
၇။ စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေးဗဟိုကော်မရှင်၏ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုပြီးစီးသည်နှင့် ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူများအား လိုအပ်သော အရေးယူမှုများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ယင်းသို့ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေး အရေးယူမှုများကို နာခံခြင်းမရှိဘဲ မိမိတို့ စိတ်တိုင်းကျစီရင်မှုများကို လုံးဝခွင့်ပြုမည် မဟုတ်ပါ ။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားသဖြင့်တော်လှန်သော ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်၏ အနှစ်သာရဖြစ်သည့် ပြည်သူတို့၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံမှုနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုကို ရှေးရှု၍ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို ထိခိုက်မှု မရှိစေရန်အလို့ငှာ ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သည့် မည်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ မည်သည့်ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်ကိုမဆို ဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၉။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ စစ်ပွဲဆိုင်ရာစည်းမျဉ်းများ၊ စစ်သည်တော် ကျင့်ဝတ် စည်းမျဉ်းစည်းကမ်းများနှင့် သစ္စာအဓိဌာန်(၄)ချက်ကို လိုက်နာကြရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုအား ထိခိုက်စေ သည့် မည်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်မျိုးကိုမဆို ရှောင်ရှားကြရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-26
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"The Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced Canada is imposing targeted sanctions under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations against individuals and entities responsible for procuring and supplying arms and military equipment to the military regime in Myanmar, as well as the Commander of the Air Force.
The announcement of these latest sanctions, in coordination with the United Kingdom and the United States, underscores our continued support to the people in Myanmar in the face of the brutality of the armed forces and our resolve to bring the regime to full account. The announcement coincides with Armed Forces Day in Myanmar on March 27, which in 2021 was one of the bloodiest days of protest following the coup.
Since the coup on February 1, 2021, the use of lethal weapons by the regime has led to the death of more than 1,600 civilians and displaced over 440,000 people from their homes. Despite repeated calls to cease violence, to release all of those arbitrarily detained and to allow immediate unrestricted humanitarian access, the regime has continued to commit gross human rights violations and inflict terror against its own people with complete impunity and disregard for their suffering.
The appalling breadth and scale of atrocities by the regime are detailed in a recent report from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights suggesting that these atrocities may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Canada strongly condemns the bombardment of populated areas with air strikes and heavy weapons and the arbitrary detention, torture and mass killing of civilians, all of which has deepened the humanitarian crisis. Canada reiterates its call and urges all countries to halt all operational support and to cease the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons, munitions, military equipment and material, dual-use equipment, and technical assistance to the Myanmar armed and security forces and their representatives to prevent further atrocities..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
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Individual Documents
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Decisions on Venezuela and Bangladesh were also taken at the 344th meeting of the International Labour Organization’s Governing Body.
Description:
" The Governing Body of the International Labour Organization (ILO) has decided to establish a Commission of Inquiry in respect of the non-observance of International Labour Standards in Myanmar, following the military coup in February 2021.
The Commission of Inquiry will investigate the non-observance of the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention, 1948 (No. 87) and the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29) .
The resolution adopted by the Governing Body noted with profound concern “the escalation of large-scale lethal violence against civilians, including children, and the arrest and torture of Aung Ko Latt, a member of the Mahlwagone Railway Union,” and called on the military to end such action immediately.
It also deplored the “continued harassment, intimidation and arbitrary arrests and detentions of labour activists, trade unionists and others, including the Rohingya, in the exercise of their human rights.”
Myanmar should ensure that workers’ and employers’ organizations are able to exercise their rights in a climate of freedom and security, free from violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, the resolution says.
A Commission of Inquiry is the ILO’s highest-level investigative procedure and is generally set up when a Member State is accused of committing persistent and serious violations and has repeatedly refused to address them. To date, 14 Commissions of Inquiry have been established.
Consisting of three independent members, who are yet to be appointed, the Commission of Inquiry will be responsible for carrying out a full investigation of the complaint, ascertaining all the facts of the case and making recommendations on measures to be taken to address the problems raised by the complaint..."
Source/publisher:
International Labour Organization
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Governing Body of the International Labour Office (English), International Labour Organisation (ILO), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"In the early years of Myanmar’s independence, March 27 was called Resistance Day. It was held to commemorate the day in 1945 when Aung San and the soldiers of his Burma National Army turned their guns against their former Japanese allies. But perhaps in an attempt to honor the military and not offend the Japanese, it was in the mid-1950s changed to Resistance Day (Armed Forces Day), a name that was retained until the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, when it became Armed Forces Day (Resistance Day) and, under the rule of former dictator General Than Shwe, only Armed Forces Day. The crucial event in 1945 was mentioned only in passing, and, when the celebrations were held for the first time in the new capital Naypyitaw on March 27, 2006, columns of soldiers marched past newly erected, larger than life statues of the three most prominent warrior kings in Myanmar history: Anawratha, Bayinnaung and Alaungpaya.
That those dead kings are a living force was clear from the speech Than Shwe delivered on that day: “Our Tatmadaw [armed forces] should be a worthy heir to the traditions of the capable tatmadaws established by the noble kings Anawratha, Bayinnaung and Alaungpaya.” Democratic reforms were certainly not on his mind, a fact reflected in the name of the new capital. “Naypyitaw” means “capital” or “place of a king” in old-fashioned usage. Even “tatmadaw” literally means “royal force.”
Anawratha was the founder of the first Burmese, or Myanmar, Empire in 1044 AD, while Bayinnaung was the country’s most celebrated warrior king. During his reign, which lasted from 1551 to 1581, he conquered most of the Irrawaddy plain, parts of the Shan plateau and territories as far east as Chiang Mai in present day Thailand. Alaungpaya reigned in the 18th century and was the first king of the Konbaung Dynasty, the third and the last of the Myanmar empires. Myanmar’s military rulers have never explained why the date March 27 would bind those three kings together, but today, the armed forces as an institution, not any past resistance against the Japanese occupiers, is what matters. It could be equally important to maintain a blemish-free relationship with the Japanese right wing, which in the post-independence era—and especially after the 1962 coup—has had cordial ties with the Myanmar military.
In 1954, Myanmar signed a peace treaty with Japan and, as part of the agreement, Tokyo agreed to pay US$200 million in war reparations as well as an annual grant of US$5 million for technical assistance. That assistance continued even after democracy was abolished in 1962 and replaced by military rule. Given the economic decline that followed General Ne Win’s 1962 coup and the introduction of the so-called “Burmese [Myanmar] Way to Socialism”, many scholars argue that the Ne Win regime would have folded without it.
Tokyo’s willingness to continue economic assistance to Myanmar could be attributed to the influence of an informal lobby in Japan. For many years, it was led by Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister from 1957-60, and his private secretary and son-in-law, Shintaro Abe, foreign minister from 1983-86. Shintaro Abe’s son, Shinzo Abe, was prime minister from 2006-07 and again from 2012-20.
Another influential Japanese belonging to the Myanmar Lobby was Tadashi Ohtaka, Japan’s ambassador to Myanmar from 1987-90 and whose wife served as chairperson of the Japan-Burma Association (now renamed the Japan-Myanmar Association). During his tenure as ambassador, Ohtaka was the only diplomat given regular access to the then dictator, Ne Win. The Japan-Burma Association counted among its members 11 Japanese trading companies allowed to operate in Yangon and various companies involved in aid projects in the country.
Following years of economic decline, Myanmar’s economy took a slight turn for the better in the 1970s because of rapid expansion in agriculture and increased foreign assistance, mainly from Japan. Myanmar was the eighth-largest recipient of Japanese aid in the 1960s; by 1980, it had become the fourth-largest. Japanese aid peaked at US$244 million, or 6.3 percent of all Japanese overseas assistance. With Japanese aid pouring in for civilian projects, the dictatorship could spend more money and resources on building up the armed forces. By the time of the 1962 coup, there were about 100,000 soldiers under Ne Win’s command. In the 1980s, the number had increased to approximately 190,000. More indigenous defense industries were established, and new weapons were produced with assistance from Fritz Werner, a German company.
By the mid-1980s, a new economic crisis was looming in Myanmar. Japanese aid had kept the country afloat, but, in the end, it failed to revitalize inefficient, state-run enterprises. Worse, Myanmar’s foreign-debt level went through the ceiling. In March 1988, the Japanese decided that economic pragmatism had to take precedence over longstanding personal ties. Tun Tin, then minister of planning and finance, was told during a visit to Tokyo that Japan would reconsider its relations with Myanmar unless fundamental economic reforms were instituted. That was the first time the Japanese unilaterally demanded policy changes on the part of an aid recipient, underlining the importance Tokyo placed on its special relationship with the Myanmar government.
Japan’s new policy on aid, cut off months later in response to the killing of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators, apparently rocked Myanmar’s generals. Japanese pressure is widely believed to be the main influence behind the then junta’s decision to scrap the “Burmese Way to Socialism” and adopt more market-friendly policies. The opportunity to restore relations came at the time of Emperor Hirohito’s funeral in February 1989. According to Myanmar expert David Steinberg: “In order to avoid having the Burmese sit beside unrecognized delegations such as the Palestine Liberation Organization, a decision was made on Feb. 17 to recognize the new [military] government.”
That also opened the floodgates for more Japanese involvement. Western sanctions and boycotts had left a vacuum filled by China, which much to Tokyo’s chagrin replaced Japan as Myanmar’s closest foreign ally. In May 1990, the director of the Japanese Foreign Ministry’s First Southeast Asia Division, Maraharu Kohno, stunned Myanmar’s pro-democracy activists and exiles in Japan by saying at a lecture in Tokyo, “Can we automatically equate military rule with human-rights repression?…I’m not sure [in any case] that repression of human rights in Myanmar is as extensive as reported in the West…because Myanmar has not yet reached the stage of democracy. National security should come first.” Japan may have refrained from funding new aid schemes, but it allowed old ones to continue and support was also provided through UN projects in the country. In 2003, the Japanese even invited Myanmar’s military intelligence chief-turned-prime minister, General Khin Nyunt, to attend the Japan-ASEAN Summit in Tokyo.
No real change took place until after the 2010 election and ex-General Thein Sein’s appointment as president in February 2011. Japan along with Western countries normalized relations with Myanmar. The informal Myanmar Lobby went to work again, and a key person all along has been Yohei Sasakawa. In 2013, the then Shinzo Abe government appointed him Special Envoy of the Government of Japan for National Reconciliation in Myanmar, a post he has retained even after Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s ill-fated attempt to seize power on Feb. 1 last year.
Sasakawa is the son of Ryoichi Sasakawa, once a far-right politician who flew to Italy in 1939 to meet his personal hero, Benito Mussolini. Years later, he expressed regret about not meeting another European leader at that time: “Hitler sent me a cable asking me to wait for him, but unfortunately I didn’t have time.” Ryoichi Sasakawa was imprisoned by the Americans after World War II, but released in 1948 when the occupiers needed the extreme right to counter Japan’s leftist movement.
In the 1950s, Ryoichi Sasakawa managed to secure a monopoly on the only legally permitted gambling in Japan: motorboat racing. As a result, he became immensely wealthy, continued to back extreme right-wing causes, and built up a charity, now called the Nippon Foundation, which gave vast amounts of money to the World Health Organization to help eradicate leprosy. The once-Class A War Criminal in Sugamo Prison in Tokyo became a philanthropist and passed away in 1995 at the age of 96. By then, his son Yohei, after serving as chairman of the Japan Motorboat Racing Association, had become president of the Nippon Foundation.
The Nippon Foundation has been involved in several, largely unsuccessful, attempts to get some kind of peace process going between the military and Myanmar’s many ethnic armed organizations while the Japanese government has cultivated links with the military top brass. In October 2019, Min Aung Hlaing visited Japan at the invitation of Japan’s Ministry of Defense. Japan also initiated a program in which cadets from Myanmar receive combat training, which continues even after last year’s military intervention. On March 20 last year, Human Rights Watch said in a statement: “It’s mind boggling that Japan is providing military training to Myanmar cadets at the same time as its armed forces are committing crimes against humanity against Myanmar’s people.” A spokesman for the Japanese Ministry of Defense, however, told Reuters that any move to cut the partnership with Myanmar’s military could result in China winning more clout. Shinzo Abe is no longer Japan’s prime minister but his younger brother, and Nobusuke Kishi’s grandson, Nobuo Kishi, currently serves as minister of defense.
In December 2021, the 87-year-old former cabinet minister and chairman of the Japan-Myanmar Association, Hideo Watanabe, who once campaigned to bring billions of dollars of investment from some of Japan’s leading companies to Myanmar, urged Tokyo to endorse the new military regime. He caused an even bigger outrage than the Defense Ministry spokesman by saying that Min Aung Hlaing has “grown fantastically as a human being,” while praising his “democratization efforts.”
Watanabe’s son Yusuke Watanabe managed on May 26 last year to get an opinion piece published by the website The Diplomat in which he argued that “Japan must position itself as a bridge between the Tatmadaw and the United States and other democratic countries rather than blindly aligning itself with the Western policy of regime change… Leveraging its decades-long economic cooperation, Japan can now directly work with the Tatmadaw to reverse China’s geoeconomic influence.” He also wrote that he is one of the few foreigners who is “in constant contact with Myanmar’s current de facto leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing…my enduring engagement with him underscores Japan’s near century-long special relationship with Myanmar.”
That “special relationship”—when it comes to aid, investment and involvement in the so-called peace process—has so far resulted in little more than making sure that the Myanmar military remains firmly entrenched in power. Than Shwe and now Min Aung Hlaing may conveniently forget to dwell on the anti-Japanese resistance in 1945 and, instead, praise the old warrior kings Anawratha, Bayinnaung and Alaungpaya, because they know full well that it is the Japanese far-right that since 1962 has been a main benefactor and supporter of continuous military rule in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History, Military History
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Sub-title:
Stronger Economic Measures, Arms Embargo Needed Against Military
Description:
" Myanmar’s Armed Forces Day on March 27, 2022, is an opportunity for foreign governments to take stronger action against the military’s widespread abuses, Human Rights Watch said today.
Concerned governments should strengthen economic sanctions against junta members and other senior military officers, as well as military-owned conglomerates. The United Nations Security Council should urgently adopt a global arms embargo against Myanmar and refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court.
“Governments joining Myanmar’s Armed Forces Day celebrations are celebrating the military’s brutal suppression of its own people,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Governments should instead participate by enacting targeted sanctions against the generals and military businesses.”
On March 26, 2021, the state MRTV news channel announced that anti-coup demonstrators “should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back” and warned that “parents should also talk their children out of it [joining protests], let’s not waste lives for nothing.” This language was widely interpreted to signal that the security forces were planning to respond with force to planned protests on March 27.
The next day, Myanmar security forces killed as many as 163 anti-coup protesters in deadly crackdowns. It was most likely the deadliest single day since country-wide protests broke out against the February 1, 2021 military coup.
Since the coup, security forces have killed over 1,600 people and detained more than 12,000. Over 500,000 people have been internally displaced and the junta is deliberately blocking aid to populations in need as a form of collective punishment. Human Rights Watch has documented the military’s numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
A joint report by Fortify Rights and the Schell Center for International Human Rights at Yale Law School, released on March 24, 2022, identifies 61 senior military and police officials who ordered abuses or are otherwise directly implicated in crimes committed against the population in the first six months after the coup.
In recent weeks, there have been increasing reports of Myanmar military airstrikes and use of heavy weapons causing civilian loss of life and property. The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, in his February report on government sales of weapons to the Myanmar military, said that jet aircraft, attack helicopters, armored vehicles, light and heavy artillery, missiles, and rockets were being used against civilians. More than 400 of the attacks reported occurred in Sagaing Region in northwestern Myanmar, where most civilian fatalities have recently occurred. The report identified Belarus, China, India, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, Serbia, South Korea, and Ukraine as having transferred arms to Myanmar since 2018 that could be used to attack civilians.
Other countries such as Japan have not ended military ties and continue to provide training to the Myanmar military despite its long record of human rights abuses. Since 2015, Myanmar military cadets and officers have received academic and military training at Japan’s National Defense Academy and Japan Self-Defense Forces facilities. The Japanese government should immediately suspend the program and cut other military ties, or risk being complicit in the military’s atrocities.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights condemned Myanmar security forces’ violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in a March 15 report, and said the military was deliberately targeting civilians, many of whom were shot in the head, burned to death, arbitrarily arrested, tortured, or used as human shields.
On March 21, the US government formally determined that the Myanmar military committed the crime of genocide and crimes against humanity against ethnic Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State. The US and like-minded governments should seek justice for grave international crimes against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups, as well as against the anti-coup protesters, and impose stronger economic measures against the military leadership, Human Rights Watch said.
The UN Security Council – largely because of concerns of a Chinese or Russian veto – has not taken substantive action in response to the Myanmar military’s atrocities. Nevertheless, the council should impose an arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation in Rakhine State to the International Criminal Court.
“The UN Security Council should act to help end the suffering of Myanmar’s people,” Maung said. “UN member countries should not keep waiting for the Security Council, however, and should take all possible action at the UN General Assembly and unilaterally to promote justice for Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations
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"Junta courts in Myanmar have sentenced three journalists, Hanthar Nyein, Than Htike Aung and Ye Yint Tun, to two years in prison each for allegedly “spreading false news”. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) condemns the ongoing attacks to journalists in Myanmar and calls on the Myanmar officials to immediately drop all the charges against Hanthar Nyein, Than Htike Aung, and Ye Yint Tun.
According to the International Press Institute, Hanthar Nyein was sentenced on March 21 in a military-run court inside Yangon’s Insein Prison. The court charged the journalist for incitement under Section 505(A) of the Myanmar Penal Code.
On March 22, Than Htike Aung was handed the same charge, but was sentenced in Dekkhina District Court in Naypyitaw, Myanmar's capital. Section 505(A) of Myanmar’s Penal Code criminalises the circulation of any information that is deemed “false news” against the military regime. Both journalists pleaded not guilty.
Radio Free Asia reported that Ye Yint Tun, a reporter for the Myanmar Herald, was also sentenced for two years on March 23 under Sections 505(A) and 505(B) of the Penal Code.
The sentencing of the three journalists comes one year after their original arrests. Hanthar Nyein, co-founder of Kamayut Media, was arrested on March 9, 2021, during a military raid of the news outlet’s office in Yangon.
“They said Kamayut Media had incited riots and rallied people to protest. However, Hanthar Nyein appealed to them that he had just reported the news in accordance with journalistic ethics,” Hanthar Nyein’s lawyer said.
Than Htike Aung, a news editor affiliated with independent media outlet Mizzima, was arrested on March 19, 2021, in Naypyitaw whilst reporting on a court hearing. Authorities arrested Ye Yint Tun on February 28, 2021, whilst he was covering a protest in Pathein.
Section 505(A) of the Penal Code has been heavily criticised in Myanmar, with activists arguing that it is a “legal catch-all for bringing criminal charges against a broad range of individuals deemed to pose a challenge to the military regime”, and thus justifies the arbitrary arrest of journalists.
The IFJ said: “The ongoing detainment and harassment of journalists by the military junta continues to curb press freedom in Myanmar and contravene international human rights standards. The IFJ calls for the immediate release of Hanthar Nyein, Than Htike Aung and Ye Yint Tun, and urges the military to immediately cease its intimidation of Myanmar’s media.”..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Journalists
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Today the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated five individuals and five entities connected to Burma’s military regime pursuant to Executive Order (E.O) 14014. This action comes as the regime prepares to mark the 77th Armed Forces Day. The United States has concluded that the Burmese military committed genocide, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing against Rohingya. The military has committed atrocities and other abuses against members of other ethnic and religious minority groups for decades. Following the February 1, 2021, coup that overthrew Burma’s democratically elected civilian government, the military committed numerous atrocities against the people of Burma, including the violent repression of political dissent and violence against innocent people, including at pro-democracy protests during last year’s Armed Forces Day that killed more than 100 people.
“Brutality and oppression have become trademarks of the Burmese military regime’s rule,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “Treasury is committed to holding accountable those who are responsible for the ongoing violence and repression. We will continue to support the people of Burma, including those who are courageously standing in opposition to the military.”
THE BURMESE MILITARY
As part of today’s action, OFAC designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 the 66th Light Infantry Division (66 LID), a military unit based in Pyay Township, for being responsible for or complicit in, or having directly or indirectly engaged or attempted to engage in, the torture of any person in Burma or other serious human rights abuse in Burma. Members of the 66 LID have been accused of carrying out the Christmas Eve massacre in 2021, where civilians in Pyay and Hpruso Townships of Karen State were captured, tortured, and killed, including some whom members of the military reportedly burned alive. Multiple reports have counted women, children, and humanitarian workers among the casualties.
In addition to the 66 LID, OFAC has designated two individuals for being leaders or officials of the military or security forces of Burma. This includes Brigadier-General Ko Ko Oo, who serves as the Commander of Central Command and the head of the Ministry of Defense’s Technologies Department, and Major-General Zaw Hein, who serves as the Commander of the Nay Pyi Taw Command.
SUPPORT TO THE BURMESE MILITARY
Arms Dealers
OFAC designated the following individuals and related entities in connection with providing arms and equipment to Burma’s military regime.
Naing Htut Aung is designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Naing Htut Aung is an arms dealer who has procured equipment from Chinese companies and has strong ties to members of the Burmese military leadership, including Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing, who was previously designated on February 11, 2021, for being a leader or official of the Burmese military. His firm International Gateways Group of Company Limited is designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being owned or controlled by Naing Htut Aung.
Aung Hlaing Oo is designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Aung Hlaing Oo has been a central figure in planning to set up a manufacturing facility in Burma with his company Myanmar Chemical & Machinery that would produce military arms and equipment for both domestic use and export, particularly tanks and mortars in conjunction with the previously designated Directorate of Defense Industries. Myanmar Chemical & Machinery is designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being owned or controlled by Aung Hlaing Oo.
Sit Taing Aung is designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Sit Taing Aung has used his companies as fronts to broker arms deals for the Burmese military. He has close ties to members of the Burmese military leadership and other major arms suppliers, including Aung Hlaing Oo and Naing Htut Aung.
Companies owned by blocked individuals
Finally, the following entities are owned or controlled by, or have acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, a person whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant to E.O. 14014.
Htoo Group of Companies is designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being owned or controlled by Tay Za, who was previously designated on January 31, 2022, for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Asia Green Development Bank Ltd is subsequently designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being owned or controlled by the Htoo Group of Companies.
SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS
As a result of today’s action, pursuant to E.O. 14014, all property and interests in property of the persons named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked.
Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person.
U.S. sanctions need not be permanent. Sanctions are intended to bring about a positive change of behavior. Consistent with the findings of Treasury’s Sanctions Review, the removal of sanctions is available for persons designated under E.O. 14014, who take concrete and meaningful actions to restore the path to democracy and disassociate themselves from the military-led government in Burma.
For detailed information on the process to submit a request for removal from an OFAC sanctions list..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
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Sub-title:
UK announces new sanctions against Myanmar military ahead of Myanmar Armed Forces Day
Description:
"new designations target arms dealers and companies responsible for supplying weapons to the military
Minister for Asia condemns the military’s use of violence and calls for return to democracy
Two individuals and 3 companies responsible for supplying the Myanmar military regime with weapons and equipment have been sanctioned, the UK government has announced today. The UK has also designated the new Head of Air Force who was recently appointed to the State Administration Council.
The move comes ahead of Myanmar Armed Forces Day this weekend. On Armed Forces Day last year, the Myanmar military killed over 100 civilians, in what is regarded as the bloodiest day since the coup in February 2021.
New sanctions, freezing assets and banning travel to the UK, will be brought against Dr Aung Moe Myint, Aung Hlaing Oo and General Htun Aung.
Dynasty International Company Ltd, Myanmar Chemical and Machinery Company Ltd, and Miya Win International Ltd will also have their assets frozen. The UK has worked closely with partners in the US and Canada to coordinate this latest round of action.
Minister for Asia Amanda Milling said:
The Myanmar military has shown no signs of stopping its brutal campaign of violence against the people of Myanmar, who continue in their fight for democracy.
These sanctions target those who are instrumental in supplying the military with weapons that facilitate these abuses across the country.
Working with like-minded countries, the UK will always defend the right to freedom, democracy, rule of law and hold to account this suppressive, brutal regime.
The Myanmar military continue to use violence against civilians, including indiscriminate airstrikes, village burnings, and the suppression of the opposition movement.
The individuals and entities listed are responsible for facilitating this violence, including through supplying the military with weapons and services that have increased their ability to commit human rights violations.
These designations demonstrate the UK’s commitment to identifying and cutting off, the military’s supply of weapons and equipment from abroad.
The UK strongly condemns those countries who continue to facilitate the flow of arms to the military regime.
These countries share a responsibility for the brutal violence meted out by the Myanmar military.
The UK will continue to coordinate with allies, to push for an end to violence, the full implementation of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus, and immediate humanitarian access to those in need of lifesaving aid.
Background
Those sanctioned today are:
Dr Aung Moe Myint: Director of Dynasty International Company Ltd, responsible for procurement of arms for the Myanmar military. He is also Honorary Consul of Belarus to Myanmar, and the representative of the Belarusian Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Myanmar
Aung Hlaing Oo: Managing Director of Myanmar Chemical and Machinery Co Ltd (MCM). Through his control of MCM, he has acted as a key source of weapons and commercial support for the junta. He is also an associate of Commander-in-Chief and coup leader, Min Aung Hlaing
General Htun Aung: Newly-appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Air Force. He is also a Director of Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd – a major conglomerate ran by the Myanmar military and sanctioned by the UK, United States and European Union for financing the military’s human rights violations
Dynasty International Company Ltd: an importer and broker of arms imports to Myanmar. It has been responsible for the supply and upkeep of military and training aircrafts for the Myanmar Air Force, including since the February 2021 coup
Myanmar Chemical and Machinery Company Ltd: acts as a key source of weapons and commercial support for the junta
Miya Win International Ltd: responsible for ongoing activity in brokering deals for the supply and upkeep of aircraft for the Myanmar Air Force. It has continued to support the Myanmar Security Forces since the coup in February 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Sub-title:
အလေးထားရမည့် အကြောင်းအချက်များ အမှတ် – ၁၀
Description:
"၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင် ၁ ရက် ကနေ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ် ၂၀ ရက်အထိ ရှစ်လတာကာလအကြား တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေ (EAOs) ရဲ့ နယ်မြေတွေမှာ စစ်ကောင်စီနဲ့ EAOs တွေရဲ့ အကြားတိုက်ပွဲ အကြိမ်ရေ ၂,၁၉၃ ကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း ဖြစ်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ တိုက်ပွဲတွေက ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကယားပြည်နယ်နဲ့ ချင်းပြည်နယ်အတွင်းက EAOs နယ်မြေ တွေမှာ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့တာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ အဲဒီအထဲကမှ ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး (KNU) ရဲ့ နယ်မြေ အတွင်းမှာတော့ ၁,၇၇၅ ကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း တိုက်ပွဲတွေ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ပါတယ်။ မတ် ၁၉ ရက်နေ့ကလည်း KNU တပ်မဟာ ၃ ထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေထဲက ကွီးလားကျေးရွာနဲ့ တကက်ပူကျေးရွာတို့ကို စစ်ကောင်စီက လေကြောင်းနဲ့ ဗုံး ၄ လုံး ကြဲချခဲ့တာကြောင့် စစ်ရေးတင်းမာနေတဲ့ အခြေအနေတွေ ရှိနေပါတယ်။
တဆက်တည်းမှာပဲ တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ် ဒေသအသီးသီးမှာ စစ်ကောင်စီနဲ့ ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ (PDF/LDF/CDF/CNDF/KNDF)တို့ အကြား တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားမှုတွေကလည်း ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်လာပါတယ်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင် ၁ ရက်နေ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ် ၂၀ ရက်ထိ ကိုးလတာအတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီနဲ့ ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေအကြား တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားမှု ၇၆၈ ကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းမှာ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားမှု အများဆုံး ဖြစ်ခဲ့ပြီး ၂၉၃ ကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ဒါဟာ သတင်းမီဒီယာတွေနဲ့ လွတ်လပ်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေက ဖော်ပြထားတဲ့ တရားဝင် အချက်အလက်တွေ ကို စုစည်းပြီး ကောက်ယူထားတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ မြေပြင်အခြေအနေမှာတော့ အခုဖော်ပြတဲ့ ကိန်းဂဏန်း တွေထက် ပိုများနိုင်ပါတယ်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင် ၁ ရက်ကနေ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၂၈ ရက်အထိ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ် အတွင်းမှာလည်း မြောက်ပိုင်းမဟာမိတ်တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေနဲ့ သျှမ်းပြည်ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးကောင်စီ (RCSS/SSA) တို့အကြား တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားမှုတွေရှိခဲ့ပြီး လက်ရှိအချိန်မှာတော့ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ် တောင်ပိုင်း ရပ်စောက်မြို့နယ်နဲ့ ပင်လုံမြို့နယ်တို့မှာ အခြေအနေတွေ တင်းမာနေဆဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ထူးခြားချက်အနေနဲ့ကတော့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မတ် ၁ ရက်ကနေ ၂၀ ရက်အတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေအကြား ထိပ်တိုက်ရင်ဆိုင်တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားနှုန်းကတော့ သိသိသာသာကို လျော့နည်းလာခဲ့ပါတယ်။
∎ ဘာကြောင့်အလေးထားသင့်သလဲ
စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်ပွားလာတဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲ အခြေအနေ တွေကို လေ့လာခြင်းအားဖြင့်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ ရှိရင်းစွဲ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဖြစ်စဉ် (Peace Process) အခင်းအကျင်း ပြောင်းလဲမှု ရှိ၊ မရှိ အပေါ် သုတေသနပြု ဖော်ထုတ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ပဋိပက္ခနဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲတွေကို စောင့်ကြည့်ပြီး ပဋိပက္ခနဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲတွေအတွင်း သေဆုံး၊ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ရတဲ့ အရပ်သားပြည်သူ အရေအတွက်၊ သေဆုံး ဒဏ်ရာရခဲ့ပုံ ဖြစ်စဉ်တွေနဲ့ စစ်ဘေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေရတဲ့ ဒုက္ခသည်ပမာဏကို လေ့လာခြင်း အားဖြင့် လက်နက်ကိုင် တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေရဲ့ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု ကျူးလွန်တာတွေ ရှိ၊ မရှိဆိုတဲ့အပေါ် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှု ဆိုင်ရာ တရားမျှတမှု ရှုထောင့် (Transitional Justice) ကနေ သုတေသနပြုနိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တဲ့အတွက် အလေးထား သင့်သော ဒေတာ အချက်အလက်များပဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
∎ တွဲဖက်လေ့လာသင့်သည်များ
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်ပွားလာတဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲအခြေအနေနဲ့ အကျိုးဆက်တွေ အပါအဝင် တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသတွေမှာ ဖြစ်ပွားနေတဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲတွေ၊ အရပ်သား ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးမှုတွေနဲ့ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ဒုက္ခသည် အခြေအနေတွေကို လွတ်လပ်တဲ့ သတင်းမီဒီယာတွေ၊ အထူးသဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား သတင်းဌာနတွေရဲ့ မြေပြင် အခြေအနေ ဖော်ပြချက်တွေအပြင်၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းရေးရုံး (UNOCHA Myanmar) လို ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ၊ အခြား လွတ်လပ်သော ပြည်တွင်း ပြည်ပအဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေရဲ့ မှတ်တမ်း၊ အစီရင်ခံစာ စတာတွေနဲ့လည်း တွဲဖက် လေ့လာနိုင်ပါတယ်။..."
Source/publisher:
Institute for Strategy and Policy – Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Non-Ceasefire Groups, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
895.56 KB
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Description:
"March 24 is observed as the International Day for the Right to the Truth Concerning Gross Human Rights Violations and for the Dignity of Victims, marking the day Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero of El Salvador was assassinated on March 24th, 1980 for denouncing violations of human rights.
The military coup in Myanmar/Burma on February 1st, 2021 exacerbated the number and intensity of gross human rights violation across the country. Since the military seized power, civilians have become victims of arbitrary arrest, torture, targeted and indiscriminate killing, airstrikes, shelling and other violent abuses at the hands of the Burma Army. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 1,687 civilians have already been killed since the coup, though the number is likely much higher. Across the country, over 800,000 civilians are displaced and living under constant threat to their physical security and mental health[1]. Those who have become victims still await justice, while their perpetrators are yet to be punished and continue to commit further human rights violations. On the other hand, State Administration Council is continuing to commit human rights violation with impunity and there is no accountability from any perpetrator.
In Southeast Burma where armed conflict has been happening for more than seven decades, local communities are subjected to widespread human rights violations, especially by armed actors. The ethnic minorities in Southeast Burma has been systematically targeted and attacked by the Burma Army. According to KHRG’s documentation, the majority of the victims of human rights violations or their families have never received remediation for what they have suffered due to the culture of impunity within armed groups, especially within the Burma Army. The Burma Army has been committing forced disappearance, rape, murder, torture, the deliberate destruction of civilian property, and other forms of human rights abuses without facing any repercussions, whereas the victims and families of the victims have had to endure the long-lasting impacts of the abuses.
Since the coup, conflict has escalated again in Southeast Burma and dozens of villagers have been killed by airstrikes, shelling, landmine explosions, and other forms of violent attacks, including while being used as human shields. Civilians have also been systematically used as forced labour by the Burma Army. While accountability for past abuses has not been realised, further abuses are being committed by the Burma Army. KHRG calls upon the international community to take resolute action against the Burma Army, its military-owned businesses, and any entity that works with the Burma Army in an effort in diminish human rights abuses in Burma, end military impunity, restore accountability and justice, and assist victims of gross human rights abuses.
The countless victims of human rights violations and their families deserve and have the right to know the truth, receive justice, and be able to live their lives with dignity. The penetrators must be held accountable for the violations they have committed during both times of war and peace. It is the responsibilities of all to ensure the right to the truth concerning gross human rights violations and the dignity of victims.
KHRG would like to acknowledge those who have suffered human rights violations and victims who continue to wait for justice. KHRG also pays tribute to those who have suffered or lost their lives while striving to raise awareness to human rights violations in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Tayzar San is one of the most prominent of Myanmar’s anti-regime protest leaders and a key member of the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) — a body that brings forces opposed to the military regime together. A coalition of elected lawmakers, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and pro-democracy activists, the NUCC serves as a political consultative body to the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG), and is leading the efforts to lay the groundwork for the creation of a federal democratic union.
As one of the junta’s most wanted people, Tayzar San has been on the run for many months. But while in hiding, he continues his mission to eliminate military dictatorship from his motherland.
Recently, the 33-year-old doctor turned activist talked to The Irrawaddy about the urgent need for funds for the revolution and called on the public to take the boycott and social punishment campaigns seriously.
You and other prominent opposition figures have talked about the importance of financing the revolution. How is the current funding situation?
The NUG talked about the defense budget in their six month report on the people’s defensive war. The NUG said that they have received nothing, neither cash nor any material support, from foreign counties for the revolution and depend only on public donations. In fact, finance is the essential need for the revolution and will determine its result. But the coup has plunged the country into political, social and economic turmoil. And so our people are facing hardship and their financial support for the revolution is limited.
But I want to say that to win this revolution quickly, we definitely need more funding. We have all heard and seen that our People’s Defense Forces (PDF) comrades need arms and other material items. So we all need to push and contribute more. I want to say that this revolution is not for the NUG, NUCC and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CPRH – the NUG’s parliamentary committee), but for all the people of Myanmar. If the revolution is successful, it will benefit all of us. Equally, if this revolution doesn’t succeed, all of us including future generations will suffer.
In the NUG’s six month report, the defense ministry said it has only received around US$30 million to fund the armed resistance. What do you think of that?
I was really surprised by that. I thought the amount would be more. Everyone knows that weapons and ammunition are expensive. At the same time, our enemy, the terrorist regime, is spending hundreds of millions of dollars on the military and has had 70 years to build up its infrastructure. Compared to that, spending US$30 million is like tossing sesame seeds into the mouth of an elephant. In a virtual discussion that I joined last year, one EAO leader said that, according to their calculations, if we could spend US$15 million a month on military expenses, we could bring down the regime in a short time. At least US$2-3 million is required to arm a battalion. So US$30 million is nothing. That’s not to be discouraging but to make people aware of the situation. Funding is the lifeline of the revolution, so we need to work together to push for more of it. If we can do that, we can reach our desired destination of a peaceful and flourishing country fast.
What can the NUG do to improve fundraising?
As far as I know, the NUG currently has two sources of revenue [for the resistance movement]. The first one is bond sales, which is well known. People who can afford it, buy bonds. But I think that they can organize a campaign to sell more bonds and reach the business community more. Another source of funds is the People’s Revolution Supply Family (PRF) program. We rely on it a lot. Under it, all of our people can help supply PDFs for a minimum amount of US$20 each month. But so far people have very little knowledge about the PRF. Actually, the PRF program is a great source of fundraising for the PDF members who are risking their lives in our fight for freedom. But as there’s little public awareness of the PRF, the amount of people participating is still very low. While we try to get donations from business people who can make big contributions, we should also try to do more to get the general public to contribute monthly to the PRF.
But the NUG shouldn’t just rely on those two sources of funding. They need to find innovative ways to generate more revenue and also work on how to raise taxes as a legitimate government. For international aid, the world only bets on the winning horse. We need to work to let the international community know that our revolution is moving forward, and that we will definitely win.
What will happen to the revolution if the funding doesn’t increase?
For me, the current situation is not satisfactory as there is a great need of funding but it is also not discouraging. Our [armed] resistance started with any available weapons and even under the current situation with insufficient weapons and ammunition, the PDFs can threaten the junta forces and have taken control of rural areas in Sagaing Region and Kayah State. Tactics will also play a role in battle, while the main difference between us and the terrorist regime is that our fight is spirit-based and has the full support of the people. For them [the military regime], regardless of how well-equipped they are, as soon as they leave their bases or camps, they are in enemy territory. It is certain that we will win this revolution and there is a lot of good potential. But it will depend on us to make that happen. So I would like to urge our people not to relax or be disrupted by events and don’t be disunited.
In terms of public participation in the revolution, you have also recently reminded people of the boycott and social punishment campaigns. Why have you done that?
Because now more than a year after the coup, the terrorist military council members and some of their collaborators, supporters and opportunists are starting to publicly attempt to claim that normality is returning under the regime. They didn’t dare do that before as the peoples’ campaign against them was quite strong. But now they are testing the water. This is a battle between Dharma and Adharma. We need to clarify clearly the line between our enemy and us and we shouldn’t let them get into our society. They are the ones responsible for all the social and economic consequences since the coup. We need to strongly reject all of them. The boycott campaign against any businesses and services owned or affiliated with the military is also important. It needs to apply to anyone, any organization, any product affiliated with the military or supporting the military, because the money we use to buy their products or to use their services will turn into guns and bullets that kill our people and our PDF fighters. So not a single penny should reach the military. Our people already know that. But they might overlook the importance of the boycott campaign and social punishment for the revolution. And the terrorist regime and their collaborators will take advantage of that. We can’t let them do as they want. If we do, we are stupid.
What else would you like to say?
I would like to say that the more people contribute, the faster the revolution will succeed. You shouldn’t assume that the revolution will be over without you participating. There are several ways to participate. I am not asking you to do what the PDF youths are doing: fighting on the ground and risking their lives for the revolution. Let’s push to meet the financial needs for the people’s defensive war. Let’s be a support force [to the PDFs] by joining strikes, continuing to donate, continuing the Civil Disobedience Movement, boycott campaign and social punishment. Freedom does not come for free. We all have to make whatever contribution we can..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalists Hanthar Nyein and Than Htike Aung, and stop sentencing members of the press to prison for their work, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Thursday.
On Monday, March 21, a military court in Yangon’s Insein Prison convicted Hanthar, co-founder of the local news website Kamayut Media, under Section 505(a) of the penal code, a broad anti-state provision that criminalizes incitement and the dissemination of “false news,” and sentenced him to two years in prison, according to news reports and Kamayut Media editor-in-chief Nathan Maung, who communicated with CPJ via email.
The following day, a court in the capital city, Naypyidaw, convicted Than Htike Aung, a news editor with the news website Mizzima, on the same charge and also ordered him to be imprisoned for two years, according to reports and Mizzima editor-in-chief Soe Myint, who also communicated with CPJ via email.
The courts both said that the time the journalists had already served, following Hanthar’s March 9, 2021, arrest and Than Htike Aung’s March 19, 2021, arrest, would count toward their sentences, according to the journalists’ editors.
“The sentencing of journalists Hanthar Nyein and Than Htike Aung on bogus anti-state charges underscores Myanmar’s dubious distinction as one of the world’s worst jailers of the press,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “They should be freed immediately, along with the dozens of other reporters wrongfully held behind bars under the abusive rule of the country’s military junta.”
Both reporters pleaded not guilty to the charges, their editors said.
Maung told CPJ that Hanthar did not have any immediate plans to appeal his conviction, and that his prison sentence included hard labor. He said Hanthar was currently in good health.
Previously, Maung told CPJ that authorities physically abused Hanthar at the Yay Kyi Ai interrogation center in Insein Township before moving him to Insein Prison.
Soe Myint also told CPJ that Than Htike Aung would not appeal his conviction. He said the journalist was transferred to Mandalay Division’s Yamethin Prison on Wednesday to serve his sentence.
Myanmar’s Ministry of Information did not immediately reply to CPJ’s request for comment sent via email. Myanmar is the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists, trailing only China, with at least 26 behind bars at the time of CPJ’s annual prison census, conducted on December 1, 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"In the six months following its February 2021 coup d’état, the Myanmar junta murdered, imprisoned, tortured, disappeared, forcibly displaced, and persecuted civilians in acts that amount to crimes against humanity, said Fortify Rights and the Schell Center for International Human Rights at Yale Law School (“Schell Center”) in a new report released today.
The report makes new contributions to accountability and international justice efforts targeting the junta’s atrocities since the coup, including by:
Identifying 61 senior military and police officials who should be investigated and possibly prosecuted for international crimes;
Establishing the locations of 1,040 military units nationwide;
Revealing new information about the military chain-of-command during the crackdown on peaceful protesters throughout the country; and
Providing the most thorough legal analysis to date of the junta’s widespread and systematic attacks on the people of Myanmar in the first six months after the coup.
“Published just days prior to the one-year anniversary of the Armed Forces Day Massacre, this report provides the international community a better understanding of the junta’s crimes, the individuals responsible, and their battalions’ locations in relation to attacks. U.N. member states must ensure accountability for these ongoing atrocities,” said Tom Andrews, U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Robina Senior Fellow at Yale Law School’s Schell Center, and author of the foreword to the report. “This pivotal report on the junta’s horrendous crimes can help guide efforts to ensure accountability.”
The 193-page report, “Nowhere is Safe”: The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État, is based on more than 120 testimonies, leaked documents and information, and in-depth legal analysis of new evidence. It focuses on the first six months after the military’s attempted coup on February 1, 2021.
For months and often in broad daylight, Myanmar Army soldiers and Myanmar Police Force officers shot and killed unarmed civilians in cities and towns throughout the country, among other atrocities. The report proves how the junta engaged in a premeditated, widespread, and systematic attack on the civilian population.
Among the 61 senior military and police officials named in the report as potentially liable for crimes against humanity are Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Vice Senior General Soe Win, and the Joint Chief of Staff General Mya Tun Oo. These men are also responsible for what Fortify Rights determined to be genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, as well as war crimes in Rakhine State in 2019 and probable crimes against humanity and war crimes in Shan and Kachin states.
Other military and police suspects identified in the report are 19 regional commanders of the police force, 13 regional commanders from the military, and 27 other senior officials from the junta..."
Source/publisher:
Fortify Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"London, 24 March, 2022: The Myanmar Accountability Project, MAP, will lodge a criminal file for torture against members of the Myanmar junta at the Prosecutor’s Office in Istanbul on 29 March 2022.
“This is the first case to be initiated in a national court outside Myanmar into crimes that have been committed inside the country since the coup in February last year,” said MAP Director, Chris Gunness. “ The case relates to torture which took place in the notorious, Ye Kyi Ain interrogation centre in northern Yangon. We will be sending the names of specific torturers to the Turkish authorities and requesting that Interpol arrest them. Criminal responsibility also rests with members of the illegal military regime, including the leader of the failed coup, Min Aung Hlaing.”
Since the coup, the use of torture has become widespread and systematic, raising it to the level of international crimes. A report by the UN Human Rights Council found that since the coup, 325 people including 26 children had been tortured to death. The report concluded that “hundreds, if not thousands, have been subjected to torture.”
Chief legal Counsel for MAP, Gülden Sönmez, said the prospects for this “universal jurisdiction case in Turkey are good. The legal basis for a prosecution is sound. The evidence is very solid and with so much sympathy in Turkey for the people of Myanmar, dating back to the geocide against Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslims in 2017, the political environment is also sympathetic to a conviction,” she said.
“The message from this case in Turkey to the leaders of Myanmar’s failed coup is that you will be held accountable for your crimes and that you will face justice,” said Gunness. “You should take steps to get on the right side of the law. Stop the torture. Stop the crimes against humanity. And to the lower ranking members of the security forces, I say that your actions are being monitored. You too will be held to account.”
Later in the year, MAP will be initiating cases against the Myanmar junta in France and in the East Asia region..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Accountability Project
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Genocide
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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811.31 KB
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Sub-title:
The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État
Description:
"Based on more than 120 interviews, “Nowhere is Safe”: The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État , exposes how the Myanmar military junta murdered, imprisoned, tortured, disappeared, persecuted, and forcibly displaced or transferred peaceful protesters, activists, political leaders, and other civilians throughout the country in the six months following the military coup on February 1, 2021.
It provides the most extensive legal analysis to date on the attack, finding that the Myanmar junta is responsible for crimes against humanity under international law, and it reveals the identities of 61 Myanmar military and police officials who should be investigated and possibly prosecuted. It also reveals the physical locations of 1,040 military units nationwide.
Through detailed recommendations, this report provides a pathway for the international community to address impunity by the Myanmar junta, hold preparators accountable, and end ongoing attacks..."
Source/publisher:
Fortify Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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32.93 MB 31.03 MB 141.25 KB
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁ /၂၀၂၂)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ တပေါင်းလပြည့်ကျော် ၇ ရက်
(၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၂၃ ရက်)
================
၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာကို မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ရယူခဲ့သည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနလက်အောက်တွင် တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင်လျက် အမှန်တရားနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ဘက်မှ ရပ်တည်ခဲ့ကြသည့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိအားပေးနေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေဝန်ထမ်း (၉၀)ဦးအား ၈-၉-၂၀၂၁ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း (BLACK LIST) (ပထမအသုတ်) တွင် ထည့်သွင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ ထို့အပြင် ၂၉-၁၁-၂၀၂၁ ရက်စွဲပါ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁) ကို ထုတ်ပြန်၍ ပြည်ပရှိ မြန်မာသံရုံး၊ အဖွဲ့ရုံးနှင့် ကောင်စစ်ဝန်ချုပ်ရုံးများတွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေကြသည့် သံအမတ်ကြီးများနှင့် သံတမန်များအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို ကိုယ်စားမပြုဘဲ “ပြည်သူသာ အဓိက၊ ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ” ဟူသော ဆောင်ပုဒ်နှင့်အညီ အမှန်တရားနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ ဘက်မှ ရပ်တည်ပေးရန် သတိပေးနှိုးဆော်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၃။ သို့ရာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာကို မတရားသိမ်းယူမှု (၁)နှစ် ကျော်လွန်လာခဲ့သည့်တိုင် ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်ပါးစေ အဖွဲ့၏ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များကို နာခံဆောင်ရွက်သည့်အပြင် တာဝန်ပေးစေခိုင်းသည်ထက် ကျော်လွန်၍ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးအကြပ်ကိုင်ခြင်း၊ လက်ရှိအမှန်တရားအား ဖုံးကွယ်၍ ပူးပေါင်းကြံစည် လိမ်လည်လှည့်ဖြားပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းသို့ မဟုတ်မမှန် သည့် သတင်းများဖြန့်ဝေခြင်း၊ ကြေညာချက်များ ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း စသည်တို့ကို ဆက်လက် လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေဝန်ထမ်း (၅၄)ဦးအား ပြည်သူ့အကျိုးငှာ အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း (BLACK LIST) (ဒုတိယအသုတ်)အဖြစ် ရေးသွင်း၍ ပြင်းထန်စွာသတိပေးလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
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Individual Documents
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749.52 KB
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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911.51 KB
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"Daw Su Su Lwin, the wife of former President U Htin Kyaw and a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker, has refused to meet the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) special envoy to Myanmar, according to NLD lawmakers.
The special envoy, Cambodia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, was set to meet Daw Su Su Lwin at the Park Royal Hotel in Yangon.
However, Daw Su Su Lwin refused to meet the envoy, citing health issues, an NLD lawmaker told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity. Even if Daw Su Su Lwin had met with him, she could only have do so as a private individual and not as a representative of the NLD, added the lawmaker.
“One point of the five-point consensus is for the ASEAN special envoy to meet all stakeholders. Without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, it is impossible to represent the NLD as well as democratic forces,” said the NLD lawmaker.
Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun also told the BBC that Daw Su Su Lwin could not meet Prak Sokhonn because of her health.
One Myanmar-based political analyst said Daw Su Su Lwin deliberately avoided meeting the ASEAN envoy because she is concerned that it might result in friction within the NLD.
“If she meets him, I am not sure about other results, but it will definitely cause friction within the party. As the ASEAN envoy is the guest of the regime, meeting him amounts to recognizing the regime. That could lead to friction within the party, so Daw Su Su Lwin evaded the envoy,” said the political analyst.
The central executive committee of the NLD also told the media that Daw Su Su Lwin’s meeting with the special envoy couldn’t be as an official representative of the NLD, while the NLD leadership is being detained by the military regime.
Another political analyst said that while the junta has detained senior NLD leaders to try and kill off the party, it was attempting to make use of Daw Su Su Lwin to show the international community that the NLD still exists.
“China apparently does not like [the regime] ditching the NLD. China accepts that the NLD should exist in Myanmar’s politics. Although the regime dares not continue with its plan to dissolve the NLD under such circumstances, and it also dares not release NLD leaders, they want to show that the NLD still has representation. So they arranged a meeting between Daw Su Su Lwin and the special envoy. But Daw Su Su Lwin backed off as she can’t represent the NLD,” said the political analyst.
ASEAN’s special envoy arrived in Myanmar on Monday and met junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, foreign minister U Wunna Maung Lwin, international cooperation minister U Ko Ko Hlaing and People’s Party chairman U Ko Ko Gyi.
As Prak Sokhonn wrapped up his Myanmar visit on Wednesday, political analysts said that he only met regime representatives and failed to meet with all stakeholders, which goes against the five-point consensus.
Another political analyst said: “As he did not meet other stakeholders, the ASEAN consensus can’t be implemented. One of the points in the consensus is to bring all the concerned parties to constructive dialogue. But the regime is not willing to engage in dialogue. So the ASEAN envoy can’t implement the ASEAN consensus.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles on the NLD, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Description:
"The entire population of Myanmar has been deprived of their basic human rights at the moment. Among them, prisons are the worst place of the most serious HR violations which are totally unknown to the rest of the world, to the entire country and the humanity. Political prisoners and detainees who took part in the anti-coup movement and fought against the military dictators by all means during the Spring Revolution have been heavily tortured by the prison authority, stooges of the dictator. This animation video is presented by GSCC, AAPP and AJAR marking the “International Day for the Right to the Truth” to disclose the true reality and to make known of the most unknown and worst HR violations behind bars.
(Our Revolution Must Surely Win!!!)..."
Source/publisher:
General Strike Collaboration Committee, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and Asia Justice and Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းသူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဘဝဖူလုံရေး၊ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်ရေးတို့ကို အထူးအလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက်လျှက်ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင်နေပြီး (CDM) ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရမှ ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် (၂) လစာချေးငွေများကို ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းနှင့် အမျိုးမျိုးသောဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည့်အပြင် ပြည်သူလူထုကို အကြမ်းဖက်နှိပ်စက်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်ကောင်စီယန္တားရား လည်ပတ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားကုန်သွယ်မှုဘဏ်မှ အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ အရာထမ်း၊ အမှုထမ်း (၂၁၂) ဦးတို့ကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist) သွင်းလိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismissal) လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
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1.69 MB
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Description:
"From the day the organization was established, throughout its 22-year existence, AAPP has been diligently observing, documenting, and reporting on the violations of prisoner rights, and human rights throughout Burma.
Through our work, we have discovered the situation inside prisons and interrogation centers in the country has clearly worsened since the February 1, 2021, attempted military coup. The inhumane conditions suffered by political prisoners demonstrate how the junta thinks. For them, it is as if those who show dissent do not have fundamental human rights.
In this report, we have described the experiences of political prisoners, pro-democracy supporters, who have been subjected to interrogation, judicial processes, and imprisonment by the junta since the beginning of the attempted coup. Evidence has been collected from AAPP records on file, interviews with family members of political prisoners, interviews with released political prisoners, and other credible sources.
This brief report provides inexorable evidence that arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonment will continue, along with persecution over all peoples, including ethnic nationalities, with violations of human rights everywhere across the country, if the coup continues. As long as the military dictatorship exists, people in Burma will have no future..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders
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615.64 KB
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Description:
"Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC),
comprised of seven countries from South Asia and Southeast Asia namely Bangladesh, Bhutan,
India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand, is scheduled to hold its 5th Summit on March 30
which will be hosted by Sri Lanka.
The biennial summit is a conference where leaders of member states come together to discuss
and make highest policy decisions for peace, prosperity and sustainability of Bay of Bengal
region. The 4th summit held in Nepal in 2018 was attended by Myanmar president U Win Myint.
On 1st, February, 2021, Myanmar military attempted to seize power from the civilian
government. It has been 400 days since for Myanmar people of all ethnics and religions, who
have categorically rejected and resisted the military’s coup attempt, risking their lives to defend
democracy and end military tyranny by all means as they strive for a federal democratic system.
To this end, the military junta’s coup attempt to seize control of the country has failed.
Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing sent his remark representing Myanmar at the 24th anniversary of
BIMSTEC in June 2021 and in BIMSTEC’s announcement of his message, he was referred to as
honorary chairman of the State Administration Council of Myanmar. In December 2021, Myanmar
military was invited to take part in military exercises of BIMSTEC countries in India and, in
addition, there are records that Myanmar military representatives attended many of BIMSTEC
meetings as country representatives.
Most of the members of BIMSTEC are democracy countries, yet BIMSTEC have provided
legitimacy to the Myanmar military that is a terrorist organization that has killed 2,313 people
just because they protested against the military and detained 11,564 civilians (Grim data
collected by the Media Monitoring Collective, MMC from February 2021 to January 2022). The
Junta has arrested democracy and human rights activists and defenders and deliberately
targeting civilians with airstrikes, ground military attacks, setting villages on fires and committing
mass killings. The military’s campaign of terror has forced over 500,000 people to flee their
homes, further deepening the humanitarian crisis. These grave violations of human rights amount
to crimes against humanity and war crimes that have been collectively condemned by the people
of Myanmar and international community together.
BIMSTEC risks compliciting in Myanmar military’s atrocities crimes by continuing to invite
coup leader Min Aung Hlaing as representative of Myanmar to the 5th BIMSTEC summit in 2022
as it will lend legitimacy to the Myanmar military and further embolden them to continue its
atrocity crimes against the people.
Such action will only cause additional pain and serve as salt to the wound of the people of
Myanmar who are already suffering from atrocities by Myanmar military on a daily basis.
We, the undersigned organizations in solidarity with Myanmar across the globe demand the
following:
1. BIMSTEC must disassociate itself and cut all ties with the military council members which
was established by the Myanmar military who have been accused of committing genocide, war
crimes and many acts of crimes against humanity.
2. The demands of democracy movement and spring revolution of Myanmar people must
be respected and recognized.
3. There cannot be a peaceful, prosperous, and sustainable Bay of Bengal region, if
democracy and human rights cease to thrive. We call on leaders of BIMSTEC member states to
discuss and decide on the issues of Myanmar in consideration of humanity and human dignity..."
Source/publisher:
136 Myanmar Civil Society Organizations
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters
Language:
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pdf
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124.07 KB
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Description:
"ယနေ့ မတ် ၂၃ ရက်နေ့၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) စတင် ဖွဲ့စည်း ထူထောင်ခဲ့သည်မှာ (၂၂) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။
စတင်ထူထောင်ချိန်မှစ၍ ၂၂ နှစ်တာကာလအတွင်း AAPP အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အစဉ်တစိုက်လေ့လာစောင့်ကြည့် မှတ်တမ်းတင်မှုများ၊ ထုတ်ပြန်မှုများကို ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။
ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မတရားအာဏာလုယူမှုနောက်ပိုင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများနှင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်များ၏ အခြေအနေမှာ ယခင်ကထက် အဆပေါင်းများစွာ ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာခဲ့သည်ကို စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာမှုများအရ တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ ထောင်တွင်းရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် အခြေအနေများမှာ လူတစ်ယောက်၏ အခွင့်အရေးမှန်သမျှ အဟောသိကံဖြစ်ကြရသည်။
ယခုအစီရင်ခံစာတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုမှ နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို မတရားအာဏာလုယူချိန်မှ အစပြု၍ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ စစ်ကြောရေး၊ တရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့် အကျဉ်းစံ အတွေ့အကြုံများကို ဖေါ်ပြထားသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ ကောက်ယူထားသော မှတ်တမ်းများ၊ အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရဆဲ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ မိသားစုဝင်များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံမေးမြန်းမှုများ၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်သူများနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံမေးမြန်းမှုများအပေါ် အခြေခံ၍ သက်သေခံအထောက်အထားနှင့်တကွ တင်ပြထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် သက်ဆိုးရှည်နေသေးသ၍ ပြည်သူများ၏ အနာဂတ်ပျောက်နေဦးမည်သာဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အတူ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချမှုများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးအပေါ် အနိုင်ကျင့်စော်ကားမှုများ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီး၊ နေရာဒေသအသီးသီးတွင် ဆက်လက်ရှိနေဦးမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဤအစီရင်ခံစာက တစိတ်တဒေသအားဖြင့် သက်သက်ခံနေမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
530.9 KB
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Description:
"လက်ရှိမြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ အဲဒီထဲကမှ ကမ္ဘာကရော၊ နိုင်ငံကရော၊ လူ့လောကတစ်ခုလုံးကပါ လူမသိသူမသိ ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရဆုံးနေရာက အကျဉ်းထောင်တွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးမှာ နည်းမျိုးစုံနဲ့ပါဝင်ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရင်း အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲ ရောက်နေကြတဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားတွေကို အာဏာရှင်ရဲ့ လက်ပါးစေ ထောင်အာဏာပိုင်များမှ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်နေကြပါတယ်။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်တွေကို အခြေခံပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်တွေထဲက လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်အခံရဆုံး အဖြစ်အပျက်တွေကို အများပြည်သူ သိရှိနိုင်အောင် ဖော်ထုတ်ဖို့အတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ပြီး “The International Day For The Right To The Truth” အထိမ်းအမှတ်အဖြစ် အောက်ပါ Animation Video ကို GSCC ၊ AAPP ၊ AJAR တို့ပူးပေါင်း စီစဉ်တင်ဆက်လိုက်ပါတယ်။
(အရေးတော်ပုံအောင်ရမည်!!)..."
Source/publisher:
General Strike Collaboration Committee, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and Asia Justice and Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
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834.02 KB
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"Human Rights Council
Forty-ninth session
28 February–1 April 2022
Summary
The Myanmar junta is committing gross human rights violations against the people of Myanmar. It is bombing villages indiscriminately, forcibly displacing hundreds of thousands. Its troops have engaged in mass killings on numerous occasions and tortured dozens to death. It is criminalizing basic human rights, including the right to express dissent—both on the streets and online. It is actively committing probable crimes against humanity and war crimes.
This paper examines a key aspect of the international community’s response to the Myanmar military’s illegal coup and these subsequent violations of international law – the supply of weapons to the military junta that are used to attack the people of Myanmar. It also makes recommendations to reduce the flow of weapons to the junta and save lives.
The paper details known arms transfers from Member States to Myanmar since 2018, and in particular since the military coup on 1 February 2021, that could be used by the Myanmar military to attack civilians. The Special Rapporteur also discusses the legality of these transfers, applying international humanitarian law, customary international law related to state responsibility, and the Arms Trade Treaty, where applicable.
As the Myanmar military’s attacks against civilians escalate, it is critical that Member States immediately consider how they might alter their response to this crisis. This can begin by examining the role of the Security Council and Member States since the junta’s coup one year ago. How have the actions, or inaction, of the Security Council and Member States contributed to the crisis in Myanmar? What changes can and must be made to save lives, reduce human suffering, and protect the human rights of the Myanmar people?
Amongst his recommendations, the Special Rapporteur urges the Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo and targeted economic sanctions against the Myanmar military. At the very least, he urges Member States of the Security Council to immediately propose a resolution to stop the flow of weapons that are actively being used by the military junta to attack Myanmar civilians: jet aircraft, attack helicopters, armored vehicles, light and heavy artillery, missiles and rockets that can be used to target ground targets, artillery shells, and small arms. The choice between action and inaction is literally a matter of life and death..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Human Rights Council this afternoon held an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, heard the presentation of an oral update on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and began a general debate on its agenda item four on human rights situations that require the Council’s attention.
Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said he regretted to inform the Human Rights Council that since his last report, the human right situation in Myanmar had not only failed to improve, it had deteriorated significantly. In fact, the Myanmar junta’s war against the people of Myanmar had intensified. The generals responsible for these escalating horrors were guilty of crimes against humanity, including the crimes of murder, enslavement, displacement and forcible transfer, enforced disappearance, torture, rape, and sexual violence. The international community and all Member States of the United Nations must stand with and for the people of Myanmar with not only words, but even more importantly, with action.
In the discussion on Myanmar, speakers said the findings of the report were shocking and revealed the magnitude of the human rights crisis in Myanmar. The brutal and inhumane attacks must cease immediately, and all those arrested must be released. The attacks on civilians must cease immediately. The humanitarian crisis in the country had been deliberately exacerbated by attacks on humanitarian personnel and the blocking of humanitarian aid. These were blatant violations of international law. Those guilty of human rights violations must be held accountable. Some speakers said that the report contained biases and major imbalances with information from unsubstantiated sources. The Special Rapporteur had abused his status and stepped beyond his mandate by manipulating facts in an attempt to influence the work of United Nations bodies and serve the political agenda of certain countries, voiding his code of conduct and damaging further the situation on the ground.
Ilze Brands Kehris, United Nations Assistant Secretary‑General for Human Rights, presented the oral update of the High Commissioner on the implementation of the recommendations made by the group of independent experts on accountability for human rights violations in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. She said that the Office continued to lay foundations for future accountability with respect to violations of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including by gathering, analysing and preserving information on human rights violations in the country, some of which may rise to the level of international crimes. The Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea should commit to systemic reforms needed to end all human rights violations and to hold those responsible to account.
The Council then held a general debate on agenda item four on human rights situations that require the Council’s attention. Some speakers said that the principles of universality, objectivity and impartiality should guide the Council’s work under this agenda item, and that all civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development, should be treated equally. States had a primary responsibility to ensure the safety of internally displaced persons in situations of armed conflict, including their return and full restoration of their human rights. The Council should remain aware of the devastating impact of terrorism, hold accountable the countries that supported terrorist groups, and work to limit the impact of terrorists on human rights. The Council had a duty to take meaningful actions to combat the rise of racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia and hate speech, particularly online.
Speaking on Myanmar were European Union, Pakistan (on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), Sweden (on behalf of a group of countries), Liechtenstein, Libya, United Arab Emirates, Malaysia, Maldives, Japan, France, Venezuela, Luxembourg, China, Indonesia, Australia, Ireland, Republic of Korea, Bangladesh, United States, Serbia, Belgium, Turkey, Czech Republic, Albania, Malawi, New Zealand, Canada, Timor-Leste, Sierra Leone and Gambia.
Also speaking were Access Now, Human Rights Now, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, Centre pour les Droits Civiques et Politiques, Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Human Rights Watch, Lawyers Rights Watch Canada, the International Federation For Human Rights League (FIDH), the European Center for Law and Justice and the Meezaan Center for Human Rights,
Speaking in the general debate on agenda item four were: France (on behalf of the European Union), Pakistan (on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), Poland (on behalf of a group of countries), China (on behalf of a group of countries), Azerbaijan (on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement), Morocco (on behalf of the group of Arab States), Venezuela (on behalf of a group of countries), Germany, Finland, Luxembourg, China, France, Venezuela, Cuba, Japan, India, Netherlands, Armenia, Pakistan, Indonesia, Lithuania, Russian Federation, Republic of Korea, United States, United Kingdom, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Sudan, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Philippines, Israel, Estonia, Spain, Switzerland and Austria.
The webcast of the Human Rights Council meetings can be found here. All meeting summaries can be found here. Documents and reports related to the Human Rights Council’s forty-ninth regular session can be found here.
The Council is scheduled to reconvene at 9 a.m. on Tuesday, 22 March, to continue the general debate under agenda item four, followed by a panel discussion on public policies on COVID-19 at 10 a.m.
Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
Documentation
The Council has before it (A/HRC/49/76) report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
Presentation of the Report
THOMAS ANDREWS, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said he regretted to inform the Human Rights Council that since his last report, the human right situation in Myanmar had not only failed to improve, it had deteriorated significantly. In fact, the Myanmar junta’s war against the people of Myanmar had intensified. More than 1,600 civilians had now been killed by the junta; nearly 10,000 were now arbitrarily detained; more than half a million had been displaced since the coup began, bringing the number of internally displaced persons to well over 800,000; in the last two and a half months alone – since the beginning of this year - more than 4,500 homes and other civilian structures had been destroyed; basic human rights such as freedom of expression, assembly and association had been criminalised; many regions of the country that had not seen sustained fighting since World War II were now in a state of non-international armed conflict; and the 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State after the military-led genocidal attacks in 2016-2017 were under constant threat, nearly a quarter of them confined in de facto internment camps while nearly all continued to be denied the right to citizenship, movement, and other fundamental rights.
The generals responsible for these escalating horrors were guilty of crimes against humanity, including the crimes of murder, enslavement, displacement and forcible transfer, enforced disappearance, torture, rape, and sexual violence. Junta forces had also committed war crimes, including wilful killing, destruction of property, torture and inhumane treatment, pillaging, rape, and displacement of civilians, among other crimes. Of course, only a competent court could render such judgments with legal authority and international justice was sorely needed to hold those who were responsible for these horrible, ongoing crimes fully accountable.
The consequences of the junta’s coup were being felt by tens of millions of people - nearly the entire population of Myanmar. The military junta had driven Myanmar into a humanitarian catastrophe marked by a crumbling health infrastructure, half the nation falling into poverty, rampant inflation, and the cruel and outrageous blocking of the delivery of aid to those in desperate need. It was critical to focus on the fact that the nightmare that continued to unfold in Myanmar, day in and day out, was happening to real people, real families whose lives were being crushed by a murderous junta. The military junta of Myanmar, and their accomplices, must be held accountable! The international community and all Member States of the United Nations must stand with and for the people of Myanmar with not only words, but even more importantly, with action. For the growing numbers of men, women and children in Myanmar, it was a matter of life and death.
Discussion
In the ensuing interactive debate, speakers said the findings were shocking, and revealed the magnitude of the human rights crisis in Myanmar. The brutal and inhumane attacks must cease immediately, and all those arrested must be released. The attacks on civilians must cease immediately. The humanitarian crisis in the country had been deliberately exacerbated by attacks on humanitarian personnel and the blocking of humanitarian aid. These were blatant violations of international law. Those guilty of human rights violations must be held accountable. The acute suffering in the country could only end if Myanmar was brought back to the path of democracy, as highlighted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in its Five Point Consensus. The attacks against the Rohingya Muslims were deplored, and concerns were expressed that no progress had been made to ensure their safe and voluntary return to their lands.
Myanmar must cooperate with the United Nations and all relevant human rights mechanisms and implement all recommendations, including providing citizenship for the Rohingya and the return of all forcibly displaced persons. It was now more than a year since the brutal military coup, and in recent months the violence had escalated, with air strikes, torture, and attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, all committed by the military forces. The continued repression of the right to freedom of speech, including the harassment of journalists and civil society, was also of great concern. The humanitarian crisis was only growing, and safe humanitarian access to international actors must be ensured.
Some speakers said that country-specific mandates established without the agreement of the country concerned were against the spirit of consensus that should reign in the Council. The report contained biases and major imbalances with information from unsubstantiated sources. These politicised mandates impeded dialogue on the promotion and protection of human rights. It was important to bolster spaces for cooperation, as otherwise the efforts to consolidate democracy and strengthen human rights came to nothing. The Council should cease to hold these hostile mandates against countries of the South. They were an interference into the sovereignty of these countries. The Universal Periodic Review mechanism was the best place for dealing with country-specific issues. The absence of Myanmar at the meeting was saddening. The Special Rapporteur had abused his status and stepped beyond his mandate by manipulating facts in an attempt to influence the work of United Nations bodies and serve the political agenda of certain countries, voiding his code of conduct and damaging further the situation on the ground. He should stay within his mandate and within the principles of objectivity and impartiality, and work to stabilise the situation in Myanmar.
Concluding Remarks
THOMAS ANDREWS, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said that he appreciated the thoughtful comments and questions. On the role of the international community to reduce the violent attacks against freedom of expression in Myanmar, the Special Rapporteur said that in the absence of a Security Council resolution issuing an arms embargo, Member States should hold arms deliveries and reduce revenue transfer with more economic sanctions. It took considerable revenue to supply and equip the military structure. Mr. Andrews said it was necessary to create a multinational task force to identify, hunt down and freeze the assets of Myanmar, as Myanmar’s assets belonged to the people of Myanmar, and they were being used to attack the rightful owner of these assets, the people of Myanmar. The national liberty government should be recognised as the representative of the people of Myanmar. Member States should support the efforts to hold perpetrators of atrocities to account. States that had universal jurisdiction should make preparations to file charges against Myanmar’s security officials. They should support filing under the International Criminal Court and ensure the full funding of the United Nations humanitarian response.
The Special Rapporteur continued to believe that a comprehensive resolution, including sanctions under the International Criminal Court, should be put in front of the Security Council, or at least one prohibiting the transfer of weapons to Myanmar as well as sanctions against entities which imported and exported weapons to Myanmar. Arms facilitators should be sanctioned. International investors should examine the extent to which their investments supported the atrocities and how they could prevent and mitigate their human rights impacts, including terminating those investments if needed. On the criticism addressed to the Council and his mandate, he stated, "with all due respect", that he stood by the facts in his report and specified that he would address any criticism. The report was within his mandate and his responsibility. The arms deal that he had documented had resulted in horrible violations of human rights and it was his responsibility to document them as well as address progress on the recommendations of the Fact-Finding Mission. His report was not based on speculation, it was based on facts and facts spoke for themselves.
Concerning the situation of the Rohingya, Mr. Andrews said that 600,000 of them in Rakhine state continued to have their human rights violated, facing restrictions that could have life or death consequences, given the current conditions. He considered the situation in Rakhine state to be unconducive for the return of refugees in Bangladesh. He hoped to travel to countries belonging to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in the coming months to hear their vision of the situation. He fully supported the Five Point Consensus. The Special Rapporteur further welcomed the collaboration with the European Union envoy and reiterated that Member States should consider him as a source of information and recommendations. Concluding by addressing the impact of the military coup on children, the Special Rapporteur specified that the crisis in public health would have a long-term impact on the development of children and that the violation of their human rights may account to war crimes or crimes against humanity. Some 188 children were detained as political prisoners because they had participated in peaceful protests. Some had been tortured and denied medical care. He was further extremely concerned over the recruitment of child soldiers and the use of children as human shields. The collapse of health care services would have a devastating impact on children, such as the lack of routine immunisation, which could result in 33,000 deaths this year.
Presentation of the Oral Update of the High Commissioner on the Implementation of the Recommendations made by the Group of Independent Experts on Accountability for Human Rights Violations in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
ILZE BRANDS KEHRIS, United Nations Assistant Secretary‑General for Human Rights, presenting the oral update of the High Commissioner on the implementation of the recommendations made by the group of independent experts on accountability for human rights violations in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, said the Office continued to lay foundations for future accountability with respect to violations of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including by gathering, analysing and preserving information on human rights violations in the country, some of which may rise to the level of international crimes. It had taken forward processes of gathering information on specific violations, in particular by interviewing escapees from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Over the last year, there had been a significant reduction in the number of escapees leaving the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, principally as a result of COVID-19 related restrictions. Member States with escapees on their territory should ensure full and unhindered access for the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to them, in particular recent arrivals. Persons repatriated to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea faced a significant likelihood of torture and other serious human rights violations. Member States should provide them with full protection against the risk of refoulement and safe pathways in accordance with international human rights and refugee law obligations.
Information received by the Office of the High Commissioner continued to suggest that there were reasonable grounds to believe that crimes against humanity had been committed in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and may be ongoing. The Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea should commit to systemic reforms, end all human rights violations, and hold those responsible to account. An acknowledgment of the existence of serious human rights violations was a first step to this end. In the absence of any such commitment, however, it was incumbent on the international community to pursue accountability avenues, whether through referral to the International Criminal Court, or the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal or another comparable mechanism. Member States should also consider supporting complementary approaches at national levels, including criminal proceedings in accordance with international standards under accepted principles of extraterritorial and universal jurisdiction, and relevant civil litigation. Long-term peace and stability on the Korean peninsula could only be achieved if victims’ rights to truth, justice and accountability for violations suffered in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea were addressed adequately and in a timely manner.
General Debate on Human Rights Situations that Require the Council’s Attention
In the general debate, speakers said that the principles of universality, objectivity and impartiality should guide the Council’s work under this agenda item, and all civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development, should be treated equally. Local situations and challenges should be considered in this regard. The Council should aim to ensure dialogue and cooperation. Selective applications of the agenda item were of concern: each situation should be dealt with on its own merit, and not from a politicised approach. The promotion and protection of human rights and the commitment to fulfil obligations to ensure the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all should be ensured from a non-selective perspective.
The Council needed to function in a non-politicised, cooperative and objective manner. Country-selective mandates ran counter to the Charter of the Council and ran counter to human rights issues. The Universal Periodic Review was one of the founding mechanisms of the Human Rights Council to address human rights issues, putting all countries on an equal footing in a spirit of cooperation and harmonious discussion, and this was the tool for discussion of such issues. A country’s human rights record must be judged by the inhabitants of the country, and not by the standards of others. Human rights had become a bargaining chip, and this should be reversed.
States had a primary responsibility to ensure the safety of internally displaced persons in situations of armed conflict, including their return and full restoration of their human rights. Post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts were vital for continued peace. The impact of terrorism and conflict on the right to life of persons globally was of concern, as it posed a serious threat to democracy and the rule of law. The Council should remain aware of the devastating impact of terrorism, hold accountable the countries that supported terrorist groups, and work to limit the impact on human rights.
The Council should promote and protect the fundamental freedoms and human rights of Muslim persons and communities against the rise of Islamophobia worldwide. The Council had a duty to take meaningful action to combat the rise of racism, xenophobia and hate speech, particularly online. Human rights should be promoted and protected without discrimination or ambiguity.
The Council should also actively monitor and report on the conditions of foreign occupations and disputes in those countries involved. Everyone had the right to respect of the law by all and without discrimination. Contempt for international humanitarian law and international human rights law was inexcusable, and attacks on civilian infrastructure, such as schools and hospitals, constituted war crimes. All countries should ensure that they fully respected international humanitarian law and international human rights law. World-wide civic space was rapidly being restricted, and this should be combatted effectively to ensure that civil society had sufficient space to operate freely. This restriction was being seen in too many countries around the world. Democracy must be supported, and all States should repeal laws restricting civil space and ensure a space, both offline and online, where civil society could pursue their activities free from violence and threats of violence.
The situation of indigenous rights in some countries was also of concern, as in the past they had seen violations of their human rights and fundamental freedoms, with their land taken, and their culture forcibly eliminated. Indigenous children were forcibly taken from their families and interned in schools, where they died unnatural deaths. Indigenous peoples in many countries were subject to systemic discrimination and inequality, marginalised at the bottom of society. Their situation had further deteriorated due to the impact of the pandemic. Countries involved should act immediately, investigate thoroughly, hold the guilty accountable, provide reparations, and ensure that such situations could not be repeated by taking all necessary measures to eliminate discrimination.
The situation of women and girls in many countries was of great concern, where they faced sexual assault, trafficking, and other serious human rights violations. In the context of the global fight against the pandemic, health workers should be recognised as human rights workers, and they should be defended as such..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Human Rights Council
Date of publication:
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Whereabouts of children taken by the military since the 2021 coup are mostly unknown, according to Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe
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"Hundreds of children have been detained by the Myanmar military since it seized power more than one year ago, with many held ransom by soldiers and police who are seeking to arrest their relatives, according to a minister of the country’s National Unity Government.
Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, minister of Women, Youths and Children Affairs Ministry in the NUG, which was formed last year by elected lawmakers to challenge the junta, said 287 children under the age of 18 had been detained since 1 February 2021. Most had been held in police station detention centres, and some in prisons.
A further 80 school children aged under 12 were detained for about 36 hours at a Buddhist monastery in Yinmabin Township in Sagaing Region, according to local media reports last month. The area was targeted by the military as it sought members of the armed resistance.
The whereabouts of children taken by the military since the coup is mostly unknown, according to Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe.
She referred to the detention of Dr Htar Htar Lin, the former head of Myanmar’s Covid vaccination programme, who was taken by the military in June 2021 along with her husband, seven-year-old son and their family dog. Dr Htar Htar Lin was targeted because she had returned 168 million kyat ($US94,580) in funding to the UN, preventing it from being seized by the military. Her family’s location is still unknown, said the minister.
“[The children] are doing nothing wrong, but the military tried to arrest the activist and also NLD members and the political activists,” said Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, National League for Democracy. “When they could not find the people, they arrested the children as a ransom. They also ask the activist to come and be arrested so that this child will be released,” she said.
Parents face an impossible choice, fearing they, or older relatives, could be killed if they come forward. “So many parents are heartbroken people. The children were arrested but they couldn’t do nothing because they have to run for their lives,” she said.
A previous estimate by Unicef suggested hundreds more young adults have also been detained. It said last year that about 1,000 children and young people aged up to 25 years old had been held by the military without apparent reason.
Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe spoke to the Guardian while in hiding inside Myanmar, where she continues her work for the NUG, which comprises elected lawmakers, ethnic minority representatives and activists. The NUG, which has been labelled a “terrorist” group by the junta, has sought to gain international recognition as Myanmar’s legitimate government. The UN General Assembly last year deferred a decision on who should take the country’s seat, allowing representative Kyaw Moe Tun, a critic of the junta, to remain in place.
In the wake of the coup, Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe stayed with doctors, wearing a medical coat to avoid detection. She eventually travelled to an area of the country that is controlled by an ethnic armed group that supports pro-democracy activists. Like many civilians, she has faced the continued threat of airstrikes, and suffered from dehydration and diarrhoea due to the conditions in which she has been forced to seek shelter.
The military has unleashed a campaign of terror on the public in order to crush a pro-democracy movement that continues to oppose its rule. At least 1,600 people have been killed by security forces since the coup, according to the UN. More than 12,800 have been arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), an advocacy group that tracks detentions.
Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe also raised concern over the military’s use of sexual violence against those who oppose the coup, but said data is hard to gather.
It was young people, she said, who were leading the struggle for democracy in the face of such brutality. Many have taken up arms in response to military violence, while others are using peaceful forms of protest to disrupt the junta.
Their fight was not about supporting Aung San Suu Kyi or her party, but was driven by a determination not to “go back to the dark age”, and by a desire to rid Myanmar of age-old discrimination – against ethnic minorities as well as on the basis of age or gender, said Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe.
She referred to apologies made by young protesters, who have said they should have done more to support the Rohingya, who received little public sympathy when they were subject to a brutal campaign of violence by the military in 2017. UN investigators later said the violence was carried out with “genocidal intent”. Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, previously an NLD lawmaker, has made a similar apology.
Older politicians should follow the lead of young people, she added.
“My opinion is that [young people] are fighting in this revolution to completely tear down the military dictatorship and to end the old-established discriminations based on gender, age, skin colour, race and religion. The dictators are abusing nationalism to promote hate between us to preserve their status quo. We are fed up with them and we won’t be divided any more. They can’t divide us any more. We’re going to turn the system upside down..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-03-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Children, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
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"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the report of the United Nations (UN) High
Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Myanmar since 1 February
2021.1
Myanmar restates its commitment to partnership and close cooperation with the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and its Myanmar Team.
Myanmar also accepts without question its obligations under international law and is committed to
securing justice and accountability. It therefore welcomes the High Commissioner’s recognition of
the National Unity Government’s filing of a declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute of
the International Criminal Court, and its engagement with the International Court of Justice in the
proceedings initiated by The Gambia under the Genocide Convention.
The High Commissioner's report catalogues 'egregious violations' and military junta violence 'on a
massive scale', including acts:
that may amount to crimes against humanity... in particular, murder, forcible transfer of
population, imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of
fundamental rules of international law, torture, persecution against any identifiable group or
collectively on political grounds, enforced disappearances, and other inhumane acts... When
linked to an armed conflict, some of these acts may also amount to war crimes.2
Consistent with preliminary analysis reported by the Independent Investigative Mechanism for
Myanmar (IIIM),3 the High Commissioner concludes that:
there are reasonable grounds to believe that acts by the Tatmadaw were carried out in the
context of a widespread and systematic attack directed against civilian populations, and in
apparent pursuance of an organisational policy.4
Significantly, the High Commissioner, the IIMM and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
human rights in Myanmar5 have all concluded that the military junta has carried out probable
international crimes of the highest order.
And yet, as the High Commissioner goes on to concede, 'international efforts to encourage a
lessening of violence and de-escalation of rhetoric and provocation have fallen on deaf ears'.
Myanmar remains caught in a 'downward spiral of violence, characterized by increasingly brutal
repression' and '[a]ctions taken by the international community in response to the situation in
Myanmar have remained limited in scope and impact on the ground'.
The international community has abandoned the people of Myanmar. Confronting a foreignarmed
and funded military junta that, to the High Commissioner, has induced 'a human rights
catastrophe and humanitarian emergency', the people have resorted to self-reliance and selfdefence.
The High Commissioner rightly observes that 'the will of the people has clearly not been broken.
They remain committed to see a return to democracy and to institutions that reflect their will and
aspirations.' The junta has not seized power nor has it achieved military or martial rule. Frustrated
by its failed coup d'etat, its escalating atrocities are the desperate acts of war criminals.
Myanmar supports the High Commissioner’s recommendations, including her calls for:
• the immediate release of all prisoners detained, prosecuted and/or sentenced in relation to
acts of political expression, free association, and rights to protest and free assembly
• full cooperation with the Special Envoys of the Secretary-General and ASEAN Chair
• full cooperation with international accountability mechanisms.
Myanmar also supports the High Commissioner’s calls on UN Member States to:
• extend protection for all individuals crossing international borders, including members of the
Rohingya population, provide immediate humanitarian assistance and ensure any returns
movements are conducted in a dignified and voluntary manner
• support the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court
• take immediate action to prevent the supply of arms to the Myanmar military and apply
targeted sanctions on military economic interests as appropriate.
Finally, the Republic of the Union of Myanmar calls on the UN and its Member States to:
• ensure that UN humanitarian assistance in Myanmar is delivered through the National Unity
Government, Ethnic Organisations, international and local non-governmental organisations,
and civil society and community-based organisations
• establish an independent and wide-ranging inquiry led by international experts into the UN’s
progress in its implementation of follow-up actions to the Rosenthal Report, with an added
focus on the UN’s response since 1 February 2021. The inquiry should produce and deliver to
the Human Rights Council a comprehensive public report with findings and recommendations
• act on the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar’s call6 for the National Unity Government to be
recognised as representing the sovereign will of the people of Myanmar and as a trusted
source and partner to engage in the distribution of humanitarian, health, education and other
support for the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
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530.83 KB
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"1. The National Unity Government acknowledges the first visit of the new Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, H.E. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Cambodia, to Myanmar from 20 to 23 March 2022.
2. The National Unity Government has formally communicated with the Royal Government of Cambodia as ASEAN Chair, welcoming the appointment of the new Special Envoy and extending its support in resolving the multiple military junta-induced crises in Myanmar.
3. On 22 February 2022, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government sent official correspondence to the new Special Envoy with an offer to meet to advance these efforts. This offer stands.
4. The National Unity Government also calls on the Special Envoy to meet with other parties concerned during his visit, as required by the Five-Point Consensus. These parties must include the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), Ethnic Resistance Organisations, civil society representatives, community leaders and humanitarian organisations. The Special Envoy must also meet with the Republic of the Union of Myanmar’s arbitrarily detained, democratically-elected leaders President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
5. As further required by the Five-Point Consensus, the Special Envoy must prioritise:
• the immediate cessation of violence by the military junta
• the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance through the National Unity Government, Ethnic Resistance Organisations, international and local non-governmental organisations, and civil society and community-based organisations; and
• the achievement of a peaceful solution in line with the interests and aspirations of the people.
6. The National Unity Government as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people reaffirms its cooperation with ASEAN.....၁။ အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ပထမအကြိမ် ခရီးစဥ်အဖြစ် မတ်လ (၂၀ ) ရက်နေ့မှ (၂၃) ရက်နေ့အတွင်း လာရောက်လျက်ရှိသည့် ခရီးစဥ်နှင့်ပက်သက်၍ သတိထား စောင့်ကြည့်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အာဆီယံ အလှည့်ကျ ဥက္ကဌ ၊ အထူး ကိုယ်စားလှယ် တို့၏ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မှုကို ကြိုဆိုကြောင်း နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကြောင့်ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော
မြန်မာ့အရေးအကြပ်အတည်း ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရေး ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် သွား မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း စာရေးသားပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီး ၊ ကနဦး သတင်းထုတ်ပြန် ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ ၂၂ ရက် ၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ၊နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၊ ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဒုတိယ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ် ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးနှင့် အပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဝန်ကြီး မစ္စတာ ပရက်စ္စကွန် ထံသို့ လည်း မြန်မာ့အရေး အတွက် တွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးလိုပါကြောင်း ထပ်မံ စာရေးသားပေးပို့ခဲ့သည်။
၄။ ယခု အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း အာဆီယံ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက် တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသည့်အတိုင်း သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေနှင့် တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC)၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ မဖြစ်မနေ ပါရှိရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အနေဖြင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရပြီး၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ဆန္ဒဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြောက်ထားသော သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့် ၊ အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည် တို့ တွေ့ဆုံရန် အထူးပင်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ အာဆီယံ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက် အရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်း၍ အာဆီယံအထူး ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အနေနှင့် အောက်ပါအချက်များကို ဦးစားပေးဆောင်ရွက်သင့်ပါသည်။
- စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်စေရေး တွန်းအားပေးရန်
- ပြည်သူများထံသို့ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့် ပြည်တွင်းရှိ အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အရပ်ဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှတဆင့်သာ ပေးပို့ရန်။
- ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ရလဒ်များကို ရှာဖွေရာတွင် ပြည်သူများ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားနှင့် လိုလားတောင့်တချက်များကိုသာ အခြေခံရန်။
၆။ မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့ကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် တစ်ခုတည်းသောအစိုးရတရပ်ဖြစ်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အာဆီယံနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အဆင်သင့်ရှိနေကြောင်းအတိအလင်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The United Nations (UN) Secretary General’s dismissal of the crisis in Myanmar and past UN failure is shameful and plays to the advantage of the Myanmar military, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
In 2019, an independent inquiry into UN involvement in Myanmar from 2010 to 2018 found that “systemic and structural failures” rendered the UN system impotent in the face of massive human rights violations, including the genocidal atrocities committed against the Rohingya by the Myanmar military. Myanmar is now being subjected to a nationwide attack by that same military, which has been trying – and failing – to gain control over the country for the past thirteen months and has driven Myanmar to become a human rights catastrophe. In this context, the UN Secretary-General issued a report to the UN Human Rights Council last week on progress made in implementing the recommendations of the inquiry.
“The Secretary General’s report shamefully dismisses the scale and gravity of the current crisis in Myanmar and provides no information on how the UN is actually responding inside the country,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The report highlights the reinvigorated role of the UN Resident Coordinators – the top in-country UN official – as the centre piece of UN system reform but fails to mention that Myanmar has not had a Resident Coordinator for extended periods over the past four years. The position is currently vacant and has been for six months. The report merely reads like an advertisement for the work the UN is doing in various countries, not in Myanmar where a brutal coup is still taking place.”
The Secretary General’s report was presented to the Human Rights Council by the UN Assistant Secretary-General (ASG) for the Middle East, Asia and the Pacific, in the absence of a Resident Coordinator for Myanmar. The ASG seemed ill-informed of the situation in Myanmar and provided inaccurate information to Member States during the interactive dialogue by stating that the military is the de facto authority.
“It is simply not the case that the military is the de facto authority in Myanmar. The majority of the territory is not under the military’s control, and it has no ability to exercise ordinary government functions,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “It is no wonder the UN system continues to fail the people of Myanmar, even in their gravest hour of need, if the entire response is predicated on a false assumption that serves only the military. The UN is evidently partial to the junta.”
The people of Myanmar and allied democratic actors under the National Unity Government of Myanmar continue to resist the military’s onslaught and defend their democracy at huge personal cost, as the military inflicts atrocities that likely amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes across the country. The Government has sought to engage with the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice to halt the atrocities and bring the leaders of the military to justice, but their efforts have so far been ignored.
“The Secretary General, heads of UN agencies and UN Member States need to ask themselves just whose side they are on,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Is it the people of Myanmar and their elected representatives? Or is it the leaders of a brutal military who should be prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes? As things currently stand, the answer to that is not clear at all...”
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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pdf
Size:
97.69 KB
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""လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။"
- စစ်အုပ်စုထုတ်ပြန်ချက်နဲ့ ကွဲလွဲနေသည့် ကလေးအကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု
- ရန်ကုန်တိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ
- စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ
- မကွေးတိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ
- စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းထဲက အင်တာနက် ဖြတ်တောက်ခံထားရမှုများ
- NUG၊ CRPHနှင့် NUCCကို ဥရောပ ပါလီမန် ထောက်ခံ
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာ အတွဲ(၁)၊ အမှတ် (၉)
ကို pdf formatဖြင့် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ linkတွင် ဝင်ရောက် ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Today marks the 34th anniversary of Chin Revolution Day, a day on which we honour the bravery of those Chin who fought for their self-determination and national rights, for the dream of freedom and federal democracy. Today also marks the formation of the Chin National Front/Army (CNF/A) in 1988.
The Chin people have been fighting for their rights since the British colonial period. Following independence, Chin people participated in democratic government which was tragically taken from them and all of Myanmar when the dictator Ne Win staged his coup in 1962 and seized power from the democratically elected federal government. Ever since then, the Chin, a major ethnic group in Myanmar, and overwhelmingly Christian, have been subject to widespread ethnic and religious persecution. The continuous oppression, abuse and attacks on the Chin people are predominantly committed by Myanmar military and police, who frequently violate the rule of law. Chin people are often subjected to forced labor, arbitrary arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings – crimes whose perpetrators are never brought to justice. This has resulted in a mass of refugees fleeing to neighboring countries, especially India. Human Rights Watch (HRW) has conducted several interviews with refugees from Chin to document the abuse which has taken place in Chin state by the military. It is due to this ongoing abuse and torture, that the CNF and its armed branch, the Chin National Army (CNA), were first formed and gained momentum during the 8888 uprising. And the fight against the fascist military continues till today, in which Chin people have shown their determination and willingness through CNF/A, Civil Disobedient Movement (CDM), several local Chinland Defense Forces (CDF)to carry the fight through to the end, never giving up on the dreams of self- determination, freedom and federal democracy.
Our Chin brethren, together with all other Myanmar people, share our mutual goal of achieving true self-determination and federal democracy by eradication of the genocidal military and repressive dictatorships. We must stay united and fight until we can rip out the genocidal military and their fascism root and stem. To my fellow Chin brothers and sisters, I want to thank you all for your bravery and I want to send my sincere wish that the sufferings of Chin people will end with the fall of the genocidal military, and that we will achieve the future Myanmar where true self-determination, freedom and federal democracy awaits us.
May God bless Chinland, May God bless Myanmar and May God bless Ukraine..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Chin history, Political History, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Format :
pdf
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29.37 KB
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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394.83 KB
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"၁။ အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်ကို ခုခံတွန်းလှန်ရင်းဖြင့် လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှုနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသည့် ချင်းပြည်ထောင် တည်ထောင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးတို့အတွက် ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦးကို ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ လက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး စတင်ခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့ (၃၄) နှစ် တိုင်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော ချင်းတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုချင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်တကွ ပြည်သူများ မျှော်မှန်း တောင့်တနေသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ နိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကို အမြန်ဆုံးတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ပါစေ ကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ဘာသာစကားပေါကြွယ်ဝကာ သူ့ကျွန်မခံလိုသည့်စိတ်ဓာတ်၊ နယ်ချဲ့ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး စိတ်ဓာတ်နှင့် အမျိုးသားရေးစိတ်ဓာတ်တို့ ပြည့်ဝသော ချင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများသည် မိမိ တို့၏ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ တော်လှန်ရေး ရည်မှန်းချက်များအတွက် အသက်ပေါင်းများစွာ ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့ ကြရပါသည်။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်သော ဒီမိုကရေစီတိုက်ပွဲများအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသော ချင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားသူရဲကောင်းများအား လေးစားစွာ ဦးညွတ်ကြောင်း ယနေ့တွင် ထပ်မံပြောကြား လိုပါသည်။
၃။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ၊ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက လက်နက်အားကိုး၍ လူမဆန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကို မတရားသိမ်း ယူခဲ့ကြသည့်အတွက် တနိုင်ငံလုံးတွင် စစ်တလင်းပြင် ဖြစ်ခဲ့ရပြီး တော်လှန်ရေးစိတ်ဓာတ် နိုးကြွားသော ချင်းပြည်နယ်သည် ထိခိုက်မှုအများဆုံးဖြစ်ခဲ့ပြီး ချင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားတို့သည်လည်း ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်ခံနေရခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်နှင့် ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုတို့ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့နေခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် ဘေးလွတ်ရာသို့ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ရင်း အခက်အခဲများစွာဖြင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရပါသည်။
၄။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော အခက်အခဲ၊ ဒုက္ခများစွာဖြင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသော်လည်း စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးအတွက် တော်လှန်ရေးတပ်ဦးတွင် ရဲရင့်ပြင်းပြသော စိတ်ဓာတ်၊ ခိုင်မာသော ယုံကြည်ချက်၊ ဖြောင့်မတ်သော ဦးတည်ချက်များဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းကသာမက ကမ္ဘာ့ကပါ ယုံကြည်လေးစားစွာ အားပေးထောက်ခံခြင်း ရရှိထားနိုင်သည်အထိ ကြိုးစားလျှောက်လှမ်းနိုင် ခဲ့သည့် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ တော်လှန်ရေးဦးဆောင်သူများနှင့် ချင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူလူထုတို့၏ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုအား လေးစားစွာ အသိအမှတ်ပြု ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ (၃၄) နှစ်မြောက် ချင်းတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့တွင် ချင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်အတူ ပြည်သူ များအားလုံး အတူတကွ လက်တွဲကာ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏အဓိက ရည်မှန်းချက်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ကျဆုံးရေးကို ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်ကြရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ အားလုံးအတွက် လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှုနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ အာမခံချက်ရှိသည့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကို အမြန်ဆုံးအကောင်အထည်ဖော် တည်ဆောက် ကြပါစို့ဟု အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာအား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-03-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History, Chin history
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ တာဝန်ယူဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည့် အလုပ်သမားရေးရာ နစ်နာမှုအချက်အလက်ကောက်ယူရေးနှင့် တိုင်ကြားမှုယန္တရားတွင် အလုပ်ရှင် များ၊ အလုပ်ရှင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အလုပ်သမားရေးရာဆောင်ရွက် နေသူများ၏ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသည့်အတွက် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက် နိုင်ရေး ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၂..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-19
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Individual Documents
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257.18 KB
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-19
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598.99 KB
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့် သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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713.63 KB
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"Access Now, outraged by today’s announcement that the Myanmar Investment Commission has approved the sale of Telenor Myanmar, is calling for international actors to implement sanctions and stop the company’s irresponsible disposal of its Myanmar operations to a company whose 80% majority shareholder is military-linked Shwe Byain Phyu Group.
“It’s not over until it’s over,” said Wai Phyo Myint, Asia Pacific Policy Analyst at Access Now. “The Telenor sale approval does not come as a surprise, but it is a major kick in the guts for human rights defenders on the ground. The purchaser, Shwe Byain Phyu, may not be sanctioned now — but it needs to be. International actors must recognize and take action against the company’s multiple and flagrant links to the military.”
Telenor’s sales agreement is with M1 Group, which will buy Telenor Myanmar through its Singapore-registered entity Investcom Pte Ltd — the majority of which will be owned by military-linked Shwe Byain Phyu Group. Telenor noted that it had “not been party to any dialogue between M1 and its local partner,” even as it claims that it screened the transaction as sanctions compliant.
Shwe Byain Phyu Group’s Chairperson, Thein Win Zaw, and Director, Tin Latt Min (Zaw’s wife) have corporate connections with multiple military-linked individuals and companies sanctioned by the United States, European Union and United Kingdom. This includes: Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL); Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC); Myanmar Gems Enterprise (MGE); Forest Products Joint Venture Corporation (FPJVC); and the individuals, Tay Za; and Pyae Phyo Tay Za. These operators have been sanctioned for their involvement in largely-documented human rights abuses — a web in which Shwe Byain Phyu appears to be an active player.
“Telenor must be held accountable for the disastrous rights impacts which will flow from relinquishing the data of 18 million subscribers to a ruthless regime,” said Golda Benjamin, Asia Pacific Campaigner at Access Now. “The company has followed an approach of willful ignorance of the human rights consequences to the people of Myanmar because of their decision to leave the country.”
If the handover goes ahead, Myanmar’s telecommunications sector will be stained in khaki. Telenor Myanmar’s near 30% share of the market would add to the approximately 55% already held by military-owned Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) and Telecom International Myanmar Company Limited (MyTel). Qatar’s Ooredoo holds the remaining 15%, and is likely complying with military surveillance orders. Unless the Telenor Myanmar sale is prevented, the new management will presumably also activate dangerous intercept surveillance technology.
Access Now has repeatedly emphasized serious risks to the rights to privacy, expression, association, and security from the disposal of Telenor Myanmar, and urged Telenor Group to address warnings raised by the people of Myanmar, civil society and its own investors. The sale must be stopped..."
Source/publisher:
Access Now
Date of publication:
2022-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Economic, social and cultural rights, Business and the Military, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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The junta has also revoked the licences of 14 medics and threatened to shut down private clinics that employ CDM doctors
Description:
"Military officials in Mandalay have revoked the licences of medical professionals and threatened to shut down clinics that employ doctors taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the junta.
Major General Ko Ko Oo, who heads the military’s central regional command, called a meeting with the owners of private hospitals in the city on March 12 and said they would also have to submit lists of patients to the junta every day.
The junta also recently revoked the licences of 14 medical practitioners in the city, including teaching professors and specialists, who are taking part in CDM, according to Dr Soe Thura Zaw, who is one of the 14.
The demand for daily patient lists is believed to be an attempt to prevent hospitals from treating injured People’s Defence Force (PDF) fighters, and a way of tipping the military off to their whereabouts if they seek medical care.
“They don’t want doctors and hospitals secretly treating PDF members,” said another Mandalay-based doctor, who asked not to be named.
Medics said that submitting patient lists would be illegal and would violate doctor-patient confidentiality and the patients’ right to privacy. It is unclear to what extent hospitals and clinics will comply with the order, or whether it will be enforced in other parts of Myanmar.
Dr Soe Thura Zaw said that under the Labor Law, doctors taking part in CDM can be fired from their jobs and have their medical licences revoked if they have been absent from their official places of work for more than three months.
“Everyone is facing all sorts of troubles under the military’s reign,” he said. “The only way to solve all those problems once and for all is to end the dictatorship for good.”
Medical professionals have been at the forefront of the movement to eliminate the military dictatorship since the immediate aftermath of last year’s coup, and were the first to refuse to work under the new junta.
About 80% of Mandalay’s medical personnel have joined the CDM, according to data compiled by members of the movement, with many opting to treat people privately rather than work under the junta-controlled health ministry.
Medics have suffered brutal reprisals for challenging the military. In August last year Dr Maung Maung Nyein Tun died in custody of Covid-19 after being beaten and denied medical treatment.
Dr Thiha Tin Tun was among over 100 people shot dead by security forces on March 27 last year.
In June, the former head of Myanmar’s Covid-19 vaccine rollout, Dr Htar Htar Lin, was arrested and charged with high treason after she sought to prevent the junta from accessing funds meant to fight the virus..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Health Workers Strike, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders
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Sub-title:
Support Arms Embargo, Stronger Targeted Sanctions
Description:
"(Geneva) – The United Nations Human Rights Council should adopt a strategy for accountability in Myanmar to end abuses by the military junta, Human Rights Watch said today. The council will discuss Myanmar and the new report by the UN Human Rights Office at its meeting on March 21, 2022.
The Human Rights Council resolution should call for all UN member states to prevent the flow of weapons into Myanmar and impose stronger, targeted economic sanctions against individuals implicated in abuses and military interests. The resolution should also urge the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
“The UN Human Rights Council should respond to Myanmar’s human rights and humanitarian crisis with urgency and purpose,” said Lucy McKernan, deputy UN advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “The rights council should take strong action against security forces that have never faced consequences for their numerous crimes.”
Since the February 1, 2021, coup, Myanmar’s junta has carried out a brutal nationwide crackdown to suppress those opposing military rule. The junta’s systematic and pervasive abuses, including mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights condemned Myanmar security forces’ violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in a March 15 report, stating:
The military and security forces have shown a flagrant disregard for human life, bombarding populated areas with airstrikes and heavy weapons and deliberately targeting civilians, many of whom have been shot in the head, burned to death, arbitrarily arrested, tortured or used as human shields.
In recent weeks, there have been increasing reports of Myanmar military airstrikes and use of heavy weapons causing civilian loss of life and property. The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, in his February report on government sales of weapons to the Myanmar military, said that jet aircraft, attack helicopters, armored vehicles, light and heavy artillery, missiles, and rockets are being used against civilians. More than 400 of the attacks reported occurred in Sagaing Region in northwestern Myanmar, where most civilian fatalities have recently occurred.
The Human Rights Council, in addition to calling on all UN member countries to prevent the transfer of weapons to Myanmar, should also call for all revenues from oil, gas, timber, and gems that flow to the military and help finance the abuses to be put into an escrow account for the Myanmar people until a democratically elected civilian government is restored.
Since the coup, security forces have killed at least 1,600 people and detained more than 12,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Over 500,000 people have been internally displaced since the coup, while tens of thousands have fled as refugees to Thailand and India, according to the UN refugee agency, UNHCR.
In many parts of the country, the junta is deliberately blocking aid to populations as a form of collective punishment. The UN estimates that the number of people needing assistance has grown from 1 million before the coup to 14.4 million, including more than 5 million children. About 25 million people, or half the population, are estimated to be below the national poverty line.
Internet shutdowns remain in parts of the country after the junta imposed rolling nationwide shutdowns and blocked access to social media following the coup. Under international human rights standards, internet-based restrictions must be necessary and proportionate. Blanket internet shutdowns are a form of collective punishment that hinder access to information and communications needed for daily life, which is particularly vital during times of crisis.
“Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other junta leaders have been able to brutally quash protests and dissent with minimal international interference,” McKernan said. “The Human Rights Council should urgently push back against these abuses and lead the international response to protect rights and advance accountability in Myanmar...”
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"၁။ ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်းဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေနှင့် နည်းဥပဒေတွင် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်နယ် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် ကိုယ်ပိုင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့်ရတိုင်းဦးစီးအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် ကိုယ်ပိုင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့်ရ ဒေသဦးစီးအဖွဲ့တို့အား ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်း တူးဖော်ထုတ်လုပ်ခြင်း၊ သိုလှောင်ခြင်း၊ သယ်ယူပို့ဆောင် ခြင်း၊ ချက်လုပ်ခြင်းနှင့် ရောင်းချခြင်းတို့နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များအား ပေးအပ်ထားပါ သည်။
၂။ ရေနံနှင့်ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ အခန်း(၄) ပုဒ်မ ၈ ပုဒ်မခွဲ(က)အရ ရေနံနှင့် ရေနံထွက် ပစ္စည်းတမျိုးမျိုးကို ချက်လုပ်ခြင်း၊ ဖြတ်သန်းသယ်ယူခြင်း၊ ပိုက်လိုင်းဖြင့် သယ်ယူပို့ဆောင်ခြင်း၊ ဖြန့်ဖြူး ရောင်းချခြင်း၊ စစ်ဆေးခြင်း၊ စမ်းသပ်ခြင်းတို့နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သည့် လိုင်စင်များထုတ်ပေးခြင်းကို လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှလည်းကောင်း၊ ပုဒ်မ ၉ အရ ရေနံနှင့်ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းတမျိုးမျိုးကို သယ်ဆောင်သည့် မော်တော်ယာဉ်၊ ရေယာဉ်နှင့် တွဲများကို လိုင်စင်ထုတ်ပေးခြင်းအား ပို့ဆောင်ရေးနှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီး ဌာနမှလည်းကောင်း၊ ပုဒ်မ ၁၀ အရ သိုလှောင်ကန်နှင့် သိုလှောင်ရုံးများအတွက် သိုလှောင်ခွင့်လိုင်စင် ထုတ်ပေးခြင်းအား သယံဇာတ နှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့မှ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်း ဥပဒေ၏ အခန်း (၅) ပုဒ်မ ၁၅ နှင့် ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်းဆိုင်ရာ နည်းဥပဒေ၏ အခန်း (၄) နည်းဥပဒေ ၂၂ အရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရေနံ နှင့် ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ အခန်း(၄) ပုဒ်မ(၈) ပုဒ်မခွဲ(က) ပါလုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များအနက် ရေနံနှင့်ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းလုပ်ငန်း သက်တမ်းတိုးလိုင်စင်များ ထုတ်ပေးခြင်းလုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များကိုလည်းကောင်း၊ ရေနံ နှင့် ရေနံထွက် ပစ္စည်းဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေ အခန်း(၉) ပုဒ်မ ၅၂ အရ အခွန်အခများအား လိုင်စင်ထုတ်ပေးသည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ အခွန်ကောက်ခံသည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့ နှင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီး သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရအကြား မည်သို့ ကောက်ခံ ခွဲဝေသုံးစွဲ ရမည်ကို ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ သဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် လိုင်စင်ထုတ်ပေး သည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် အခွန်ကောက်ခံသည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့က ထုတ်ပြန်သတ်မှတ်ရမည်ဟု လည်းကောင်းဖော်ပြပါရှိသဖြင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် ကိုယ်ပိုင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့်ရတိုင်းဦးစီးအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် ကိုယ်ပိုင်အုပ်ချုပ်ခွင့်ရဒေသဦးစီးအဖွဲ့တို့အား ပေးအပ် ထားသောတာဝန် နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို ကြားကာလတွင် ပြည်နယ်များရှိ EROsများ နှင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးရှိ ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့(ပအဖ)၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့(ပကဖ)တို့အား ၎င်းဥပဒေ နှင့် နည်းဥပဒေတွင် ပေးအပ်ထားသော တာဝန်များအား ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် ယာယီတာဝန် လွှဲပြောင်းပေးအပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ကျေးရွာစက်သုံးဆီအရောင်းဆိုင်များ နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ၄-၉-၂၀၂၀ ရက်စွဲပါ ကျေးရွာစက်သုံး ဆီဆိုင် (Village Mini Pump Station) လိုင်စင်ဆိုင်ရာ အမိန့်အမှတ်၊ ၃၂၇/၂၀၂၀ အရ လိုင်စစ်အသစ် လျှောက်ထားခြင်း နှင့် သက်တမ်းတိုးခြင်းများအား ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းခဲ့ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါလိုင်စင် သက်တမ်း တိုးခြင်း နှင့် လိုင်စင်အသစ်လျှောက်ထားခြင်းများကို ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းခြင်းအားလည်းကောင်း ရေနံလက်ယက်တွင်းများ နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ၂၂-၆-၂၀၂၁ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်အမှတ် ၄/၂၀၂၁ နှင့် ရေနံ နှင့် ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းဥပဒေ နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ၁၀-၇-၂၀၂၁ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်အမှတ် ၅/၂၀၂၁ တို့အား လည်းကောင်း ဤအမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာဖြင့် လွှမ်းမိုးပယ်ဖျက်လိုက်ပြီး လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များအား ပြည်နယ်များရှိ EROsများ၊ တိုင်းဒေသကြီးရှိပြည်သူ့ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့(ပအဖ)၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့(ပကဖ)များ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ယာယီလွှဲပြောင်းပေးအပ်လိုက်ပါသည်။ အခွန်ကောက်ခံမှုများကို ကြားကာလဒေသန္တရ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဖော်ဆောင်ရာတွင် အခွန်ကောက်ခံခြင်း နှင့် မျှဝေသုံးစွဲမှုဆိုင်ရာမူဝါဒနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Electricity and Energy
Date of publication:
2022-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-18
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Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Society and Culture, Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-17
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
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"JAKARTA – Southeast Asian parliamentarians have called on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to take urgent and immediate steps to alleviate the suffering of Myanmar’s people in response to a report the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) submitted to the Human Rights Council this week. The report found that the military has engaged in “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses”, some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“We’re soon approaching one year since ASEAN agreed on the Five Point Consensus, a year in which the bloc’s disastrous failure to make progress on these points has effectively given the Myanmar military license to commit what this UN report has concluded may amount to the gravest crimes against humanity,” said Charles Santiago, chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) and a Malaysian Member of Parliament (MP). “Security forces have shown a flagrant disregard for human life, using air raids and heavy weapons on populated areas, deliberately targeting civilians.”
“Meanwhile, the current ASEAN Chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, has attempted to engage with the criminal junta of Min Aung Hlaing unilaterally, undermining and delaying any meaningful steps ASEAN might have taken to save lives. ASEAN is politically and morally responsible for addressing this catastrophic situation in Myanmar, directly caused by the military junta,” Santiago said.
In addition to accusing the military’s State Administration Council (SAC) of manipulating the “legal framework to facilitate military rule”, it said the military’s seizure of power has left the country facing “violence on a massive scale”, including arbitrary detentions, unnecessary and disproportionate use of force against peaceful protesters, extrajudicial killings and ill-treatment and torture in custody.
The report was published on the same day that Hun Manith, the son of ASEAN Chair Hun Sen, welcomed a Myanmar military delegation to Phnom Penh for the 19th ASEAN Military Intelligence Meeting. APHR condemns this meeting as a potential legimitization of the junta, whose crimes against the people continue to mount.
It is little wonder that the report specifically named ASEAN for failing to achieve tangible results, APHR added. The other ASEAN members must push Cambodia, as the current chair, for concrete actions to address the crisis. The OHCHR report further supports the clear and urgent need for the regional bloc to respond, or risk increased damage to its already weakening credibility.
ASEAN, and specifically its Chair, must immediately discontinue inviting any other junta representatives to all ASEAN official meetings until there is an end to violence, all political prisoners are freed, and the will of the people for fully-fledged democracy has been heard, APHR said.
ASEAN must also begin a dialogue with the National Unity Government in accordance with its own consensus and, as the UN OHCHR report puts it, for the “international community (to) do everything within its power to support the people of Myanmar and turn this human rights catastrophe into an opportunity”.
“It is shocking that more than 14 milllion people in Myanmar, a fifth of the population, are in need of life-saving humanitarian assistance, and yet ASEAN has still only provided aid to support the COVID-19 response. The Five-Point Consensus plan to provide aid through the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Center was doomed to fail from the start, but it is not too late to act. ASEAN should now focus its collective political will to help people in need and support local non-state actors and networks that the people already trust to distribute aid,” Santiago said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government submitted the Report on serious
crimes of international concern committed by the illegal military junta to 49th session of United
Nations Human Rights Council.
Myanmar calls on the UN Human Rights Council to take urgent and deliberate action to address
the escalating atrocities in the country when it meets to discuss the human rights situation on
18 and 21 March.
The military junta’s failed attempt to seize control in a coup d’etat on 1 February 2021 has
plunged Myanmar into human rights, humanitarian, political and economic crises. This grave
deterioration has been accompanied by escalating atrocities and acts of terror.
In a report addressed to the Human Rights Council, Myanmar’s Ministry of Human Rights sets
out emblematic incidents of military atrocities across the country, including massacres and
unlawful killings, indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery attacks, large scale arson and destruction
of civilian property, and the use of deadly force against peaceful protesters. It also provides
information on the humanitarian situation, with the junta’s violence having displaced more than
half a million people since its failed coup, driving up needs to critical levels.
The Ministry of Human Rights finds that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the junta’s
ongoing atrocities constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. They form a widespread
and systematic pattern of attacks against civilians directed by and conducted in the knowledge
of the junta’s senior leadership. Similar conclusions have already been reached by the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in
Myanmar, and the Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Indeed,
junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has long been known to the Human Rights Council. In September
2018, the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar called for him to be
investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes directed
against the Rohingya and other ethnic communities.
The people of Myanmar repeat their demands for renewed and coordinated international
action to stop the atrocities and to hold the perpetrators, including the junta’s leaders, to
account.
The Human Rights Council’s discussions on Myanmar must culminate in the adoption of a
stronger resolution that:
• Requests the UN Secretary-General to explore the feasibility of the establishment by
the General Assembly or the Human Rights Council of an ad hoc tribunal to support
accountability for alleged violations of international law in Myanmar and to advise on
its potential scope, powers, composition and its relationship with existing
international, regional, and national courts and mechanisms
• Requests the Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the ICC, and
condemns the military junta’s continuing atrocities, which constitute crimes under
international law
• Requests the Security Council to commence proceedings to list the Myanmar junta as
a terrorist organization
• Requests all States to enforce a comprehensive arms embargo against the Myanmar
armed forces, including the transfer of weapons, munitions, and dual-use and other
military equipment
• Renews and strengthens the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
Human Rights in Myanmar
• Increases the human and financial resources available to the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
human rights in Myanmar to enable an expanded focus on the human rights situation
in Myanmar, commensurate to the scale of the crisis and gravity of crimes
• Calls upon the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United
Nations Country Team (UNCT) in Myanmar to prioritise humanitarian access to
affected populations, including in partnership with the National Unity Government,
and requests neighbouring States to facilitate humanitarian access across their land
borders with Myanmar
• Repeats its demand for the immediate and unconditional release of all political
prisoners and persons who have been arbitrarily detained, charged, arrested,
convicted or sentenced on specious grounds, in particular since 1 February 2021
• Condemns the historic systematic and institutionalized discrimination against
members of ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar, in particular relating to the
Rohingya; supports the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable return of all
refugees to Myanmar; and promotes the rights of all Myanmar communities to equal
access to services and opportunities • Requests all business enterprises operating in Myanmar and the home States of those
enterprises to ensure that their activities do not contribute to or cause human rights
violations or abuses in Myanmar, and to suspend all business relationships with the
Myanmar armed forces or any enterprise owned or controlled by them or their
individual members
• Calls on the General Assembly, including its Credentials Committee, to formally
confirm the credentials of representatives of the National Unity Government as the
representatives of Myanmar to the seventy-sixth and subsequent sessions of the
General Assembly
• Requests the UNCT in Myanmar to report on progress made in the implementation of
the recommendations set out in the Rosenthal Report, and on its actions to comply
with the Engagement Guidelines to ensure that legitimacy is not granted to the
military junta..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar armed forces seized control of the country, following a general election that the National League for Democracy party won by a landslide. Since then, hundreds of people have been killed and many injured during nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) protests and violent crackdowns on those opposing the coup. Doctors and nurses have been served with warrants and arrests for providing medical care to protesters, health workers have been injured while providing care to protesters, ambulances have been destroyed, and health facilities have been raided. Below are eight incidents identified between 09-22 February 2022.
23 February-08 March 2022: Eight documented incidents
23 February 2022: In Kayah state, State Administration Council (SAC) aircraft dropped bombs on a village, injuring civilians, including a medic. Source: Facebook
24 February 2022: In Dawkamee village, Kayah state, two doctors of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) were killed by SAC airstrikes that also destroyed six houses. Source: Radio Free Asia
27 February 2022: In Lo Bar Kho village, Demoso township, Kayah state, SAC aircraft dropped bombs near a clinic for displaced civilians. Source: The Irrawaddy
27 February 2022: In Ye-U township, Sagaing region, People’s Defence Force (PDF) fighters shelled a traditional medicine hospital occupied by SAC forces. Two SAC soldiers were reportedly killed in the attack. Source: Mizzima
27 February 2022: In Pakokku township and Region, a nurse and teacher affiliated with the CDM were arrested by SAC forces. Sources: AAPP and Twitter
03 March 2022: In Mindat township, Chin state, SAC forces continue to confiscate medication at checkpoints intended for displaced civilians. The blockade of medication into Mindat township has been documented since July 2021. Source: Ayeyarwaddy Times
04 March 2022: In Pyay township, Bago region, SAC forces arrested a nurse. Source: Twitter
05 March 2022: In Chaungma village, Kani township, Yinmabin district, Sagaing region, approximately 70 SAC forces set fire to the village, destroying a rural clinic as well as over twenty homes and farm equipment. Source: Khit Thit Media..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Health Workers Strike
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Sub-title:
UN rights office warns military has shown ‘flagrant disregard for human life’ and has deliberately targeted civilians since it seized power on 1 February 2021
Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta has committed widespread and systematic abuses against civilians that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, according to the first comprehensive report to be produced by the UN’s human rights office since last year’s coup.
The UN rights office warns the military has shown “flagrant disregard for human life” and has deliberately targeted civilians since it seized power on 1 February 2021.
The report details numerous atrocities by the military, including the bombardment of populated areas with airstrikes and heavy weapons, and a series of mass killings of civilians. It cites cases where civilians have been shot in the head, burned to death, arbitrarily arrested, tortured or used as human shields.
“The appalling breadth and scale of violations of international law suffered by the people of Myanmar demand a firm, unified, and resolute international response,” said Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations high commissioner for Human Rights.
Many western countries have imposed sanctions on members of the military and military-owned businesses, while the Association of South-east Asian Nations has led attempts at negotiations, though with virtually no progress.
At least 1,600 people have been killed by security forces in Myanmar since the coup, according to the UN, which says airstrikes, helicopter gunships, artillery, and mortars are being used indiscriminately in populated areas. The report also refers to series of massacres by the security forces, including the killing of up to 40 women, men, and children in Kayah State in December. Those who discovered the victims’ remains said some bodies were in positions that suggested they had tried to escape and had been burned alive, according to the UN.
The military junta, which is widely opposed by the people, has imposed brutal violence and repression in an attempt to maintain control of the country. Despite this, the public remains defiant in its refusal to accept military rule. Alongside a peaceful protest movement, many civilians – from poets and farmers, to IT workers and students – have taken up arms in response to military atrocities.
Raids on the homes of anyone suspected of dissent “occur with unrelenting regularity”, according to the report. At least 12,500 have been detained over the past year, with “hundreds if not thousands having been subjected to torture”.
About 325 people, including 16 children, have been killed in detention.
The report is based on interviews with more than 155 victims, witnesses, and advocates, as well as satellite imagery and video footage. The junta has previously accused the UN of bias and seeking to interfere in its domestic affairs, and has rejected past death toll estimates cited by officials. It has also accused the UN of downplaying violence by anti-coup groups.
The UN report said at least 543 people have been killed due to their perceived support for the military, but that the majority of human rights abuses it had documented were carried out by security forces.
Bachelet said the public was defiant in its demand for an end to military rule. “Throughout the tumult and violence of the past year … they remain committed to seeing a return to democracy and to institutions that reflect their will and aspirations,” she said.
“Meaningful action by the international community is urgently needed to stop yet more individuals from being stripped of their rights, their lives and their livelihoods,” said Bachelet..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် နိုင်ငံတကာက အရေးယူရန် လိုအပ်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဆိုးရွားသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အစီရင်ခံစာကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ (၄၉) ကြိမ်မြောက်အစည်းအဝေးသို့ တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"(၁) ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ(၁၆)ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သော (၇၃)ကြိမ်မြောက် ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားနေ့သို့ ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ပါးအပ်ပါသည်။
(၂) ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားများသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီ(NUCC)၊ အခြားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပနိုင်ငံအသီးသီးရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံတို့နှင့်အတူ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးတွင် တစိုက်မတ်မတ် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည့်အတွက် များစွာဝမ်းမြောက်မိပါသည်။
(၃) ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ယနေ့နိုင်ငံသားအားလုံး တွေ့ကြုံခံစားနေရသည့် အကျပ်အတည်းပေါင်းစုံကို ပအိုဝ်းညီကို၊မောင်နှစ်မများနှင့်အတူ လက်တွဲညီညီ ရင်ဆိုင်ဖြတ်ကျော်သွားနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
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"၁။ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် ထူးခြားသော သမိုင်းအစဉ်အလာကို အကြောင်းပြု၍ ကျေးဇူး တရားကို ဖော်ညွှန်းရန် ကျင်းပသည့် နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ် ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားနေ့ အခါသမယတွင် ညီနောင် ပအိုဝ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်တကွ နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းမှီတင်းနေထိုင်ကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူအပေါင်း ဘေးအန္တရာယ်အပေါင်းမှ ကင်းဝေး၍ ကိုယ်စိတ်နှစ်ပါး ကျန်းမာရွှင်လန်းပါစေ ကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်း တောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။လွန်ခဲ့သောနှစ်ပေါင်း (၂၅၀၀) ကျော်က ပအိုဝ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ဂုဏ်ကို မြှင့်တင် ပေးခဲ့ပြီး တောက်ပသော ခေတ်ကာလအနာဂတ်ကို ဖန်တီးပေးခဲ့သည့် သူရိယစန္ဒာမင်း၏ ကျေးဇူး တရားကို ဖော်ညွှန်းရန် ထိုမင်း၏မွေးနေ့ဖြစ်သည့် တပေါင်းလပြည့်နေ့ကို ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားနေ့ အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ရန် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ကြပြီး လွတ်လပ်ရေးရပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားတို့၏ နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ်အဖြစ် စတင်ကျင်းပလာခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့ (၇၃) နှစ်တိုင်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ပအိုဝ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများသည် ကိုယ်ပိုင်စာပေ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှု၊ ရိုးရာဓလေ့များ ပိုင်ဆိုင် ထားပြီး ဘာသာတရားကို အထူးအလေးထားသော လူမျိုးများဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ပအိုဝ်းတိုင်းရင်းသား ခေါင်းဆောင်များသည် လွတ်လပ်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှုတွင် စိတ်အားထက်သန်စွာ ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြပြီး ပင်လုံ စာချုပ် လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးရာတွင် ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားခေါင်းဆောင်၊ သထုံစော်ဘွား ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဦးဖြူသည် ပအိုဝ်း တိုင်းရင်းသားများ ကိုယ်စား ပါဝင်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ပါသည်။
၄။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်တစ်စုသည် မတရားသဖြင့် လက်နက်အားကိုး၍ နိုင်ငံ တော်၏ အာဏာကို သိမ်းယူခဲ့ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတို့အား ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်လာခဲ့သည်မှာ တစ်နှစ်ကျော်ကာလသို့ ရောက်ရှိလာခဲ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းတွင် ဆိုးဝါးသော အခြေအနေများ တွေ့ကြုံခံစားနေကြရပါသည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်ရေးတွင် ကျရာတာဝန်များ ထမ်းဆောင်ရင်း တက်ကြွစွာ ပါဝင်အား ဖြည့်လျက်ရှိသည့် ပအိုဝ်းတိုင်းရင်း သားတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍကို လေးစားဂုဏ်ယူစွာ တန်ဖိုးထားပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ တိုင်းပြည်အား လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ခဲ့သည့် စစ်အာဏာ ရှင်များကြောင့် တိုင်းပြည်သည် အဖက်ဖက်မှ ယိုးယွင်းပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ တို့သည်လည်း စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ ကျန်းမာရေး စသည့်တို့တွင် ဆင်းရဲကြီးစွာ ခံစားခဲ့ရပါသည်။ ယနေ့အချိန်သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား အပြီးတိုင် တိုက်ထုတ်ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ အတွက် တန်းတူ ညီမျှခြင်းနှင့် ဟန်ချက်ညီသော လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းအတွက် အာမခံချက်ရှိသော အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောင်နိုင်ရေး အတူတကွ လက်တွဲညီစွာ ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် အချိန်အခါကောင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၆။ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် (၇၃) နှစ်မြောက် ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားနေ့ ဦီးတည်ချက်များမှ တဆင့် ပအိုဝ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်အတူ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအားလုံးက အတူတကွ လက်တွဲကာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ကျဆုံးရေးနှင့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ် တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် တူညီသော ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များဖြင့် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်ဆီသို့ ကြိုးစားချီတက် ရှေ့ဆက်ကြပါစို့ဟု တိုက်တွန်းရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာအား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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"The Burmese military is forcibly evicting civilians as they have struggled to face popular uprisings for more than a year since the coup. The military has overthrown a democratically elected government, committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, according to the UN fact-finding mission. The junta has always oppressed people through multiple tactics, such as mass killings, burning homes, abductions, and imprisonment of innocent civilians. They have done this after every coup with the excuse of restoring rule and order during the crises. They are now carrying out clearance operations by destroying civilians’ homes in Yangon’s Hlaing Thar Yar township, Rakhine State’s capital Sittwe and various towns in the Mandalay region, such as Mandalay, Pyin Oo Lwin, and Myit Ngwe.
On 5th March, the junta issued an eviction notice that ordered residents of Myitnge in the Mandalay region to remove their homes within three days for not having proper tenancy documents. It targeted residents from seven out of 13 wards in the town, including over 2000 households with small-scale shops and the staff dormitories of Myanmar Railway (MR). Myitnge has been the home for MR staff members since the British colonial time. According to local sources, BHRN learned that residents paid fees to every successive government for their tenancy. After the coup, the MR staff joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Local people said that the junta targeted CDM staff initially. Later, they also pressured civilians’ homes in the wards to be removed; thus, they had to destroy their homes by themselves. People who could not demolish their properties before the junta forces arrived can face forceful destruction by bulldozers from the military. On 7th March, the junta’s people broadcasted a message across the town, which stated that anyone who let the evicted CDM staff stay at their homes would face charges from the military. It mentioned that the army would seal off those homes as penalties.
The junta removed over 70 homes in the railway ward of Sittwe in Rakhine state on 9th March and evicted about 200 houses in the Arr Jaik Daw Kone cemetery in the same city on 10th March.
The junta also sent eviction notices to 133 shops in Ba Htoo Stadium and 95 shops in Aung Myay Mandalar stadium in Mandalay, and 162 shops in the stadium in Pyin Oo Lwin to be removed by 31-3-2022 at the latest.
“The fascist military is using a very cunning tactic – eliminating a demographic of the population that resists the coup. To do so, the Junta has been bombing several villages in ethnic-controlled areas and evicting homes in the outskirts of big cities. However, disrupting a demographic of the population that is strongly resisting the coup could create huge pressure on the uprising to continue,” said BHRN’s executive director U Kyaw Win.
From October to December 2021, the junta claimed the residential areas and shops in eastern Hlaing Thar Yar were squatters and forcefully removed them and destroyed the properties with bulldozers. As a result, thousands of people became homeless. Local sources said those lands have commercial projects related to companies with close ties to the junta.
More than 100,000 households and 450,000 people received smart cards (squatter identity cards) under the previous civilian government in Yangon. Among them, more than 38,000 households are from Hlaing Thar Yar township. Such forceful evictions by the junta breach humanitarian norms and violate Burmese citizens' fundamental civil and human rights. BHRN concludes that the military’s practices of favoring its cronies and supporters with economic opportunities by oppressing innocent civilians are a significant barrier to nurturing human rights and democratic culture in Burma for both long and short terms.
The international community should not ignore the junta’s gross violations of the civil and human rights of the people in Burma and should hold them accountable for their crimes. We urge the international community to protect innocent civilians’ lives and households and assist in their struggles for democracy and human rights in Myanmar. The international community cannot neglect the crisis in Burma anymore as it is becoming a security threat for the region. A global arms embargo and tougher economic sanctions must be imposed on the Burmese military, preventing them from further committing atrocities against their people..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2022-03-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-15
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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" The international community must take concerted, immediate measures to stem the spiral of violence in Myanmar, where the military has engaged in systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said in a new report today.
The report,* released for the 49th regular session of the UN Human Rights Council, said Myanmar's military and security forces have shown a flagrant disregard for human life, bombarding populated areas with airstrikes and heavy weapons and deliberately targeting civilians, many of whom have been shot in the head, burned to death, arbitrarily arrested, tortured or used as human shields.
Citing the determination of Myanmar's people in their opposition to the coup, Bachelet called on the international community to do all it can to resolve the crisis and hold perpetrators of gross violations of international human rights law accountable.
"Throughout the tumult and violence of the past year, the will of the people has clearly not been broken. They remain committed to seeing a return to democracy and to institutions that reflect their will and aspirations," Bachelet said.
Covering the period since the 1 February 2021 military takeover, the report is based on interviews with over 155 victims, witnesses, and advocates, whose accounts were corroborated with satellite imagery, verified multimedia files, and credible open-source information. Its findings, however, represent only a fraction of the violations and abuses Myanmar’s people have been subjected to since the coup.
At least 1,600 people have been killed by security forces and their affiliates and more than 12,500 people have been detained. At least 440,000 others have been displaced and 14 million are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance, the delivery of which has largely been blocked by the military in new and pre-existing areas of need.
The report concluded that there were reasonable grounds to believe the military, the Tatmadaw, had engaged in violence and abuse as part of a widespread and systematic attack directed against civilians – patterns of conduct that may amount to crimes against humanity.
Mass killings have taken place. In July in Sagaing Region, soldiers killed 40 individuals in a series of raids; villagers found the remains of some victims with their hands and feet still tied behind their backs. In December in Kayah State, soldiers burned the bodies of up to 40 men, women and children; villagers described discovering the remains in several trucks, with bodies found in positions indicating they had tried to escape and were burnt alive.
Detainees reported facing torture and other forms of ill-treatment during lengthy interrogations in military detention centres across Myanmar. This reportedly included suspension from the ceiling without food or water; being forced to stand for extended periods while in solitary confinement; electrocution, sometimes alongside injection of unidentified drugs; sexual violence, including rape; and forcing Muslim detainees to ingest pork.
While most of the gross human rights violations documented were carried out by security forces, at least 543 individuals – including local administrators, their families and alleged informants – were also reportedly killed due to their perceived support of the military. Anti-coup armed elements claimed responsibility for 95 of the incidents.
"Meaningful action by the international community is urgently needed to stop yet more individuals from being stripped of their rights, their lives and their livelihoods," Bachelet said.
"The appalling breadth and scale of violations of international law suffered by the people of Myanmar demand a firm, unified, and resolute international response."..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-15
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"The private Myanmar military arms broker, Miya Win International, has procured parts for Camcopter S-100 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) via Russia since the military’s attempted coup.
The parts come from the Austrian company, Schiebel Corporation, which previously sold the UAVs to the Myanmar military, and was identified by the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar for its sale of dual-use goods to the Myanmar military.
Schiebel Corporation’s business with the Myanmar military has likely breached the EU arms embargo on Myanmar, with the support of Miya Win International.
The original purchase of UAVs was also facilitated by Miya Win International.
Camcopter S-100s can fly for up to 6 hours and provide the Myanmar Navy and Air Force with surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.
Miya Win International and its network of companies has been exposed in a Justice For Myanmar feature, using records from the trade database, ImportGenius, and leaked documents.
Other Miya Win International deals with EU companies that are likely to violate the arms embargo include a flight simulator from the Austrian company, Axis Simulation, and a hyperbaric chamber from the German company, Haux Life Support.
The flight simulator is owned by the Myanmar Air Force and used for both military and civil pilot training.
The hyperbaric chamber was procured for use by Myanmar Navy Seals.
Justice For Myanmar’s exposé of Miya Win International follows an investigation into the arms broker, Dynasty International, which has procured aircraft in 2015 from the Germany company, Grob Aircraft SE, and continued to work with Grob for parts and maintenance.
Since the attempted coup, Dynasty International has imported parts for Mi-17 aircraft from the Russian company, Ural Avia.
The Myanmar military primarily uses Mi-17 helicopters for transportation.
Justice For Myanmar calls for targeted sanctions against Miya Win International, Dynasty International, their directors and all other suppliers of the Myanmar military, and a global arms embargo.
Justice For Myanmar urges the Austrian and Germany governments to investigate companies that have supplied arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military, and to hold companies to account for any breaches of the EU arms embargo.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “One year since its illegal attempted coup, the Myanmar military has killed over 2,000 civilians and arrested more than 12,000.
The illegal junta has been committing crimes against humanity and war crimes with total impunity, including deliberately targeting civilians with airstrikes and artillery shelling, forcing over 440,000 civilians to flee from their homes.
Yet, companies like Schiebel Corporation, Miya Win International and Dynasty International are continuing to do business with the junta, despite their acts of aggression against the people.
The military’s atrocities are enabled by continued revenue and arms flows. These must be cut to end the military’s campaign of terror.
All arms brokers and suppliers must be sanctioned, including Miya Win International, Dynasty International, and their related companies.
Despite the EU arms embargo, companies from member states including Austria and Germany have sold arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, following the Rohingya genocide and after the attempted coup.
The EU and its member states must urgently act to strengthen and enforce the arms embargo and make sure no businesses in their territory remain complicit with the terrorist junta.
Those who have violated the arms embargo must be held accountable..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Military Crackdown in Hlaing Tharyar Continues
Description:
"On March 14, 2021, “Zarni” joined protests in Hlaing Tharyar, near Yangon, against the Myanmar military’s February 1 coup. The large protests were planned by factory workers, a large portion of the industrial area’s residents.
Protesters prepared barricades to ward off security forces, who had been cracking down on peaceful protests around the country.
But there were no arrests that day, Zarni said. “They just shot to kill.”
Human Rights Watch documented that police and soldiers with assault rifles deliberately surrounded – or “kettled” – the Hlaing Tharyar protesters, killing at least 65 people. The security forces, witnesses said, emerged from different directions to trap them.
The shootings in Hlaing Tharyar stand out as one of the deadliest days since the coup, not least because of the apparent premeditated use of lethal force.
A year later, Zarni says Hlaing Tharyar is still not safe. “We have been under martial law since then. So long as the military exists, we continue suffering.”
The challenges of documenting human rights abuses in an increasingly closed country make exact tallies of people killed difficult. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has reported that 1,600 protesters and bystanders have died since the coup. The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project suggests a far higher number of total deaths. The United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, estimates 837,000 people are displaced within Myanmar, over 500,000 since the coup.
In October, the authorities forcibly evicted and destroyed informal settlements in Hlaing Tharyar, leaving at least 8,000 families homeless. Night raids and arbitrary arrests have continued, while closed military courts handed down death sentences. Unemployment and food insecurity have also increased in Myanmar, and the UN Development Program predicts urban poverty rates will triple in 2022.
The UN Human Rights Council will discuss the situation in Myanmar on March 18. The council should call on the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution referring the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and recommend to the UN secretary-general to further assist international mechanisms investigating abuses. It should also call for all revenues from oil, gas, timber, and gems that flow to the military and fuel abuses to be put into an escrow account in the name of the Myanmar people until a democratically elected civilian government is restored.
Failure to take strong steps in Myanmar emboldens the military to commit further abuses and unnecessarily prolongs the suffering of people throughout the country..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-03-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-14
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662.11 KB
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"၁။ စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ဗဟိုကော်မရှင်သည် လက်ရှိဖြစ်ပွားနေသော စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအား စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးလျက်ရှိပြီး ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူများကို ဖော်ထုတ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိသည်။
၂။ စစ်ဘက်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကျူးလွန်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခံရသူများကို စစ်ဆေးစီရင်နေစဥ် အချိန်အတွင်း လိုအပ်ပါက ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် အမိန့်နှင့်ညွှန်ကြားချက်များထုတ်ပြန်၍ စစ်ဘက်တာဝန်များမှ ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းထားမည်။
၃။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအနေဖြင့် စစ်သည်တော်ကျင့်ဝတ် ၊ စစ်ဖက်ဆိုင်ရာကျင့်ဝတ်များနှင့် သစ္စာအဓိဌာန် (၄)ချက်ကို လိုက်နာကြရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ထိခိုက်စေသည့် မည်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်မျိုးကိုမဆို ရှောင်ရှားကြရမည်။
၄။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များသည် တော်လှန်ရေးရဲဘော်ရဲဘက် အချင်းချင်း စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်ကြရန်နှင့် အပြန်အလှန် ထိန်းကျောင်းသွားကြရန်လည်း အထူးလိုအပ်သည်။
၅။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် ရန်သူ့သတင်းပေးများ၊ စစ်သုံ့ပန်းများကို ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် သက်သေအထောက်အထား စာရွက်စာတမ်းများ ထားရှိရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို ထိခိုက်မှုမရှိစေရန် အထူးဂရုပြု ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။
၆။ စစ်ရေးပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ဗဟိုကော်မရှင်သည် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို ထိခိုက်မှု မရှိစေရန်အလို့ငှာ ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သည့် မည်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ မည်သည့် ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်ကိုမဆို ဥပဒေအရ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
၇။ ပြည့်သူကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအပါအဝင် အများပြည်သူတို့အနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများကို ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြရန်နှင့် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအား အောက်ပါလိပ်စာများသို့ သတင်းပေး တိုင်ကြားနိုင်ကြောင်း အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-14
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""ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ် (၆)လပြည့် အစီရင်ခံစာ” ကို ပြည်သူလူထုထံသို့ တင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-14
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1.3 MB
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"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-13
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"၁။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်နေဝင်း၏ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်မှ တက္ကသိုလ်ပရဝုဏ်အတွင်း၌ပင် ပစ်သတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ရန်ကုန်စက်မှုတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများဖြစ်သည့် ကိုဖုန်းမော်နှင့် ကိုစိုးနိုင်တို့ ကျဆုံးသွားခဲ့ရာ ယနေ့ဆိုလျှင် (၃၄) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ လူမဆန်သော လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ကျဆုံးသွားခဲ့ရသည့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်သစ် ကျောင်းသား လူငယ်များအတွက် အထူးဝမ်းနည်းရပါကြောင်း ယနေ့အခမ်းအနားမှတဆင့် ပြောကြား လိုပါသည်။
၂။ တရားမျှတမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ ကြသည့် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် တော်လှန်ရေးများတွင် ရဲရင့်မှု၊ သတ္တိနှင့် ဥာဏ်ပညာရှိမှုတို့ဖြင့် တက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များက ဦးဆောင်ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည်မှာ သမိုင်းစာမျက်နှာများ တွင် ဂုဏ်ယူစွာ တွေ့မြင်နိုင်သကဲ့သို့ ယနေ့ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင်လည်း Generation Z ဟု လူသိများသည့် မျိုးဆက်သစ်ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၏ တက်ကြွသော ပါဝင်မှုသည်လည်း တိုင်းပြည်အနာဂတ်အတွက် အားတက်ဖွယ် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ စစ်အာရှင်အုပ်စုက တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုးဘဝ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက် ရေးထက် ၎င်းတို့ အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား မတရားအုပ်ချုပ်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက တားဆီး ပိတ်ပင်မှုများကြားမှပင် ပညာသင်ယူကြရင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးစိတ်ဓာတ်ကိုလည်း သမိုင်းစဉ်တစ်လျှောက် လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းနိုင်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။
၄။ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည့် မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီခရီးလမ်းတွင် အသက်၊ သွေး၊ ချွေးများဖြင့် စွန့်လွှတ်ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီသူရဲကောင်း ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် များအား အသိအမှတ်ပြု တန်ဖိုးထားပြီး ယနေ့ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များသည် သမိုင်းပေး တာဝန်များကို ထမ်းရွက်လျက် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့တွင် ဦးဆောင်သွားကြရမည့် မျိုးဆက် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၅။ လွန်ခဲ့သော (၃၄) နှစ်ကသို့ပင် ယနေ့အချိန်တွင်လည်း လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်က မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့အပေါ်၌ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုတို့ကို သိမ်းဆည်းခြင်း၊ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး ခြင်းတို့ကို လူမဆန်စွာ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးစသည်တို့သည် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ပိတ်ပင်တား ဆီးခြင်း ခံနေရပြီး ဆုံးရှုံးနေ သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး မိမိတို့က စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာ ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်း သွားကြရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၆။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အသက်၊ သွေး၊ ချွေးများဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ အပြီးတိုင်း ပပျောက်ရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ အပြည့်အဝ ရရှိရေး၊ မိမိတို့၏ ဘုံရည်မှန်းချက်ဖြစ်သည့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ပေါက်ရေး တို့အတွက် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၊ ပြည်သူလူထုများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစု၊ တိုင်းရင်း သား တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများဖြင့် အတူတကွ ဆက်လက် လက်တွဲကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်သစ်များအတွက် ငြိမ်းချမ်း၍ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်သော အနာဂတ် နိုင်ငံ တော်သစ်တည်ဆောက်ရေး ဝိုင်းဝန်းကြိုးပမ်းသွားကြပါစို့ဟု တိုက်တွန်းရင်း သဝဏ်လွှာ ပေးပို့ အပ်ပါသည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-03-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-13
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Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History, Human Rights Defenders
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"The genocidal military junta in Myanmar announced that my citizenship, along with the citizenships of 10 other colleagues has been revoked. The junta’s desperate attempts to harm us and make us stateless are totally illegal and will not deter me, nor my colleagues from our work for the brave people of Myanmar who have suffered so much for so long. Indeed, it strengthens our resolve. They can strip me of my home, but they can never strip the love that I have for my people and country. They can take away my body, but they will never take away the love and hope that I have for my motherland. In fact, they have no right to give or take away my birthright. Such an act is, in fact, a violation of basic human rights as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and is also a violation of the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness (1961) to which Myanmar, under the military, never became a signatory. In truth, I am not surprised by this news. Rendering Myanmar people stateless is not new for the genocidal military in Myanmar. Hundreds of thousands of Myanmar people, particularly our Rohingya brothers and sisters have suffered the same fate. Living stateless in the country they were born in. The only country they have ever known.
My motherland is my birth right. This can never be taken from me. I breathe my motherland’s air, I am warmed by my motherland's sun, and cleansed in my motherland's waters. This land, this culture, this identity, this heritage, I take with me in my heart. It cannot be taken from me, it cannot be beaten out of me, and I will never let it go. My identity is not defined by a hateful and bigoted military. I have dedicated my life to the country and people that I love so much, and now I continue the fight, in whatever way I can, to liberate my country from tyranny. I am proud to fight against the military dictatorship and authoritarianism. I am proud that the enemies of freedom and democracy have targeted me. This illegal acts against us are badges of honour, which I am proud to wear in solidarity with my brothers and sisters all over Myanmar and all over the world, who were likewise denied their identity and rights based on race, on religion, or on politics.
The cruel military junta have hunted us with soldiers, and fighter jets, driving us from our homes and razing thousands of homes in turn creating refugees. This is the genocidal military junta’s tactic. To make us all homeless and stateless to destroy our existence but they will never succeed. Vagrants with no-one and nothing, wandering the Earth impotently. Without citizenship, without residence, how could we hope to engage politically? How would we vote, how we campaign, where could we find a safe harbor and rebuild our lives? We will win this fight, this is inevitable. The Myanmar people will not give up an inch of their homeland to these despots.
My God bless the people of Myanmar, and may God bless the people of Ukraine..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma's citizenship laws and other relevant legislation (texts and commentary)
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"၁။ (၈-၃-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့၊ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကရင်နီ/ကယားပြည်နယ်၊ ဒီမောဆိုမြို့နယ်၊ ဆောင်ဒူလာကျေးရွာရှိ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများ သေကျေပျက်စီးစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ မွန်းလွဲပိုင်းတွင် ဆောင်ဒူလာကျေးရွာ၌ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနေသော Free Burma Rangers အဖွဲ့ဝင် ပဲခူးမြို့၊ သားဖွားသင်တန်းကျောင်းမှ ဒုတိယနှစ်သင်တန်းသူ အဲလစ္စဘက်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ပစ်ခတ်သော လက်နက်ကြီး ထိမှန်ခဲ့ပြီး (၉-၃-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။
၂။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းသည့် (၁-၂-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့မှ (၃၁-၁-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့အထိ (၁၂) လတာ ကာလ အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သား (၃၅) ဦးကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ (၂) ဦးကို ပြန်ပေးဆွဲခြင်း၊ (၃၆၀) ဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ (၃၉) ဦးကို ထိခိုက် ဒဏ်ရာရစေခြင်း၊ (၄၂) ဦးကို ကိုယ်ထိလက်ရောက် တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်း (၆) ခုကို ဖြိုချဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ (၃၂) ခုကို ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးစေခြင်း၊ (၁၂၉) ခုကို ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းလုယက်ခြင်း၊ (၆၇) ခုတွင် တပ်စွဲသိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်း၊ အရေးပေါ်နှင့် လူနာတင်ယာဉ် (၁၄) စီးကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ (၂၀) စီးကို ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးစေခြင်းနှင့် (၁၁) စီးကို ခိုးယူအပိုင်စီးခြင်း တို့အား အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြောင်း Insecurity Insight အဖွဲ့က (၁၄-၂-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ (http://insecurityinsight.org/country-pages/myanmar)
၃။ အထူးသဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ယခုကာလအတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြား၌ ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်းများ၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်တို့ စုဝေးရာ နေရာများ၊ ပြည်သူတို့၏ တိုက်တာ အိုးအိမ်များနှင့် ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းနှင့် လက်နက်ကြီးများ အလွန်အကျွံအသုံးပြု၍ အကြမ်းဖက် ဖျက်ဆီး၊ သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့ ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းသည့် ကျေးရွာများကို မီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာများ၊ တန်ဖိုးရှိ ပစ္စည်းများကို လုယက်သိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်းနှင့် အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများကို အတိုးချ၍ အငြိုးတကြီး သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်လည်း ရှိပါသည်။ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး (UNHCR) ၏ (၁-၃-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် အရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကြောင့် (၁-၂-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့မှ (၂၈-၂-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့အထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအသီးသီးရှိ ပြည်သူ (၅) သိန်းကျော်မှာ မိမိတို့၏ နေရပ်အသီးသီးကို စွန့်ခွာ၍ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်နေရလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ (https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/91166)
၄။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါအကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များသည် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗန်းရှင်း (Geneva Conventions) နှင့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များ အပါအဝင် ပြည်တွင်းဥပဒေများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းနှင့် အစဉ်တစိုက် ချိုးဖောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် လက်တွေ့ကျ၍ အမှန်တကယ် ထိရောက်သည့် နည်းလမ်းများအသုံးပြုကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား အမြန်ဆုံး အရေးယူရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအတွင်း ထိခိုက်ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသော ဆေးနှင့်ဆေးနှီးနွှယ် ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ၊ ကျန်းမာရေး လုပ်သားများ၊ ပရဟိတလုပ်သားများအပါအဝင် ထိခိုက်ကျဆုံးပြည်သူများ၏ မိသားစုများ နှင့်ထပ်တူ အထူးပင် စာနာဝမ်းနည်းရပါကြောင်းနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ရရှိသည်အထိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးနှင့် လက်တွဲကာ မဆုတ်မနစ်နှင့် အားသွန် ခွန်စိုက် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာပြု၊ ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Health, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
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Sub-title:
Protecting the lives and livelihoods of the people of Myanmar
Description:
"1. Introduction:This budget is a historic first budget of the National Unity Government, following a year of
tumultuous and catastrophic change in our country brought on by the military junta. In
delivering this budget statement, the National Unity government intends to present to our
people and to friends of freedom around the world:
• an assessment of our economy and of the military’s inability to arrest its unprecedented
decline,
• a statement on the efforts by the National Unity Government (NUG) to provide
humanitarian relief directly by the NUG and through our partners across the country,
• an enumeration of the NUG’s priority initiatives - to support the Civil Disobedience
Movement (CDM), to expand access to life-saving assistance to those most impacted by
the military’s actions, and to contain the spread of COVID-19 - which will be scaled up
throughout this coming year, and
• a vision as to how the NUG’s humanitarian efforts will support our people as they seek a
return to peace, stability, and respect for the rule of law; as they set about rebuilding our
country’s economy; and as we together bring about a democracy that embraces and
serves all of our people.
The release of this budget statement comes amid a period of chaos for people across
Myanmar. Since 1 February 2021, the military has been solely responsible for creating a
three-dimensional crisis - political turmoil and violence perpetrated by the military, an
economy that has collapsed and remains paralysed, and the persistent threat posed by
COVID-19.
The military is actively manipulating each element of this crisis for its own enrichment and in
ways that are exacerbating suffering throughout the country. The military’s only strategy is
to wage a reign of terror. The military is failing and continues to fail in their attempt to break
the people’s will and govern by fear.
Against this backdrop, the people of Myanmar continue to stand alongside each other in
solidarity. The people remain steadfast in their rejection of the military’s attempts to destroy
our country’s future as part of their desperate efforts to preserve their own power and
privilege.
The NUG shall address each element of Myanmar’s present crisis in our role as the
legitimate representatives of the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. The
NUG is working to reduce the harm suffered by those most impacted by the military’s
actions and to shift the economic cost of this attempted coup to the military and those who
prop them up. Doing so will help to amplify our people’s resistance and deliver change, as
those across the country continue to deny the military and demand the return of legitimate
government.
With the release of this budget statement, the NUG also reaffirms its commitment to a
Federal Democratic Union - a fundamental basis for security and prosperity for all the
people of Myanmar. Not only we are working to hasten the end of the military’s role in
political life, but with this budget statement, we are also working to prepare for the return to
civilian rule.
The priorities that follow each aim to help our people and to turn their sacrifice for freedom
into the basis for such a Federal Democratic Union..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
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Size:
584.63 KB 4.95 MB
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Description:
"မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
402.45 KB
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Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကိုဖုန်းမော်၊ ကိုစိုးနိုင် ကျဆုံးခြင်း (၃၄) နှစ်ပြည့် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့အခမ်းအနားသို့ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ (၁၂) ရက်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-03-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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Size:
306.34 KB
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Description:
"လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာ အတွဲ(၁)၊ အမှတ် (၈)
ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း ( ၈ မတ် ၂၀၂၂)
"လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။"
- နယ်သာလန် သည်ဟ်ဂ်မြို့က ရိုဟင်ဂျာအရေး သတင်းစာ ရှင်းလင်းပွဲ
- နိုင်ငံတဝန်းရှိ ဖမ်းဆီး၊သတ်ဖြတ်၊ ဖိနှိပ်နေမှုများ
- စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ
- နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးများစသည့် စကားလုံးများ သုံးနေစေကာမူ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု့များကို မည်သို့မျှ ဖုံးကွယ်၍ မရနိုင် Op-Ed
- Code of Conduct..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Discrimination against the Rohingya, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.74 MB
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Description:
"၀န်ထမ်းခေါ်ယူခန့်ထားခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Commerce , National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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267.84 KB
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Description:
"According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022.
As of March 11, 2022, (1652) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (10) fallen heroes today. These (10) fallen heroes from Shwebo Township, Kale Township and Khin-U Township in Sagaing Region, Hakha Township in Chin State, Loikaw Township in Kayah State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of March 11, 2022, a total of (9588) people are currently under detention. (837) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released.
On March 8 at 12:30 pm, three children aged around 7 years old, 10 years old and 12 years older, living in Lwe Htae Village in Kayah State’s Loikaw Township, were killed on the spot by Junta’s heavy artillery shell which exploded nearby while they were playing. In addition, Hla Tun, father of the deceased, and his other daughter, aged 15 years old, got injured.
On March 5, Rung Hu, who suffered from mental illness, was shot to death on the head and chest by junta soldiers, in Chun Kyune Village in Chin State’s Hakha Township. He stayed at home and did not run away when junta soldiers entered the village.
AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-03-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
2.65 MB 8.14 MB 1.11 MB
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