2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"1. On the 9th of September, 2022, Save the Children issued an announcement regarding the report 'The
Impacts of Attacks on Education and Military Use in Myanmar' by Global Coalition to Protect
Education from Attack (GCPEA)'.
2. That report stated that there were 190 attacks on schools in 13 states and regions in 2021, and the
terrorist junta and their troops used the schools as military bases, detention centers, and armories,
and attacked the schools. Moreover it urged all the armed troops to avoid using the schools and
universities for military activities.
3. The National Unity Government has a strong resolution to fulfil the rights for education to the people.
The Ministry of Education issued an announcement that strongly condemns any organization which
commits unjust and terrorist activities such as using the schools as military bases and targets of the
military attacks.
4. In the military code of conducts, in the interim education programs, and in other announcements
issued by the National Unity Government, it is clearly described that such terrorist acts shall be
avoided at all cost. The GCPEA report acknowledges the section in the military codes of conducts
issued by the NUG regarding the attacks on the school facilities is well-aligned with the international
human rights and humanitarianism laws.
5. The responsible ministers of the NUG are working on the ground in the rehabilitation effort to restore
school facilities destroyed by the SAC, and provide education programs for children whose education
was disrupted due to SAC’s violation of rights for education and its military’s attacks and uses of the
schools for military activities.
6. The National Unity Government has already issued the processes and mechanisms in which the
revolutionary forces’ violations of the rules can be informed and take responsibilities for their actions.
7. The suggestions in the report include the descriptions of the punishment of the perpetrators by the
international judicial systems including the International Criminal Court (ICC). The NUG announced
its acceptance of the ICC’s international jurisdiction and registered at the Court's registration officer
on 20th August, 2021.
8. The report already describes the scales, magnitude, and methods of SAC’s violations on the rights to
education and destruction to schools, and such widespread crimes are found to be committed
intentionally and systematically. Therefore, it is extremely dangerous to put the two starkly different
degrees of violation into the same tone as though both parties committed the crime equally, and
that it can result in the international misinterpretation of Myanmar people’s rejection of the junta
and demand for federal democracy.
9. Therefore, it is necessary to take seriously when reporting such important matters and avoid drawing
conclusions easily. We urge that international organizations need to support and encourage NUG’s
effort to provide education and prevalence of justice through accountable international mechanisms..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs and Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-09-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-13
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Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"13 September 2022: The United Nations (UN) General Assembly must respect the founding purposes and principles of the UN by accepting the credentials of Myanmar’s democratic representative, Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, and ensuring consistent representation of Myanmar throughout the UN system, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The UN General Assembly convenes today for its 77th annual session in New York. A credentials committee will form to consider the credentials of representatives appointed to the UN by each member state and to report back to the General Assembly with recommendations for the candidates’ accreditation.
His Excellency Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, the appointee of the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), whose credentials were submitted to the UN Secretary-General by Myanmar’s State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi prior to the Myanmar military’s attempted coup in February 2021, has continued to represent Myanmar at the General Assembly since.
“The General Assembly must continue to recognise Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun as the representative of Myanmar to the UN,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Moreover, the General Assembly must be more explicit in its decision than last year in order to correct the absolute mess we have seen across the UN bodies with respect to Myanmar’s representation. That mess has shamefully deprived the Myanmar people of their voice at UN meetings at a time when they need it the most.”
UN Resolution 396(V) provides that when the question of a State’s representation at the UN “becomes the subject of controversy … the attitude adopted by the General Assembly [..] concerning any such question should be taken into account in other organs of the United Nations and in the specialised agencies”.
The attitude of the General Assembly with respect Myanmar’s representation since the attempted coup is clear, both from Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun’s continued accreditation to the General Assembly and its recognition of the continuing authority of President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi in Resolution 75/287 (2021).
Appointees of the NUG should therefore have represented Myanmar in all UN bodies over the past twelve months. Instead, however, Myanmar has gone unrepresented in most UN forums, including the Human Rights Council, which is also in session, having convened yesterday.
“Myanmar is an acute human rights crisis. It is on the agenda every time the Human Rights Council meets. Yet, for more than a year, the Council has refused to allow a legitimate representative of the Myanmar people to participate, despite the clear legal guidance on the matter,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Just what is going on in Geneva? There can surely be no justification for the UN’s foremost body for the protection and promotion of human rights to deny the right of a nation in crisis to be represented by its legitimate government in its greatest hour of need.”
The NUG is the legitimate government of Myanmar, having been appointed by lawmakers elected in Myanmar’s 2020 general elections. The NUG also has the greatest claim to overall control in Myanmar, as the representative of allied forces opposed to the illegal military junta, a recent briefing paper by SAC-M found. The resistance controls more of the territory of Myanmar than the junta and is administering an increasing range of government functions. The military junta now only has stable control over a remaining 17 percent of the country.
“The Myanmar people rightfully feel totally abandoned, or worse, betrayed, by the UN, as they continue to face the military’s brutal terror campaign of killing, torture, rape, arson and devastation, that is destabilising an entire region and causing unimaginable suffering for millions,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “If the UN still truly stands for international peace and security then the General Assembly will accept fully the credentials of Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun with all the rights and privileges of any other member state.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"MIDDAY
The Human Rights Council this morning held an interactive dialogue with Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism on Myanmar, followed by an interactive dialogue with Nada Al-Nashif, Acting High Commissioner for Human Rights, on the situation of human rights in Sri Lanka.
Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, said crimes in Myanmar had intensified. The people of Myanmar continued to suffer because of the lack of accountability for those who believed they answered to no law. There was increasing evidence of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Women and children were at particular risk in conflicts, yet experience showed that crimes against them were typically under-reported and under-prosecuted. The Mechanism was united in its efforts to break the cycle of impunity and to ensure that those responsible for crimes would face justice.
In the discussion on Myanmar, some speakers welcomed the report and strongly condemned the human rights abuses and violations in Myanmar. Reports on systematic and sexual-based violence and crimes affecting children were appalling. The human rights situation in Myanmar had deteriorated, in particular for those who were part of religious or ethnic minorities. The military should end the attacks on civilians and allow the population to express its human rights, including the right to freedom of expression. Other speakers pointed out that political mandates did not foster an environment of protection and promotion of human rights. Political dialogue was the only way to resolve the situation in the country.
Nada Al-Nashif, Acting High Commissioner for Human Rights, presenting a report on the situation of human rights in Sri Lanka, said since the previous update in March 2022, the country had been suffering from an unprecedented economic crisis. Months of countrywide protests eventually led to the President’s resignation and a new President was elected by the Sri Lankan Parliament on 20 July 2022. Ms. Al- Nashif encouraged the new Government to embark on a national dialogue to advance human rights and reconciliation and to carry out the deeper institutional, reforms needed to combat impunity and to tackle the economic crisis.
Ms. Al-Nashif said 13 years since the end of war in Sri Lanka, tens of thousands of survivors and their families continued to seek justice and to know the whereabouts of their loved ones, with Sri Lanka repeatedly failing to pursue transitional justice. Instead, successive governments had created political obstacles to accountability, and actively promoted some officials credibly implicated in alleged war crimes, into the highest levels of government. The Acting High Commissioner called on States to pursue alternate strategies to advance accountability at the international level, including through the consideration of targeted sanctions against alleged perpetrators, as well as cooperation to initiate prosecutions based on extraterritorial jurisdiction.
Ali Sabry, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, speaking as a country concerned, said the Government was extremely sensitive to the socio-economic hardships faced by its people, and had initiated immediate measures to address challenges and to ensure their wellbeing. Discussions on debt restructuring were in progress. The Government was in dialogue with United Nations agencies as well as bilateral partners to protect the most vulnerable from the adverse impacts of the crisis. Sri Lanka would endeavour to meet the goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The State looked forward to constructive engagement with the Council through the Universal Periodic Review process. Sri Lanka along with several Member States of this Council had opposed resolution 46/1, fundamentally disagreeing with its legitimacy and objectives.
In the discussion on Sri Lanka, some speakers welcomed the formation of a more inclusive Sri-Lankan Government and constitutional reform. The peaceful transition of power and the efforts taken to restore peace and stability were applauded. Some speakers were concerned about the current situation in Sri Lanka, which was characterised by an economic crisis and violations of fundamental human rights. There were high levels of concern around freedom of expression, as peaceful protests resulting from the crisis situation were met with violence. Sri Lankan authorities were urged to protect the freedom of expression and assembly for all, and to stop arbitrary arrests of those engaging in peaceful protests. Some speakers reiterated their position to reject country-specific initiatives and resolutions that were confrontational and did not have the consent of the country concerned. For these speakers, it was important to provide technical assistance to Sri Lanka and strengthen its national institutions. Some speakers maintained that the mandate was costly, with no effect on the situation, and did not support solidarity.
Also speaking in the morning meeting was Alfonso Nsue Mokuy, Third Deputy Prime Minister in charge of human rights of Equatorial Guinea, who said that the effects of the international economic crisis and the health crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic had constituted a challenge for the effective exercise of human rights in general, in particular economic, social and cultural rights. Each country had its own values, legislation and social demands, but it was also vital for all to reach basic agreements to foster respect and non-discrimination, and combat violence in all spheres. The Government of Equatorial Guinea had worked tirelessly to combat the pandemic, making it possible to reduce incidents of mortality in the country, with significant economic resources provided by the Government. The Government had also worked to eliminate corruption, and had carried out positive activities in this context.
Speaking in the discussion on Myanmar were Finland, on behalf of Denmark, Estonia, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden; European Union; Pakistan, on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Switzerland; Egypt; France; Luxembourg; Netherlands; Australia; Ireland; Japan; Venezuela; China; Malaysia; United States; United Kingdom; Indonesia; Bangladesh; Timor-Leste; Romania; Belgium; The Gambia; New Zealand; Italy; Iran; Türkiye; Malawi; Canada; and Armenia.
Also speaking were the following civil society representatives: Centre for Civil and Political Rights; Jubilee Campaign; International Commission of Jurists; International Federation for Human Rights Leagues; Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development; Meezaan Centre for Human Rights; iuventum e.V.; Lawyers' Rights Watch Canada; and the International Organization for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
Speaking in the discussion on Sri Lanka were the Netherlands on behalf of the three countries of the Benelux; Finland on behalf of the Nordic-Baltic countries; European Union; Saudi Arabia on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council; Liechtenstein; Switzerland; Egypt; India; France; Democratic People’s Republic of Korea; North Macedonia; Australia; Ireland; Japan; Maldives; Ethiopia; Cuba; Kazakhstan; Venezuela; Viet Nam; Russian Federation; China; Nigeria; Syrian Arab Republic; Nicaragua; United States; Nepal; United Kingdom; Bangladesh; Pakistan; South Sudan; Burundi; Zimbabwe; Yemen; Lao People’s Democratic Republic; Montenegro; Azerbaijan; Cameroon; Canada; New Zealand; Thailand; Uganda; Philippines, Kenya; Iran; Türkiye; Bolivia; Lebanon; Sudan; Cambodia; Eritrea; and Niger.
The following civil society organizations also spoke: Khiam Rehabilitation Centre for Victims of Torture; Christian Solidarity Worldwide; Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development; Baptist World Alliance; World Evangelical Alliance on behalf of Alliance Defending Freedom; Centre for Civil and Political Rights; Franciscans International; People for Equality and Relief in Lanka Inc-; International Commission of Jurists; and Global Life Savers Inc.
The webcast of the Human Rights Council meetings can be found here. All meeting summaries can be found here. Documents and reports related to the Human Rights Council’s fifty-first regular session can be found here.
The next meeting of the Human Rights Council will start at 1:45 p.m. to hold an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, followed by an enhanced interactive dialogue on Afghanistan.
Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Report
The Council has before it the report of the Independent Investigative Mission for Myanmar (A/HRC/51/4)
Presentation of the Report
NICHOLAS KOUMJIAN, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, said crimes in Myanmar had intensified. The people of Myanmar continued to suffer because of the lack of accountability for those who believed they answered to no law. Five years had passed since the 2017 military clearance operations in Rakhine state led most of the Rohingya population to flee Myanmar. Almost all remained in neighbouring countries awaiting the day when conditions would allow their safe and dignified return home. There was increasing evidence of crimes against humanity and war crimes, including murder, torture, deportation, and forcible transfer and persecution. The Mechanism prioritised gathering evidence of sexual and gender-based violence and crimes against children. Women and children were at particular risk in conflicts, yet experience showed that crimes against them were typically under-reported and under-prosecuted. Children in Myanmar were tortured and arbitrarily detained, sometimes to target their parents.
There were strong indications that the executions of four individuals in July were without due process. The Mechanism faced many challenges collecting evidence, being denied access to crime scenes and witnesses in Myanmar. The Mechanism had obtained millions of items from networks of Facebook accounts controlled by the Myanmar military that were taken down by the company because they misrepresented their identity. Posts from these military accounts incited fear and hatred of Rohingya. The Mechanism was united in its efforts to break the cycle of impunity and to ensure that those responsible for crimes would face justice.
Discussion
Some speakers strongly condemned the human rights abuses and violations in Myanmar, which amounted to systematic crimes against humanity. The reported systematic and sexual-based violence and crimes affecting children were appalling. The human rights situation in Myanmar had deteriorated, in particular for those who were part of religious or ethnic minorities. Perpetrators must be held accountable. All partners of the international community should cooperate fully with the Mechanism so that victims could get justice. Some speakers strongly condemned the military coup. Human rights violations had been committed in a manner that was a widespread and coordinated attack on the civilian population, to an extent which could constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. The executions of pro-democracy individuals were condemned. The military should end the attacks on civilians and allow the population to express its human rights, including the right to freedom of expression.
The Mechanism should continue to collect and preserve information about the situation, some speakers said. Myanmar’s persistent non-cooperation with the Mechanism was deplored: it should fully cooperate with the view to delivering justice, including and in particular to the Rohingyas. All social media platforms should share information with the Mechanism as and when they were approached, and the Mechanism should ensure that principles of “do no harm” were at the centre of their outreach in this context. The security forces and armed groups should ensure the protection of civilians, and reinstate immediately the moratorium on the death penalty. There should be a political resolution to the situation, ensuring that those culpable were brought to justice. There were serious international crimes and violations of international humanitarian law. The continuation of the tragic situation of the Rohingya was deplored, and they should be protected, with a lasting solution found to the crisis. The Office of the High Commissioner should communicate and cooperate with the Special Envoy to Myanmar. Bangladesh’s efforts to deal with the Rohingya crisis were applauded, and the international community was urged to cooperate in all ways with its efforts.
Some speakers said politically-mandated mandates did not foster an environment of protection and promotion of human rights. The Universal Periodic Review was the suitable mechanism for addressing the human rights situation of countries around the world, not the unilateral imposition of mechanisms that only undermined the work of the Council. Political dialogue was the only way to resolve the situation in Myanmar, with the support of peace-loving nations, and this was the only way that Myanmar could overcome its existing challenges. It was regretted that Myanmar could not attend the dialogue, and the work done to boost its economy was recognised. There should be a political solution to the situation, in order to restore the dialogue within the country. The international community should speak in one voice that could further help all parties to further bridge differences, instead of creating tension and causing the situation to deteriorate further. The international community should also actively promote dialogue within Myanmar in order to restore peace and truly protect and promote human rights.
Concluding Remarks
NICHOLAS KOUMJIAN, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, said that under international law, the lack of due process could amount to an international crime. The Mechanism was interested in gathering evidence on the fairness of legal proceedings. No response had been received from the authorities in Myanmar. A key challenge was reaching those who had evidence, and achieving this required cooperation from States in the region. The Mechanism had conducted voluntary interactions, and needed the support of States to operate on territories hosting witnesses of human rights abuses. The Mechanism did not have the resources to provide all of the psychosocial and medical support that victims and witnesses needed, and requested the support of States in this regard. The Mechanism was committed to providing judges of a case dealing with genocide with the best evidence. The time that the Mechanism had to share evidence with courts was limited, and so it was redoubling efforts to collect evidence within the required timeframe.
Statement by the Third Vice Prime Minister in Charge of Human Rights of Equatorial Guinea
ALFONSO NSUE MOKUY, Third Vice Prime Minister in Charge of Human Rights of Equatorial Guinea, said the activities of the Office of the High Commissioner had moved forward and promoted many projects to protect, guarantee and defend human rights. The effects of the international economic crisis and the health crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic had constituted a challenge for the effective exercise of human rights in general, in particular economic, social and cultural rights. Each country had its own values, legislation and social demands, but it was also vital for all to reach basic agreements to foster respect and non-discrimination, and combat violence in all spheres. The work fostered by the Office of the High Commissioner aimed at improving the human rights situation was commended, particularly with regard to the Sustainable Development Goals.
The Government of Equatorial Guinea had decided to change the track of the National 2020 Horizon Plan, with the support of development partners, mainstreaming the Sustainable Development Goals and the Agenda 2030, and the Agenda 2063 in its planning schemes, which enshrined a global vision of Equatorial Guinea and its role at the international level, including its commitment to strong economic growth, making it possible to improve living standards, eradicate poverty, protect the environment, and make it a country where all could live. The new Criminal Code had already been approved by the Head of State. The Government had worked tirelessly to combat the pandemic, making it possible to reduce incidents of mortality in the country, with significant economic resources provided by the Government.
After the pandemic, the lack of public security had been the second concern facing the inhabitants of the country, due to the threat of juvenile crime. Thanks to the clean-up operation run by the Government, there had been a positive impact and the usual serenity had returned to the society. The Government had also worked to eliminate corruption, and had carried out positive activities in this context.
Interactive Dialogue on the Report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on Sri Lanka
Report
The Council has before it the report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Sri Lanka (A/HRC/51/5)
Presentation of Report
NADA AL-NASHIF, Acting United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, presenting the Office’s report on the human rights situation in Sri Lanka, said that since the previous update in March 2022, the country had been suffering from an unprecedented economic crisis. Inflation was at a shocking 66.7 per cent and Sri Lankans had been facing severe shortages of fuel, electricity, food, medicines, and other essential items, while 6.3 million people were estimated to be food insecure.
Months of countrywide protests eventually led to the President’s resignation and a new President was elected by the Sri Lankan Parliament on 20 July 2022. Ms. Al- Nashif encouraged the new Government to embark on a national dialogue to advance human rights and reconciliation and to carry out the deeper institutional reforms needed to combat impunity and to tackle the economic crisis. Concerningly in recent weeks, leaders and members of the protest movement and trade unions had been arrested. Ms. Al-Nashif urged the Government to take positive action to foster an environment for peaceful protest. She welcomed the tone set by the President in his first speech in parliament where he promised constitutional reforms.
Thirteen years since the end of war, tens of thousands of survivors and their families continued to seek justice and to know the whereabouts of their loved ones, with the State repeatedly failing to pursue transitional justice. Instead, successive governments had created political obstacles to accountability, and actively promoted some officials credibly implicated in alleged war crimes, into the highest levels of government. The High Commissioner called on States to pursue alternate strategies to advance accountability at the international level, including through the consideration of targeted sanctions against alleged perpetrators, as well as cooperation to initiate prosecutions based on extraterritorial jurisdiction. The team established in the High Commissioner’s Office had made progress, including through conducting proactive analytical work, including in relation to gender and child-related violations, and was consolidating evidence collected by the United Nations into a repository, which would assist future accountability initiatives. The scale of this work required time and financial resources supported by States, and Ms. Al- Nashif urged the Council to ensure this work was supported.
Impunity remained a central obstacle to Sri Lanka’s sustainable peace and development, and risked enabling further violations. The mandate granted by the Council to continue monitoring the human rights situation and pursue accountability for crimes under international law was now more important than ever.
Response by Country Concerned
ALI SABRY, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, speaking as the country concerned, said that the Government was extremely sensitive to the socio-economic hardships faced by its people, and had initiated immediate measures to address challenges and to ensure the wellbeing of its people. Discussions on debt restructuring were in progress. The Government was in dialogue with United Nations agencies as well as bilateral partners to protect the most vulnerable from the adverse impacts of the crisis. Sri Lanka would endeavour to meet the goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Sri Lanka along with several Member States of this Council had opposed resolution 46/1, fundamentally disagreeing with its legitimacy and objectives. Operative paragraph 06 violated the sovereignty of the people of Sri Lanka and the principles of the United Nations Charter. The High Commissioner’s report’s extensive reference to “economic crimes” exceeded the mandate of the Office.
The proposed twenty-second amendment to the Constitution introduced several salient changes which would strengthen democratic governance and independent oversight of key institutions, as well as public scrutiny, participation in governance, and combatting corruption. Amendments included the establishment of the Constitutional Council and the reintroduction of the National Procurement Commission and the Audit Service Commission. Sri Lanka had extended a standing invitation to all thematic Special Procedure mandate holders to visit Sri Lanka, and facilitated a high number of visits in the recent past. The State looked forward to constructive engagement with the Council through the Universal Periodic Review process. It was time to reflect realistically on the trajectory of the resolution, which had continued on the agenda of the Council for over a decade. The State’s immediate concern was economic recovery, but advancing the human rights of Sri Lankan people was of equal priority. The State looked forward to the genuine support and understanding of the Council in this regard.
Discussion
Some speakers welcomed the formation of a more inclusive Sri-Lankan Government and constitutional reform. The peaceful transition of power and the efforts taken to restore peace and stability were applauded. Some speakers acknowledged the difficult circumstances Sri Lanka was facing, expressing solidarity with the Sri Lankan people. The current crisis presented significant challenges, but could also offer an opportunity to advance reforms, ensuring inclusiveness. Some speakers welcomed the major progress made by Sri Lanka when it came to human rights and appreciated the Government’s commitment to advancing human rights in the country. Sri Lanka’s commitment to a constructive approach provided space for engagement. Some speakers commended the Government of Sri Lanka for its sustainable progress despite many challenges, and for its clear commitment to remain engaged with the United Nations system, including the Human Rights Council.
Sri Lanka’s achievements in the pursuit of post-war reconstruction were recognised, including the rehabilitation and social reintegration of more than 12,000 former members of armed groups, some speakers said. The amendments to the Prevention of Terrorism Act this year were seen as an initial step in a long-awaited legal reform, while fundamental reform was needed to bring counter-terrorism legislation fully in line with international standards. Some speakers encouraged efforts by the Sri Lankan Government to reach national reconciliation, aimed at stabilising it and ensuring the adoption of a common vision for the promotion of human rights on their territory.
Some speakers were concerned about the current situation in Sri Lanka, which was characterised by an economic crisis and violations of fundamental human rights. They were deeply concerned by increased food insecurity, shortages of fuels and medicines and reductions of household income, and urged Sri-Lankan authorities to take all measures to guarantee Sri Lankans’ social and economic rights. There were high levels of concern around freedom of expression, as peaceful protests resulting from the crisis situation were met with violence. Sri Lankan authorities were urged to protect the freedom of expression and assembly for all, and to stop the arbitrary arrests of those engaging in peaceful protests.
There was an urgent need to strengthen mechanisms for investigating violations of international law and transitional justice, some speakers said. More than 13 years after the end of the civil war, the search for truth, justice and reconciliation had brought limited progress, and despite the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms, accountability had never been fulfilled. Therefore, some States supported an ongoing monitoring of the situation by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. They called on the Government to adhere to its international human rights obligations and to establish an inclusive process towards reform supported by all parts of the population. The establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission by the Government would also be a welcome start.
There was concern about recent reports of the increased vulnerability of women and girls to sexual and gender-based violence in Sri Lanka, with some States asking how this could be addressed. Some speakers stated dismay at the use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act against student activists, despite an alleged moratorium, urging Sri Lankan authorities to repeal the Act and stop its use. Concern was expressed at the constitutional commitment to give Buddhism special status, as ethno-religious tensions had been fuelled by Buddhist nationalist groups in Sri Lanka since 2012. Some speakers were also disturbed at the lack of progress in investigating the 2019 Easter bombings, and the delay to the publication of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry, calling for the Inquiry’s publication; a follow-up independent investigation; and justice for the victims and their families.
Some speakers reiterated their position to reject country-specific initiatives
and resolutions that were confrontational and did not have the consent of the country concerned. Imposing mechanisms on a country without consent was counter-productive; the support of the country concerned was critical in the achievement of human rights. Instead, it was important to provide technical assistance to Sri Lanka and strengthen its national institutions, to ensure it had the required support, in accordance with its sovereignty. Some speakers maintained that the mandate was costly, with no effect on the situation, and did not support solidarity. The Council was urged to support the Sri Lankan Government in achieving economic and social recovery.
Concluding Remarks
NADA AL-NASHIF, Acting High Commissioner for Human Rights, reiterated the continued commitment of the Office of the High Commissioner to maintaining a dialogue with Sri Lanka. Restrictions imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis had exacerbated the impact of violence on women. Support efforts required a gender-sensitive approach. The Office had encouraged a transitional roadmap that included mechanisms for identifying criminal accountability. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission needed to be independent and have significant financial resources. Existing mechanisms had failed because they had failed to win the confidence of victims and their families. States were encouraged to empower victims and civil society. Young people and women should be given meaningful roles in establishing accountability. There was also a need to establish accountability for economic crimes.
Ms. Al-Nashif said Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture. Sustainable recovery, development and peace could only be achieved by eliminating impunity. The Office of the High Commissioner encouraged the international community to support Sri Lanka in its recovery and work to end impunity in the State. The Council should remain engaged in the issue and continue to support recovery efforts in the State..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Qatari telecom Ooredoo’s operation in Myanmar is now de facto owned by Zaw Win Shein, a military crony and the adopted son of a general who served as a minister in the military proxy Thein Sein administration, which ran Myanmar from 2011 to early 2016.
Ooredoo Group announced on Sept. 8 the sale of its telecom business in Myanmar to Nine Communications Pte. Ltd. at an enterprise value of US$576 million.
Nine Communications is a Singapore-based subsidiary of Link Family Office and Nyan Win.
While details about Link Family Office are unknown, according to data from the Directorate of Investment and Company Registration, Nyan Win is a director of Horizon Telecom International Company Limited based in Myanmar. Two other directors of that telecom company are Ne Ne Hlawn Moe and Ye Myat Soe.
Ne Ne Hlwam Moe is the managing director of Ayeyar Hinthar Construction Co. Ltd, and Ye Myat Soe, who has been the CEO of Horizon Telecom, is also the managing director of A Bank.
A Bank and Ayeyar Hinthar Construction are businesses of Ayeyar Hinthar Holdings Company Limited, which is owned by Zaw Win Shein, according to the companies’ websites.
Zaw Win Shein is an adoptive son of Soe Maung, who was a key President’s Office minister when the military proxy Thein Sein administration was in power. Soe Maung is a retired major general and also a former judge advocate-general.
The Thein Sein government was replaced by a civilian government led by the NLD in 2016. Soe Maung founded the Democratic Party of National Politics (DNP) in 2019 with other retired generals and contested in the 2020 general election. He was also a close confidant of former military regime leader Than Shwe and a member of the military commission that drafted the 2008 Constitution.
According to business circles familiar with Zaw Win Shein and his conglomerate, Ayeyar Hinthar group’s capital mainly came from Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is a former general and vice president during the Thein Sein administration; when the group was established in 2006, it was widely reported to be an asset of Naing Lin Oo, a former military captain who is the son of Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo. An executive committee member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry confirmed this. Naing Lin Oo and his wife Hnin Yee Mon are on a UK list of financial sanctions.
When the country entered a so-called democratic transition after a quasi-civilian government emerged in 2011, the transparency of the private sector was promoted and Ayeyar Hinthar group became Ayeyar Hinthar Holding. It is known as a conglomerate owned and operated by crony Zaw Win Shein.
Some of the leading businesspeople in Myanmar wondered how a conglomerate owned by Zaw Win Shein can afford half of a billion dollars to buy a telecom operator like Ooredoo during such a chaotic time, and suspected there could be unknown and/or invisible investors behind him.
“It is very risky to invest in such a big telecom during these days of economic decline. There might be some other investors behind it, even if it is publicly and officially bought by Ayeyar Hinthar,” said a businessman who is also a chair of a group of companies in Myanmar’s automobile industry.
The Ayeyar Hinthar group has engaged in several businesses with the Myanmar military. In one notorious example, it acts as a proxy company for the military at the Y Complex project in Yangon.
The Y Complex is built on land belonging to the Myanmar military, and, according to a copy of the lease revealed to the public by Justice for Myanmar, the money for the rent flows to the Quartermaster General’s office via a proxy company.
On March 20, 2021, French energy giant Électricité de France (EDF) suspended a hydropower project worth more than $1.5 billion in Myanmar’s Shan State over human rights concerns as the military regime continues to use lethal force to crack down on anti-coup protesters across the country then.
Électricité de France notified human rights groups that it has halted development of the Shweli-3 Project, including the activities of its subcontractors. Led by EDF, the 671 MW project was being jointly developed with a Japanese company and locally owned Ayeyar Hinthar.
“Now, Myanmar citizens have no choice at all as all the operators here in the country are owned or are still fully or de facto managed by the military regime, and also now, there is no operator too who would defend our rights to privacy,” said a female poet activist who has also been working for digital freedom..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Sub-title:
The junta’s gross mismanagement makes it even more unpopular amid currency, trade and banking chaos.
Description:
"Sept. 7 marked the first anniversary of the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar’s declaration of a defensive war against the military. Few at the time gave them much hope against a well-armed and brutal military that had ruled the country for all but seven of the past 60 years. But 19 months after the coup, Myanmar’s military is mired in a multi-front war and losing ground. Yet, the junta’s greatest vulnerability is the imploding economy.
The junta’s battlefield losses are real. The military is fighting with diminishing resources against a surprisingly durable alliance of the NUG, some 275 People’s Defense Force paramilitary groups under its chain of command, and several ethnic resistance organizations. There were more than 6,600 individual clashes in the past year.
A new report by the Special Advisory Council, a panel of former U.N. experts, contends that the junta only has effective control over 17% of the country, while the NUG and its allies control 52%. The remainder is contested space, and often the target of indiscriminate shelling against civilian communities and arson which has so far destroyed about 28,000 homes.
In addition, hostilities between junta forces and the well-armed Arakan Army, which has not formally aligned itself with the NUG, are escalating, putting more strain on the military.
The NUG has stepped up its attacks in cities, including bombings and the targeted assassination of military regime officials and their cronies. These attacks undermine the assertions of stability and normalcy from the State Administration Council (SAC), as the junta is formally known, to an urban population unaccustomed to war.
Estimates of junta casualties vary. The NUG says, perhaps optimistically, that 20,000 junta troops have been killed with an unknown number of wounded. (Conventional estimates are that the number of wounded are three times the number of killed in action). Others put the toll much lower, but it’s clear the military is suffering significant losses. It is also facing defections and desertions, while the NUG and allies are capturing more military personnel.
The military continues to wage its “four cuts” strategy, a doctrine based on terrorizing the population into submission. The NUG acknowledges that it has lost some 1,500 resistance fighters and 2,200 civilians in the year; both numbers are probably low estimates.
Yet the military has been unable to cow the civilian population into submission. The civil disobedience movement has continued, with daily protests breaking out across the country.
An Economy in Freefall
While the battlefield situation should concern the military, a greater worry should be the free fall in the economy.
The GDP contracted by 18% in 2021 and estimates for 2022, including the World Bank’s forecast of 3% growth, are overly optimistic.
Inflation was 14% in mid-2022 and is now over 18%, with rice prices up 35-50% and gas prices spiking amid shortages. This, of course, impacts production as many firms rely on generators due to electricity shortages. The International Monetary Fund estimates that 1.6 million jobs were lost in 2022, around 7 percent of the workforce. Forty percent of the population is now living under the poverty line.
The currency lost 60% of its value against the dollar in 2022. The kyat briefly traded at a record low, below 4,000 kyat to the U.S. dollar, while the official conversion rate is 2,100.
So what’s causing the collapse of the kyat?
First is the demand for foreign exchange, which is in very short supply. Indeed, the government issued regulations compelling businesses to sell their foreign exchange to the government at official rates.
Everyone is hoarding foreign exchange and gold, which is now trading at record highs. In September, the government announced the sale of some of its gold reserves to help stabilize prices.
The shortage of foreign exchange is so desperate that in July the Myanmar Central Bank issued orders to companies to stop servicing their $1.2 billion in foreign debts or renegotiate their repayment terms, which will have long-term ramifications for the country’s economic development.
Second is that exports, apart from monthly rents on oil and natural gas, have dried up, including border trade with China. That said, the state-run Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise is still collecting $800 million per quarter in gas export revenues alone. The pipelines to China and Thailand account for 10% of government revenue. This remains the junta’s financial
lifeline.
Third is that the Myanmar Central Bank is burning through its reserves. Prior to the coup it had $7.67 billion in reserves. Today, the junta claims $6 billion, an overestimate that also includes the $1.1 billion frozen by the United States.
Fourth is that according to the Nikkei Asian Review, the Paris-based Financial Action Task Force is about to put Myanmar on its money laundering blacklist. Only two other states, Iran and North Korea, are on the blacklist. This is the international financial community labeling the SAC as a criminal enterprise, incapable of conducting any financial oversight.
While this does not prevent international businesses from doing business in Myanmar, it adds very onerous reporting requirements for every financial transaction. That alone will deter businesses, including Japanese, South Korean, Singaporean, and Thai firms that have continued to do business with the junta.
The fifth point to keep in mind is that the collapse of the kyat is ultimately about rock-bottom confidence in the military-run administration because of its incompetence. The SAC has moved to consolidate full authority over the central bank. In July, it deployed six lieutenant colonels to oversee operations. The SAC recently replaced the bank’s top leadership with
sycophants. The new chairman survived an assassination attempt in April following the imposition of currency controls, while her deputy served as the Tatmadaw’s chief financial officer.
The country’s banking system is on the ropes. The junta has placed officers in all banks to monitor transactions to make sure funds aren’t making their way to the NUG or the civil disobedience movement. To that end, the SAC impeded the country’s burgeoning mobile banking market, causing irreparable harm, especially to farmers and local merchants.
The dearth of capital needed to carry farmers through the growing season compounds the real problem in the agricultural sector, which is that the lack of foreign exchange has curtailed the import of vital fertilizers and pesticides. The goal of doubling agricultural exports from 2 million tons by 2025 is beyond reach.
The junta’s own Internal Revenue Department acknowledged a 35% decline in revenue in 2021 over the previous year. That is 4.745 trillion kyat ($2.657 billion) in revenue, down from 7.296 trillion kyat ($4.086 billion), due to tax boycotts and a contracted economy.
It’s also worth noting that the military’s two conglomerates, which control more than 100 different companies that dominate Myanmar’s economy, are reeling from sanctions and domestic boycotts. Though we don’t know the extent of losses, the two firms never paid dividends to their “shareholders” (soldiers compelled to buy shares each month based on their rank) in 2021
and are unlikely to do so in 2022.
Major foreign investments, such as the telecoms firm Mytel, a joint venture with the Vietnamese military, are routinely targeted in both bombings and assassination attempts.
So while the military’s fighting force is being hollowed out in clashes and guerrilla attacks across Myanmar, its economic base of support is also under threat. The SAC’s gross mismanagement will allow the NUG to peel away military supporters who see the junta’s economic stewardship as irredeemable. Only a democratically elected government, with the rule of
law and empowered technocrats, will be able to protect their economic interests..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ယင်းမာပင်လူသတ်မှုကိစ္စ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှု အစီရင်ခံစာ ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း
၁၃၈၄ ခုနှစ်၊ တော်သလင်းလဆုတ် ၃ ရက်
(၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၂ ရက်)
ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.05 MB
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Description:
"စာစောင်မှာပါဝင်တဲ့ အကြောင်းအရာများကို page မှာဝင်ရောက်ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်သလို စာစောင်အပြည့်အစုံကို အောက်ပါ link ကနေ ဝင်ရောက်ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါတယ်..."
Source/publisher:
Women Alliance Burma
Date of publication:
2022-09-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Burmese women's organisations, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.33 MB (Reduce version) - 32 pages
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Sub-title:
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း ကြေညာခြင်းနှင့်ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း
Description:
"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၂/၂၀၂၂)
၁၃၈၄ ခုနှစ်၊ တော်သလင်းလပြည့်ကျော် ၁ ရက်
(၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း ကြေညာခြင်းနှင့်ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း များအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်မထမ်းဆောင်ဘဲ ဓမ္မဘက်မှရပ်တည်၍ ပြည်သူနှင့်တသားတည်းဖြစ်စေရန်နှင့် အမိန့်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ကြစေရန် အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ဖိတ်ခေါ် ကမ်းလှမ်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အမိန့်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင် ခဲ့ကြသည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအသီးသီးမှ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းသူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေး နှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်ရေး တို့အတွက် အလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင်နေပြီး CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းနှင့် ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုတော့သည့် လစာ ချေးငွေများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ခိုင်းခြင်းများစသည့် အမျိုးမျိုးသော ဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေသော ပို့ဆောင်ရေးနှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ မြန်မာ့မီးရထားမှ အောက်ဖေါ်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်းများအားအမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်းလိုက်ပြီးဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှထုတ်ပယ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်-
(ပုံ)နိုင်သုဝဏ္ဏ
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
စာအမှတ်။ ၁၃/၁-မမ(စီမံ)/၂၀၂၂(၁၁၁)
ရက်စွဲ။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်
ဖြန့်ဝေခြင်း
နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံး
ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံး
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ(CRPH)
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဌာနအားလုံး
မိတ္တူကို
ရုံးလက်ခံ
မျှောစာတွဲ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.01 MB
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Description:
"Summary:
In 2020 and 2021, the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) identified over 450 reported attacks on education and incidents of military use of schools, universities, and educational facilities in Myanmar by state armed forces and non-state armed groups, the majority of which occurred after the military takeover on February 1, 2021.
Reported attacks on schools increased from approximately 10 in 2020 to around 190 in 2021, an increase of approximately 1,800 percent. Furthermore, GCPEA found that attacks on schools spread from at least three to 13 states and regions in Myanmar following the military takeover, with a peak in May 2021, and often involved the use of explosive weapons with wide-area effects.
Military use of schools and universities was also pervasive in Myanmar and further threatened the safety and security of education. Military use alone can have grave consequences for education, since armed forces and armed groups often damage schools or universities while using them as a base or for other military purposes, and their presence places students and educators still attending the institutions at risk. Worth noting, however, is that military use can also provoke rival forces or armed groups to target the educational facility, yet further risking lives and damage. Military use may turn schools and universities into military objectives, rendering them lawful targets of attack during armed conflict. In the data collected, GCPEA found that over a quarter of schools and universities used for military purposes in 2021 were subsequently targeted by rival forces or armed groups.
The widespread targeted attacks on, and military use of, schools, universities, and education infrastructure in Myanmar has created a hostile educational context for students, parents, and educators, who have found it increasingly challenging to make safe choices with regards to their learning, their children, and their jobs. GCPEA remains concerned about both the short and long-term consequences of this severe learning interruption and its broader implications for teaching and learning, from pre-primary through higher education.
Key recommendations
Armed actors should protect the civilian character of schools and universities and cease attacks and threats of attacks against students, teachers, academics, and educational facilities.
Armed actors should refrain from using schools and universities for military purposes, including by implementing the Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict.
Non-state armed groups should sign and implement Geneva Call’s Deed of Commitment for the Protection of Children from the Effects of Armed Conflict, including as it relates to educational spaces.
Armed actors should allow access for humanitarian actors delivering education to the most vulnerable children.
Armed actors should refrain from politicizing education, and safeguard access to all levels of education.
States and international justice mechanisms should support efforts to hold perpetrators of attacks on education accountable in impartial and independent courts.
Education providers, humanitarian and development agencies, and donors should commit to supporting communities and local organizations to facilitate flexible ways to continue education..."
Source/publisher:
Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-09-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.02 MB (Original version) - 22 pages
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Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
expresses its sincere gratitude to the Czech Republic for hosting H.E. Daw Zin Mar
Aung, Union Minister of Foreign Affairs, during her recent visit to the Czech
Republic in September 2022. Minister Aung was accompanied by H.E. Aung Myo
Min, Union Minister of Human Rights, and H.E. Linn Thant, the National Unity
Government’s Representative in the Czech Republic.
Foreign Minister Aung met with Czech dignitaries including H.E. Jan Lipavsky,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ms. Marketa Pekarova Adamova', Speaker of the
Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament, and Senator Pavel Fisher, Chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defense and Security. Minister Aung also
visited the grave of late President Vaclav Havel to pay her respects to his
commitment to democracy and his strong solidarity with Myanmar people.
The Czech Republic remains an ardent supporter of the National Unity
Government and the people of Myanmar and was among the first countries to
establish a representative office to deepen relations.
Minister Aung’s discussions focused on the Myanmar people’s significant
achievements, including the historic convergence and alignment of people’s
movements, Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs), local communities, civil
society and a broad coalition of political parties and representatives in opposition
to the terrorist military junta. Revolutionary forces continue to claim growing
swathes of territorial control, made effective through the delivery of healthcare,
humanitarian assistance, education and other public services.
Minister Aung conveyed that the National Unity Government, as the legitimate
representative of the Myanmar people, continues to serve to the vision set out in
the Federal Democracy Charter - a nation that is founded on peace, justice,
equality, human rights, and the protection of minorities, and that adheres to the
principles of international justice and accountability. This includes a commitment
to the trust-based resolution of the decades-long grievances of ethnic communities
drawing on lessons from previous peace processes, and to the voluntary, safe, and
dignified repatriation of the Rohingya.
Minister Aung also addressed the unspeakable and escalating atrocities that the
terrorist junta continues to direct against civilians, as well as the junta’s
weaponisation of humanitarian aid and its forced displacement of close to one
million people. These extremes, which are deliberately aimed at sharpening the
people’s suffering, expose the junta’s frustration at its failed coup.
Welcoming assurances from Foreign Minister Lipavsky, Speaker Pekarova
Adamova and Senator Fisher of the Czech Republic’s unwavering support for
Myanmar’s democratic leaders, Minister Aung called on the nation to serve as a
catalyst within the European Union for strengthened engagement with the National
Unity Government.
Minister Aung conveyed her heartfelt thanks to the Czech people for their enduring
support, while assuring them that the Myanmar people’s rights-based revolution
will prevail..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
Language:
Format :
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Size:
183.78 KB 415.53 KB
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Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလတွင် Fourm 2000 အခမ်းအနားနှင့် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံခရီးစဉ်နှင့်ပက်သက်၍ ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံအား အထူးကျေးဇူး တင်ကြောင်း ဖော်ပြလိုပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်း၊ ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံတွင် တာ၀န်ထမ်းဆောင်လျက်ရှိသော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဦးလင်းသန့်တို့ နှင့်အတူ ခရီးစဥ်ရောက်ရှိခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်သည် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး H.E. Jan Lipavský၊ ၊ အောက်လွှတ်တော် ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ Ms. Markéta Pekarová Adamová ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေး ကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌ အထက်လွှတ်တော်အမတ် Pavel Fisher တို့အပါအဝင် ချက်သမ္မတ နိုင်ငံမှ ဂုဏ်သရေရှိပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင် သည် ကွယ်လွန်သူသမ္မတ ဗက်ကလပ်ဟာဗဲလ်၏ အုတ်ဂူသို့လည်းသွားရောက်ကာ ၎င်း၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးကတိကဝတ်များနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံပြည်သူများနှင့် ခိုင်မာသောသွေးစည်းညီညွတ်မှု အစဥ်ပြသခဲ့ခြင်းကျေးဇူးဂုဏ်တို့အား လေးစားစွာအောက်မေ့ရည်မှတ်လျက် သွားရောက် ဂါရဝ ပြုခဲ့ပါသည်။
ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံပြည်သူများအား ခိုင်မာသော ထောက်ခံအားပေးသူအဖြစ် ဆက်လက်တည်ရှိနေကာ ဆက်ဆံရေး ပိုမိုနက်ရှိုင်းစေရန် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံးဖွင့်လှစ်ခွင့်ပေးခဲ့သည့် ပထမဆုံးနိုင်ငံလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။
ဝန်ကြီးဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ရာတွင် ပြည်သူများ၏ သမိုင်းဝင် ပေါင်းစည်းညီညွတ်မှုနှင့် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပေါင်းစည်းလာနိုင်မှု၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ (ERO)၊ ဒေသခံလူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အရပ်ဘက် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများနှင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံ လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ ကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ပါဝင်သော ပေါင်းစည်းမှုအပါအဝင် မြန်မာလူထု၏ အရေးပါသော အောင်မြင်မှုများကို အဓိကထား ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ တော်လှန်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် နယ်မြေထိန်းချုပ်မှု ကြီးထွားလာသည် နှင့်အမျှ ကျန်းမာရေး စောင့်ရှောက်မှု၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီ၊ ပညာရေးနှင့် အခြားပြည်သူ့ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများ ပေးဆောင်ခြင်းတို့အား ပိုမိုထိရောက်စွာဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် လိုအပ်လာကြောင်းဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူနည်းစုများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရေးတို့အာ အခြေခံလျက်၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများကိုဖော်ဆောင်ရန်ဦးတည်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ပါ၀င်သော မျှော်မှန်းချက်အတိုင်း ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၀န်ကြီးက ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးမှ ဆွေးနွေးရာတွင် - နိုင်ငံရေးဖြစ်စဉ်များနှင့်ပက်သက်၍ ယခင်ငြိမ်းချမ်း ရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များမှ သင်ခန်းစာများ ရယူခဲ့ထားပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားအသိုက်အဝန်းများ၏ ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာကြာမြင့်နေပြီ ဖြစ်သည့် တန်းတူရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးပြဿနာကို ယုံကြည်မှု အခြေခံလျက် ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများ၏ ဆန္ဒအလျောက် ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံပြီး ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိစွာ နေရပ်ပြန်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကတိကဝတ်များလည်း ပါဝင်သည်။
စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က အရပ်သားများအပေါ် စကားလုံးဖြင့် ပြောဆိုရန်ပင် မဖြစ်နိုင်သော ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်နေမှုများကိုလည်း ပြောဆိုတင်ပြခဲ့ပြီး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လက်နက်သဖွယ် အသူံးချနေခြင်းနှင့် လူပေါင်း တစ်သန်းနီးပါးကို အတင်းအကျပ် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းစေခဲ့ခြင်းများအားလည်းဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုအား ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခပိုရောက်လာစေရန် တမင် ရည်ရွယ်သည့် ဤအစွန်းရောက်မှု များသည် မအောင်မြင်သောစစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏အချည်းနှီးဖြစ်နေမူကို ထင်ရှားစေပါသည်။
မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီ ခေါင်းဆောင်များအပေါ်မယိမ်းမယိုင်ထောက်ခံခဲ့သော ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး H.E. Jan Lipavský၊ အောက်လွှတ်တော်ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ Ms. Markéta Pekarová Adamová နှင့် အထက်လွှတ်တော်အမတ် Pavel Fisher တို့၏အာမခံချက် များကို ကြိုဆိုလိုက်ပြီး၊ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂဥက္ကဌအဖြစ် တာဝန်ယူစဉ်ကာလအတွင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရနှင့် ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံမှု ပိုမိုခိုင်မာအားကောင်းလာစေရန်အတွက် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ အနေဖြင့် ကြားခံထောက်ကူဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ပါရန် ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က တိုက်တွန်း တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။
၀န်ကြီးဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံပြည်သူများ၏ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် စဉ်ဆက် မပြတ်အားပေးမှုအတွက် လှိုက်လှဲစွာကျေးဇူးတင်ကြောင်းပြောကြားကာ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခွင့်အရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲ၀င်နေသောတော်လှန်ရေးကြီး အောင်မြင်မည်ဟု ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာ ယုံကြည်ကြောင်းပြောဆိုခဲ့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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"He must be the least known president in the world, tasked with the most difficult mission, one that other heads of the state around world aren’t faced with: Leading a revolutionary government that has vowed to uproot the ruling military dictatorship in Myanmar—one of the most notorious and ruthless regimes on this planet.
Officially, he is an acting president. But he can’t live in a presidential palace; he can’t work in a presidential office, either. Myanmar people have no idea where their president is. He was not elected through a vote but appointed by a legitimate, elected parliamentary body. He was also unknown to most of his fellow countrymen until recently, but they respect him and have embraced him as their head of state.
The government he leads is mostly made up of elected lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, whose government was ousted by the military coup last year, and their ethnic allies. While commanding support from a vast majority of Myanmar people, the government he leads challenges the legitimacy of Myanmar’s ruling military junta, which has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity against the country’s entire population of more than 54 million people.
Meet Duwa Lashi La, the acting president of Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG).
Who is Duwa Lashi La?
Duwa Lashi La, 72, is ethnic Kachin and a Christian. He was a one-time teacher at a public school in his native Mung Ji Village, northern Shan State. He studied law at Yangon University and worked as a prosecutor and law officer for 18 years. He speaks English, Chinese, Burmese and Shan, in addition to his mother tongue Kachin, and is also well-versed in other Kachin tribal languages.
Since the early 1990s, the father of four has taken the lead in diverse social enterprises and civil society organizations working for community development, education, healthcare, relief and social rehabilitation in conflict-torn areas in Shan and Kachin States.
He served as chairman of the Kachin National Consultative Assembly (also known as WMR), which is reportedly the most authoritative political body in Kachin State, till January 2021. And also for the Kachin Political Interim Coordination Team (KPICT), which was formed by domestic and international Kachin organizations to advocate on behalf of the Kachin people in the wake of the coup.
Taking on the biggest task
Of the various leading roles Duwa Lashi La has played, the biggest of his life—serving as the country’s head of state—was also the most sudden.
It came at a regular meeting held between KPICT and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) in early April last year, two months after the coup.
At that time, the CRPH, the legislative body formed by elected representatives to the coup-dissolved parliament, was holding a series of meetings with the country’s ethnic groups and preparing to set up the NUG—an interim coalition government of democratic forces set up to challenge the regime.
The CRPH asked for three nominees for ministerial posts from KPICT at the meeting, and as they continued their discussion on the formation of the new government, the then KPICT chairman Duwa Lashi La gave his opinion on a draft proposal to keep Henry Van Thio, a retired major and vice president of the NLD government, as vice president in the NUG.
Henry Van Thio was reportedly detained during the coup along with other senior members of the ousted civilian government and placed under house arrest but the junta has not filed any charges against him.
Duwa Lashi La’s personal secretary, who requested not to be named, recalled to The Irrawaddy the meeting at which Duwa Lashi La responded, “Since we are making the revolution to bring down tyranny and build a new era, it is good not to include people who were involved in the military, and instead better to choose those with a vision of reform towards democracy and federalism.”
The CRPH agreed on this point and requested that he accept the position instead. The sudden offer was also overwhelmingly backed by KPICT members.
Duwa Lashi La made a phone call to his family telling them to be prepared for the upcoming situation and quickly accepted the offer.
“For him, accepting the role is bearing the responsibility that fell on his shoulders in this revolutionary time,” said his personal secretary, who has known him for years.
The personal secretary also shared that it is Duwa Lashi La’s determination that led him to make the decision immediately. Seeing the third coup in his lifetime, the 72-year-old is determined to free his country of military dictatorship.
Duwa Lashi La was appointed vice president on April 16 but is serving as acting president since Myanmar’s elected president, the NLD’s U Win Myint, has been in junta custody since the first day of the coup.
It was unexpected for many, including Ma May Sabe Phyu, a well-known ethnic Kachin human rights defender. She said she was surprised when she first found out that Duwa Lashi La was the acting president. More significantly, it also marked the first time in the country’s history that a member of the Kachin ethnic minority had taken the highest state position.
But as someone who already knew him, she believed he was the right choice. The people of Myanmar have also warmed to him and rallied around the NUG, which he heads, as their legitimate government.
Duwa Lashi La has also proven himself as a true leader forged in a perilous time for the nation.
He has proved his leadership by uniting the ministries of the NUG, which gathered people from diverse and inclusive backgrounds; keeping the cabinet functioning with a very limited budget; coordinating with armed resistance groups and ethnic armed groups; and challenging the regime on the diplomatic front.
The most secret President’s Office
What has surprised many is that he is operating the NUG, which is repelling Min Aung Hlaing’s regime, from inside the country.
Duwa Lashi La remains in the country knowing that he is the number one target of Min Aung Hlaing’s troops. His family, who are also on the targeted list, remain with him. After his appointment, large numbers of regime troops ransacked his family’s house in Lashio, Shan State in September last year in search of him and his family members. After failing to find them, they sealed off the property.
He and his team are based at an undisclosed location in a liberated area. His personal secretary, who is also the permanent secretary of the President’s Office, has observed after working closely with him for more than one and a half years that the hard-working president never complains or delays his tasks, despite never taking weekends or holidays off and maintaining a tight daily schedule.
Duwa Lashi La’s daily schedule starts at 5 a.m. The 72-year-old runs every morning to boost his stamina and concentration for the tasks that await him and which take up the whole day including cabinet meetings, consultations with more than 300 revolutionary forces under the NUG, engagements with international diplomats and reading reports on the situation inside the country and in the rest of the world, including the war in Ukarine.
He is not confined to his office. In May, he visited a frontline camp of a People’s Defense Force (PDF), the NUG’s armed wing, to hear the PDF fighters’ voices personally and better understand their needs.
A young PDF member based in the country’s western Chin State told The Irrawaddy that he felt encouraged to see the images of the acting president together with other PDFs.
“Seeing him together with our comrades was uplifting. I hope the President will visit our camp one day as well,” he said.
The appearance of Duwa Lashi La wearing a military helmet and vest and holding a friendly meeting with frontline resistance fighters contrasted sharply with junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, who hasn’t even made one such visit to his frontline troops, who are giving their lives to satisfy his greed for power and wealth.
Furthermore, when he appears on air giving speeches to the nation, mostly in his Kachin attire, the acting president’s determination and belief in his mission to wipe out the military dictatorship is palpable, not to mention his words. With his stoic and resolute appearance, the stout Duwa Lashi La resembles a boulder—a stark contrast to regime leader Min Aung Hlaing, who appears on air with a shaky voice, looking desperate and restless.
Ko Tayzar San, one of the most prominent of Myanmar’s anti-regime protest leaders, also wrote on his Facebook account that, “Since I have seen the President on broadcasts, I have felt a sense of closeness as with my own uncle, and respect, admire and trust him.”
One of the most remarkable speeches Duwa Lashi La has made was the long-awaited declaration of a people’s defensive war on Sept. 7, 2021, calling on people to “revolt against the rule of the military terrorists led by Min Aung Hlaing in every corner of the country.”
“We will remove Min Aung Hlaing and uproot dictatorship from Myanmar for good,” he said, “and be able to establish a peaceful federal democratic union that fully safeguards equality and is long-aspired by all the citizens.”
The majority of Myanmar’s people, who have endured the regime’s atrocities, heartily embraced the announcement.
Much of Myanmar has already been in revolt since the military coup in February last year. The regime’s deadly crackdowns on protesters have forced many young people to take up arms. Even the regime has admitted that the declaration of war accelerated the ongoing armed struggle against it, with fighting intensifying across the country.
Now the regime has lost control of at least half the country to the NUG’s PDF groups and allied ethnic armed organizations, said the acting president in his state of the union speech on Wednesday, marking the first anniversary of the declaration of war against the junta. His statement was supported by the Special Advisory Council-Myanmar (SAC-M) a group of former UN experts on Myanmar. Their recent analysis finds that the NUG and resistance organizations have effective control over 52 percent of the territory of Myanmar.
“The National Unity Government is not a shadow government or a government in exile. It is the representative of the people’s revolution and resistance to the military junta, the combined forces of which control the majority of the country,” said Yanghee Lee of the SAC-M.
However, facing off against a well-equipped military using heavy weapons and air strikes against the civilian population, the people of Myanmar need physical assistance—and not just moral support.
Unlike Ukraine, which has received weapons and aid from a number of countries including the US and the UK to combat the Russian military, Myanmar’s armed resistance has received no material assistance from the international community and solely depends on people’s donations. As a result, the NUG is still struggling to fully arm all of its resistance forces across the country.
“I earnestly request technical support, arms and ammunition and finance for the people of Myanmar who are sacrificing their lives to fight against the fascist dictatorship,” Duwa Lashi La told the international community in his speech, while stressing the urgency of his appeal.
Prominent PDF leader Bo Nagar from Sagaing’s Pale Township told The Irrawaddy that he supports the president and NUG leadership and believes they are trying their best to overcome the obstacles they face, such as in providing arms to anti-regime resistance forces.
“One thing for sure is that the President and our government, the NUG, stood up when we were like orphans, and thus we accept their leadership,” he said.
Many elected lawmakers, ant-regime activists, resistance fighters and his compatriots at home and abroad share this positive assessment of Duwa Lashi La.
Prominent protest leader Ko Tayzar San wrote that the “People’s revolution led by people’s president must prevail.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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Description:
"The Chin National Front (CNF), a signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, is fighting the military regime in western Myanmar’s Chin State alongside the resistance groups that have sprung up since last year’s coup.
It is also cooperating with the parallel National Unity Government (NUG) on both the political and military fronts. The CNF has been fighting the junta since a few months before the NUG declared a defensive war against the regime on September 7, 2021.
CNF spokesman Salai Htet Ni talked recently to The Irrawaddy about how the political and military situation in Chin State has changed over the past 18 months.
How has the CNF’s military strategy changed since it started fighting regime forces?
We now better understand their tactics and also better comprehend that collective strength is the key to victory. As for weapons, previously we had only rudimentary hunting rifles, but we now have better weapons such as automatic rifles. The chain of command has also improved. And our side has suffered fewer casualties, but junta casualties have increased.
Is the CNF now going on the attack against junta troops?
Clashes are occurring in various parts [of Chin State]. With better weapons, we are well-equipped to seize their [regime] outposts in the Chin Hills. But we mainly carry out guerilla attacks, ambushing them when they travel from one place to another. We fight by a combination of attack and defense.
How has the regime’s strategy changed over the past year?
Previously, junta forces attacked simultaneously in two or three places. They traveled along the Pakokku-Matupi Road to the Matupi headquarters [of the Myanmar military], while another column traveled the Kale-Gangaw Road to the military’s Hakha headquarters. But now they are fighting on only one front with large numbers of troops.
Why do you think the regime’s strategy has changed?
It is possible that they are now too undermanned to spread their forces out. And the junta troops that have come from other regions have little knowledge about the terrain in the Chin Hills. Previously, the military attempted to crush resistance groups one by one. But we fought back with combined forces.
There have been fresh clashes between the Arakan Army (AA) and the junta on the border of Rakhine and Chin states. How will that affect the revolution in Chin State?
The AA is one of the powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAO) in Myanmar. It appears that the regime will have to fight on a new exhausting front there. So the AA’s involvement in the fighting is a shot in the arm for our Spring Revolution, but a blow to the regime.
How much of Chin State does the CNF now control?
We can say that we – local resistance groups and civilians – now control over 70 per cent of the territory in Chin State. The regime has control only over towns and some main roads. We have assumed the responsibility for providing public services, including health and education, in the areas we control.
How is the relationship between the CNF and the NUG?
We maintain regular discussions with the NUG, and have been cooperating with it militarily and politically. We have been cooperating militarily under the Central Command and Coordination Committee [which includes leaders from the NUG and EAOs and engages with People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) across the country]. There are some delays, but I can say that we are making progress.
The regime said it plans to hold an election next year. What is the CNF’s view on that?
The regime believes that holding an election is a way out of the political crisis it is facing. It is just to deceive the international community and to try and make the rule of the Myanmar military last forever. If the election takes place, all the efforts of civilians, EAOs and resistance forces will be in vain. So we totally denounce and oppose any new election staged by the regime.
We are fighting the regime to end the military’s role in Myanmar’s politics. We are not alone in working towards that end. This is the reason that people have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement and students have left the towns. It’s not just the election, we have to oppose whatever the regime does.
What do you want to tell the Myanmar people?
All the groups fighting the regime including EAOs, the NUG and PDFs have to continue to accelerate their efforts. We have to strengthen ourselves every new day and work together. I urge the people to continue to stay strong..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"Telecom giant Ooredoo sold its Myanmar operation on Thursday to the Singapore-based Nine Communications firm for US$576 million, completing the exodus of foreign telecom companies from Myanmar following last year’s coup.
The Qatari company announced on Thursday that it has reached an agreement to sell 100 per cent of its equity in Myanmar to Nine Communications for an enterprise value of approximately US$576 million and total equity consideration of US$162 million.
The sale is subject to the customary closing conditions, including Myanmar regulatory approvals, added Ooredoo.
Nine Communications is owned by the conglomerate Link Family Office and U Nyan Win. U Nyan Win has more than 40 years of experience in the telecom industry, Ooredoo stated.
Established in 2014, Ooredoo was Myanmar’s third-biggest telecom operator with nearly 15 million users in 2020.
After the Norwegian telecom company Telenor exited Myanmar in March, Ooredoo informed Myanmar’s Posts and Telecommunications Department, the country’s telecom regulator, in July of its intention to sell its Myanmar business.
Telenor sold its Myanmar operation to the junta-affiliated firm Shwe Byain Phyu, with a minority stake purchased by Lebanese investment firm M1. The unit is now known as ATOM in Myanmar.
The Norwegian firm said that it sold its Myanmar unit to avoid European Union sanctions after “continued pressure” from the military regime to activate intercept surveillance technology.
Aziz Aluthman Fakhroo, CEO & Managing Director of the Ooredoo Group, said of the company’s decision to leave Myanmar: “It was important for us to make this call at a time when Ooredoo Myanmar is performing at its strongest to ensure the business continues from strength to strength. We will ensure a smooth transition with the least possible disruption adhering to all local requirements.”
Other telecom service providers in Myanmar include MPT, a large state-backed operator run as a joint venture with a Japanese company, and Mytel, a venture between the Myanmar military and Viettel, owned by Vietnam’s Defense Ministry..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Opinion and Expression - tools for change in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"DUBAI, Sept 8 (Reuters) - Telecoms firm Ooredoo (ORDS.QA) has signed an agreement to sell its Myanmar unit to Singapore vehicle Nine Communications Pte. Ltd, the Qatari company said on Thursday.
The transaction, with an enterprise value of $576 million and a total equity consideration of $162 million, is subject to the customary closing conditions, including Myanmar regulatory approvals..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Opinion and Expression - tools for change in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"London, 19 August, 2022: According to a legal opinion published today, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has a clear legal obligation to accept the declaration of Myanmar’s democratic, National Unity Government (NUG) providing the consent of that state for the Court to exercise its jurisdiction inside Myanmar.
If the Court were to accept the NUG Declaration, it could lead to an investigation into atrocity crimes such as the one the ICC is currently conducting in Ukraine.
The opinion written by Dr Ralph Wilde, an expert on international law at University College London, is being released by the Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP) to mark the first anniversary of the NUG making its declaration public. It is endorsed by some of the world’s leading international law experts.
According to Wilde, the ICC’s legal obligation to accept the NUG declaration “is based in part on the fact that the NUG is the legitimate government of Myanmar as a matter of domestic law, having been elected by a landslide in November 2020. The junta seized power in a coup in February 2021 and is operating on a manifestly unconstitutional and thereby illegitimate basis.”
It flows from this, says MAP Director, Chris Gunness, “that the ICC could and should initiate proceedings against the Myanmar junta. There is a clear case to be answered, with over two thousand people killed since the coup, according to conservative estimates, around fifteen thousand arrested, over a million displaced by conflict and some fourteen million people in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.”
MAP’s Protection Director, Damian Lilly, argues that “the execution of four prisoners of conscience at the end of July and the international condemnation of this heinous act underlines the urgent need for Myanmar’s junta to be held accountable for its atrocity crimes. An investigation by the ICC is one of the few paths towards justice for the people of Myanmar.”
Wilde’s opinion argues that such a move “supports the ultimate aims of the Rome Statute, the ICC’s founding document: to end impunity for serious crimes through the exercise of criminal jurisdiction nationally and, if that is not forthcoming, internationally.”
“The good news for the ICC is that there is already plenty of evidence available to prosecute member of the military junta,” says Lilly. “The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) established to investigate the 2017 genocide against Myanmar’s Rohingya population, has collected a plethora of evidence of crimes also committed since the coup and is mandated to share this with the ICC.”
Following the ICC Prosecutor’s decision to seek authorisation to begin an investigation into Ukraine, over forty states parties referred the situation there to the Court.
Gunness urged them to take similar action on Myanmar. “We call on the states parties to the Rome Statute and the Prosecutor, to demonstrate that the lives of the people of Myanmar matter as much as the lives of people in Ukraine. Given that the NUG Declaration provides the gateway for action, the ICC Prosecutor and the states parties have no excuse for further delay. The people of Myanmar have been waiting long enough for justice. States and the ICC Prosecutor must act.”..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Accountability Project
Date of publication:
2022-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, International Criminal Court, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Myanmar regime’s sale of gold coins is not bringing down the gold price as they are being sold too near the market rate, according to dealers.
On Monday the junta started selling gold coins at a gems emporium in Naypyitaw for 2.95 million kyats per tical (16 grams) while the market price is around 3 million kyats.
On Tuesday, the market price reached 3.15 million kyats and was around 3.12 million kyats on Wednesday.
A trader said: “If they sell at a price lower than the market rate, traders would buy and sell their gold at a lower rate. But as they are selling near the market price, gold prices have gone up. The policy is not working.”
The gold price has risen as citizens have bought gold as the kyat slumped because since the military coup in February 2021. In January 2021 the gold price was slightly over 1.3 million kyats per tical and the exchange rate was around 1,300 kyats per dollar.
The regime announced last week that it would sell gold coins to the public to bring down rising prices.
The regime is selling one tical coin per person. Buyers have to present their ID cards. The regime did not say how many gold coins were being sold.
Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told the media that the coins would be sold at international prices and that they were not from the country’s gold reserve. He said the regime would sell enough gold to affect the domestic market.
The gold price quoted by the Yangon Region Gold Entrepreneurs Association on Wednesday was 1.98 million kyats per tical at the official exchange rate of 2,100 kyats per dollar. The market exchange rate is around 3,600 kyats.
The international gold price is approximately US$1,695 per ounce (28 grams).
The coins show independence hero General Aung San, the father of jailed State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, minted in 2018 under her National League for Democracy government.
Gold coins are only being sold in Naypyitaw with no dates announced for sales in Yangon and Mandalay..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Vladimir Putin met with Chairman of the State Administration Council, Prime Minister of the Caretaker Government, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar Min Aung Hlaing on the sidelines of the Eastern Economic Forum.
Description:
"President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr Prime Minister, colleagues, friends,
I am delighted to meet you.
Myanmar is our long-standing and reliable partner in Southeast Asia. I believe that next year we will mark 75 years of our diplomatic relations.
Our relations are developing positively. The volume of our trade and economic ties is still modest in absolute figures, but the trend is very good: it has increased by 140 percent in the first six months of this year.
You visited our country several times in various capacities. This time you have come as Prime Minister of the Caretaker Government and Chairman of the State Administration Council. I know that you have a packed agenda in Russia, which includes a visit to the Vostochny Space Launch Centre.
I would like to thank you for accepting our invitation to the Eastern Economic Forum.
I am very glad to see you. Welcome.
Chairman of the State Administration Council of Myanmar Min Aung Hlaing (retranslated):I am glad to see you too, and I would like to thank you for organising this meeting.
Mr President has pointed out correctly that next year we will mark the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations, which is a major celebration for us. Of course, since the establishment of diplomatic relations we have seen periods of growth and pauses, but 20 years ago our cooperation started developing intensively, and it continues in the same manner now.
Your country is a great historic power. Almost 30 years ago, you had a difficult period as well, but you have overcome it, and with your assistance the country has been developing intensively, and we can see that growth pace.
I am proud of you that under your leadership Russia has become a number one country in the world, if I may say so. We would like to describe you not as the leader of Russia but the leader of the world, because you are monitoring and masterminding stability in the world.
If I may, I would like to share some information with you.
Vladimir Putin: I will be delighted..."
Source/publisher:
Official Internet Resources of the President of Russia
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Sub-title:
Many of the victims were tortured to death, according to the director of the UK-based Burma Human Rights Network
Description:
"More than 200 people have died in regime custody since last year’s coup, according to the head of a UK-based human rights watchdog group.
Kyaw Win, the director of the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), said that the group’s records show that a total of 217 people have been killed during interrogations over the past year and a half.
Most of the victims were members or supporters of the ousted ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), or of People’s Defence Force (PDF) groups formed in the wake of crackdowns on anti-coup protests, he said.
“Some of the PDF members were killed on arrival, while many NLD members were killed after a period of torture,” he told Myanmar Now.
“The actual numbers could be higher than our list indicates,” he added.
Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, which also tracks abuses by the junta that seized power in February of last year, had similar findings, according to its minister for human rights, Aung Myo Min.
“More than 200 have been killed after being tortured in interrogation centres. Many of the victims faced extreme physical, mental and sexual abuse before they died,” he said.
He added that most of the victims were under the age of 35, and that NLD lawmakers were among those subjected to torture.
One MP who had been arrested during the Saffron Revolution in 2007 said that human rights violations were routine in military custody.
“I was blindfolded, day and night, for three days and made to sit in a very high chair so that my feet couldn’t touch the ground. Sometimes they kicked me with their boots. I was also forced to kneel on pebbles and small, sharp objects,” he said, recalling his own experience.
According to data compiled by BHRN, more than 80 of those killed in custody since the military takeover died in Sagaing Region, making it the deadliest state or region for political prisoners.
This includes 28 who were killed in the region in July alone, according to the group’s director.
“Some were killed two or three days of their arrest, but most were dead within 24 hours. In some cases, the bodies of detainees arrested the night before were handed over the next morning. Some families didn’t even get the bodies back,” said Kyaw Win.
According to a woman involved in efforts to assist civilians displaced by the junta’s ongoing military operations in Sagaing, many of the victims are not even involved in the conflict.
“Most of the people killed during interrogation were PDF members, but some are just locals accused of multiple things. Most of them were youths,” she said.
One of the more notorious cases of death in custody occurred a little more than a month after the regime overthrew Myanmar’s elected NLD government on February 1, 2021.
Just hours after Khin Maung Latt, an NLD-appointed ward administrator from Yangon’s Pabedan Township, was arrested on March 6, his family received a call from police telling them to come collect his body.
Sithu Maung, the NLD MP for Pabedan Township, recalled that the police could not explain the cause of death, even though an autopsy had been performed.
“The military arrested Khin Maung Latt, but the police either wouldn’t disclose what happened to him, or didn’t know. But there were signs of torture on his body,” he said.
A day later, Zaw Myat Lin, an NLD member who ran a vocational school in Yangon’s Shwepyithar Township, also died under similar circumstances less than a day after his arrest.
His body was so badly disfigured by his injuries that the junta threatened to take “severe action” against anyone who suggested he had been tortured.
Since then, many others have met a similar fate. In the case of those who belonged to urban guerrilla groups, even the identities of many of the victims could not be confirmed, said Sithu Maung.
“We don’t even know the names of some of the victims, as we only know the aliases they adopted when they joined the revolution. We don’t know who their families are or where they live. This is occurring more frequently recently,” he said.
On Tuesday, the leader of a PDF group based in southern Shan State became the latest regime opponent to die of injuries inflicted during interrogation.
According to the latest figures released by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 12,000 people arrested for anti-regime activities remain behind bars in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Description:
"Myanmar’s civilian National Unity Government (NUG) has said that its People’s Defense Forces (PDF) and allied ethnic revolutionary organizations (ERO)) have effective control of more than half the country after a year of waging a people’s defensive war against the military regime.
In a speech on Wednesday marking the one-year anniversary of the declaration of a people’s defensive war against the junta, the NUG’s acting president Duwa Lashi La said that the regime has lost control of at least half the country, as the territorial dominance and military capabilities of PDFs and EROs has significantly strengthened and improved.
The acting president said that the NUG has formed over 300 PDF battalions nationwide, while other township public defense forces have been formed in 250 townships out of 330 across the country over the last year.
Public administration and judicial systems of the NUG have been established in 24 townships which are completely controlled by resistance forces. Education, health, municipal and social services have also been established by the NUG in the townships, the president said.
“Amid our territorial dominance and as our military capabilities have strengthened, the operations, territorial control and public administration of our partner EROs have significantly improved,” said Duwa Lashi La.
He added: “After one year of defensive war, the fascist terrorist military council no longer control half of the country’s territory.”
On Monday, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), an independent group of prominent former United Nations (UN) human rights experts, said that their analysis has found that the NUG and resistance organizations have effective control over 52 per cent of Myanmar’s territory.
SAC-M said also that the Myanmar military can only claim to have stable control over 17 per cent of the country, as its rule is being actively contested elsewhere.
The group noted also that the regime is unable to govern and is reduced to being an occupying military force in a diminishing amount of territory.
Meanwhile, resistance organizations including the NUG, EROs, people’s administrative bodies, the Civil Disobedience Movement and other civil institutions are administering an increasing range of government functions and delivering services to millions of people.
“The world needs to wake up to the reality that a new Myanmar is already taking shape,” said SAC-M member Yanghee Lee, the former UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar.
She added: “The NUG is not a shadow government or government in exile. It is the representative of the people’s revolution and resistance to military junta, the combined forces of which control the majority of the country.”
Since the declaration of the defensive war against the junta last September 7, PDFs and EROs have escalated their attacks targeting junta forces and regime administrations across the country, including major cities.
Over 20,150 junta soldiers have been killed and another 7,000 wounded, while 1,500 resistance fighters have died in the clashes, said Duwa Lashi La. An increasing number of regime troops are also defecting.
Amid daily attacks from PDFs and EROs, the regime has stepped up its atrocities including the arbitrary torture and killing of civilians, massacres and burning people alive, extrajudicial killings of resistance detainees, using civilians as human shields, air and artillery strikes on residential areas, looting and burning houses, and acts of sexual violence.
As of Tuesday, 2,267 people have been killed by the junta and 15,416 people including democratically-elected government leaders have been arrested or detained since last year’s coup, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Acting president Duwa Lashi La said that one of the NUG’s most important tasks is to hold the regime accountable for all the war crimes it has committed.
“The terrorist group must be punished for their crimes. We will definitely deliver truth and justice,” he said.
He also urged the international community and organizations to provide the necessary technical, military, financial and humanitarian support to the Myanmar people fighting for their freedom, democracy and equal rights.
Duwa Lashi La also urged the international community to cut off military and financial support to the junta..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
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Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ ၇၇ကြိမ်မြောက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုအား လက်မခံဘဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) အားအသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံရေးနှင့် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းအား မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ်ဆက်လက်ထားရှိရေးအတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ပြု လုပ်မည့် Global and Local Action Campaigns များတွင်အသုံးပြုရန် ကြွေးကြော်သံ၊ ဆောင်ပုဒ်နှင့် Profile Picture Frame Design များဖိတ်ခေါ်ပွဲကို ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၁ ရက်မှ ၂၁ ရက်အထိ Credential Challenge Campaign 2022 ကပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါဖိတ်ခေါ်ပွဲတွင် တော်လှန်ရေးစိတ် ဓါတ် ထက်သန်စွာဖြင့် ကြွေးကြော်သံ၊ ဆောင်ပုဒ်နှင့် Profile Picture Frame Design များပေးပို့ ခဲ့ကြသူ တစ်ဦးချင်းစီအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) ကိုယ်စား လေးစားအသိအမှတ်ပြုလျက်နှင့် ကျေးဇူးအထူးတင်ရှိ ပါကြောင်းထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Consultative Council
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
The opposition movement enjoys popular legitimacy and has a viable plan for Myanmar’s future. The world is running out of excuses for not recognizing it.
Description:
"Observers are slowly coming around to the realization that the once mighty Myanmar military, or Sit-tat, can be beaten by the forces opposing Myanmar’s military coup of 2021. The junta’s governance record is appalling, and it is losing control of ever larger parts of the country. The influential Economist newspaper now advocates for the recognition of Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG): “Myanmar’s shadow government deserves more help… International recognition – and the money it would bring – would be a good first step.”
But can the NUG actually govern? I led a team that mapped the NUG’s capacities and needs for International IDEA, an intergovernmental organization dedicated to strengthening democracy, which has been aiding Myanmar’s democratic institutions following the coup. The views expressed here are mine, and not necessarily International IDEA’s.
For our assessment, we reviewed a number of NUG strategic documents, engaged with most of its ministries, spoken to its ethnic nationality allies, and looked at life in communities. My verdict is: Yes, the NUG can govern, if it maintains its unity and coherence and receives more support from outside.
Let us take a step back. What must a government do to be worthy of recognition? If we still lived in the 19th century the answer would be: control your territory, have a population that’s yours, and impose your will on them – by force, if necessary. Add to that the protection of basic human rights as per the United Nations Charter, and what we can call performance legitimacy: the provision of services like education, electricity, and basic healthcare. In the early 21st century, the international community established the responsibility to protect, the principle that a government needs to (be able to) protect its people from harm in order to be legitimate.
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Now, not even the junta’s apologists claim that they really do any of this. But neither can anyone else in Myanmar, according to some. So such apologists claim that like it or not, there is no viable alternative to the junta. I have looked into that claim and found it to be false.
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The NUG now controls significant territory, commands the loyalty of the overwhelming majority of its people, and provides security and justice in the areas under its control.
The NUG is the executive government for Myanmar’s democratic interim institutions, representing a nation-wide coalition of political and military actors. These institutions include the union parliament, or Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which was elected in 2020, and the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), a sort of coalition council that defines the NUG’s overall objectives and strategy.
When we say that the NUG “controls territory” we mean that it effectively governs this territory, polices it, and has the cooperation of its residents, not that they can keep the military out when its personnel move in with overwhelming force. The NUG now has a local administration policy and uniform structures in place to govern a number of areas of Myanmar. This administration is a hybrid thing: NUG-loyal local administrations govern in the center and allied ethnic resistance organizations control their traditional territories in the border areas through their own often decades-old structures. Coordination between the center and the border areas is achieved through the NUCC. We have here the nucleus of the future federal structure of Myanmar.
In the center, there is reporting and accountability from the local administrations to the NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs. Resources are authorized by and sometimes provided by the center. The NUG is also building a police force that focuses on the prevention and investigation of major crimes. A community court system is being established under the direction of the NUG’s Ministry of Justice. Local security and defense groups, separate from the NUG’s military forces, do what they can to protect communities from murderous junta raids.
The NUG provides services in areas its controls – and beyond.
The NUG and its ethnic nationality allies provide services, including in-person and distance education, in-person and mobile healthcare, electricity, and humanitarian assistance for displaced communities. Service delivery is planned and coordinated from the center, by the NUG’s line ministries. For instance, the NUG’s Ministry of Education has developed, together with the NUCC, a federal education policy. This policy guides schooling in NUG-administered and ethnic nationality organization-administered schools. Teachers in NUG schools are civil servants loyal to the NUG and administered by the Ministry. What limited resources the ministry can mobilize are used to pay living allowances for these teachers. The NUG-administered schools report regularly to the Ministry of Education. Coordination with ethnic resistance organizations is again achieved via the NUCC.
The NUG conducts effective central coordination, manages public resources, and conducts foreign policy.
This stuff is more technical but equally important. The NUG’s cabinet, the members of which are situated both inside and outside Myanmar, hold cabinet meetings weekly and virtually. The NUG has a center of government around the offices of the prime minister and the president that design policy, assign funding to programs, and receive narrative and financial reports from the NUG ministries. The NUG analyzes this information and reviews and adapts policy in response. The NUG’s Ministry of Planning, Finance, and Investment collects taxes – a voluntary business tax – and has issued sovereign bonds. Revenue collection and expenditure is decentralized, a necessity in a country whose financial system remains tightly controlled by the junta.
But all revenue and expenditure is planned in the NUG’s budget and reported through monthly financial reports to the Ministry of Planning, Finance, and Investment. The ministry has established public financial management structures, including a treasury account overseas that it will be able to use as soon as recognition is forthcoming.
The NUG has its own foreign policy, a foreign ministry, and representative offices in about a dozen strategically important third countries. In a few friendly countries, notably in Europe, the NUG’s foreign ministry manages consular affairs for Myanmar citizens. Until recognition is forthcoming, these offices will handle relations ad interim.
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There is accountability around what is being done, spent, and delivered.
In the current circumstances, accountability is not perfect, but the NUG is trying. Its auditor general has begun rudimentary financial audits. The legislature, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which meets roughly quarterly, receives the NUG’s activity reports and its committees have started looking into the performance of the ministries. The rudimentary local justice system is during the current transition period not independent but at least there is civilian justice.
Of course, challenges abound for the NUG. The quality of reporting is mixed. Service delivery is not harmonized across the country and there is of course too little of it. The NUG is cash-strapped. Its tax base is minuscule, and the NUG relies on financing from the diaspora. Ministers receive no salaries or stipends. The staff of NUG ministries are essentially volunteers – both the political appointees at the top and its hundreds of thousands loyal civil servants. Staff rely on the willing but impoverished communities to host and feed them. Each ministry raises money to try and sustain its civil servants. Pregnant women and young families are prioritized for stipends. Most go without support. Modest financial support that is predictable and stable would go a long way in addressing all this.
The NUG is advancing a difficult transition to federal democracy that has a chance to succeed.
The future of Myanmar is taking shape while the world dithers. The NUG and NUCC are developing a transitional federal constitution that will lay the path to turn Myanmar into a highly decentralized liberal democracy with a separation of powers and guarantees for fundamental rights and freedoms. At the end of the path will stand a new federal Constitution worked out by a Constituent Assembly.
The new federal government will do only what is needed – defense, monetary policy, and foreign relations – and leave most powers to the subnational level. This is a constitutional model many of Myanmar’s already de facto independent statelets – Wa State and Kokang, and increasingly southwestern Rakhine State – could find space in.
Of course, this transition will not be entirely smooth. There is a tension between the NUG’s role as the interim “federal government” with what should be its limited role in subnational governance, and its performance of overseeing local administration in central Myanmar. Ethnic nationality allies grumble at the “centralizing tendencies” of the NUG. The NUG rightly insists it now needs to govern in the most effective way. These tensions need to be resolved within the coalition, through the NUCC, and that process could be improved.
To summarize, the NUG is ready to govern, but is the world ready to accept it?
The NUG already acts as a government, fulfilling all the criteria the international community asks of a government: control of parts of Myanmar’s territory, legitimacy, provision of services and security. Why is the world not acting? The war in Ukraine is one factor but I do not believe it is the main one. Rather it is the building confrontation between the United States and China. This need not be an obstacle. Myanmar’s democratic National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government was a friend to China and no Western stooge. The NUG has re-affirmed the NLD’s independent foreign policy. China maintains relations with the NLD but refuses to deal with the NUG. That could change if the U.S. and China were to come to some sort of agreement that it would be in everybody’s interest to have a stable, unified Myanmar that is beholden to no one.
For those countries for whom recognition of the NUG is still a step too far, pragmatic financial and practical support is an option. Countries can set up joint development initiatives with the NUG or affiliated organizations to fund service delivery, starting with one-off projects, if necessary. The NUG is willing and able to do it. It has the required management and control mechanisms to reduce fiduciary risks if development partners exhibit just a little flexibility. The NUG should be invited to all international intergovernmental meetings and consultations and should receive massive financial and capacity building support, including staff professional development. International mediators and envoys should proactively engage with the NUG and the NUCC, so as to avoid being seen as legitimizing the military junta.
With the NUG increasingly acting as the government of Myanmar, and the only actor with enough legitimacy and a viable plan that could prevent the balkanization of Myanmar, the world is fast running out of excuses for not recognizing it..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2022-09-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"Myanmar military troops killed nearly 30 civilians in the east of Kantbalu Township and the west of Kyunhla Township in Kantbalu district, Sagaing Region over the past two weeks amid escalating fighting with resistance groups, local defense forces and residents said.
The clashes between junta troops and defense forces broke out in the last week of August, with the Myanmar military launching both air and ground attacks against villages.
On Aug. 24, the military started launching air strikes on some villages in the border area where Kantbalu, Kawlin and Kyunhla townships meet, leaving villagers dead, including a 6-year-old boy and a pregnant woman from Thit Saint Kone Village, Kantbalu Township.
On Sept. 2, at least two dozen bodies were found at the monastery in Tal Pin Seik Village, Kyunhla Township, according to residents, and local defense forces confirmed the victims were the same people who were arrested by the military between Aug. 25 and Aug. 28, said a member of the Red Eagle Kanbalu People’s Defense Force (PDF).
The military launched further air attacks on Aung Chan Thar, Lat Khote Pin and Koe Htaung Bo village tracts, and deployed army columns in the area. During these operations military troops torched several villages, he added.
Local PDF groups said the death toll could increase as bodies are usually found for several days after the military leaves an area it has controlled. They said they had heard reports of additional casualties, but could not yet confirm them.
The PDFs fought back, however, arresting two captains and a lieutenant from the junta’s military on Aug. 28. Within two weeks, the junta’s military had suffered at least 40 casualties in clashes with local resistance forces.
This did not prevent the Myanmar military from targeting civilian areas, however. About 200 houses were torched in Kyunhla Township alone in just four days, from Sept. 1-4, according to the Kyunhla Activists Group.
U Nay Zin Latt, the elected MP for Kantbalu Township and a member of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which was formed after last year’s coup by ousted lawmakers, said such murders by the Myanmar military were totally unacceptable.
He said that even the PDF groups, which were organized very recently, can distinguish a legitimate military target from a civilian area, but the military was targeting civilian areas that should not be considered combat zones.
“There were some operation plans that we have avoided even though we would have had a competitive edge over the enemy. But the military is killing civilians deliberately,” U Nay Zin Latt, who now also serves as an operations commander of Kant Balu Battalion 2, a local PDF in Kantbalu district.
At least three military columns are now deployed in Kantbalu district. They have arrested at least 100 civilians and taken them as prisoners of war, according to the local PDFs.
At least 10 villages were torched in Kantbalu district alone during the two-week period and more than 40,000 people in total have fled the area, residents said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"1. NUG designates civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s
mansion as an interim national heritage site...2. NUG taking steps for safe return of Rohingya 29/08/2022...3. NUG blacklists 177 staff from the SAC-controlled Ministry of Re-
ligious Affairs and Culture 01/09/2022...4. NUG encourages civilians to report unlawful killings by SAC 29/08/2022...5. NUG condemns workplace discrimination aimed against those engaged in revolution 27/08/2022...6. NUG Foreign Minister meets with Czech Counterpart..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Format :
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Size:
1.4 MB
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (19/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.93 MB
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Description:
"5 September 2022: The National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) has the greatest claim to effective control in Myanmar, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) explains in a new briefing paper, published today. The illegal military junta in Myanmar does not have effective control of the country and cannot continue to be engaged with by the international community on the assumption that it does.
“The world needs to wake up to the reality that a new Myanmar is already taking shape,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The National Unity Government is not a shadow government or a government in exile. It is the representative of the people’s revolution and resistance to the military junta, the combined forces of which control the majority of the country.”
The briefing paper “Effective Control in Myanmar” applies international standards to the NUG and allied resistance organisations as well as the military junta to determine which entity best meets criteria used to establish effective control of a state.
SAC-M’s analysis finds that the NUG and resistance organisations have effective control over 52% of the territory of Myanmar. The junta is being actively contested in a further 23% and can only claim to have stable control over 17% of the territory. The trajectory of the conflict favours the resistance, and the junta is losing what control it does have at an increasing rate despite the continued use of mass atrocities by junta forces.
“The resistance is holding Myanmar together in the face of the junta’s barbaric killing and wanton destruction. It is paramount that ASEAN, lest it be relegated to total irrelevance, and other regional actors understand and recognise this if they genuinely want to facilitate a return to peace and stability in the region,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “A process could now be undertaken through which the gains made by the democracy movement in Myanmar can be formalised, such as a people’s election or referendum held in resistance territory.”
The junta has forced Myanmar’s former central administration to the brink of collapse. The junta is unable to govern and is reduced to an occupying military force in a diminishing amount of territory.
Resistance organisations including the NUG, Ethnic Resistance Organisations (EROs), people’s administrative bodies, the Civil Disobedience Movement and other civil institutions and movements are administering an increasing range of government functions and delivering services to millions of people. The combined capacity of the resistance is an essential lifeline as the acute humanitarian crisis in Myanmar worsens and the international community continues to fail to deliver aid at scale.
“The NUG is the legitimate government of Myanmar and should have been recognised formally as such long ago. But instead, there is a complete mess in the international system when it comes to Myanmar’s representation. That is depriving the Myanmar people of their voice at a time when they need it the most,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The revolution in Myanmar will succeed. But history will not look back kindly on how we in the international system failed to stand with the people.”
Armed resistance to the junta has now saturated wide swathes of townships across most states and regions in Myanmar, demonstrating the strength of the population’s rejection of the military playing any further role in the nation’s politics. The NUG is guided by the Federal Democracy Charter, a roadmap that seeks to realise Myanmar’s long-held federal and democratic aspirations..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG)
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11.82 MB (Original version) - 32 pages
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Description:
"France utterly condemns the new prison sentence, with hard labour, imposed on State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
This new sentence is arbitrary and politically motivated. It was delivered by a judicial system in the hands of generals and shows the junta’s contempt for the rule of law and fundamental rights. The electoral fraud accusation on which the sentence is based aims only to justify the coup d’état of 1 February 2021, which goes against the will of the Burmese people expressed democratically in the general election of 8 November 2020. This decision makes the prospect of political dialogue requested by the international community, in which Aung San Suu Kyi must be involved, even more distant.
The regime, which resulted from the coup, has no legitimacy. France reiterates its call for the immediate, unconditional release of all those people being arbitrarily detained, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. It maintains its support for the action of ASEAN and its special envoy, and the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General’s special envoy, and recalls that the establishment of a political dialogue including the democratic opposition is an essential requirement for finding any way out of the crisis..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, About Aung San Suu Kyi
Language:
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Sub-title:
Ousted leader’s estranged brother has won a court case allowing villa, considered a symbol of democracy in Myanmar, to be sold
Description:
"The future of the lakeside villa in which Aung San Suu Kyi spent 15 years under house arrest is feared to be in jeopardy, after a court ruled in favour of her estranged brother, allowing the property to be sold.
The colonial-style house at 54-56 University Avenue, which stands besides Yangon’s Inya Lake, is – for many in Myanmar – a symbol of the country’s struggle for democracy.
For decades, however, Aung San Suu Kyi has been locked in a legal battle with her older brother Aung San Oo, an engineer who lives in the US, over ownership of the house. He first filed a legal suit in 2000, and the case has been examined by the courts multiple times since.
The latest hearings proceeded as Aung San Suu Kyi, 77, was again imprisoned. She has been detained since February 2021, when the military ousted her government and took power in a coup. She has been accused of dozens of charges, which rights groups say are politically motivated.
Hillary Clinton and Aung San Suu Kyi walking together on the lawn in front of the villa
Hillary Clinton and Aung San Suu Kyi in the grounds of the house in 2011. Photograph: Saul Loeb/AP
Aung San Oo told the Guardian that the recent decision by Myanmar’s supreme court in Naypyidaw had supported an earlier 2012 ruling that he was entitled to an equal share of the property.
“In 2012 it was stated that if we cannot agree how to physically divide it up then it will be legal to auction off and split whatever money … The last court hearing a few weeks ago was to confirm that,” he said.
Aung San Oo declined to confirm whether he has plans to sell the property, saying this was a private matter. He disagreed that it was a site of historic significance.
The two-acre (0.8-hectare) property was given by the government to their mother, Khin Kyi, after their father, the independence hero general Aung San, was assassinated in 1947. Khin Kyi died in 1988, shortly after the military’s brutal crackdown on huge pro-democracy uprisings, which Aung San Suu Kyi had helped lead.
Aung San Suu Kyi pictured in December 2019.
Aung San Suu Kyi given six extra years in prison on corruption charges
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Aung San Suu Kyi was first placed under house arrest in 1989, and would spend 15 years in the villa until 2010. Cut off from the world, she would listen to BBC radio for hours each day, read books and meditate.
At weekends, she would give pro-democracy speeches from the villa, standing on top of a table to address vast crowds gathered outside the gate of the compound. Hundreds or even thousands would gather to hear her speak.
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Later, President Barack Obama and then-secretary of state Hillary Clinton travelled to the villa to meet Aung San Suu Kyi during a historic visit.
She has not lived in the house since her release in 2012.
The property, though in a dilapidated condition, is estimated by Aung San Oo’s lawyer to be worth $90m, according to reports. Aung San Oo was unable to share court documents.
Local media also reported the court had ruled in Aung San Oo’s favour.
Last week, the national unity government (NUG), which was formed by elected lawmakers as well as civil society activists in opposition to the coup, said it had declared the house a site of national heritage, which would prevent its sale or destruction. Such a declaration cannot be enforced until the military junta is overthrown, however.
“This is not just a house or property, this is the place where she was held for more than 15 years in her life,” said Dr Sasa, a spokesperson for the NUG. “This is a powerful symbol of hope for the people of Myanmar.”
Aung San Suu Kyi was not given representation during the court’s latest proceedings regarding the house, he added.
The court case is one of many Aung San Suu Kyi has faced over the past 18 months. A series of convictions in military-controlled courts since the coup have led to a total prison sentence of 20 years. Further cases against her are continuing and could lead to decades more time in prison..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, About Aung San Suu Kyi
Language:
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Description:
"“If students start to question whether King Bayinnaung was a good leader…will they start to question whether their leaders today are good?”
It was the end of a day I’d spent in Mae Sot, Thailand, with a dozen teachers from migrant schools, as well as thirty more Zooming in from inside Myanmar or on the border. This daylong hybrid training on methodologies of teaching history, based on ideas I describe with my colleague Aung Khine in our chapter in the recent edited volume Teaching for Peace and Social Justice in Myanmar, built on work I’d been doing since 2001 about how to teach multiple perspectives on history in order to promote reconciliation. Yet the current situation demanded fresh approaches. We’d been working on new ways of using Myanmar government textbooks in Myanmar’s post-coup classrooms; in particular, we’d focused on a primary school text about King Bayinnaung.
This text explains how great Bayinnaung was, and how he did the same three things that all the ancient bama kings supposedly did. These are, not coincidentally, the same things the Myanmar military claims to do currently: strengthen the economy, unite the national races, and propagate Buddhism. This limited description is one of the many myths that dominates government textbooks. But at our training, the teachers worked in teams to do what I call “reading textbooks upside down and sideways”: using them contrary to their intended purpose to broaden students’ perspectives. They’d generated role plays in which the conquered Mon people talked back to King Bayinnaung, they’d come up with questions about the textbook authors’ biases, and they’d created lessons that invited students to test the textbook’s theories against alternate evidence.
Their work was so impressive. Nonetheless, this teacher’s question caught me off guard. She sounded concerned but also hopeful. Yes, I answered. If we teach students to read every text critically and invite them to form their own opinions about “heroes,” they are likely to turn those analytical skills on the current situation. That could be risky, for both students and teachers, and teachers would have to determine for themselves how much boundary-pushing was safe. Whether it was worth the risk depended on their purpose for teaching history.
Why Teach History?
I start many trainings by asking teachers: What is the purpose of teaching history? What would the authors of Myanmar textbooks say? What would your teachers have said? What would your organization or school say? And what do you think is the purpose of teaching history?
History textbooks produced by the Myanmar Ministry of Education before 2010 used to start with a foreword that explained that their purpose was to promote union spirit and patriotism. Despite the partial revision of this curriculum, textbooks are still oriented toward that goal. They tell a story of bama Buddhist rulers leading other “national races” toward unity and prosperity. They leave out the conflicts among those groups, as well as most of the accomplishments, cultures, religions, and languages or other ethnic groups. Textbooks produced by EBEPs connected to the Karen National Union, the Shan State Army-South, and the Karenni National Progressive Party prior to 2010 provided alternative facts but a similar narrative structure: the bama Buddhist rulers were the enemy, and the histories of sub-ethnic or non-dominant political groups were often minimized. In all cases, a one-dimensional view of history was presented.
In 2016, textbooks revised with the support of UNICEF, the Japan International Cooperation Agency and the Asian Development Bank started to be released. These organizations prioritized peace and social inclusion. The revised textbooks compromise between union spirit and patriotism on the one hand, and peace and social inclusion on the other, by editing out any mention of ethnicity from the primary level history textbooks. No longer are Anawrahata or Bayinnaung identified as bama, no longer are they battling with/uniting with the Mon or Shan kingdoms. There are only myanma tainyintha and nameless enemies. Personally, I don’t think this solves the problem, as students will learn from their families about ethnic tensions lasting until today; this approach, while well-intentioned, just sweeps problems under the rug.
But to teachers, promoting “patriotism and union spirit” or “peace and social inclusion,” are not the only reasons for teaching history. When I ask them what their own teachers were trying to accomplish by teaching history, they say things like, “make me memorize information” or “help me get a good exam score.” When I ask them what their own purposes for teaching history are, the answers vary: “tell students the true facts” is always popular; “help them learn from the past so they do not repeat mistakes” is often mentioned; and “show them the value of diversity and their own ethnic identity” is also raised.
History Is Always Political
Which methods and materials we choose for teaching history depends on the purposes we embrace. As I explain to teachers, there is no politically neutral history curriculum. There are so many historical facts that no textbook could include them all, and so what is put in and what is left out depends on the author’s purpose and biases. If we don’t consider our purpose carefully and reflect on our own biases, we will probably default to the way we were taught, or to the dominant ideologies in our society. If we are looking to change our society, we will have to think carefully about what kind of change we hope to make and why.
To return to the teacher’s question: do adults in Myanmar—or in my own country, the US, for that matter—want students to think critically about their own leaders? My former president, Donald Trump, said a clear no: he wanted the history of the US to be taught in a way that promoted patriotism, telling students that the US was the greatest country on earth, and whitewashing anything negative, like slavery or the genocide of indigenous people.
When I taught history in US high schools, I wanted my students to think critically and to hear the voices that had been left out of the curriculum. As a white person who had racial privilege because of the historical and ongoing oppression of people of color, I wanted to teach in a way that led to a more just society. But the administrators of the schools I worked in, my students’ parents, and political leaders did not always agree. I could not always choose my textbooks, or the tests that were used to assess my students, or the circumstances that interfered with my students’ ability to focus on school.
Working Within Limitations of the Current Situation
Myanmar teachers have many more factors outside of their control. The coup may have displaced them; they may be part of the CDM boycott of government schools; or they may need to continue teaching in government schools either for financial reasons or because they feel it’s their responsibility to continue educating youth. How much leeway they have to adjust the way they teach history depends on many factors, including whether they work for Myanmar government schools, Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs), migrant schools in Thailand, or private schools. Despite the constraints they may face, I deeply believe in the agency of teachers and their ability to keep their students’ best interests at heart.
While teachers in government schools must continue using state textbooks, many EBEPs and migrant schools also continue using Myanmar government textbooks even if they don’t agree with their ideological orientation. Their students may try to matriculate inside Myanmar and will need to know the answers to the exams. Or they may not have alternative curricula available. That’s what inspired me to do this series of trainings on reading textbooks “upside down and sideways.” Teachers may have to keep using these imperfect materials, but they can do so in creative ways that broaden the interpretive possibilities for their students.
All the same, they must keep the constraints and possibilities of their situations in mind. I often have teachers brainstorm the difficult things they can’t easily change about their teaching contexts (e.g., their salaries are low; students don’t have enough food; there are COVID-19 restrictions) as well as existing opportunities and possibilities (e.g., they have supportive colleagues; digital technology makes sharing resources easier). I write these on chart paper and keep them on the walls as we talk about teaching history, so we don’t lose sight of the realities they are facing.
Once we’ve talked about their current situations as well as their chosen purposes for studying history, I ask them about negative and positive experiences they’ve had studying history. Their responses often reveal deep emotion. On the negative side, they talk about being forced to memorize “facts” they knew weren’t true or complete, and having their ethnicity or religion ignored. On the positive side, they express gratitude to the teachers who worked against the system to teach more inclusive history, and how much they enjoyed the opportunities to collaborate with peers or be more active in their learning. We use these positive and negative experiences as our guides, considering how they can leave behind what didn’t work for them, and build on what did, in their own classrooms.
Experimenting with Textbooks
Then comes the fun: experimenting with how they can turn textbooks “upside down and sideways” to expand students’ experiences. Knowing that women and poor people are usually left out, we invent role plays that imagine their perspectives back into histories of wars and kings. What did the soldier’s wife who was left at home with five kids think of King Bayinnaung’s war? Historical sources are extremely limited on such questions, and there’s no clear right or wrong answer. But questions like this expand students’ thinking and open the question of how war affects women and children today.
These new methods do not always come easily. I have observed that it is easier for teachers to embrace active learning methods and child-centered education than it is for them to adjust their purposes for teaching history. For instance, one team of teachers designed a lesson on General Aung San that, while it vastly improved the instructional design of the textbook lesson, still asked students a leading question: “What do you admire about General Aung San?” This kind of question forecloses the possibility of criticizing a leader about whom many valid criticisms exist. Other teachers in the training gently raised this point, supporting their colleagues who had created the lesson while also encouraging them to think more broadly.
There are also important questions about when students should start learning about disturbing events such as wars and violence. The text about King Bayinnaung is from the 1st Grade Social Studies textbook, which students use when they are around 6 years old. These lessons on the ancient kings were moved from the old 3rd Standard to revised 1st Grade textbooks, for reasons I don’t understand. Some teachers in the training felt that young children couldn’t understand conflicts well and that textbooks that covered war in early grades could use additional context.
In response to this point about children’s developmental level, I shared with teachers some activities to help even young students develop their understanding of multiple perspectives. For instance, students could divide a paper in half and draw pictures of a time they had a conflict with a friend or family member to show the distinction between their own view and the other person’s view of the situation (see Figure 1—I have recreated these drawings based on what teachers created in the workshop to avoid the danger of their identities being revealed). They could then brainstorm solutions to their conflict. Through this activity, students could more easily imagine the different perspectives of, for instance, King Bayinnaung and the leaders of the areas he attacked (See Figure 2), as well as imagining other ways the conflict could have been resolved. We also shared ideas about positive ways teachers could add to the curriculum, for instance by covering the cultures, foods, dances, music, and traditions of various ethnic groups, so that they do not come to see certain groups only as victims of oppression, but also as leaders and innovators.
Why History? Why Now?
Unfortunately, it is a dangerous time to be a teacher in Myanmar and along its borders. Some would say that changes in teaching methodology can wait until there is peace and democracy. While teachers must take care of themselves first, waiting for total stability may take decades. That’s why I am eager to work with any teacher who wants to teach history to promote critical thinking, inclusion, and justice. Many teachers may face constraints in doing so currently. But the ones that are able to embrace new visions for the purpose of teaching history can make a huge difference in their students’ lives. History is so intimately connected to people’s sense of identity and their perceptions about the future; to deny students the opportunity to study history is to restrict their ability to understand how they fit into their society, and to limit their ability to solve problems in the present.
Even if some teachers are ready to change, is society as a whole? Are the leaders of the SAC, the NUG, ethnic armed organizations, or the Thai government ready for students to question the histories that are taught? These are not my questions to answer. But my impression of this new generation, which has seen the trauma and upheaval caused by the ideologies of militarism and narrow nationalism, leads me to this conviction: the students themselves are ready.
Rosalie Metro is an anthropologist of education who has been working with teachers from Myanmar since 2001. She holds a Ph.D. from Cornell University in Learning, Teaching, and Social Policy, and she is currently an Assistant Teaching Professor in the College of Education and Human Development at the University of Missouri-Columbia, USA. She is also the author, with Aung Khine, of Histories of Burma: A Source-Based Approach to Myanmar’s History..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-05
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"The UN Special envoy on Myanmar has warned of a “multidimensional catastrophe” if the regional and international communities don’t make a serious effort to support the Southeast Asian country, which has descended into conflict since last year’s military coup.
Myanmar has been politically and economically devastated since the coup. Far from bringing the whole country under its control, the regime is still struggling with nationwide popular armed resistance against its rule. The economy has been in a downward spiral, with fuel in short supply and foreign reserves dwindling.
“We cannot wait. A multidimensional catastrophe will emerge in the heart of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN] unless we as a regional and international community come together to seriously find new ways to support this Myanmar-led process towards an inclusive society and democratic future,” said the envoy, Noeleen Heyzer, in her remarks at a seminar at the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore on Monday. Myanmar is an ASEAN member.
The warning came after her controversial mission to Myanmar last month during which she met with regime chief Min Aung Hlaing in an attempt to mediate the crisis, including calling for an immediate end to the junta’s violence against the Myanmar people. However, after receiving a low-grade reception from the junta she made no breakthrough. Instead, it became another failed UN mission in Myanmar, used by the regime to promote its legitimacy as well as to express its displeasure over the UN’s actions against it.
However, the envoy insisted that her visit was part of the UN’s broader efforts to support an effective and peaceful Myanmar-led political pathway to return to civilian rule based on the will of the people, saying, “My mandate as an impartial actor [is] to engage with all stakeholders in Myanmar, the region and globally, consistent with the principles of the United Nations.”
In her remarks at the seminar on Monday, the envoy said there was no clear path out of the crisis and that there would be no easy solutions. During her visit to Myanmar, she wasn’t allowed to meet detained popular leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and she said on Monday that “If I ever visit Myanmar again, it will only be if I can meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.”
She also admitted that in the case of Myanmar, the limitations of the United Nations and the international community are also clear, adding that continued differences in the positions among member states of the UN was also a factor, according to highlights of the seminar released by the envoy’s office.
“Thus, I will continue to appeal to all governments, regional organizations and other key stakeholders, to listen to the will of [the] people and be guided by that will,” she said.
Despite its condemnation of the coup and the regime’s killing of more than 2,000 people so far, the UN has still failed to take serious action against the Myanmar junta. The UN Security Council still hasn’t been able to pass any resolutions due to resistance from China and Russia, the junta’s major allies.
At the regional level, ASEAN has tried to mediate the Myanmar crisis since last year with its peace plan, which includes an immediate cessation of violence against civilians. However, the junta ignored the plan.
At the same time, both the UN and ASEAN have failed to “officially engage” with Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed by the elected lawmakers of the ousted National League for Democracy and their ethnic allies, and commands the loyalty of the vast majority of Myanmar people.
Following the envoy’s meeting with Min Aung Hlaing , the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), a group of former UN experts on the country, urged Heyzer to engage with the NUG instead.
The NUG also called on the envoy to publicly strengthen partnerships with it, as well as with ethnic armed organizations and civil society, and to truly listen to and respect the aspirations of the Myanmar people..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-05
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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Vicky Bowman and Htein Lin were arrested last week accused of violating immigration laws
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"Britain’s former ambassador to Myanmar and her husband, a prominent artist, have been sentenced to one year in prison by the country’s military-controlled courts, reports say.
Vicky Bowman, who was the ambassador in Myanmar from 2002 to 2006, and her husband, Htein Lin, a veteran democracy activist, were arrested last week in Yangon and accused of violating immigration laws.
They have each been sentenced to one year in prison, according to the BBC and Associated Press.
Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for campaigns, Ming Yu Hah, described news of their conviction as extremely concerning. “Myanmar’s military has a notorious track record of arresting and jailing people on politically motivated or trumped-up charges,” she said.
Separately on Friday, courts sentenced the ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi, 77, to three years’ imprisonment for electoral fraud, meaning she faces a total 20-year sentence. Further cases against her, which could lead to decades more prison time, are ongoing.
The ousted president, Win Myint, and the former minister of the president’s office, Min Thu, also received sentences of three years for electoral fraud, according to AP.
The military has sought to justify its 2021 coup by alleging widespread fraud in the 2020 election – which Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won by a landslide.
The Asian Network for Free Elections, an independent group that observed the 2020 vote, found it was “by and large, representative of the will of the people”, however. In a statement, it condemned the latest convictions and called on the military to respect the results of the election.
Dr Sasa, spokesperson for the National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed by elected lawmakers as well as activists in opposition to the coup, said the cases against Aung San Suu Kyi were ridiculous, and that the military was simply trying to silence her. She has been denied free and proper access to her lawyer, he said.
“This is just the military doing everything they can to prolong their reign of terror agains the people of Myanmar. This has nothing to do with rule of law, nothing to do with justice, it’s all about them remaining in power,” said Sasa.
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The sentences announced on Friday, including those relating to Bowman and Htein Lin, showed the true colours of the Myanmar military, he added. “Regardless of whether you are a foreigner, or a diplomat, whoever you are, if you are in Myanmar, you are not safe. They do not see you as a human being. They see you as someone who can be taken away from the house at night,” he said.
Bowman, who is fluent in Burmese and began her diplomatic career working as the second secretary at the British embassy in 1990, now leads the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business.
Htein Lin is one of Myanmar’s most famous artists. He was imprisoned for more than six years under military rule in 1998 and is known for continuing his art while in detention, improvising with materials to create more than 1,000 works.
The junta said previously that the pair violated immigration regulations because they had not registered their new address with the authorities.
The arrests came last week as the UK announced new sanctions targeting military-linked companies and said it would “intervene” in a genocide case filed by the Gambia against Myanmar at the international court of justice in 2019.
More than 15,320 people have been arrested since the military took power in a coup on 1 February 2021, and 12,219 remain in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which tracks arrests and killings.
Other foreign nationals being held are Prof Sean Turnell, an Australian economic adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, and Toru Kubota, a Japanese film-maker..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations
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"A military-run court in Myanmar has sentenced Aung San Suu Kyi to a further three years in prison on election fraud charges, her lawyers have told the BBC.
Ms Suu Kyi - the country's former leader - has now been sentenced to 20 years in prison on 11 counts, with several charges remaining.
She denies all of the accusations, and the trials have been condemned by rights groups as politically-motivated.
If convicted on all charges, she could face almost 200 years in prison.
The new sentence included hard labour, her lawyers said. The 77-year-old Nobel laureate has spent most of her time in detention under house arrest in the capital Nay Pyi Taw.
The public and media have had no access to the closed-door hearings and the military has prevented her lawyers from speaking to journalists.
The court found her guilty of committing fraud in the November 2020 general election, which her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won overwhelmingly.
The army launched a coup last year after alleging there had been massive voter fraud in the vote, but independent election observers said the poll was "representative of the will of the people".
Civil rights and democracy groups have denounced the legal proceedings against Ms Suu Kyi and others as a farce. The UN has said she is facing a "sham trial". Myanmar's military regime says Ms Suu Kyi's trials are part of the legal process.
A spokesperson for Amnesty International told the BBC that the military is using the legal system as "another convenient tool in its arsenal to smother dissent".
"The relentless legal assault on Aung San Suu Kyi is one of the better-known examples of how the military has weaponised the courts to bring politically motivated or farcical charges against opponents, critics and protesters," the spokesperson said.
The military's violent seizure of power last February triggered widespread demonstrations, prompting Myanmar's military to crack down on pro-democracy protesters, activists and journalists.
Ms Suu Kyi - and many members of her party - are among more than 15,000 people who have been arrested by the junta since they seized power - 12,000 remain in prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
On Friday, the UK's former ambassador to Myanmar and her husband were sentenced to one year in prison each for violating immigration laws. Vicky Bowman, who served as the UK's envoy in Myanmar from 2002 to 2006, and artist Htein Lin were arrested last week at their home in Yangon..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း ကြေညာခြင်းနှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း
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"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ဓမ္မဘက်မှရပ်တည်၍ ပြည်သူနှင့်တစ်သားတည်းဖြစ်စေရန်နှင့် အမိန့်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု(CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ကြစေရန် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ဖိတ်ခေါ်ကမ်းလှမ်းခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံး အနေဖြင့်လည်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလမှ စတင်၍ အမိန့်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု(CDM)တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြပြီး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန မဖွဲ့စည်းရသေးသော ဌာနအသီးသီးမှ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းသူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံရေး နှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်ရေးတို့အတွက် အလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင်နေသော ရန်ကုန်နှင့် မန္တလေး မြို့တော်စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီ ဌာနပေါင်းစုံ၏ ဒုတိယညွှန်ကြားရေးမှူးချုပ်မှ ဦးစီးအရာရှိအဆင့်ထိ Non-CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများသည်
(က) မြို့နေပြည်သူများအပေါ် သစ္စာစောင့်သိမှုမရှိဘဲ စစ်ကောင်စီအလိုကျ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင် နေခြင်း၊
(ခ) စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များလုံခြုံရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူ့ဘဏ္ဍာငွေဖြစ်သည့် စည်ပင် ဘတ်ဂျက်များဖြင့် လုံခြုံရေးဘန်ကာအဆောက်အဦများ အခိုင်အမာတည်ဆောက်ပေးခြင်း၊
(ဂ) စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ပြည်သူများအား အလွယ်တကူ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက် သတ်ဖြတ် နိုင်ရန်အတွက် CCTV များအား ယခင်ကထက် အဆင့်မြှင့်တင်ကာတပ်ဆင်ပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ အလိုကျ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနေခြင်း၊
(ဃ) တော်လှန်ရေးတွင်ပါဝင်နေသော ပြည်သူများအား စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ ကူညီ ဖမ်းဆီးပေးခြင်း၊
(င) စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ကော်မတီရှိ Non-CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ရာထူးတစ်ဆင့်တိုးပေး၍ ခိုင်းစေခြင်းများကို လိုလားကျေနပ်စွာရယူပြီး ပြည်သူ့မျက်နှာမကြည့်ဘဲ တက်ကြွစွာ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေခြင်း၊
(စ) တိုင်းပြည်အဘက်ဘက်မှ ယိုယွင်းပျက်စီးနေသည်ကို သိပါသော်လည်း ၎င်းတို့၏ အကျိုး စီးပွားအတွက် အခွင့်ကောင်းယူကာ ပြည်သူ့ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများကို သုံးဖြုန်းနေခြင်း၊
(ဆ) စည်ပင်သာယာ မြေလွတ်မြေရိုင်းများအား စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ အလွဲသုံးစား ပြုလုပ်၍ ရောင်းချနေခြင်း၊
(ဇ) ပြည်သူများ ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခရောက်နေချိန်တွင် ပြည်သူကို သစ္စာဖောက်၍ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား သစ္စာခံကာ အခွန်အခများ တင်းကြပ်စွာ ကောက်ခံနေခြင်း၊
(ဈ) ပြည်သူ့သစ္စာခံ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိနှိပ်ခြိမ်းခြောက်ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းများကို စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်း၊
(ည) ရန်ကုန်တိုင်းနှင့် မန္တလေးတိုင်းတို့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီဝင်များ ခေါင်းထောင်နေသည့် အဓိကအချက်မှာ မြို့တော်စည်ပင်ဝန်ထမ်းများက စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် နေခြင်းများကြောင့်ဖြစ်ခြင်း၊
စသည့်အမျိုးမျိုးသော ဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေသောကြောင့် အဆိုပါ “ရန်ကုန်နှင့် မန္တလေးမြို့တော်စည်ပင်သာယာရေး ကော်မတီဌာနပေါင်းစုံ၏ ဒုတိယညွှန်ကြားရေးမှူးချုပ်မှ ဦးစီးအရာရှိအဆင့်ထိ Non-CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအားလုံး” အား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်းလိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the Prime Minister of the Union
Date of publication:
2022-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-02
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"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အစည်းအဝေး အမှတ်စဉ် (၆၅)၏ အတည်ပြုချက်အရ အမွေအနှစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ကြားကာလစီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုဗဟိုအဖွဲ့မှ ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသော ယဉ်ကျေးမှုအမွေအနှစ်ဆိုင်ရာ စံနှုန်းသတ်မှတ်ချက် အမှတ်စဉ် ၅၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှု အမွေအနှစ်များ ကာကွယ်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဥပဒေ (၂၀၁၉) ပါ ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ၂(က)၊ (ခ) တို့နှင့်အညီ အမှတ်(၅၄-၅၆)၊ တက္ကသိုလ်ရိပ်သာလမ်း၊ ဗဟန်းမြို့နယ်၊ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်းဒေသကြီးတွင် တည်ရှိသော ခြံဝန်းဧရိယာ (၁.၉၂၃) ဧကနှင့် ယင်းမြေဧရိယာ (၁.၉၂၃) ဧကပေါ်တွင်ရှိသော ရွေ့ပြောင်း၍ မရသည့် အဆောက်အအုံ အားလုံးအား ကြားကာလ၏ အမျိုးသားအဆင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုအမွေအနှစ်အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်သည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားအဆင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုအမွေအနှစ်အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ယင်းမြေနှင့် အဆောက်အအုံနေရာအား မည်သူမဆို ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခြင်း၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်ရန်ကြိုးစားခြင်း၊ ရောင်းချခြင်း၊ ရောင်းချရန်ကြိုးစားခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးရန်ကြိုးစားခြင်း၊ ပုံစံပြောင်းခြင်း၊ ပြင်ဆင်ခြင်း၊ အခြားနည်း အသုံးချခြင်းများအား တင်းကြပ်စွာတားမြစ်သည်။
၃။ အပိုဒ်-၂ ပါ တားမြစ်ချက်များအပေါ် ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျူးလွန်ပါက ယဉ်ကျေးမှု အမွေအနှစ်များ ကာကွယ်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဥပဒေ (၂၀၁၉)၊ မရွှေ့မပြောင်းနိုင်သောပစ္စည်းများ လွှဲပြောင်းခြင်းကို ကန့်သတ်သည့် ဥပဒေ (၁၉၈၇) တို့အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေတို့နှင့်အညီ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့်အပြင် အဆိုပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းအား အမည်မည်းစာရင်း (Black List) ထည့်သွင်းသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
President Office, National Unity Government
Date of publication:
2022-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-02
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Sub-title:
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်းနှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံး
အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ်(၆/၂၀၂၂)
၁၃၈၄ ခုနှစ်၊ တော်သလင်းလဆန်း ၇ ရက်
(၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁ ရက်)
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်းနှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the Prime Minister of the Union - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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2.28 MB
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"We, the Women's League of Burma (WLB) and the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and
Development (APWLD) along with World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) , International Service
for Human Rights (ISHR), Mesoamerican Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders, Association
for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) and FORUM-ASIA are calling for global attention to stop
the Burmese military junta from executing democracy activists, who are on the death row in detention
including 9 women human rights defenders (WHRDs) .
We are greatly concerned about their fate following the execution of Phyo Zeya Thaw; Kyaw Min Yu,
known as "Ko Jimmy," Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, the country's first death sentences carried
out in over 30 years.
Despite the widespread international condemnation of the execution, the military junta spokesman
stated at a press conference that they had proceeded with the executions to keep the stability of the
country in line with the rule of law, and it would not hesitate to repeat the actions. Moreover, the
statement of the junta's Ministry of Foreign Affairs also said that they would continue to "take
necessary legal actions against criminals" and tell foreign governments and agencies to stop
interfering in the country's domestic affairs.
All WHRDs were convicted after closed trials in the military court that fell far short of international
standards. Alarmingly, reports revealed that death row detainees at Insein Prison have been separated
from other inmates and a number of prisoners may be at especially high risk, as they have received
more than one death sentence for their anti-regime activities.
All has indicated that the illegitimate military junta is planning to continue the horrifying execution
of political prisoners sentenced in death penalty.
As of 30 August 2022, a total of 8 3 post-coup death row political prisoners including the following 9
women human rights defenders:
1. Myit Myit Aye
2. Moe Moe Myit Aung
3. Zin Mar Tun
4. Hla Hla Naing (Ka) Ma Naing
5. Khin Wint Kyaw Maung
6. Hsu Wai Hnin
7. Su Myat Thwe.
8. Cho Cho
9. Aye Aye Min
These women were among other many fellow women, who actively and bravely participated in
various activities using their professional skills, facing great personal risks to protest against the
military coup, and to put an end to the brutal military dictatorship.
It is high time to take decisive action against these serious violations of international law to preserve
international peace and security and fulfil mandates contained in Resolution 1674 regarding the
protection of civilians and Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The international
community, the United Nations bodies, the United Nations Security Council and the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must raise their voices for securing the human rights, safety, and
welfare of the women of Burma/Myanmar. Women's League of Burma (WLB) and Asia Pacific Forum
on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) calls the International Community to:
Condemn the Burmese military junta for killing civilians and executing Human Rights
Defenders in the strongest terms and take effective action to stop further executions and
atrocities
Reject the Burmese military and its proxies by supporting and standing with the people of
Burma to topple the military dictatorship;
Apply concerted and strongest actions against the junta for the immediate and unconditional
cessation of military violence and the release of all arbitrarily detained, including human
rights defenders and WHRDs. Immediately dispatch a well-equipped monitoring and
intervention mission to Burma to end the military violence and terror campaign against the
people, to prevent further atrocities;
Enact targeted sanctions against the Burmese military and its proxies to effectively cut off
financial flows;
Institute a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement
mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons and other
equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance;
Refer the situation on human rights in Burma to the International Criminal Court for their
crimes against humanity, which have been perpetrated against innocent civilians, including
peaceful protests and ethnic groups..."
Source/publisher:
Women's League of Burma and Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development
Date of publication:
2022-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Burmese women's organisations, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Women's rights
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"သတင်းမာတိကာ
- ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး နိုင်ထွန်းဖေ (ခ) နိုင်သုဝဏ္ဏ သည် သြဂုတ်လ ၈ ရက်နေ့ တွင်ကျရောက်သည့်(၃၄)နှစ်ပြည့်ရှစ်လေးလုံးနှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့၌ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့်အထိမ်းအမှတ်မိန့်ခွန်း
- (၇၂)နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်အာဇာနည်နေ့အခမ်းအနားသို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးတက်ရောက်ဂုဏ်ပြုခဲ့
- မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအထွေထွေအလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်(FGWM)ဥက္ကဌ မမိုးစန္ဒာမြင့်နှင့်တွေ့ဆုံခြင်း နှင့်အလုပ်သမားရေးရာသတင်းများ၊ ဆောင်းပါးများပါဝင်သည်။
နွေဦးလုပ်သားသတင်းလွှာတွင် လုပ်သားပြည်သူတို့၏ အသံများကိုကြားနိုင်ရန်အတွက် စာမူဖိတ်ခေါ်လွှာနှင့် လုပ်သားအသံကဏ္ဍများထည့်သွင်း ဖော်ပြပေးသွားဖို့ရှိတဲ့အတွက် စာမူနှင့်လုပ်သားအသံများပေးပို့နိုင်ပါရန်ပန်ကြားထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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3.81 MB
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"At least 1,000 people from Paletwa Township on the border of Chin and Rakhine states in western Myanmar have been forced to flee their homes, following fighting between the ethnic Rakhine armed organization the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military, according to residents and local aid groups.
Fighting broke out near Ah Baung Thar, Hna Maung Dar and Ree Ma Wa villages on August 21. Clashes were still ongoing as of 30 August, with regime forces calling in artillery strikes.
Some 1,000 people from around 190 households fled their homes in the three villages on August 24 because of the fighting. The majority are staying with relatives and friends. But around 300 of those forced to flee are staying at a cyclone shelter in Paletwa Town, said residents of the town.
The largest number of refugees is from Ah Baung Thar Village, where 120 households fled. Another 70 households left Hna Maung Dar and Ree Ma Wa villages, according to the Raiki Community Development Foundation (RCDF), a local NGO.
With no one left in the villages, there are fears that the refugees will go hungry as they are now unable to harvest their crops.
“This is the time for people in the township to harvest their crops of yam, peanuts, sesame and rice,” said Salai Kyaw Shun, founder of RCDF.
“But as they [AA and junta forces] keep fighting and the conflict area gets larger, the people are going to face starvation. We have no idea what we will do if the fighting intensifies,” he said.
With transportation routes into Paletwa blocked by the military regime, the price of all goods has gone up and stocks are running low, said locals.
“We no longer have any place to run away to. If the fighting gets heavier, we are going to starve,” said a 62-year-old man from Ah Baung Thar Village, who is now staying in Paletwa Town’s cyclone shelter.
Before last year’s coup, fighting between the AA and the Myanmar military in Paletwa displaced some 5,000 people and was ongoing until November 2020, when an informal ceasefire was agreed.
Now more and more clashes are taking place in the township, with civilians being killed or displaced.
On August 24, a 40-year-old mother of three was killed in a landmine blast near Ah Baung Thar Village.
Paletwa Township is of strategic importance to both the AA and the Myanmar military. Currently, junta forces still control Paletwa, with Light Infantry Battalion 289 deployed along the banks of the Kaladan River, the major waterway connecting Chin and Rakhine states..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Sub-title:
Rebel ranks grow, presenting a viable threat to the military’s grip on power
Description:
"Over the past 18 months, the military junta has ruled Myanmar with extreme brutality, driving the country’s economy into the ground and creating a public health and refugee nightmare.
The army has been accused of widespread massacres and has jailed thousands, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. It has shown no mercy, recently executing four democracy activists, including one former lawmaker.
Although the military, which has ruled directly or indirectly since 1962, has reportedly massacred members of ethnic opposition groups as well as the Kachin and Rohingya minorities over the years, the executions were actually the first official death sentences carried out in Myanmar in more than 30 years.
The executions, in the face of condemnation by the international community and pleadings from officials from other Southeast Asian states, show that the military has fully embraced a scorched earth approach to its rule of the country. The military has shown it will brook no compromise, doesn’t care about how its neighbors view it and that it will spare nothing to remain in power, whether massacring civilian populations in the hinterlands of the country or executing more prominent activists.
The people of Myanmar believe the army has no interest in compromise and would rather see the country burn to the ground than give an inch. Consequently, these same people are stepping up their opposition.
As longtime Myanmar specialist David Scot Mathieson has noted, the fighting, which had erupted after the coup last year in more outlying areas, has now spread to cities, which are turning into potential sites for vicious urban warfare, as are parts of the country such as the Sagaing and Magwe regions that previously had experienced little fighting. Urban areas are poised to explode, making the likelihood of conflict even more intense.
And yet the military may be running scared despite the brutality of its rule. While the army boasts hundreds of thousands of soldiers and heavy weaponry from Russia, it is looking like it could possibly lose its grip on power. This would be a scenario that, in its wake, would leave great uncertainty but would undoubtedly be better for the people of Myanmar.
For one, the military underestimated the power of the guerillas, known as the People’s Defense Force. Many members of this group are from Myanmar’s heartland, who fled to the hinterlands after the coup and joined armed ethnic organizations. These guerillas have proven more effective at attacks on the military than the army imagined and have regularly cornered military convoys, launched effective attacks and captured several military bases, embarrassing the armed forces.
Furthermore, guerilla attacks on military officers and outposts in various parts of the country have been effective at striking fear into army personnel, sometimes undermining the military’s chain of command.
The army has responded to the insurgency with brutal tactics such as indiscriminate aerial bombings, burning of towns and other atrocities. However, such tactics are often ineffective against the People’s Defense Force, causing more of the population to turn against the army and join the guerillas
Meanwhile, the armed forces, which had managed for years to keep their troops isolated from the general public, with a parallel social welfare system and little interaction with the populace, now seem to be suffering a large number of defections from their ranks. Ordinary soldiers are beginning to recognize the army’s atrocities, in part because of the opposition’s effective social media campaigns targeting the military, and these soldiers are defecting to the People’s Defense Force or just leaving altogether.
Indeed, Myanmar’s armed forces are finding it difficult to recruit new officers and are struggling to fill military academies. This reflects a lack of morale in the army, and some analysts believe the number of soldiers on call in the military is far lower than the high estimates that are often given.
As morale drops, and more and more guerilla attacks successfully target officers, there may be a point at which the Myanmar military begins to splinter. The top brass will likely never give in — they would surely face an international tribunal for crimes against humanity — but the lower and middle-ranking levels of the military are looking much weaker against the People’s Defense Force and their partners in the armed ethnic organizations for more than a year. Although the military has access to weapons, the armed ethnic organizations also are becoming better armed than they were just a year ago, as is the People’s Defense Force.
Meanwhile, the exile National Unity Government has been making progress on a number of fronts. After a somewhat shambolic beginning, it has begun to organize itself and seems to have accepted that Myanmar will have to be a truly federal state in future — a conclusion that represents a major step forward. Its officials have met with senior leaders from the United States and other countries. Canberra has allowed the National Unity Government to open its own representative office in Australia, essentially a step toward Canberra dealing primarily with the government and increasingly alienating the junta. The French Senate and Czech Republic have also recognized the National Unity Government.
Some analysts have argued that the United States and other major democracies should openly recognize the National Unity Government — as well as arm Myanmar opposition forces — if the government in exile can provide a road map toward a future, democratic and federal Myanmar.
At the very least, the time has come for major democracies to recognize the National Unity Government diplomatically, since the military regime has shown it has no limit to brutality. And since the anti-junta forces are clearly holding their ground and the military is unaffected by sanctions and doesn’t appear interested in compromise, the opposition has a real possibility of ending military rule themselves..."
Source/publisher:
Japan Times
Date of publication:
2022-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
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Description:
"On August 26, BBC Bangla covered the Chin refugees living in India’s Mizoram State. BBC reporter Subhajyoti Ghosh visited several refugee camps and reported that nearly 31,000 Chin, who are ethnically related to the Mizo people of Mizoram, have fled Chin State for neighboring Mizoram since last year’s coup in Myanmar.
Moe Tallui, a primary school teacher in Myanmar, is one of the refugees who is facing an uncertain, precarious future. He is one of the many millions of Myanmar people whose future and dreams have been destroyed by the Myanmar military.
Similar tales of dashed hopes can be found in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh. The Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of ethnic cleansing in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State resulted in 760,000 Rohingya fleeing Rakhine for Bangladesh.
Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations (UN) High Commissioner for Human Rights, spoke with Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar on August 16. One Rohingya teacher told the commissioner how she had excelled at school in Myanmar and had a dream of becoming a doctor. But after being forced out of her country by the Myanmar military, she has instead spent the last five years in a refugee camp. “I still get emotional at night when I think of my dream. My Buddhist friends are now physicians in Myanmar,” she told Bachelet.
Typically, the purpose of a nation’s military is to defend the country from external threats. Since the coup, though, the Myanmar military has been targeting and killing its own people. The military continues to act as if it is a state within a state, despite supposedly being the servants of the people, hungry for power and ready to slaughter its own people to achieve that end.
History shows us that this desire for dominance originates with one person or group, such as the coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who then manipulates others to further their own interests.
Since the military takeover, the junta has killed at least 2,249 people, detained another 15,000 and burned down over 28,000 houses. The victims of the violence include many Bamar, the majority ethnic group in Myanmar and traditionally the people who make up the ranks of the army. The barbarity on display is beyond comprehension.
The hopes of the Myanmar people are being shattered by the violence of the military. Students are unable to continue their studies adequately. Teachers who support the Civil Disobedience Movement have been detained or even killed. Some educational institutions have been torched by the military regime.
Around 800,000 people have become internally displaced since the coup, with no idea when they will be able to resume their regular lives. To scare the population and break the links between the armed resistance and civilians, aid workers have been killed. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights found that the junta routinely commits substantial and severe violations of international humanitarian law, including crimes against humanity and war crimes.
With the military continuing to conduct raids in the Bamar heartland of Sagaing and Magwe regions and in Chin, Karen and Kayah states, the human rights situation is deteriorating all the time. Air and artillery strikes are increasingly being used against civilian targets: villages and the residential areas of towns. And now that clashes are breaking out in Rakhine State between the ethnic Rakhine Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military, the last region of the country that was relatively peaceful is now in danger of becoming home to armed conflict.
Rohingya communities have regularly found themselves caught in the middle of battles between the military and the AA, as well as being specifically targeted by attacks. There are still 600,000 Rohingya residing in northern Rakhine. The majority of them spend their days in camps for the internally displaced, where international organizations are prohibited from operating because of limitations put in place by the Myanmar military. If new battles start in Rakhine, the locals may end up in a similar situation to the civilians in Sagaing and Magwe regions and Chin, Karen and Kayah states.
So how can the Myanmar people get rid of the military that eats its own like a cannibal and which is causing the whole country to fall into ruin? There is only one solution and that is to eradicate all forms of inhumanity from the institution. A united Myanmar can destroy evil in any of its institutions. The moment has come for the Bamar, Kachin, Karen, Shan, Karenni, Arakanese and all the ethnic groups in Myanmar to band together and overthrow the tyranny of military dictatorship.
Myanmar’s beauty becomes apparent if you picture it as a united country. In every region of the nation, people from many different ethnic groups coexist. Equality amongst all peoples and religions is a stated goal of the civilian National Unity Government. Perhaps one day, Myanmar’s wealth of natural resources may enable the country to develop into an economic power in Southeast Asia.
The creation of a united Myanmar will lead to the realization of the Myanmar peoples’ aspirations. We hope that the people of Myanmar will unite to fight against the military oppressors by channeling their sorrow for their lost brothers and sisters into strength. Only then will they achieve victory and regain their freedom..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
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Sub-title:
Reports suggesting Tatmadaw is becoming ‘desperate’ in face of adversity misread its remarkable cohesion, discipline and defiant resolve
Description:
"Born of Europe’s 19th century wars, it was a quip that neatly captured the difference between the hard-boiled Prussians of the north German plain and the fun-loving Viennese of the Austro-Hungarian Empire: the Prussian says the situation is serious but not desperate; the Viennese says it’s desperate but not serious.
Which of today’s Southeast Asian militaries would be most at home in the old Hapsburg capital is a matter of debate. But there should be no doubt that Myanmar’s military is stamped entirely in the Prussian mold.
Much as Western and some local pundits have deployed the word in recent commentary, “desperate” in the face of adversity is simply not in the DNA of the Myanmar armed forces, or Tatmadaw, that seized power in Naypyidaw early last year and has every intention of continuing to steer the nation’s destiny.
Indeed, the response of the military’s ruling State Administration Council (SAC) junta to challenges its leaders would undoubtedly view as more serious than anything faced in six decades of army rule needs to be recognized for what it is: a display of defiant resolve, a doubling-down on base-line political positions and an unwavering determination to crush popular revolt – all underpinned by a remarkable level of internal cohesion and discipline.
The SAC’s current intransigence is arguably grounded in at least two mindsets. At a day-to-day level, it is almost certainly fueled by the insulation of the “command bubble” – the intrinsic disconnect between a military high command directing strategy on big maps in air-conditioned war rooms and subordinate elements mired in the mud and blood of combat in the field.
Rigidly hierarchical militaries such as Myanmar’s, where bad news travels up the chain of command usually slowly and sometimes not at all, only exacerbate that separation and the distorted – even delusional – perceptions it can breed.
At a sub-conscious and undoubtedly more dangerous level is a deeply ingrained mindset peculiar to Myanmar’s armed forces in which the centrality of the military to the state makes it all but impossible to conceive of strategic retreat, let alone outright defeat.
Throughout the military’s ruling caste from the senior echelons of the officer corps to rank-and-file infantrymen is an unblinking assumption that there can be no Myanmar without the Tatmadaw; indeed, that in a perverse, almost mystic sense, Myanmar is the Tatmadaw.
As international pressure has mounted in recent weeks this proprietary and fundamentally xenophobic worldview has given rise at almost every turn to anger and belligerence rather than hesitancy or a willingness to compromise. Desperation is nowhere in sight inside the Tatmadaw.
The SAC’s response to efforts within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to push for real movement on the ill-starred Five Point Consensus of April 2021 has been dismissive, even contemptuous.
Diplomatic anger has been pointedly reinforced by defiant steps on the domestic front: the slapping of a further six-year sentence on toppled and imprisoned State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, the execution of four opposition activists in the face of international consternation and appeals, and most recently the jailing of the United Kingdom’s former ambassador Vicky Bowman and her husband Htein Lin on an immigration technicality.
At the international level, the SAC has been able to draw strength from high-profile recent visits from both Russian and Chinese foreign ministers, both of whose countries have pledged to support the Naypyidaw regime to weather the storm and ultimately prevail.
Preparations for elections scheduled for August 2023, meanwhile, have moved forward undeterred. Defined by the SAC as the preferred gateway to a return to “multi-party disciplined democracy” that guarantees the military a guiding role, largely unreported moves have involved the drawing up of voter registration lists and changes to the administrative map that will influence the electoral process.
The junta’s resolve has been no less striking on the battlefield. Remarkably, this year the rainy season which typically imposes a marked reduction in operations between May and October might as well not be happening as the military ratchets up the war.
Despite heavier than normal rainfall brought by this year’s monsoon, the operational tempo on the ground has scarcely slackened while air strikes by both Russian-built helicopter gunships and fixed-wing jets suitable for close air support (CAS) operations also increased in intensity through July and August.
Notable, too, has been the repeated resort to airmobile operations inserting small contingents of troops in Mi-17 transport helicopters supported by gunships into guerrilla-controlled territory mostly in the hard-fought western regions of Sagaing and Magway.
At the same time, the military has rolled out a new program to formalize and streamline local militia loosely known as Pyu Saw Htee into better organized and armed Peoples Security Teams (PSTs).
Drawn from pockets of traditional support such as the Myanmar Veterans Organization, the Fire Service, hardline Buddhist groups and activists from pro-military political parties, the PSTs are intended primarily to provide static security and free up regular security forces for offensive operations.
But while the generals are clearly gearing up a war that is certain to escalate in the dry season beginning at the end of the year, they are also no doubt aware of their most salient vulnerabilities in the field that the coup has only accentuated.
Undermanned and over-extended as never before, the army’s effective combat units are unlikely to number much more than 100,000 men stretched across a nationwide theater of operations from Putao in the far north of Kachin state to southernmost Kawthaung on the Andaman Sea.
And far more than defections, casualties are hemorrhaging those units daily, particularly in the western and eastern regions of the country where resistance mounted by anti-regime People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and their ethnic insurgent allies is increasingly well-armed and aggressive.
Wild claims from opposition sources that the security forces have lost nearly 10,000 men in the first half of 2022 can be safely dismissed as propaganda. But a sober analysis of the spread and frequency of hostilities this year suggests that on average the military is losing at least 20-25 men each day, either killed or seriously wounded.
That almost certainly conservative estimate translates to between 550 and 700 men each month – or around three to four Myanmar Army-sized battalions. Short of a regular and robust recruitment intake and efficient training regime, this level of attrition with the steady drain on morale it implies is simply not sustainable over the long term.
But as various leaked documents since last year indicate, recruitment into the regular services has dropped markedly since the coup, particularly at the critical level of junior and non-commissioned officers (NCOs), the glue that holds a combat unit together.
Whether current efforts to assemble PSTs can produce a reasonably effective urban security force capable of freeing up regular police and army battalions for the escalating war in the countryside is also a decidedly open question.
If Myanmar’s recent history is any yardstick, people’s militia units traditionally raised in areas of ethnic minority insurgency have never achieved any level of operational effectiveness or autonomy. It is doubtful whether hastily recruited, ill-trained PSTs in urban centers liable to daily bombings and shootings by underground resistance cells will do much better.
Yet to what extent Myanmar’s opposition forces can succeed in exploiting and building on these regime vulnerabilities over the coming months is far from obvious. Broad assessments are inevitably complicated by the sheer size and diversity of the country and by the stark absence of impartial reporting from any of its battlefronts.
Two facets of the mid-2022 balance of conflict are not in doubt though. First, PDF forces have successfully survived the military onslaught during the dry season months between January and May this year, marked by campaigns of raiding and wholesale pillaging and burning of villages that swept Sagaing, northern Magway and areas of eastern Kayah State and displaced tens of thousands.
Secondly, indications have emerged during the current monsoon season that notably better-armed and coordinated PDF forces are increasingly capable of pressuring the peripheries of regime-held township centers, and occasionally conducting sustained attacks on police stations and other hardpoints inside towns.
These assaults are frequently supported by aerial bombing deploying commercially available drones to drop small munitions.
At the same time – and despite the difficulties imposed by rainfall – the use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to interdict road communications which began in mid-2021 has escalated sharply in recent months, most notably between key urban centers in the center and west of the country.
Matthew Arnold, one of the most perceptive independent analysts of PDF activity, notes that “the Mandalay-Monywa axis is turning into IED Avenue.”
The near-daily struggle to hold open that avenue linking central Myanmar’s largest city with the military’s Northwestern Command in Sagaing has centered largely on the townships of Chaung-U and Myinmu, where even large convoys are regularly attacked and military mine disposal (EOD) teams often operate under fire.
Apparently as the result of both PDF guerrilla tactics and rain, military operations have meanwhile become increasingly static and reactive. As offensive raiding and burning targeting PDF-dominated village communities during the dry season has waned, security forces have fallen back on random harassment and interdiction (H&I) fire from dug-in artillery and, when possible, better-targeted air strikes to relieve pressure on embattled strongpoints.
Quick-fix insertions of heliborne troops supported by gunships have, as noted, also increased, but usually appear to have been responses to PDF encroachments rather than offensive thrusts aimed at carrying the war to enemy base areas.
Limited by the availability of Mi-17 transport helicopters (typically two or three per mission) and thus manpower (around 30 soldiers to each helicopter), these airmobile forays appear seldom, if ever, to deal significant blows to an elusive enemy, let alone achieve sustainable gains.
The logic of this military dynamic is compelling: it suggests that short of a major injection of fresh manpower (that is nowhere in sight) or a willingness to free up existing manpower by prioritizing certain regions over others (a stark challenge to the military’s belief in its all-of-Myanmar mission), larger shifts on the battlefield may emerge sooner rather than later.
The coming year is likely to see the regime beginning to withdraw from exposed positions and possibly losing outlying townships in contested parts of Sagaing and Magway and in ethnic states on the national periphery.
Indeed, in western Rakhine and Chin states where the military’s ceasefire with the powerful Arakan Army (AA) all but collapsed in August, that process appears to have already begun with the army evacuating or losing a string of embattled positions at the end of the month and able to supply others only by air.
At the same time, as “IED Avenue” between Mandalay and Monywa suggests, the regime’s ability to secure key north-south communications arteries between Yangon and Naypyidaw and Mandalay and Myitkyina is also likely to emerge as a dangerous vulnerability and a further drain on manpower.
The threat is particularly real in the east of the country where elements of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) have reportedly moved out of the hills to reach the Sittang River, possibly crossing it near Kyauktaga on the old highway between Yangon and Naypyidaw. (The newer motorway lies 15 kilometers further west).
Any capacity by the KNLA and allied PDFs to operate on the west bank of the Sittang not only elevates the threat to north-south road and rail links but also implies an ability over time to establish bases in the Bago Yoma, the strategically critical spine of mountains that bisects central Myanmar.
Meanwhile in northeastern parts of Sagaing and adjacent southern townships in Kachin state, holding open the main highway and rail line to Myitkyina for military traffic is already a daily struggle that has forced a growing regime reliance on riverine convoys up the Irrawaddy. These, too, come under regular rocket fire from joint Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and PDF forces operating along the riverbanks.
Viewed strategically, these emerging challenges confronting Myanmar’s military junta represent a sea change set against the situation only a year ago, when the survivability of still fledgling PDFs in the face of overwhelming army firepower was in real doubt.
For at least the coming year, however, Myanmar’s escalating civil war will likely remain in the balance. As the military struggles to contain an array of growing threats on multiple fronts, it will continue to hold two crucial and interlocking advantages that resistance forces still lack and will almost certainly be unable to achieve: unity of command and unity of strategy backed by an instinctive and very Prussian determination to fight.
But whether these will be enough for the Tatmadaw to stem the rising onslaught remains anything but clear..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2022-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political History
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Sub-title:
The Civil Disobedience Movement member and former student leader was jailed under anti-terrorism laws.
Description:
"A member of Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), Thae Su Naing, has been sentenced to seven years in prison by Meiktila Court in Mandalay region. She received the maximum sentence allowed under the country’s anti-terrorism law.
The 24-year-old teacher was a former chairwoman of the Meiktila University Students’ Union and taught in the local township.
Thae Su Naing was sentenced under Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Law on Monday, family members and colleagues told RFA. Sentences under the law range from three to seven years.
One family member, who declined to be named for security reasons, told RFA it was unfair to sentence a young teacher to such a long prison term,
“There is no justice. My sister is an ordinary school teacher, not a People’s Defense Force (PDF) leader,” the family member said. “This sentence is severe for my sister. She has to appeal but arrangements have not yet been made. I want my sister to come back home as soon as possible.”
Thae Su Naing was arrested by the army at her home in Maiktila township on November 22 last year. She was accused of being a PDF leader and held for nine months before being sentenced.
Her family told RFA that her leg had been broken during a beating she received from the junta soldiers who arrested her. They said her leg has not healed properly because she did not receive effective medical treatment in Meiktila Prison.
Thae Su Naing was active in fighting for students’ rights during her university days. As a teacher, she participated in the anti-dictatorship CDM movement following the Feb.1, 2021 military coup.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 12,171 people have been arrested since the military coup of February 1, 2021 up until Monday. Some 1,410 of them have been sentenced to prison terms across Myanmar.
Last month the AAPP said 12 teachers had been killed and more than 200 arrested since Myanmar’s military seized control from the elected government..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-08-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"Mekong Watch
Friends of the Earth Japan
Justice For Myanmar
Network Against Japan Arms Trade (NAJAT)
ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation
Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC)
Pacific Asia Resource Center (PARC)
Human Rights Now
Eight civil society organizations that are deeply concerned about business relationships that Japanese companies have with the Myanmar military sent a letter dated May 24, 2022 to 101 corporate investors holding shares in Tokyo Tatemono Co., Ltd. or Daiwa House Industry Co., Ltd. regarding a real estate development project in Yangon (commonly known as “Y Complex”) being implemented by the two companies. The letter pointed out that Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House Industry may be complicit in grave human rights abuses by the Myanmar military, and asked that the two companies take measures to ensure that Y Complex does not benefit the military. The letter further asked the corporate investors to consider divestment if the companies did not take sufficient measures.
In response, eight corporate investors have sent substantive replies to date, including one that stated that it engaged with the company concerned after receiving our letter. Two investors stated that they would consider engaging with the companies. However, the other five sent replies that did not correspond to our request, such as an explanation of their own human rights policies, and did not disclose the details of their efforts, including whether they engaged with the two companies.
The project company, Y Complex Company Ltd., is a Myanmar corporation. 80% of the shares are owned by Yangon Museum Development Pte. Ltd. (YMD), a Singaporean corporation, and 20% by Yangon Technical and Trading Company Ltd. (YTT), a Myanmar corporation. YMD was jointly set up by Tokyo Tatemono, Fujita Corporation (a subsidiary of Daiwa House Industry), and Japan Overseas Infrastructure Investment Corporation for Transport and Urban Development (JOIN). Investment and debt guarantee by JOIN, a government-funded infrastructure investment corporation, as well as a loan from the state-owned Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), signify that Japan’s public funds are being invested in the project. The project is being implemented on military-owned land on a sublease, under a build-operate-transfer agreement, and land lease payments are made to the Office of the Quarter Master General. The Office of the Quarter Master General is responsible for procurement for the Myanmar military, and land rent payments to the Office of the Quarter Master General may fund the Myanmar military’s international crimes and grave human rights violations such as the killing of citizens, wrongful arrest, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance, and torture. The US, UK, and Canada have imposed sanctions on the Office of the Quarter Master General.
According to what is reportedly an official Myanmar document, the land lease payment is about two million USD per year (about 230 million JPY), to be paid for the contract period of 50 years. As of April 2022, payments apparently have not been made since the attempted coup, but neither Tokyo Tatemono nor Daiwa House Industry has given concrete answers to concerns expressed by civil society about serious human rights abuses, and they have not withdrawn from the project.
In Myanmar, violence by the military is only escalating. A pro-democracy activist and a former member of parliament, among others, had been given “death sentences'' by a military court organized by the illegitimate junta, and in late July, it was reported that the sentences were carried out. There is strong criticism from the international community about the Y Complex Project. Progressive Voice, an organization that has been working on human rights in Myanmar for many years, mentioned Y Complex as an example of Japan prioritizing its business interests over human rights and democracy. Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House Industry should withdraw from contractual obligations under which rent payments are made to the Office of the Quarter Master General. Further, given that most of the shareholders to whom we sent our letter either did not respond or simply called attention to their own human rights policies, more action is needed. We request all shareholders to continue engaging with the companies to urge them to sever their economic relations with the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, Network Against Japan Arms Trade, ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation, Japan International Volunteer Center, Pacific Asia Resource Center and Human Rights Now
Date of publication:
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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110.38 KB 89.66 KB 141 KB
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2022-08-29-J4M-Response-from-Eight-Major-Shareholders-Regarding-Y-Complex-Project-in-Myanmar-en.pdf- 2022-08-29-J4M-Response-from-Eight-Major-Shareholders-Regarding-Y-Complex-Project-in-Myanmar-bu.pdf
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Description:
"Dr. Tayzar San, 33, is one of the military regime’s most wanted people and has been hunted by the junta for many months. But despite being in hiding, the man who led the first anti-coup demonstrations in Mandalay and who has since became a prominent revolutionary continues to carry out his mission of eliminating military dictatorship from Myanmar.
He challenges the junta leaders on social media almost daily, and has been travelling extensively to meet resistance groups and civilians on the ground.
The protest leader recently talked to The Irrawaddy about what he saw during his travels in resistance strongholds.
What did you see on your travels?
I have been travelling across the country. I travelled on foot, by bike, by water and even rode an elephant once. I have been to many places and met people from all walks of life, including ordinary civilians, People Defense Forces (PDFs), ethnic organizations, people’s authorities, education boards, health boards, lawmakers, political party leaders, businessmen and even beggars. And I have heard many things from them.
To tell you briefly what I saw on my travels is that I have greater confidence that this revolution will definitely succeed. The people will definitely win this fight. The military regime are not capable, either physically or mentally, of withstanding this revolution.
What can you tell us about the plight of ordinary people?
What I have seen is the worst social, economic, health and security situation in the country since Myanmar became independent over 70 years ago. It is said that the occupation of Myanmar [then Burma] by fascist Japan during World War II was the worst period in Myanmar’s history. In the future, people will say that Min Aung Hlaing’s dictatorship was worse than fascist Japan’s rule.
Every day, junta troops torch villages for no reason. They drop bombs on civilians for no reason and shoot anyone on sight, whether they are engaged in the revolution or not. It is an extremely brutal dictatorship. The people have nothing to lose now, so there is no other option but to throw themselves into the revolution. People have been participating in the revolution with a lot of determination. In some of the villages I visited, all the villagers are members of PDFs. The military torches houses and arrests and kills civilians in order to instill fear in villagers. But the crueler their actions, the more revolutionary the people become.
How are people surviving?
People face extreme hardship. The military regime is employing the ‘Four Cuts’ strategy that they have used for many years. They cut off supplies of food, medicine and fuel, as well as access to the internet. So people are extremely short of food, medicine and fuel. As Myanmar is an agricultural country, people can still manage to grow food to eat, but life is still very difficult for them.
The worst thing is that the currency, the Kyat, is continuously depreciating. Farmers and low-income families are facing appalling hardship due to the inflation caused by that. But they have nothing more to lose. They have lost their houses and possessions in arson attacks. They live in makeshift shelters and under trees. And they make do with what they have. They are already facing the worst situation.
They are not feeling down because of the woes they are facing. Instead they are preoccupied by the desire to fight for the revolution. As they have decided to sacrifice their lives if necessary, they are no longer feeling sad or shocked. They think more about how to end the military dictatorship in the shortest possible time.
I would like to take this opportunity to tell the international community that millions of people need humanitarian assistance now. They have no shelter, no food and medicine. I want to urge the international agencies to help them on humanitarian grounds. There are millions of people affected by the fighting in Anyar [central Myanmar], Karen State, northern Shan State and Tanintharyi Region. There are many people who are going hungry. I would like to urge the world to help them.
What are the young people doing?
Teenagers as young as 15 are participating in the revolution alongside older people, which is encouraging. Parents take their children to local PDF groups. Almost all the young people in the villages take part in the revolution one way or another. Even if they don’t personally take part in the fighting, they do their part in logistics and helping displaced people. At the same time, interim schools from kindergarten to matriculation have been opened and children attend classes. Some of those who can’t join the armed revolution are serving as volunteer teachers.
And the people who are part of the Civil Disobedience Movement are not just on strike. They are teachers or are serving in people’s authorities. Some have joined PDFs. They are working with determination to end the military dictatorship.
If people in other parts of the country have similar thoughts, our revolution won’t take long to succeed. If people want to end this ordeal as quickly as possible, it is important that all of them take part in the revolution. What I have seen is that every young person has become a full-time revolutionary.
What do PDFs and resistance groups need?
All the groups said they need weapons and ammunition. The National Unity Government (NUG) has financial constraints. I would like to urge people to make donations to fund the resistance.
What are your suggestions to revolutionary groups?
Our resistance forces were established overnight out of the necessity of the revolution. They are made up of civilians who joined the PDFs after a few months of military training. The chain of command is not systematic and there is still room for improvement. They can’t still get rid of their civilian behavior. There must be a systematic and swift chain of command from the most basic unit of a squad to platoon, company and battalion level right up to the NUG’s defense ministry.
There are PDFs at the village, township, district and regional level. There must be unity among the civilian administration officials such as the people’s authorities, township resource management boards, township health boards and education boards. This is very important. The second thing is they must follow codes of conduct and regulations. This is critical.
PDF members must follow the code of conduct of a soldier. Administrative officials must also follow rules and regulations. Their weapons must be used only to protect the people and their property. So those are the two most important suggestions for them, the chain of command and compliance with codes of conduct and rules and regulations.
How much territory do resistance forces now control?
The regime says in its newspapers that normalcy has been restored to the country. Everyone knows that the rural population makes up 70 per cent of Myanmar’s total population. There are between 100 and 200 villages in every township. Today, the revolutionary forces led by the NUG are strong enough to assert control over all rural areas. The area that I am currently in is vast, and some 80 to 90 per cent of schools have been opened by NUG-led boards in the area. On the other hand, junta-run schools have been opened in only one township. Don’t judge the situation just by looking at Yangon and Mandalay or the regime-controlled media. On the ground, the huge wave of revolution is sweeping across rural areas and gaining momentum by the day.
What do you want to tell the NUG on behalf of the people and PDFs?
All the people including me view the NUG as our government. We have pinned high hopes on it and rely heavily on it. We have trust in the NUG. We understand that the NUG is trying hard despite various challenges. We rely on it and expect more from it.
Everyone knows what the PDFs and resistance groups need. They need funds, weapons and ammunition. We expect the NUG to take practical steps to make sure that people’s authorities and so on can perform effectively.
Another thing is understanding and sympathy from the international community. Even if the international community can’t directly give the things we need, they can help displaced people in Myanmar on humanitarian grounds. I want the NUG to try to solicit assistance from the international community for displaced people. Millions of people are going hungry now in our country. They need shelter and medicine. On behalf of the Myanmar people, I would like to urge the NUG to try and get them international assistance.
What is the key to the success of the revolution?
As our revolution is centered on armed resistance, people would say heavy weapons and ammunition are most needed. That is not wrong. But, personally, people are the most important part of the revolution. This is a revolution of the people. Frankly, this revolution belongs to neither the NUG nor the National League for Democracy (NLD). Nor does it belong to the PDFs. This is a revolution of the people for the people.
People have risen up in revolt because they can’t accept the injustice that comes from being ruled by a gun and having their votes cancelled. This is not a personal fight and it is not a fight between two parties: between the red [the NLD] and the green [the Myanmar military]. That must be understood clearly. The Anyar Region is fighting the military fiercely in this Spring Revolution. The Bamar people themselves are fighting fiercely against the regime, even though the Myanmar military is traditionally dominated by the Bamar.
The Myanmar military can be compared to a tree that has lost its roots. No matter how large it has grown, the tree will not survive for long once it has lost its roots. It will definitely fall down. If you want to see the tree fall down quickly, then join others to push it down. The more people who join to push the tree, the quicker it will fall down. Do whatever you can. Those with swords, cut the tree with swords. Those with axes, cut with axes. Anyone with arms, help push it down. The dictatorship will definitely collapse. As the people are the key, I would like to urge all the people to continue to participate in the revolution..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"1. NUG committed to returning the Rohingya and to working with ICC to prosecute atrocity crimes...2. NUG Defense Minister commends PDF’s professionalism and
counter-offensive operations (24/08/2022)...3. NUG considers election of EC and CEC members of Myanmar
Gems and Jewellery Entrepreneurs Association (MGJEA) null and void (23/08/2022)...4. NUG announces advanced trained Special Operation Force (SOF) (22/08/2022)...5. Citizens can now pay taxes through NUGPay (23/08/2022)...6. NUG efforts to build new housing continues (24/08/2022)...7. NUG seeks to repeal 1982 Burma Citizenship Act that discriminates against the Rohingya..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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1.48 MB
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"Myanmar junta forces have burned down 28,434 houses in 645 locations since last year’s coup, with Sagaing Region suffering the heaviest damage, according to the independent research group Data For Myanmar.
Military regime troops have committed arson attacks in 11 states and regions, with Sagaing and Magwe regions and Chin State bearing the brunt of the junta’s campaign against civilians.
From February 1, 2021 to August 25, 2022, some 20,153 houses in Sagaing Region were torched by junta forces. Magwe Region saw 5,418 properties burned down, while 1,474 houses in Chin State were destroyed. Another 1,400-odd homes were torched elsewhere in the country.
Despite the United Nation’s (UN) Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer calling on coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on August 17 to cease air and artillery strikes on civilian targets and the torching of homes, regime soldiers have conducted arson attacks and airstrikes on more than 20 villages in Sagaing and Magwe in the last nine days.
Over a dozen civilians have been killed, while an estimated 50,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, according to local residents and People’s Defense Forces.
Data For Myanmar said that regime forces escalated their arson attacks in Sagaing in April, May and June of this year, torching over 12,000 houses. 27 out of 34 townships in Sagaing reported junta arson attacks.
Magwe Region also saw an escalation in regime arson attacks in August losing 1,300 houses, added Data For Myanmar.
The research group said that it used reports from the media, rights groups and refugee organizations to calculate the number of homes destroyed. However, the actual number of houses burned down may be higher than the reported figures, as many regime arson attacks have yet to be verified.
Junta forces have increased their arson attacks and airstrikes against civilian targets since September last year, when the civilian National Unity Government declared war against the regime.
In mid-August, the UN Special Envoy also called on the junta leader to end all forms of violence, to show full respect for human rights and the rule of law, and to allow full and safe humanitarian access to those in need.
But the Myanmar military has continued to commit atrocities including burning people alive, the arbitrary torture and killings of civilians, extrajudicial killings of resistance detainees, using civilian detainees as human shields, artillery and airstrikes on residential areas, looting and burning houses and acts of sexual violence.
Some 2,249 people have been killed by the regime up to August 26, while 15,239 people including elected government leaders have been arrested or detained, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a group that monitors arrests and deaths by junta forces..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (18/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-29
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Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Myanmar military has been invited to the Tri-Service Asian Defense & Security Exhibition, Conference and Networking Event, running in Bangkok from August 29 to September 1.
The Asian Defense & Security 2022 visitor profile features “High-Ranking Officials from Defence Ministries and Departments, the Army, the Navy and the Air Force” and lists Myanmar as one of the countries.
Defense & Security 2022 involves an arms fair, seminars, technical presentations and live demonstrations, supported by Thailand’s Ministry of Defence. The conference website lists the ASEAN Defence Industry Collaboration as part of the event, an ASEAN program that includes the Myanmar military.
In the last Asian Defense & Security, held in 2019, war criminal Min Aung Hlaing led the military’s delegation, and the army’s Myanmar Defence Industry had a booth.
Other official Defense & Security invitees include Australia, Canada, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Japan, Poland, South Korea and Spain, all of which have arms embargoes in place against Myanmar. The USA has a “partnership pavilion”.
Exhibitors with a record of selling arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military include CETC, Elbit Systems, NORINCO and Thales.
The event organiser, GML (Thailand), is a joint venture registered in China and 49% owned by Informa, a UK corporation listed on the London Stock Exchange, according to its last annual report.
Informa did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar on the Myanmar military junta’s attendance and if they will be exhibiting in 2022.
Informa is the parent company of the academic publishing giant, Taylor & Francis Group, and its subsidiary, Routledge.
Informa acquired the Hong Kong based exhibition business UBM in June 2018, giving them a stake in GML.
Other upcoming Informa events, where there is a risk that junta representatives could attend, include IFSEC India, a security industry trade fair to be held in New Delhi on December 1-3, showcasing surveillance technology. IFSEC India partner, Hikvision, has supplied CCTV equipment to the Myanmar junta. In 2018, the Myanmar police chief was a VIP guest at an IFSEC event in Southeast Asia, also organised by Informa.
On December 7-10, Informa is co-organising Marintec, an exhibition in Shanghai supported by the Equipment Department of the PLA Navy and co-sponsored by China State Shipbuilding Corporation Limited, a state-owned navy shipbuilder. Chin State Shipbuilding Corporation is a supplier of the Myanmar Navy, according to leaked documents concerning procurement.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We condemn Informa’s involvement in arms fairs that support the Myanmar military’s procurement of arms and equipment for use against the people.
“Informa must ensure that the Myanmar junta and its associates are barred from Defense & Security 2022, and all future events, and explain why it allowed Min Aung Hlaing to participate and exhibit in Defense & Security 2019, two years after the Myanmar military’s campaign of genocide against the Rohingya.
“By exhibiting locally produced arms, Informa has helped the Myanmar military develop export markets that can provide it with revenue to finance its international crimes and enrich war criminals.
“Since the military’s February 1, 2021 illegal attempted coup, the junta has launched a terror campaign that has involved the murder of over 2,200 people, the arrest of more than 15,000, widespread torture, indiscriminate air strikes and shelling, and mass forced displacement.
“The junta’s atrocity crimes are enabled by the continued flow of funds and arms. These must be cut.
“We urge academics who publish research through Taylor & Francis to pressure Informa to ban the Myanmar junta from all its events.
“We demand ASEAN immediately exclude the Myanmar military junta from all events, meetings and activities, including those associated with Defense & Security 2022, and recognise and engage with the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar marks with great sadness the fifth anniversary of the widespread military atrocities directed against the Rohingya community in Rakhine State.
In 2017, the Myanmar military killed and disappeared many thousands of Rohingya. Rape and sexual violence, including mass rape, were part of a deliberate strategy to terrorise and uproot the population. Hundreds of villages were razed and countless homes destroyed. Five years later, more than one million Rohingya remain forcibly displaced from the country where they belong. According to the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, military atrocities were directed against ethnic groups in Kachin and Shan States in addition to the Rohingya.
This historic impunity has since enabled the Myanmar military to commit countrywide atrocities at the helm of an illegal military junta. Since the junta’s failed coup d’état, a further million Myanmar civilians have been displaced. More villages have been bombed and shelled, unknown numbers of homes have been torched, and new massacres are manifest.
The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, acknowledges with great shame that historic exclusionary and discriminatory policies, practices and rhetoric against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups also laid the ground for these escalating atrocities.
The National Unity Government is therefore pursuing three concurrent actions: establishing conditions to support the repatriation of Rohingya community; securing justice and accountability; and delivering equality to all persons in law and practice.
At the end of her recent visit to Bangladesh, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, said that there remains ‘resounding hope’ among Rohingya refugees that they will be able to return to their homes in Myanmar. Yet the High Commissioner also concluded that conditions are not yet right for voluntary, dignified, safe and sustainable returns. The National Unity Government remains committed to working with the Rohingya community, ethnic partner organisations, the Government of Bangladesh and the UN to create conditions conducive to bringing the Rohingya home.
On accountability, the National Unity Government is intensifying efforts with the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court, and options for universal jurisdiction to deliver justice to the Rohingya and to rigorously punish perpetrators of atrocity crimes.
On equality, the National Unity Government is acting on the commitments set out in its Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State. This includes comprehensive law and policy reform, in consultation with the Rohingya and other minority communities, that will prioritise citizenship rights, non-discrimination, equal opportunities, and combating hate speech.
These actions face significant obstacles. They are tied to the cementing of democracy, the ending of atrocities, and the inevitable defeat of the terrorist junta.
Ultimately, the people of Myanmar will prevail, and these commitments are core to the future envisaged by the Federal Democracy Charter – a nation founded on peace, justice, equality, unity, human rights, and the protection of minorities.
We urge international organisations to deliver tangible means of support and work together with the National Unity Government and all stakeholders in our endeavours to bring justice and peace for the Rohingya community..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ကျောက်မျက်ရတနာလုပ်ငန်းရှင်များအသင်းနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ကြေညာချက် (၇/၂၀၂၂)
Description:
"မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ကျောက်မျက်ရတနာလုပ်ငန်းရှင်များအသင်းနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ကြေညာချက် (၇/၂၀၂၂)
သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Natural Resource Use - global theory, standards, mechanisms, guidelines and analysis
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Sub-title:
The growth of human rights atrocities in Myanmar has spilled over to the region – including Chinese nationals forced into labor.
Description:
"Since the 2021 Myanmar coup, over 2,200 people have been killed by the military. The military doubled down on political repression by executing well-known political activists and burning villages with members participating in armed resistance. Threats to human security in Myanmar have spread to the region as observed by the outflow of refugees, human trafficking of women and children, drug smuggling and so on.
Foreigners have also become victims of human trafficking in the wake of the Myanmar coup. Dozens of Chinese-speaking people are being kidnapped from Thailand to Myanmar for scam activities. In May 2022, Malaysians were lured by offers of high-salary jobs in Thailand but subsequently trafficked to Myanmar. Later, Taiwanese and Hong Kongers also fell into similar job scams and were enslaved.
The victims were imprisoned and coerced to work for crime syndicates as online scammers. Those who disobey or underperform face physical punishments or worse forms of abuse. Families of the victims were asked to pay ransoms in exchange for the release of their loved ones.
Myanmar is not the only country where human trafficking gangs operate. Special economic zones in Cambodia and Laos are notorious human trafficking hubs as well. However, being enslaved in Myanmar is particularly problematic given the volatile situation in the country.
Many victims are kept near the Shwe Kokko area in Myawaddy, Karen State. Shwe Kokko sits on the Thai-Myanmar border. The area is controlled by the Karen Border Guard Force (BGF) affiliated with the Myanmar military.
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In 2017, Yatai International, owned by She Zhijiang, a Chinese national who holds Cambodian citizenship, formed a joint venture with the Karen BGF’s company Chit Linn Myaing Co Ltd, to develop a $15 billion special economic zone (SEZ) in Shwe Kokko. The project was portrayed as a high-tech hub with an airport, industrial zone, villas, hotels and other facilities. With the strong presence of Chinese investors, workers, and visitors, some dubbed the area Chinatown in Karen State.
Evidence shows that the so-called high-tech hub runs casinos and extends into scam and other illegal activities. She is a fugitive in China. The Thai authorities arrested him in August 2022 for running illegal online gambling operations.
She’s Yatai International claimed that the Shwe Kokko project was part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), capitalizing on the loosely defined undertaking. In 2017, Chinese state media Xinhua’s Yangon office once reported the Shwe Kokko project was an important component of the BRI. Furthermore, the project was reportedly constructed by state-owned enterprise China Metallurgical Group Corporation.
As reports about casinos and other crimes connected to the project surfaced, the Karen government suspended the project in 2019. The National League of Democracy (NLD)-led government also investigated the project the following year. Beijing subsequently dissociated itself from the controversy and stated that the SEZ was a private investment.
Prior to the coup, Karen organizations, including the Karen Peace Support Network, exposed illicit activities surrounding the Shwe Kokko project. Myanmar nationals were tricked into working in Shwe Kokko but ended up being forced into labor. One victim was rescued by an elected lawmaker in Karen State in 2020. Following the coup, however, these informational and rescue channels have been shut down.
Beijing promised to rescue trafficked victims from China and Hong Kong. However, to tackle the problem, the Myanmar government’s commitment to crack down on human trafficking criminals is essential. To save the victims from the Shwe Kokko area, the coup government must act.
Nonetheless, the military regime does not have a reputation for civilian protection. It loots citizens’ homes, shoots at children, tortures dissidents to death, sets fire to villages, and commits other mass atrocities. It is dubious what would incentivize the military to care about the lives of foreigners.
Moreover, the Karen BGF is under the partial command of the military. It fought alongside the regime against other armed resistance groups in Karen State. An investigative report even suggests that the coup government also profits from the lucrative business in the Shwe Kokko area. As the BGF is linked to the military, the coup government’s unwillingness or inability to clamp down on transnational crimes is troublesome.
Given the cordial relations between Beijing and the military, Beijing should have leverage in the situation. We hope for the best, that China’s diplomatic efforts can successfully bring the captives home. However, Beijing should revisit its relations with the Myanmar junta, who may be complicit in the kidnapping activities.
Contrary to international opprobrium after the coup, China and Russia are the two permeant members of the United Nations Security Council that have granted legitimacy to the military. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Beijing has upheld the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states. It continues sticking to the golden rule in foreign policy despite no sign that the Myanmar military restrains its brutality.
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Beijing even reassured the junta that it would always support Myanmar in safeguarding sovereignty when Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi received the military-appointed foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, in Anhui province in April 2022. Both sides agreed to advance the BRI projects along the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) and develop a community with a shared future.
The BRI aims to increase transcontinental connectivity. The infrastructure projects have great potential to enhance the economic development of China and the host countries if the projects are implemented transparently and responsibly. However, it is questionable whether the CMEC project implementation can comply with social and environmental standards in the host country under the current regime.
It appears that the BRI inadvertently reinforces the troublesome status quo in Myanmar. Financing the military and boosting its legitimacy inevitably intensify domestic human rights abuses and transnational crimes. The escalation of human rights atrocities in Myanmar and human trafficking in the country contradicts the visions presented by Beijing.
Since the coup, Beijing reiterated its preference for political dialogue instead of pressure as a strategy to de-escalate the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. However, the growth of human rights atrocities in Myanmar has spilled over to the region. China’s business-as-usual approach in post-coup Myanmar may undermine regional human security and harm its international image. With an ambition to be recognized as a responsible power, it is time for Beijing to review its relations with the Myanmar junta.
You have read 4 of your 5 free articles this month..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2022-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Trafficking: Burma-specific material, Human Rights and international relations
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"A police officer, who worked on police escorts for senior figures, has been sentenced to 26 years in prison for joining the civil disobedience movement (CDM), a source told The Irrawaddy.
Lance Corporal Han Lin Myint from the counterterrorism unit joined the CDM in March last year and protested following the Feb. 1 coup. Around the end of May last year, he was detained in a raid in Thingangyun Township, Yangon, and charged with high treason.
He was sentenced to 20 years by the Yangon Eastern District Court in May this year. He was handed later three more years for incitement under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code by Thingangyun Township Court and another three years for violating police discipline.
A source said: “We are proud of him. Others are also making sacrifices. But it is too much to imprison him for high treason when he only joined the CDM. We will appeal.”
Relatives appealed to Yangon High Court on August 17 against the 20-year sentence but it was rejected.
Ko Han Lin Myint is being held in Insein Prison and is on medication for stomach problems. One of his ribs was broken during interrogation.
He served for around five years, including in the counterterrorism unit and escorted trips by vice-presidents and state-level officials and provided security when State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited the construction of the Yangon-Dala Bridge, according to a source.
He was part of the escort when then Vice-President U Myint Swe, who is now the junta’s acting president, visited Kachin State in late January 2021 just before the Feb. 1 coup. He and other personnel had to stay with the military in Kachin State due to the coup.
The civilian National Unity Government reported in April this year that 2,973 police officers have joined the CDM, including two majors..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-23
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"Last week’s meeting between UN special envoy Noeleen Heyzer and the Myanmar junta chief ended without any breakthrough, becoming yet another failed UN mission to the country, one of many involving the world body’s diplomats and military rulers of Myanmar since 1990.
Rather, regime chief Min Aung Hlaing took the meeting as an opportunity to personally vent his discontent at the UN, as well as to lecture the envoy, according to a transcript of the meeting the regime released on Friday in response to the envoy’s statement, which the regime said was “one-sided” and “created misunderstanding about Myanmar.” In her statement after the meeting on Aug. 17, the envoy outlined the discussion and said the meeting didn’t in any way confer legitimacy on the regime.
According to minutes of the meeting, Min Aung Hlaing expressed his displeasure at the world body’s refusal to recognize the regime’s representative, among other things. He also told a barefaced lie, claiming that “Myanmar has gained stability”, which he said made it hard for him to understand why the UN has issued many statements expressing concerns about the country. He told Heyzer that it would be more appropriate to make comments on Myanmar only after gaining an understanding of the real situation in the country, and criticized her decision to take a flight from Yangon to Naypyitaw, saying she missed an opportunity to see the situation on the ground by traveling in a car. Plus, contradicting mounting evidence, he denied his troops were torching civilian homes.
In short, the envoy returned from Myanmar barehanded after enduring an hours-long dressing-down on various topics from Min Aung. She was given a low-grade reception and used by the junta to promote its legitimacy, something it has been internationally denied. She outdid her predecessors, however, by prompting the regime to release a transcript of the meeting, which was unprecedented.
The meeting between the UN special envoy and Myanmar regime leader was the UN’s latest attempt to mediate peace in the country, which has been consumed by conflict sparked by the military coup last year.
But it failed, just as all the world body’s previous efforts in the country did, especially those dealing with the country’s military rulers over the past more than 30 years.
The UN has appointed a series of envoys on Myanmar since 1990, when the country was under military rule after the failed pro-democracy uprising in 1988.
It started with Japanese diplomat Sadako Ogata, who was appointed as an independent expert by the UN Commission on Human Rights.
Her successors included Malaysian businessman Razali Ismail and Nigerian diplomat Ibrahim Gambari, who tried to create a dialogue between then junta chief Than Shwe and detained opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Razali, who served from 2000 to 2006, made 12 visits and Gambari traveled to Myanmar at least four times. But both failed to bring tangible results.
When the Malaysian diplomat quit in 2006, he told The Irrawaddy, “It is best to conclude that I have failed.” Some of the UN envoys brought with them conflicts of interest that tainted the public’s perception of them. Rumors circulated that some UN envoys took “boxes of presents” from the generals. Some Myanmar people called Gambari “kyauk yu pyan,” which means “one who takes gems and then leaves,” according to The Associated Press.
A Malaysian company headed by Razali, IRIS Corp, even clinched a business deal with the military government, selling high-tech passports to the regime.
Then came Heyzer’s predecessor Christine Schraner Burgener. In September last year, shortly before her term as the UN Secretary General’s special envoy on Myanmar was to end, the Swiss diplomat tweeted that her efforts to facilitate an “all-inclusive dialogue in the interest of the people were not welcomed by the military.” In other words, she confessed that her months-long attempts, in the wake of the takeover, to persuade the coup leaders in Naypytaw to engage in dialogue to settle the political and social turmoil caused by the coup had failed.
Heyzer began her duties in December 2021. Unlike her predecessor, she was invited by Min Aung Hlaing to visit the country. But like all the envoys before her, she failed the Myanmar people.
Her failure highlights one of the UN’s historic problems: its lack of muscle, especially in dealing with such a repressive country. It has now been 32 years that the UN has failed the Myanmar people by sending one envoy after another. It must take harsher approaches to the regime. If not, the world body will merely be a thing of ridicule, not only among Myanmar people but to Min Aung Hlaing himself.
In the wake of the meeting, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), a group of former UN experts on the country, urged Heyzer to engage more with Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG) instead. While meeting with Min Aung Hlaing may have been essential to the special envoy in attempting to fulfil her mandate, it said, “It is clear that nothing of significance will come of it.”
SAC-M member Yanghee Lee, a former UN special rapporteur on Myanmar, said Heyzer must now be looking forward to formally engaging with the NUG, which was formed by the elected lawmakers of the ousted National League for Democracy and their ethnic allies, and commands the loyalty of the vast majority of Myanmar people.
“She must go the extra mile to find a solution acceptable to the peoples of Myanmar,” Lee said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
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"This Short Update describes events that occurred in Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District during the period between May and the first week of June 2022. It covers activities of the State Administration Council (SAC) Infantry Battalion (IB) #403 under Military Operation Command (MOC) #8 and Border Guard Force (BGF) Battalion #1011 in the area between Meh Pree and Na Kyee army camps. The SAC and BGF troops committed human rights violations including the arrest of local villagers for use as human shields, torture and killing. SAC and BGF troop movement caused fighting and the local Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) planted landmines to defend their territory. Two of the landmines exploded, killing a villager’s goats. The villager relies on these goats for the family’s livelihood.[1]
Since the coup, State Administration Council (SAC)[2] troops under Military Operations Command (MOC)[3] #8[4] and Border Guard Force (BGF)[5] Battalion #1011 [formerly Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA)[6] Battalion #333] in Na Kyee and Meh Pree army camps, Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, have increased military activity and movement between their army camps. During patrols, these SAC and BGF troops passed villages including Aee Soo Hkee, Kloo Htaw Law (Kwee Htaw Law) and Wah K’Teh villages in Aee Soo Hkee village tract[7], and Wah Hkaw Pwa, K’Hser Hpoe and Meh Pree Hkee villages in Meh Pree Hkee village tract, in Bilin Township. Moreover, fighting sometimes broke out close to the villages when the SAC and BGF encountered local troops from the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO)[8]. Sometimes the local KNDO troop attacked them, while these SAC and BGF troops patrolled Karen National Union (KNU)[9]-controlled territory. During fighting, the SAC and BGF frequently conducted indiscriminate shelling close to villages. This shelling placed villagers’ lives at high risk and destroyed livestock and property. [Details of the fighting and shelling cannot be confirmed.]
As a result of the fighting and the SAC and BGF activities during the period between the beginning of May and June 3rd 2022, villagers were in danger of being hit by bullets and shrapnel, arrested for portering, used as human shields, as well as tortured and killed.
Killing
On about May 10th 2022 [the specific date cannot be determined], SAC troops [unknown battalion number] under MOC #8 and BGF troops from Battalion #1011, led by Battalion Deputy Commander Hennery, transported one of their injured soldiers from Meh Pree army camp to Na Kyee army camp for treatment. They stopped at Na Kyee army camp for about one week and then returned to Aee Soo Hkee army camp on May 18th 2022. When they arrived at W--- village, Aee Soo Hkee village tract [on their return to Aee Soo Hkee army camp on May 18th,] they shot at a villager [and a KNDO soldier] beside the village. Both died [immediately from the shooting].
The incident happened when the villager was going to buy food. The KNDO soldier had ordered him to buy food for the local KNDO troops. The villager and KNDO soldier had planned to meet along a path beside the village to exchange the food. The SAC and BGF shot them dead [as soon as they arrived at the meeting place]. Therefore, [villagers suspect that the] BGF and SAC were waiting [in secret] to shoot at them [the villager and KNDO soldier] beside the path since before they arrived. Then, the SAC and BGF troops headed back to Aee Soo Hkee army camp. During the night, other SAC and BGF troops [unknown battalions] passed through Kwee Htaw Law village from Aee Soo Hkee army camp back to Na Kyee army camp, which created a high security risk for civilians. The victims’ family could only get the corpses for the funeral the following day on May 19th 2022, after the local KNDO troop had made sure that there were no landmines around the incident place.
The name of the [civilian] victim is Saw[10] H---. He was 34 years old and leaves behind his five young children and his wife. Saw H--- had three sons and two daughters, and his youngest child is only around one year old. As he [Saw H---] was the only breadwinner for his family, it is a big loss for their family’s wellbeing and livelihood. His widow is now deeply concerned about the future education, wellbeing and livelihood of her five children. Even though her four older children could go to school last year, it is uncertain if they will be able to go to school this year or in the future. A family member expressed that, “Everything is a challenge for her [the victim’s wife] because she lost the breadwinner of the family. How can she raise the group of children without her husband? […] Now his children and wife are crying a lot and we cannot do anything now.” Villagers and village leaders from Aee Soo Hkee village tract provided 100,000 kyats [USD 54.01][11] to the victim’s family, but they have not received any compensation or support from any authorities or armed groups.
Use of human shields
Whenever the SAC and BGF who are based in Na Kyee and Meh Pree army camps patrolled the area between their army camps, they arrested any villagers they saw on their way to use as navigators and human shields. On May 3rd 2022, the SAC Infantry Battalion (IB)[12] #403[13] and BGF Battalion #1011 arrested a number of villagers [the total number cannot be confirmed] as human shields, including four villagers from Aee Soo Hkee village and four villagers from Wah K’Teh village, and released those villagers when they arrived at the next place [the exact location cannot be confirmed].
Physical assault
Moreover, one villager named Saw L--- from B--- village, was also physically assaulted by being slapped across the face while standing beside his house, without being given a reason. Saw L---’s face became swollen and it was painful. The incident happened in the afternoon of May 3rd 2022, and was perpetrated by a soldier from SAC Infantry Battalion (IB) #403 under MOC #8 and BGF Battalion #1011 under Bo[14] Henry, when the troops arrived at B--- village while patrolling between Meh Pree army camp and Na Kyee army camp.
Landmine incident
In May 2022 [specific dates are unknown], two landmine incidents happened near Kwee Htaw Law village, Aee Soo Hkee village tract, Bilin Township. The exploded landmines were planted by a local KNDO battalion, to defend their territory following fighting with the SAC and BGF. One of the incidents happened in a place just outside of Kwee Htaw Law village and the explosion killed three goats. The other landmine exploded in Chaw K’Lee Hta area, beside the Bu Law Kloe River and the explosion killed seven goats. The 10 goats were all owned by one villager from Kwee Htaw Law village. Moreover, the presence of landmines near the community farms [located outside of the villages] also created a high security risk for the nearby villagers [who had to travel to and work on their farms].
From early June 2022, the SAC and BGF stopped patrolling the area between their army camps, so the situation in Aee Soo Hkee village went back to normal and villagers did not have to face armed conflict, arrest, torture and the fear of human rights violations by armed actors. Therefore, villagers are now preparing their farms to start planting paddy for their livelihoods. However, fighting can happen when the SAC and BGF resume their troop movements. Just recently, villagers received information about the SAC and BGF resuming their military activities. So once again they fear conflict and other abuses so need to be cautious.
Further background reading on human rights violations in Doo Tha Htoo District in Southeast Burma can be found in the following KHRG reports:
“Doo Tha Htoo District Short Update: SAC troops arbitrarily detain seven villagers, March 2022”, June 2022. “Doo Tha Htoo District Short Update: Deliberate SAC shelling at religious event results in civilian deaths, injuries and property damage in Tha Htoo Township, March 2022”, April 2022. “Doo Tha Htoo District Short Update: Ongoing fighting in Bilin Township leads to more than 2,000 IDPs, as well as injury and property damage, December 21st 2021 to January 11th 2022”, March 2022.
Footnotes:
[1] The present document is based on information received in June 2022. It was provided by a community member in Doo Tha Htoo District who has been trained by KHRG to monitor human rights conditions on the ground. The names of the victims, their photos and the exact locations are censored for security reasons. The parts in square brackets are explanations added by KHRG.
[2] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup.
[3] Military Operations Command (MOC) is comprised of ten battalions for offensive operations. Most MOCs have three Tactical Operations Commands (TOCs) made up of three battalions each.
[4] This information was taken from the KNU Doo Tha Htoo News Facebook page, from a post dated May 5th 2022.
[5] Border Guard Force (BGF) battalions of the Tatmadaw were established in 2010, and they are composed mostly of soldiers from former non-state armed groups, such as older constellations of the DKBA, which have formalised ceasefire agreements with the Burma/Myanmar government and agreed to transform into battalions within the Tatmadaw.
[6] The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) was originally formed in 1994 as a breakaway group from the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). Since its separation from the KNLA in 1994, it was known to frequently cooperate with and support the Tatmadaw in its conflict with the KNLA. The original group underwent major change in 2010 as the majority of the original DKBA was transformed into the Border Guard Force (BGF), under the control of the Burma/Myanmar government.
[7] A village tract is an administrative unit of between five and 20 villages in a local area, often centred on a large
village.
[8] The Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) was formed in 1947 by the Karen National Union and is the precursor to the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). Today the KNDO refers to a militia force of local volunteers trained and equipped by the KNLA and incorporated into its battalion and command structure; its members wear uniforms and typically commit to two-year terms of service.
[9] The Karen National Union (KNU) is the main Karen political organisation. It was established in 1947 and has been in conflict with the Burma/Myanmar government since 1949. The KNU wields power across large areas of Southeast Burma and has been calling for the creation of a democratic federal system since 1976. Although it signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, relations with the government remain tense.
[10] Saw is a S’gaw Karen male honorific title used before a person’s name.
[11] All conversion estimates for the kyat are based on the July 5th 2022 mid-market exchange rate of 1,000 kyats to USD 0.54 (taken from https://wise.com/gb/currency-converter/mmk-to-usd-rate).
[12] An Infantry Battalion (IB) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up to date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. They are primarily used for garrison duty but are sometimes used in offensive operations.
[13] This information (battalion information) was taken from the KNU Doo Tha Htoo News Facebook page, from a post dated May 5th 2022.
[14] Bo is a Burmese title meaning 'officer'..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Anti-Personnel Landmines - Standards and mechanisms
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Sub-title:
The country’s brutal coup regime is no candidate for political compromise.
Description:
"The international community can be divided into three camps in dealing with Myanmar’s brutal coup regime. One consists of a shameless group that includes Russia, China and India that supports the junta and, in the case of Russia and China, supplies weapons to further their own narrow national interests. A second is a divided ASEAN that cobbled together and continues to promote the so-called “five-point consensus,” an incoherent initiative that was dead on arrival more than a year ago. The third is the West, which has imposed sanctions, offered humanitarian aid and taken a strong rhetorical position opposing the coup, yet criticizes armed resistance and avoids bold action, favoring instead the cautious, ineffectual path of supporting ASEAN’s failed plan.
Such is the international picture as Myanmar’s junta wages unrestrained warfare on its own public in a desperate attempt to hold onto power. The people of Myanmar ask with growing frustration why the international community isn’t doing more to help them. It’s an appalling situation, with the military’s brutality, hunger for power and economic incompetence responsible for thousands of deaths and arrests and widespread destruction — not to mention massive instability, an economy on the precipice and a horrific humanitarian crisis.
There is no end in sight.
Myanmar’s future will be determined largely by what happens inside the country, but the international response matters and could be critical in the runup to rigged elections next year that the junta hopes will legitimize its rule. During that period, one can expect the Myanmar military to continue trying to cow the population into submission with indiscriminate violence and terror while it prosecutes — if not murders — its political opponents. The National Unity Government (NUG) and the diverse Myanmar resistance, in turn, will no doubt continue their struggle, hoping to win more international support and sufficiently weaken the junta so that it looks for an exit.
On balance, the net impact of the international community’s efforts to date has been neutral. The substance of China, India and Russia’s support for the junta, including arms, has balanced the rhetoric, moral outrage toward the junta and public support of much of the rest of the world for the Myanmar people. If this trend continues, it is possible, if not probable, that the regime will succeed in using next year’s sham elections to gain some international legitimacy, likely extending its reign of brutality. Either way, the Myanmar people will continue to suffer and ask why the world — particularly the West — is so willing to help Ukraine but not assist them against a force that is every bit as brutal and evil as Putin’s invading army.
The Need to Back a National Uprising
It is time for the West, led by the United States and ideally joined by at least a few ASEAN members disgusted by the junta’s behavior, to step up its contribution with the express goal of helping the resistance movement prevail.
The effort needs to start with a clear analysis and understanding of the situation inside the country. This is not a typical power struggle between two rival political communities. It is a national uprising against a hated, corrupt and bloodthirsty military that has waged war against ethnic minority communities for decades, committed genocide against the Rohingya population, and is now operating with a brutality and cruelty not seen in Southeast Asia since the Khmer Rouge.
ASEAN’s five-point consensus to promote dialogue and end the violence was doomed because it failed to reflect this reality. There was never any chance that the military would stop committing violence against the people, nor was there ever any hope that the ASEAN special envoy (or anyone else) would persuade General Min Aung Hlaing and his compatriots to be reasonable. It was impossible even to imagine a dialogue producing a political compromise that would be acceptable to the Myanmar people, until and unless the military felt under such duress that it was compelled to make dramatic concessions. The junta’s decision to execute four opposition actors on July 25 — explicitly rejecting ASEAN’s pleas — should make it crystal clear to all concerned that after 15 months of failure, the ASEAN five-point consensus is dead and should be given a proper burial
The only way for Myanmar to emerge from this crisis with any hope of peace and stability is for the military to be forced out of power, or at least forced into a position of such weakness that it seeks a face-saving departure from power to preserve itself. There is no other path. The military’s bogus elections planned for 2023 aim only to transform Myanmar into a single-party state, or what the junta refers to as “disciplined democracy.”
Bolder Policies Could Help the Resistance
Those members of the international community who care about the Myanmar people — or at least want to see the country return to stability and the hope of progress — need to step back, rethink their approach and pursue much bolder policies that increase the resistance’s chance of success. Specifically, they should consider the following:
As suggested by Malaysia, formally scrap the ASEAN five-point consensus, which at this point is doing more harm than good by perpetuating the illusion that a viable political process exists, which confers a degree of legitimacy on the junta.
Sharply increase public and private engagement with the NUG and other key actors who are active against the junta, including the critically important ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and leaders of the civil disobedience movement.
At least double the amount of assistance to civil society organizations supporting core resistance groups, including the NUG, National Unity Consultative Council, state-level consultative councils, local governance actors, civilian wings of ethnic armed groups, strike committees, and civil disobedience movement groups, among others.
Find creative ways to provide funding for the NUG and allied groups, including funds aimed at encouraging defections from the military.
Significantly expand fellowship or other opportunities for resistance actors in the United States, and bolster funding for education of Myanmar students in-country (either online or via NUG or EAO-supported schools), in Thailand and India, and elsewhere.
Coordinate targeted sanctions by coup-opposing governments and devote the resources needed to identify and, where possible, block or freeze the flow of funds to the junta.
The United States should reconsider joining EU sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, which accounts for much of the junta’s revenue. Such sanctions pose a supply problem for U.S. ally Thailand, but a dedicated team should be seeking creative ways to address the issue.
Stop all humanitarian assistance that goes through the junta. Instead, the U.N. secretary-general should lead an international campaign to create humanitarian assistance corridors via Thailand and India.
Redouble efforts to pursue international legal action against the junta, including by joining Gambia’s case at the International Court of Justice, which accuses Myanmar of genocide against Rohingya.
Finally, countries that host NUG offices should step up coordination and cooperation, as former U.K. Ambassador to Myanmar Derek Tonkin has suggested.
In pursuing these steps, the international community should recognize that while the urgent task is helping the resistance push the military out of power, even that will not be sufficient. Myanmar will still face a monumental struggle to rebuild from the devastation of the past 18 months, to obtain accountability for current and past abuses, and perhaps more importantly, to build trust between the country’s many ethnic minority groups — including the Rohingya — and the majority people.
There is no guarantee that such a program supporting resistance and rebuilding will work. Lots could go wrong. But it offers at least the possibility of success. So long as the military remains in power, there is simply no hope for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United States Institute of Peace
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"The wife of democracy veteran Ko Jimmy AKA Kyaw Min Yu has called in a statement for the Myanmar junta to be held accountable for his “unjust execution” in July and for the murder to be considered a war crime.
In a statement released on Facebook on 20 August, Ma Nilar Thein called on organizations and the international community to take action and warned of more possible executions.
Here is the personal Statement of Ma Nilar Thein on the execution of Ko Jimmy:
1. Since the SAC regime led by Min Aung Hlaing illegally seized the power of the nation, they have unlawfully killed so many people, and this “Death Penalty” punishment is also an unlawful act of murder and is a war crime.
2. The SAC regime never informed anything about Ko Jimmy from the time when he got arrested to the time that he was executed. And, he didn’t have any rights as a political-prisoners such as prison visits, receiving medicines and foods from the family, and legal representation from a lawyer. And, the trial was also a closed trial too and no one was able to access the trial.
3. A family member was allowed to have a Zoom Meeting with him for around 20 minutes, just a day before they carried out the execution. And, no one has informed about when and where they would carried out the execution. In addition to that, the SAC regime pretended as they would not yet carry out the execution.
4. The SAC has refused to return the dead body or any evidence that can proof the execution, back to the family since they have announced that “they have carried out the punishment” on the military-own newspaper.
5. It is clear that the SAC has violated the rights of the prisoner that they executed, moreover, they have also violated the rights of the family even after the execution. This bluntly shows that the SAC has violated human rights and standard valued of people by using arms and power.
6. I have learned through video records that a mob with around (50) people came to the houses of Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw on 27th July 2022. They stoned and threw with eggs at the houses and shouted that they have lost their family members because of Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw. We have confirmed that they don’t belong to any victims and they were the members of the USDP party, which is a subordinate organization under the terrorized SAC and members of religious extremist groups. And, media organizations and social media have expressed that this is just one of the agenda of the terrorized SAC. And, it was clear that the SAC had organized similar kinds of violence campaigns in the early time of the coup.
7. Since the coup in 2021, 76 political prisoners are under the death row and 41 political activists are death sentenced under absentia. This sums up 117 people under the death row including underaged young people, university students and women. This is the time for the international community to pressure from all possible sides to stop such kind of inhumane unlawful killings.
8. This unjust action of execution bluntly insults all of us, including people of Myanmar and pro-democracy activists amid the international diplomatic missions and ASEAN Human Rights Organizations pressured the SAC not to carry out the execution.
9. I strongly urged all the governments and organizations from the international community to take more effective actions against the SAC since I heard about more potential executions as I don’t want to see no similar cases like my husband, Ko Jimmy in the future..."
Source/publisher:
Mizzima
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta-controlled Supreme Court approved the sale of the family home of the country’s ousted leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday, approving a petition from her older brother U Aung San Oo to sell the house.
The lakeside villa in Yangon is where Suu Kyi was held under house arrest for 15 years by the previous military regime, but has been the source of a bitter family dispute between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her estranged elder brother for decades. In 2000, while Suu Kyi was under house arrest, U Aung San Oo sued her claiming that the house was his.
A real estate developer said that the villa, which sits on almost two acres of land in Yangon’s most prestigious neighborhood, is currently worth around US$27 million on the open market.
U Aung San Oo’s case was initially thrown out by the courts, but he then filed a new suit, claiming joint ownership of the property. In 2016, a Yangon court ruled that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi owned the two-story building and half of the land, while another building on the property and half of the land belonged to her brother.
In January 2019, U Aung San Oo appealed to the Supreme Court, petitioning for the auction of the residence and a share of the proceeds. His petition was approved by the junta-controlled Supreme Court on Monday, even as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is being held in solitary confinement in Naypyitaw Prison.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s lawyer has said that she intends to use the house as the base for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, a charity founded by her and named after her and her brother’s mother.
The colonial-style house at 54 University Avenue on the shores of Yangon’s Inya Lake is a historic site. Suu Kyi received then US President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at the house in 2012.
The 1.9-acre-strip of land was given by the then government to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s mother in 1947, following the assassination of her husband, independence hero General Aung San. Daw Khin Kyi lived in the house until her death in 1988..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"On August 16, 2022, the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General Ms. Noeleen Hazer, came to
Myanmar and met with the junta leader, Min Aung Hlaing, and military associates. This trip is said to be a
follow-up visit of the request for the immediate cessation of all violence in Myanmar and the delivery of
humanitarian aid to those in need.
Although it had been announced that the Special Envoy, Ms. Noeleen Hazer, would meet with
stakeholders and leaders from various sectors in Myanmar during this trip, she only met and discussed
with the military junta. She did not meet with the oppressed people and political prisoners, who are pertinent
to the demands for delivery of humanitarian assistance and release of unjustly detained political prisoners,
and she did not meet with democracy activists either.
While the United Nations have declared that they do not recognize the military regime as the
legitimate government, this visit by Ms. Noeleen Hazer is apparent to be in recognition of the military
council. Therefore, we regard Ms. Noeleen Hazer’s visit as an unfair meeting which did not involve equal
discussions with stakeholders from different sectors and only had one-sided discussions with the terrorist
military, and hence, we strongly condemn this visit. We would like to apprise the United Nations of the
need to carefully prevent more activities as this - which appear to be in recognition of the military junta and
neglecting the consent of Myanmar people.
As the United Nations is an organization committed to peace and justice, we earnestly urge the
Special Envoy Ms. Noeleen Heyzer to meet as soon as possible with the National Unity Government
(NUG), which has received the support of Myanmar people, the National Unity Consultative Council
(NUCC), composed of pro-democracy alliances, as well as stakeholder groups.
The military junta has also published the discussions between Special Envoy Ms. Noeleen Hazer
and the military council. We urge the Secretary-General to release a clear statement on whether these
publications are accurate, and whether they are consistent with the stance of the United Nations..."
Source/publisher:
Student Union Representatives Committee
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Student Groups, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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156.88 KB 1.08 MB
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Description:
"Statement by Students' Unions regarding United Nations Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, Ms. Noeleen Heyzer's Visit to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Student Union Representatives Committee
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Student Groups, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.57 MB
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Description:
"ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ် သန္ဓေတည်ဖို့ ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်စို့" စကားဝိုင်းဆွေးနွေးပွဲမှ ကောက်နုတ်ချက်အပြည့်အစုံကို WLB ၏ ဝဘ်ဆိုဒ်တွင် ယခု ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါပြီ။.....Now you can access the Federalism Beyond Revolution: Panel Discussion’s Journal; Volume 2 on the WLB's website..."
Source/publisher:
Women's League of Burma
Date of publication:
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Burmese women's organisations, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Women's rights
Language:
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19.22 MB
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Sub-title:
Description:
"အထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် မစ္စနိုလင်းဟေဇာ၏ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အပေါ် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် လွန်စွာစိတ်ပျက်မိကြောင်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။
အဆိုပါကြေညာချက်တွင် အထူးသံတမန်သည် အာဏာသိမ်းခေါင်းဆောင်မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံမှု ပါရှိပါသည်။ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်သတိပေးချက်များကြားမှ မစ္စနိုလင်းဟေဇာ၏တွေ့ဆုံမှုဖြစ်ပါသည်။
အထူးသံတမန်က အစည်းအဝေးသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား “မည်သည့်နည်းဖြင့်မျှ တရားဝင်ခွင့်” ပေးခြင်းမဟုတ်ကြောင်း ရှင်းလင်းပြောဆိုခဲ့ခြင်းအား ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အသိအမှတ်ပြုပါသည်။ ယခုတွေ့ဆုံမှုသည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများရပ်စဲရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအားလေးစားမှု၊ လိုအပ်နေသူများ အားလုံးထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများရရှိရေးများအတွက် ထပ်မံတောင်း ဆိုမှုပြုခြင်းသာဖြစ် ပါသည်။ အထူးသံတမန်က လေကြောင်းမှ ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများနှင့် အရပ်သား နေအိမ်များကို မီးရှို့ ခြင်းများကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန်လည်း တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုတောင်းဆိုချက်များအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ က အသိအမှတ်ပြုပါသည်။ သို့သော် ထိုသို့ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲ တောင်းဆိုမှုများသည် အသေးစိတ် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့်အကျိုးဆက်များနှင့် မဖြစ်မနေချိတ်ဆက်ထားခြင်းရှိရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အရပ်သားနေအိမ်များမီးရှို့ခြင်းကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန် အထူးသံတမန်ကတောင်းဆိုပြီးလျှင်ပြီးချင်းမှာပင် မကွေးတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိအိမ်ခြေ ၆၀၀ ရှိသောရွာကြီးတစ်ရွာကို စစ်တပ်က မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုပြီးအကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအပေါ် တရားဝင်မှုကိုအပ်နှင်း၍မရနိုင်ကြောင်း အထူးသံတမန်သည် သတိပြုသင့်ပါသည်။
အထူးသံတမန်သည် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်ကောင်၊ သူ၏ဝန်ကြီးတို့နှင့် လက်ဆွဲနှုတ်ဆက်ကာ ဓာတ်ပုံရိုက်ခွင့်ပြု ခြင်းအားဖြင့် ကြိုတင်ခန့်မှန်းထားသည့်အတိုင်းပင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ဝါဒဖြန့်မှုအတွက် ကြားခံအဖြစ် အသုံးချခြင်း ခံခဲ့ရပါသည်။
အထူးသံတမန်က သူမ၏ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်တွင် “မြန်မာပြည်သူများတွင် ကြောက်ရွံ့ခြင်းနှင့် လိုချင်တောင့်တရမှုကင်း၀ေးသော ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိသည်” ဟု အခိုင်အမာ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။
ဆွေးနွေးပွဲသည် “ပြည်သူများ၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ လိုအပ်ချက်များကို အခြေခံ၍ အရပ်သား အုပ်ချုပ်မှုသို့ ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရန်အတွက် ထိရောက်ပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် မြန်မာတို့ကိုယ်တိုင် ဦးဆောင်သော နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းကြောင်းကို ပံ့ပိုးကူညီရန်” ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်သော ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကြိုးပမ်းမှု၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း အဆိုပါ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသည်။
စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများ၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ မရှိသော်လည်း မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်ကို နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ကျင့်သုံးခဲ့ပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် အရပ်သားအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးတို့အတွက် အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာအခြေပြုသော တော်လှန်ရေးကြီးတစ်ရပ်ကို ဆင်နွှဲခဲ့သည်မှာ ၁၈ လကျော်ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။
အထူးသံတမန်က ပေးလိုက်ရသည့် မိမိ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအရအနေအထားရပ်တည်ချက်ကိုနှိမ့်ချ ရင်းနှီး လိုက်ရမှုအတွက် 'ပွင့်ပွင့်လင်းလင်းပြောဆိုမှုများဖြင့် ဆက်လက်ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံရန်” အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော သဘောတူညီချက်ထက်ကျော်လွန်ပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ထံမှ လိုက်လျောမှုတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ ရယူနိုင်ခြင်း ရှိမရှိကိုလည်း အတည်ပြုနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိသေးပေ။
နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အား “အရေးကြီးလှသော အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူ” အဖြစ်ဖော်ပြပြီး အထူးသံတမန်က နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်သည် “သူမ၏ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေ” မှ မကြာမီအိမ်ပြန်နိုင်မည်ဟုမျှော်လင့်ကြောင်း ဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ဖော်ပြခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အား သီးသန့်ချုပ်နှောင်ထားဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး အထူးသံတမန် လာရောက်ကြောင်း ကြေညာ သည့်နေ့တွင်ပင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အားနိုင်ငံရေးအရထောင်ဒဏ် ချမှတ်ခြင်းအား ခြောက်နှစ် ထပ်မံထည့်သွင်းချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်း အပေါ်လျစ်လျူရှုခဲ့ခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မကြာသေးမီက ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူလေးဦးအား တရားလက်လွတ်ကွပ်မျက်မှုအတွက် အထူးသံတမန်က ‘နောင်တွင် ကွပ်မျက်မှုအားလုံးကို ဆိုင်းငံ့ထားရန်’ တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော်လည်း အဆိုပါရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများ၏ နောက်ကွယ်တွင်ရှိနေသည့် တရားမ၀င်တံခါးပိတ် စစ်ခုံရုံးများ၏ စီရင်မှုဖြင့် ကွပ်မျက်ခြင်းမှာ လူသတ်မှုဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဖော်ပြမထားပါ။ အထူးသံတမန်က တွေ့ဆုံမှု၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်မှာ စစ်အစိုးရနှင့် 'လက်တွေ့ကျသော ခြေလှမ်းများ' ကို ဆွေးနွေးရန် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အခိုင်အမာ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။
လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးကို ထောက်ခံအားပေးရန်နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ၊ထောက်ပံ့ ကူညီမှုများအား လက်နက်သဖွယ်အသုံးချနေမှု၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပမ်းနေမှု နှင့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရနေခြင်းများအားအဆုံးသတ်ရေးတို့အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ကြိုးပမ်းမှု အားလုံးတွင် လက်တွေ့ကျကျမြင်နိုင်ရန်ပြသရမည်သာဖြစ်သည်။ အတိုချုပ်ပြောရပါက အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ကျေနပ်စေရန်ချော့နေခြင်းများသာဖြစ်နေပါသည်။
ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ယုံကြည်မှုကို ပြန်လည်ရရှိရန်အခွင့်အလမ်းအတွက် အထူးသံတမန်သည် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များနှင့် အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လူသိရှင်ကြား မိတ်ဖက်ဆက်ဆံရေးကို အားကောင်းစေရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒကို အမှန်တကယ် နားထောင်ကာ လေးစားလိုက်နာရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-20
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"“ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခန်းကဏ္ဍများ”
ဇီဝမျိုးစုံမျိုးကွဲများ ကာကွယ်ထိန်းသိမ်းရာတွင် -
၁) အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (ပြည်ထောင်စု/ပြည်နယ်/ဒေသန္တရ)
၂) အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
၃) စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ (ဥပမာ- ကုမ္ပဏီများ)
၄) နိုင်ငံသား တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်ချင်း ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်၍ ကာကွယ်ထိန်းသိမ်းကြရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
“ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ်ရှိ အခွင့်အလမ်းများ”
နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း ကျန်းမာပျော်ရွှင်နိုင်မည့် နိုင်ငံရေး အခင်းအကျင်းအသစ်တွင် နိုင်ငံနှင့် တိုင်းသူ ပြည်သားတို့၏ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ စားဝတ်နေရေး၊ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့ကို ပြန်လည်ကုစားနိုင်ရန် အရေးတကြီး လိုအပ်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ဇီဝမျိုးစုံမျိုးကွဲများ ထိန်းသိမ်းစောင့်ရှောက်ခြင်း (ဥပမာ-အမျိုးသားဥယျာဥ်များ) ဖြင့် နိုင်ငံသူ/သားတို့၏ ကျန်းမာပျော်ရွှင်ရေး၊ လေ့လာအပန်းဖြေရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး အခွင့်အလမ်းများ ဖန်တီးနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-08-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Natural Resource Use - global theory, standards, mechanisms, guidelines and analysis
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar expresses its extreme disappointment at the statement issued by the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar, Ms. Noeleen Heyzer on 17 August 2022.
The statement addressed the Special Envoy’s meeting with coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, which Ms. Heyzer pursued despite broad warnings. The meeting’s overriding outcome has been to diminish the credibility of the Special Envoy and the UN.
We acknowledged that the Special Envoy has since clarified that the meeting did not “in any way confer legitimacy” on the junta. It is just another call for cessation of violence, respect of human rights, humanitarian access to all those in need. The Special Envoy also call for ending aerial bombings and the burning of civilian houses. We appreciated for those words. However, those repeated calls must be accompanied with specific consequences. A 600-house large village in Magwe Region was burned down by the military, immediately after Special Envoy’s call to end the burning of civilian homes. Special Envoy should note that the National Unity Government is the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people, and legitimacy cannot be conferred on a terrorist military junta.
In allowing herself to be photographed shaking hands with a war criminal and his Minister, the Special Envoy has predictably been instrumentalised for junta propaganda.
The Special Envoy in her statement asserts that the “people of Myanmar have the right to democracy and self-determination free from fear and want”. The statement adds that the meeting comprised part of broader UN efforts to ‘support an effective and peaceful Myanmar-led political pathway to return to civilian rule based on the will and the needs of the people’.
For more than 18 months, the Myanmar people have exercised their self-determination daily through a rights-based revolution for democracy and civilian rule despite junta atrocities and UN inaction.
It is also yet to be confirmed whether the high political cost borne by the Special Envoy secured any concessions from the junta beyond a reported agreement to ‘engage in frank conversations.
Describing State Counsellor H.E. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a ‘critical stakeholder’, the Special Envoy expressed her hope that the State Counsellor “can return home soon” from “her current situation”. This ignored that the State Counsellor continues to be held in solitary confinement and had six years added to her political imprisonment by the junta on the same day that the Special Envoy’s visit was announced.
On the junta’s recent extrajudicial execution of four democracy activists, the Special Envoy called for ‘a moratorium on all future executions’ but made no mention of the unlawful closed-door military tribunals behind these spurious convictions, let alone that the executions constituted murder.
The Special Envoy has claimed that the purpose of the meeting was to discuss ‘pragmatic steps’ with the junta. Pragmatism must see the UN direct all of its efforts to supporting the people’s revolution and ending the junta’s violence, its weaponisation of aid, its persecution of political prisoners, and its impunity. Anything short of this is appeasement of a terrorist junta.
And to have any chance of recovering the people’s trust, the Special Envoy must publicly strengthen partnership with the National Unity Government, Ethnic Resistance Organizations and civil society, and truly listen and respect to the aspirations of the Myanmar people..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-19
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Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Special Envoy of the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General to Myanmar can now look forward to holding constructive and public meetings with the National Unity Government of Myanmar, having fulfilled the absolute minimum requirement of her mandate by meeting with the leader of the military junta in Myanmar, Min Aung Hlaing, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
SAC-M was pleased to learn that nine months after her appointment, the UN Special Envoy was finally able to fulfil the minimum requirement of her mandate and travel to Nay Pyi Taw to meet with the leader of the military junta, Min Aung Hlaing. The members of SAC-M have been calling for Min Aung Hlaing to be prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes since their respective tenures as UN mandate-holders on Myanmar.
“We can only imagine how awful it must have been for the UN Special Envoy to meet with murderer-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing, and the revulsion she must have felt at having to shake his blood-soaked hand,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Meeting with Min Aung Hlaing may have been essential to the Special Envoy in attempting to fulfil her mandate, but it is clear that nothing of significance will come of it.”
Previous Special Envoys of the UN Secretary-General, a mandate that has existed for many years, have repeatedly tried to appeal to leaders of the Myanmar military for clemency towards the people of Myanmar. These include failed attempts to end the genocidal persecution of the Rohingya.
More recent international efforts to curb the atrocities orchestrated by Min Aung Hlaing have been made following the military’s attempted coup, by successive Special Envoys of the Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to Myanmar, all of which have been met with contempt.
“The UN Special Envoy can surely have been under no illusions as to Min Aung Hlaing’s true character and intentions, however cordial their meeting may have been,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The Special Envoy, coming from the region and with past experience as the Executive Secretary of the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, is well aware of the will of the Myanmar people. Their aspirations were clearly expressed in the 2020 general elections, and the Special Envoy must now be looking forward to formally engaging with the National Unity Government, which was, of course, formed on the basis of the results of those elections. She must go the extra mile to find a solution acceptable to the peoples of Myanmar.”
The National Unity Government of Myanmar has made clear its support for the Special Envoy’s mandate and its commitment to working with the Special Envoy and the UN to reach a durable solution to Myanmar’s multiple, protracted military-induced crises.
In addition to being the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people, the National Unity Government and its allied Ethnic Resistance Organisations control more of Myanmar’s territory than the military junta and are increasing their capacity to administer government functions even in the face of the military’s massive ongoing campaign of destruction.
“In order to have a positive influence on Myanmar’s political landscape, the UN Special Envoy will know that she must support the real agents of democratic progress in the country, and that is the people, represented by the National Unity Government,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “It is the people’s movement that has resisted the military’s attacks and, by forming administrative systems to provide life-saving and other governance services in the majority effective controlled areas, prevented Myanmar from becoming a failed state. The sooner that tangible international support can be channelled to the people through the National Unity Government, the sooner the massive human suffering in the country can be alleviated and the sooner Myanmar’s democratic future can be realised.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations
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The fires also burned stashes of rice and forced more than 4,000 residents to flee.
Description:
"Myanmar junta forces and members of an affiliated militia group torched most of the homes in a village in the central Magway region, another display of the regime’s reliance on arson in its fight to hold onto power 18 months after removing the democratically elected government in a coup.
Area residents on Thursday reported the arson to RFA Burmese, a day after Noeleen Heyzer, the U.N.’s special envoy for Myanmnar, called for an immediate end to violence in the Southeast Asian country and asked to see ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a meeting with the junta leaders.
Soldiers along with members of the Pyu Saw Htee militias supporting the regime began setting fire to more than 400 of the 500 houses in Ngatayaw village in Magway’s Yesagyo township on Wednesday morning, forcing more than 4,000 residents to flee, locals told RFA.
Some of the remaining houses were set ablaze on Thursday morning, said an Ngatayaw village resident who did not want to be named for safety reasons.
“The fires went out last night because it rained heavily at about 10 p.m.,” he said. “They started the fires again today at 8 a.m. until now. We can see the smoke billowing all the way up from here.”
Villagers watched from a distance as their town burned while soldiers randomly fired their weapons, he said.
Other residents said they fled to safety when Myanmar troops entered the community on Wednesday, adding that soldiers previously had raided their village four times, including on Aug. 10 when they set fire to 14 motorcycles.
“This is the fifth time we’ve had to run,” said one woman. “There is so much trouble that it’s terrible. They set fire to several houses the last time they came here. Now, the whole village is almost gone. I had to run with some stuff and the cows. I only have the clothes on my back.”
'House has gone to ashes'
Elderly, sick and disabled residents who could not run away remained in Ngatayaw on Wednesday amid the wreckage, villagers said.
Up to 200 or 300 baskets of rice that had been stored in some of the burned homes are now gone, they added.
Another woman from the village said she was lucky to get a lift out of the community on a motorcycle when soldiers began raiding homes.
“In the past, we had gotten through very, very hard times, but now our whole house has gone to ashes,” she said. “I’m 63 years old now, and I have never seen anything like this.”
The military has not yet issued any information about the burning of Ngatayaw village. Junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun previously told RFA that army columns did not enter villages or commit arson. He blamed the arson on the anti-junta People’s Defense Forces.
A member of the Yesagyo township’s People’s Defense Forces, a militia group fighting the regime, told RFA that an army column entered the Ngatayaw after a 15-minute clash with the local defense groups near the village around 9 a.m. Wednesday.
“There was a small clash between them and some local groups yesterday just before they entered the village,” he said. “There were Pyu Saw Htee members from their area along with them. They have been deployed in Minywa village for the past 12 days, and later about half of them launched the attack.”
The 150-member army column has been in the Yay Lei Kyun area, comprising more than 40 villages, since July 26, locals said.
At least 5,000 local residents have been forced to flee their homes because military troops have been active in several villages in the area, including Ngatayaw, Hlay Khoke, Minywa, Pauktaw, Nan U, Nay Yin, since last week, they said.
Junta soldiers burned the village of Hlay Khoke three times in the past few days, destroying more than 200 of the community’s 400 houses, they said.
The army has torched thousands of civilian homes in Magway and Sagaing region in northwestern Myanmar, where it has faced fierce opposition from local PDFs..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"When the UN Secretary General’s special envoy on Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer met Myanmar junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on Wednesday, the world’s attention was focused on what they discussed and the substance of the meeting. Largely overlooked were other details—like how and where she was received—reflecting the host’s attitude toward his guest.
Sadly, in this respect, contrary to other international dignitaries who preceded her, Heyzer received a low-key reception from the junta despite her status as the UN special envoy making her first visit to Myanmar since the military coup last year.
The meeting took place at the junta leader’s office in Naypyitaw at 2 p.m. on Wednesday. According to the regime’s announcement, the meeting venue turned out to be the parlor of the State Administration Council (SAC) Chairman’s Office, not the Credentials Hall, where Min Aung Hlaing normally receives international guests.
In June, when the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s special envoy on Myanmar was in the country for the second time, Min Aung Hlaing welcomed Prak Sokhonn at the Credentials Hall, which is dominated by a huge gilded throne—a symbol of Myanmar’s sovereignty—inside the Presidential Residence.
The same month last year, the junta chief received ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Yusof, Brunei’s foreign affairs minister, there.
It was the same hall where Min Aung Hlaing received Prak Sokhonn as the ASEAN envoy in March.
Since 2011, the Credentials Hall of the Presidential Residence, which has been occupied by Min Aung Hlaing since the takeover, has been used by successive Myanmar presidents to welcome international diplomats.
Early this month when Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov was in Naypyitaw, he was ushered into the hall to see his host Min Aung Hlaing.
The same treatment was even granted to an ex-diplomat: Bill Richardson, the former New Mexico governor, was greeted there when he was in Naypyitaw in November last year.
So, why didn’t UN special envoy Heyzer get the same reception?
There is a long history of feuding between the UN and Myanmar’s successive military dictators. The current regime leaders are taking their grudges out on Heyzer, as the world body’s special envoy to their country.
The Singaporean diplomat arrived in Yangon on Tuesday on her inaugural mission to Myanmar since succeededing Christine Schraner Burgener of Switzerland as the UN special envoy in October last year.
Heyzer was however received by Min Aung Hlaing in the parlor of the latter’s office. It was the same venue in which he received Hiromichi Watanabe, a member of Japan’s lower house of representatives for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, on Monday. It is speculated that the lawmaker sought the release of a Japanese filmmaker who was arrested on July 30 at a protest in Yangon.
Prior to receiving permission to travel to Myanmar, Heyzer came under fire for controversial remarks deemed to be supportive of the regime. At her meeting with the junta leader, she wore a green skirt; an eyesore to some people, who wondered if she was trying to appease Min Aung Hlaing. The color green is associated with the Myanmar military.
Sadly for Heyzer, Min Aung Hlaing was only too eager to give the UN a slap in the face. The junta media devoted only one line to the meeting in their reports, saying that the two sides discussed “promoting trust”, meaning no breakthrough came out of the meeting.
At the same time, the junta used Heyzer to create the impression that it has legitimacy to govern Myanmar.
Shortly before the meeting, the regime spokesperson said the UN special envoy was due to have an official meeting with the “current Myanmar government,” implying that they are the rightful government of Myanmar and that’s why the envoy came to see them. But in a statement released late Wednesday, the envoy said: “UN engagement does not in any way confer legitimacy.”
Furthermore, the regime harbors grudges against Myanmar Ambassador to the UN U Kyaw Moe Tun, who was appointed by the ousted National League for Democracy government and has utilized his UN platform to humiliate the junta on the international stage.
The regime is angry that the UN has decided to continue recognizing U Kyaw Moe Tun, while refusing to accept the junta’s representative. In retaliation, the regime closed Schraner Burgener’s office in Myanmar.
nd it took nearly one year for Heyzer to meet the generals—receiving lowly treatment when she did.
Under the previous military regime led by Than Shwe, Myanmar was known as a “diplomatic graveyard”, chiefly for the UN’s repeated failed missions to the country. To Myanmar’s generals, UN representatives are nothing more than diplomatic pawns in a game to deceive the international community..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Military-ruled Myanmar plans to import Russian gasoline and fuel oil to ease supply concerns and rising prices, a junta spokesperson said, the latest developing country to do so amid a global energy crisis.
The Southeast Asian country has maintained friendly ties with Russia, even as both remain under a raft of sanctions from Western countries — Myanmar for a military coup that overthrew an elected government last year, and Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, which it calls a “special military operation.”
Russia is seeking new customers for its energy in the region as its biggest export destination, Europe, will impose an embargo on Russian oil in phases later this year.
“We have received permission to import petrol from Russia,” military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said during a news conference Wednesday, adding that it was favored for its “quality and low cost.”
Fuel oil shipments are due to start arriving from September, according to media.
Zaw Min Tun said junta chief Min Aung Hlaing discussed oil and gas during a trip to Russia last month. Myanmar now imports its fuel through Singapore.
Myanmar would consider joint oil exploration in Myanmar with Russia and China, he said.
The military has set up a Russian Oil Purchasing Committee headed by a close ally of Min Aung Hlaing to oversee the buying, importing, and transport of fuel at reasonable prices based on Myanmar’s needs, according to a statement published in a state newspaper on Wednesday.
In addition to political turmoil and civil unrest, Myanmar has been hit hard by high fuel prices and power cuts, prompting its military leadership to turn to imports of fuel oil that can be used in power plants.
Petrol prices have surged about 350% since the coup in February last year to about $1 (2,300-2,700 kyat) per liter.
In the past week, petrol stations have shut down in various parts of the country because of shortages, according to media reports.
Russia is also a major supplier of weapons to the Myanmar military.
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK) via "VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2022-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"Myanmar’s junta continues to pursue a baseless campaign against former leader Aung San Suu Kyi in the nation’s courts. But many others, like Sean Turnell, an Australian academic and advisor to Suu Kyi, have been caught in the political crossfire.
On 15 August a special military court in Myanmar sentenced former government leader Aung San Suu Kyi to six years in prison for corruption, adding to the eleven years she was already serving. Given she is 77 years old, she will likely spend the rest of her life in detention if she serves these terms. But the military junta is not finished with her yet.
She has been charged with at least 20 offences, including election fraud, corruption, and violating the Official Secrets Act. Very little is known about the cases since the trials take place in a closed court and her legal representatives are banned from talking to the media.
After being deposed by a military coup in February 2021, Suu Kyi has spent most of the last year in an unknown location. In June, however, the military junta announced that she had been transferred to a prison compound in the isolated capital, Naypyidaw, and kept in solitary confinement.
Sean Turnell, an Australian academic who was a close adviser of Suu Kyi, is also trapped in Myanmar’s partisan courts. As with Suu Kyi, he is charged with violating the Official Secrets Act and is being held in the Naypyidaw prison.
On 11 August he faced court for the first time since his arrest eighteen months ago and pleaded not guilty to the charges. As with Suu Kyi his lawyers are unable to discuss the case and no details have been publicised.
But it matters little what both Turnell and Suu Kyi plead during the court proceedings, nor what fabricated or fanciful evidence is deployed in their conviction. The junta has complete control of the courts with the judiciary beholden and loyal to the military.
The aim of these cases is therefore not to establish guilt or innocence, or to seek justice. The guilty verdicts are predetermined. They are purely political kangaroo courts designed to sideline Suu Kyi from national politics for as long as the military considers it convenient.
Turnell, as Suu Kyi’s close adviser, is collateral damage although he also serves as a useful bargaining chip for negotiations with the Australian government, which, almost alone amongst Western countries, has not sanctioned coup leader Min Aung Hlaing.
The junta’s brutality and lack of regard for international norms and opinion was on show again in July when it executed four pro-democracy activists. The junta appears unable to act strategically in their own best interests, having alienated almost all potential allies, both domestically and internationally.
The usually quite accommodating governments of ASEAN have increasingly criticised the regime and Russia, Myanmar’s main military supplier, barely registered a visit from Min Aung Hlaing. The military is facing legal jeopardy in international courts which are gradually clearing the paths towards prosecutions for genocide and other crimes against humanity.
The junta’s brutal country-wide pacification strategy continues, with a recent assault on a village in Sagaing Region that included airstrikes from Mi-35 fighter jets and 60 soldiers dropped by helicopters. The bodies of 18 civilians were found after the attack, including a ten-year-old girl.
Pro-democracy militias face off against the junta’s jets and choppers around the country with rifles and homemade explosives, although their local knowledge, particularly in the mountainous border regions, provides an advantage over the predominantly lowland military.
The junta have over 12,000 political prisoners in detention and the prospects for the country and its people are bleak.
The coup and its repercussions have undone a decade of reforms, which, while imperfect, transformed Myanmar. The country that the military took hostage in February 2021 is entirely different to that which existed prior to 2011, when the political and economic reform process began.
While some ethnic groupings, notably the Rohingya, suffered appalling privations during the reform era, most of the country enjoyed freedoms that had never been experienced, or at least not for the preceding five decades under military rule.
After the coup Myanmar is very reminiscent of its pre-2011 state, only this time with mobile phones.
Academics and NGO workers endeavouring to support democracy and the people of Myanmar through local groups once again find themselves consigned to Thailand or Myanmar’s ethnically-controlled border zones; the “liberated areas” beyond the control of Myanmar’s military that were the bread and butter of activist research prior to 2011.
When I was last in Myanmar, before COVID-19 and the coup, I caught up with Sean Turnell in Naypyidaw. He was, as always, amiable, humorous, and generous with his time. His hectic schedule as adviser to Suu Kyi and the government was chock full, addressing ten percent inflation along with “banks, money laundering, sanctions and the Chinese.” These issues seem almost trifling compared with the challenges now facing Myanmar’s people.
While the Australian government and population should do everything in their power to support the democratising forces of Myanmar in general, as an Australian citizen, Sean’s grim predicament in Myanmar’s Kafkaesque court system must also not be forgotten..."
Source/publisher:
Australian Institute of International Affairs
Date of publication:
2022-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, About Aung San Suu Kyi, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today called on the UN Secretary General to personally take the lead in diplomatic initiatives to address the crisis in Burma and abandon the decades long failed approach of appointing UN Special Envoys.
UN Myanmar Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer has concluded her controversial visit to the Burmese military unable to cite a single tangible outcome. This should come as no surprise as this has been the outcome of the vast majority of UN Special Envoy visits to Burma for decades.
Ignoring warnings that the visit would give an appearance of legitimacy to the military, Noeleen Heyzer proceeded with the trip, and posed for photographs with military leader Min Aung Hlaing. These pictures are now displayed across military-controlled state media, handing him a propaganda coup.
Prior to 2010, previous UN Envoys held out for meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi and others. Noeleen Heyzer chose not to do so. Officials may cite as an excuse the fact that the focus of the visit was humanitarian, but this compromise will be seen by the military as a sign of weakness. A senior UN official accepting the sidelining of key political actors in the country will only encourage the military to believe it can continue to jail, torture and execute them with impunity.
On the face of it, a focus on the humanitarian issues would be hard to argue against given the dire situation in the country, but it comes in a context of the military consistently using humanitarian access as leverage to gain international legitimacy. In the past, UN agencies and many international donors have been willing to go along with that. There is clear opposition to this approach within the country.
Many millions of people in Burma who are in desperate need of international aid could be reached using cross border mechanisms, local civil society, some of the ethnic armed organisations, and the National Unity Government. However, most UN agencies and international donors provide little or no aid in this way. This leaves millions of people without the humanitarian aid they desperately need.
Arguing that compromises have to be made negotiating with the military for humanitarian access while at the same time refusing to provide significant funding via Burmese civil society and the democracy movement where lives can be saved right now is an incoherent approach and requires explanation.
In addition to questionable decisions regarding this most recent trip, there are broader concerns about the UN Special Envoy position.
The Burmese military have long seen UN Special Envoys as a valuable diplomatic tool, playing games with visa access in order to push the bar so low that just being able to visit the country was judged as a success, despite there being no tangible outcome. For the Burmese military, UN Special Envoys are used to try to avoid or delay international action against them. Before 2010 they were frequently successful in this.
The military know that a visit by a UN Special Envoy will be seized on by allies like China and Russia to claim there is a UN process and argue against further international action to promote human rights and democracy. In Asia and the West, the Special Envoy position was also often used as a fig leaf for inaction, also arguing that there is a process, and we must ‘wait and see’.
With this visit and previous comments about power sharing, the current UN Special Envoy has lost the trust of many people in Burma. Previous UN Special Envoys have also been controversial, with Christine Schraner Burgener backing the racist National Verification Cards, which are part of the genocidal policies against the Rohingya. One previous Special Envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, was nicknamed ‘Gullible Gambari’ because of his apparent belief in everything the military told him.
Regardless of the controversial positions or missteps of various Special Envoys, the position itself is a poisoned chalice doomed to failure. UN Envoys are mandated to engage in dialogue with stakeholders and the military but if they speak out publicly and honestly about the situation, they will be denied access to Burma. From the outset the military have veto power over what they can and cannot say.
The Burmese military are well aware that they can safely ignore requests from UN Envoys without facing any consequences. UN Special Envoys on Burma have not been able to count on powerful UN members, and in particular on influential members like Russia and China, to provide critical support and reinforcement of their diplomatic efforts.
The Burmese military lie to UN Special Envoys, attempt to manipulate them and break commitments. Eventually UN Envoys either finally realise they are being played or realise the military will never keep to commitments and start speaking out, and they are then denied visas. Then their term ends, a new UN Special Envoy is appointed, and the farce begins all over again.
A day after the attempted coup began, the United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres told the Washington Post: “We will do everything we can to mobilize all the key actors and international community to put enough pressure on Myanmar to make sure that this coup fails.”
Now his Special Envoy poses for pictures with the leader of that coup. The Secretary-General appears to have abandoned the goal of ensuring the coup fails.
For decades the Burmese military have held Burma back from economic development and democracy. The Burmese military are a violent extremist armed group which have committed genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. They are causing conflict, are linked to drug production, drug trafficking and money laundering. They are destabilising Burma. They should be treated as an illegal armed group.
The goal of the United Nations should be the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration of the Burmese military. This is the approach the United Nations is taking towards armed groups in more than 20 countries around the world. This should happen in tandem with ensuring justice and accountability for members of the Burmese military who have committed violations of international law and other crimes.
“Decades of diplomatic efforts by UN Special Envoys to Burma have not only failed to produce positive results, but have in fact been used by the military to their benefit,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The goal of the United Nations should be disarm and dismantle the Burmese military, while also ensuring justice and accountability for members of the military who have committed crimes and violated international law. This effort should be led by the UN Secretary General himself. It is time that the UN Secretary General and governments stopped hiding behind UN Special Envoys, whose efforts they know are doomed to fail.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"This Saturday, 20 August 2022, marks the one-year anniversary of the date it was made public that the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar had issued a Declaration to the International Criminal Court accepting the Court’s exercise of jurisdiction with respect to the situation in Myanmar on the basis of Article 12(3) of the ICC Statute. The legal effectiveness of the Declaration hinges on whether or not the NUG could act as the state of Myanmar for this purpose. This question implicates the broader matter of who can and should represent the state of Myanmar internationally, as a matter of international law – the NUG, or the Junta who took power in the coup in February 2021. And by association, even more broadly, who is and should be regarded as the ‘legitimate’ government of Myanmar, and on what basis.
The Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP) commissioned me to write a legal opinion on the legal effectiveness of the Declaration. The opinion was sent to the individual States Parties to the Rome Statute, and the Office of the ICC Prosecutor, on Monday 15 August 2022. It explains that the Declaration was valid as a matter of relevant legal test, and should be accepted as such by the States Parties and the Court. It has been endorsed by a number of senior colleagues, including Radhika Coomaraswamy, former Under-Secretary General of the United Nations, John Dugard, former Judge ad-hoc at the International Court of Justice and member of the United Nations International Law Commission, Richard Goldstone, former Chief Prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and Justice of the South African Supreme Court, and Aryeh Neier, founder of Human Rights Watch and President Emeritus of the Open Society Foundations.
A summary of the opinion follows. The full version, including the full list of endorsers, can be found here. An article in The Diplomat on the subject by John Dugard, Christopher Gunness (Director of MAP), Tommy Thomas (former Attorney General of Malaysia), Yuyun Wahyuningrum (a Representative of Indonesia to the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights) and myself can be found here. On Friday 19 August 2022, a webinar will be held to present and discuss the opinion and the case for accountability more generally. Speakers are Aung Myo Min, the NUG Minister for Human Rights, Wai Wai Nu, Founder and Executive Director, the Women’s Peace Network in Myanmar, and former political prisoner, Antonia Mulvey, Founder and Executive Director, Legal Action Worldwide, Richard Goldstone and myself. It will take place at 6.30pm Myanmar time (noon UTC) and you can register to attend here. The recording of the webinar will be posted on the MAP website afterwards.
Summary of the Opinion (taken from section 1.2):
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is legally entitled and, indeed, legally required, to accept the Declaration of 20 August 2021 issued by the National Unity Government (NUG) under Article 12(3) of the ICC Statute as valid under that Article as an acceptance of the Court’s jurisdiction by the State of Myanmar.
The NUG is the legitimate government of Myanmar as a matter of domestic law, since it is formed of members who were elected under the Constitution, is committed to democratic, pluralistic and Constitutional rule, the rule of law and promotion of human rights and is the only alternative to the military junta/SAC, which is manifestly and inherently illegitimate, un-Constitutional and undemocratic, and engaged in widespread, systematic and grave human rights violations. It is also notable that the question of de facto control exercised within the country is in flux, with significant areas and population groupings not under the control of the junta while the NUG is also aligned with armed actors that control significant parts of the country.
The analysis in this Opinion leading to the foregoing conclusion about legal status of the Declaration cascades through the different applicable legal regimes, from the general to the specific. It begins with the recognition of governments as a general matter, not specific to Myanmar, as a matter of the rules of customary international law based on the practice of States on the subject, and the implications of this for the ICC’s position on the Declaration. It then turns to the accreditation of representatives of member States before the UN General Assembly, again as a general matter, again explaining the implications for the Declaration. The focus then moves to these same two legal regimes as they have been applied to the situation of Myanmar, with further, more specific, implications for the Declaration. Finally, the sui generis legal position of the ICC is addressed, revealing further, distinctive norms applicable to the question of the legal status of the Declaration as far as the Court is concerned.
As far as the ICC acting in a manner that is consistent with the general position in international law applicable to States when they recognize governments of other States, the ICC is free to decide whether or not to recognize the NUG as being a valid authority to issue the Declaration on behalf of Myanmar, and, if it decides in the affirmative, it can do this on any basis. In particular, there is no legal requirement to adopt a consideration based on the level of control exercised over Myanmar by the NUG.
When it comes to the significance of the practice of the UN General Assembly on the accreditation of representatives of Member States, the Credentials Committee has been willing on occasions to approve the credentials of democratically elected governments and groups in restored democracies even in circumstances where they had been deposed from power or lacked effective control of the country concerned. In situations where there has been a refusal to accept the outcome of a free and fair election or where power has been illegally seized through a coup, the Credentials Committee has on occasions considered other factors, such as the legitimacy of the entity issuing the credentials, the means by which it achieved and retains power, and its human rights record. Bearing in mind the manifest similarities between this practice and the situation in Myanmar at the time the Declaration was issued, it follows that a decision by the ICC to accept the NUG as being a valid authority to issue the Declaration on behalf of Myanmar would be consistent with, and would follow from, a diverse set of precedents set by this UNGA practice as a simple matter of fact. Moreover, more specifically, if such a decision were to manifest not only factual coincidence with these precedents, but also to be partly made on the basis of similar normative considerations, it would also be consistent with, and, indeed, follow from, a diverse set of precedents to do this set by the UNGA.
The significance for the ICC of the practice of the General Assembly on the representation of Myanmar in particular, and the situation at one stage of proceedings before the International Court of Justice is as follows. A decision by the ICC to accept the Declaration as valid would follow from the equivalent decision made by the United Nations General Assembly in December 2021 to recognize an official acting on behalf of the NUG to represent Myanmar as the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations. This is not contradicted by the presence of two SAC ministers as Agents for Myanmar in oral proceedings at the International Court of Justice in 2022, since that presence cannot be understood to have necessarily operated on the basis of a more general acceptance by the Court on the merit of the SAC’s claim to be the government of the State.
For the ICC to accept the NUG as capable of engaging the State of Myanmar so as to render the Declaration legally effective would be to follow from, be consistent with, and in one respect potentially required by, two related positions adopted by States and the United Nations that have direct legal significance to the entitlement of the NUG to represent the State in international law as a general matter (i.e. not just before the United Nations General Assembly). In the first place, there has been a consistent and widespread determination by both States and all the main relevant United Nations bodies and officials that the junta is illegitimate both as a general matter—based on how it was constituted—and in terms of the abuses it has perpetrated against the people of Myanmar. In the second place, there has been an act of collective recognition of the NUG as the government of that State by almost all the world’s states when they voted unanimously in the General Assembly on accreditation before that body. Moreover, a case can be made that this collective recognition was intended to have legal standing, in rendering obligatory the recognition of the NUG as the government of Myanmar. Since this was made unanimously, it has had the intended legal effect in terms of creating a rule of customary international law requiring the NUG to be accorded this status. In consequence, the ICC would be required to accept the Declaration as valid as far as the question of the NUG’s capacity to act on behalf of Myanmar to issue it is concerned.
Finally, as a matter of the internal law of the ICC Statute which the ICC must comply with, given that, for the reasons set out above, treating the NUG as the government of the State of Myanmar is consistent with all the different relevant areas of international law and, indeed, a sui generis rule of international law adopting such treatment as a legal norm that may well have been established, the object and purpose of the Statute, to end impunity, requires the ICC to accept the Declaration as valid for the purposes of Article 12(3)..."
Source/publisher:
Opinio Juris
Date of publication:
2022-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Criminal Court
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Sub-title:
There is no way the people of Myanmar will find justice in national courts. The international community must act.
Description:
"A year ago this week, Myanmar’s democratic, National Unity Government (NUG) made public a declaration that it accepts the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC). In effect, the NUG was requesting the ICC to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
It was a watershed moment in the quest for accountability. Suddenly justice looked possible for 55 million Myanmar people, who since the coup on February 1, 2021, have been subjected to what U.N. human rights experts call “a brute force terror campaign.”
Over 2,000 people have been killed, according to conservative estimates. Around 15,000 have been detained, over a million displaced by conflict, and some 14 million people are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.
The shocking executions in July of four prisoners of conscience led to global condemnation and highlighted the urgent need for accountability.
There is no way the people of Myanmar will find justice in national courts, which have become instruments of repression in the hands of a vindictive regime.
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But following the NUG Declaration, which the ICC acknowledged, the court has taken no further steps.
What a contrast with Ukraine, where an investigation was initiated and within days its investigators were on the ground.
We urge Ukraine-style action for Myanmar. There is not just a compelling humanitarian imperative. There is also a solid basis in law.
The ICC has an obligation to accept the NUG declaration, paving the way for an investigation into events in Myanmar since the coup.
The central question is whether the NUG can act on behalf of the State of Myanmar to trigger ICC jurisdiction. In our opinion it can.
The NUG is the legitimate government of Myanmar as a matter of domestic law, since it is formed of members who were elected under the country’s 2008 constitution by a landslide in elections in November 2020. It is committed to democratic, pluralistic, and constitutional governance, the rule of law, and the promotion of human rights.
By contrast, the junta attempted to seize power through a military coup that violated articles 71(a) and 417 of the 2008 constitution (which the military itself wrote). These articles lay out clear conditions for the dismissal of the president and the imposition of a state of emergency. And those articles were patently not followed when the president and other democratic leaders were imprisoned shortly before they were due to take office.
Thus the military operates on an entirely illegitimate basis.
The U.N. General Assembly (UNGA), made up of all U.N. member states, decided unanimously in December 2021 to continue to accept the NUG ambassador as the legitimate representative of Myanmar, in effect rejecting the nominee of the junta, and determining which entity should represent the state.
This was based on well-established precedent in the UNGA. Since the early 1990s, where there have been competing claims to U.N. recognition, the U.N. has usually sided with those administrations that have democratic legitimacy and a solid human rights record.
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Effective control has become less of a necessary determinant, but in any case, the junta no longer exercised effective control, with significant areas and population groupings under the control of ethnic groups aligned with the NUG. In many urban centers, traditionally controlled by the government, there is anarchy.
The UNGA decision effectively to continue to recognize the NUG ambassador is not merely a decision about a particular representative: It is about the general matter of who has the right to be treated as the government of the state before the United Nations as a whole.
Such an implication is illustrated in the way the International Labor Organization describes the effect of the General Assembly decision. It affirmed that the decision determines “which entity is internationally recognized as representing the Government of the Member State in the Organization.”
This collective recognition by states in the UNGA and its subsidiary organizations arguably had general effect in international law, as a determination of the NUG’s right to act as the government of Myanmar. Since this was made unanimously, it can be understood to require, as a matter of international law, the NUG to be accorded this status.
In consequence, the ICC is legally required to accept the NUG Declaration as valid. It flows from this that it could – we would argue that it should — initiate an investigation into potential crimes committed in Myanmar since the coup.
Such a move accords well with the recent decision of the U.N.’s highest court, the International Court of Justice, to reject the junta’s attempts to halt a case accusing it of genocide.
It also supports the ultimate aims of the Rome Statute, the ICC’s founding document: to end impunity for serious crimes through the exercise of criminal jurisdiction nationally and, if that is not forthcoming, internationally.
The good news for the ICC is that there is an oven-ready case waiting to be prosecuted. The U.N. Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, established to investigate the 2017 genocide against Myanmar’s Rohingya population, has a plethora of evidence of alleged crimes, including those committed since the coup.
The NUG declaration means that the precondition for the ICC to exercise jurisdiction over a situation in a state that is not party to the Rome Statute is now met. This is the same as Ukraine, also a non-party that made two such declarations.
For the court then to go on to exercise jurisdiction, either the situation needs to be referred to it by one or more of the states parties to the Rome Statute, or the prosecutor needs to initiate an investigation.
In Ukraine, the day after the prosecutor announced his decision to seek authorization to initiate an investigation, referrals by states parties, which currently stand at over 40, started to be made.
We call on the states parties to the Rome Statute, and the prosecutor, to demonstrate that the lives of the people of Myanmar count as much as the lives of people in Ukraine. States should make referrals, and the prosecutor should seek authorization to initiate an investigation.
This would go some way to address the concern that the ICC seems to be prioritizing the lives of Europeans over those in other parts of the world.
Given that the NUG Declaration provides the gateway for action, the ICC prosecutor and the states parties to the Rome Statute have no excuse for further delay. The people of Myanmar have been waiting long enough for justice. States and the ICC prosecutor must act..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2022-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, International Criminal Court, Human Rights and international relations
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"The UN Secretary General’s special envoy for Myanmar has been used by the country’s military regime to enhance its legitimacy—something it has otherwise been denied by the international community due to its coup against the country’s elected government last year and the regime’s ongoing bloody crackdowns on its opponents.
The envoy, Noleen Heyzer, is now in post-coup, conflict-torn Myanmar. The UN said she “will focus on addressing the deteriorating situation and immediate concerns as well as other priority areas of her mandate.”
She met with the country’s military regime chief Min Aung Hlaing on Wednesday afternoon and was not allowed to see the country’s ousted leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is now in solitary confinement in a regime prison.
Shortly before her meeting with the regime chief, however, the junta’s spokesperson said at a press conference that the meeting was the “Myanmar government’s official meeting.”
“I will repeat, the UN envoy is meeting officially with the current Myanmar government,” said spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun.
Following the coup in February last year, millions of Myanmar people took to the streets to reject the military takeover and refused to accept the junta as their government. The international community also declined to accept the junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar. It has refused to engage with the generals, with the exceptions of China, Russia, Japan and India. Even the UN has declined to recognize them. Instead, the world body has continued to recognize Myanmar’s ambassador from the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government as the country’s representative.
Since then, the regime, which has now killed more than 2,000 people in the country, has been desperately seeking recognition from other countries as Myanmar’s rightful government. Making matters worse for it, it’s also facing a contesting claim by the National Unity Government (NUG) formed by elected lawmakers from the NLD and their ethnic allies.
Now, Heyzer, as the UN Secretary General’s special envoy, has helped to satisfy the regime’s craving for legitimacy.
For Min Aung Hlaing, a visit by the UN envoy at a time when most of the world has turned away from him means a lot. He will simply be thinking that the UN would not bother to see him to discuss the country’s issues if it did not see him as the head of government. That’s why he invited her—and she came. Then the regime hurriedly proclaimed the event as an official meeting with the “current Myanmar government.” Heyzer has failed Myanmar’s people once again, after insulting them in February by saying they seek “negotiation” with the country’s military—the institution that has been killing them.
Her visit comes at a time when diplomatic efforts to resolve the Myanmar crisis led by the UN and regional bloc the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have made little headway, with the generals refusing to engage with their opponents.
After Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and his Foreign Minister-cum-ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar Prak Sokhonn, Heyzer is the third dignitary working on Myanmar issues to meet the junta leader. It must be enough to make her predecessor Christine Schraner Burgener, envious. The latter’s highest achievement before leaving the position in September last year was having phone calls with the regime’s second man, Soe Win.
So far, efforts by Hun Sen and Prak Sokhonn to convince the regime to stop killing its own people—a part of ASEAN’s peace plan for Myanmar—have borne no fruit. Prak Sokhonn recently admitted that not even Superman could fix the Myanmar crisis, as the regime has kept committing atrocities against civilians.
Under these circumstances, Heyzer flew to Myanmar and snapped up Min Aung Hlaing’s invitation after, as the UN says, “extensive consultations with actors from across the political spectrum, civil society as well as communities affected by the ongoing conflict.”
From the moment the trip was announced, however, it set alarm bells ringing.
U Kyaw Zaw, spokesperson for the NUG, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that although the shadow government understood Heyzer is trying to do her job as a special envoy, “the UNSG special envoy must avoid giving legitimacy to the coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and [his governing body] the State Administration Council.”
The NUG’s seriousness on the issue was evident, with its foreign minister and deputy minister also making comments on the same day. The trio of NUG officials said now is not the right time for Heyzer to visit the country, given the regime’s recent sentencing of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and democracy activists to further jail terms, as well as the executions of four activists in July. They cautioned the UN envoy to be aware of the failure of her ASEAN counterpart’s visits.
In fact, after she was condemned for her power-sharing comments in February, Heyzer became the first international envoy to meet with the NUG’s parliamentary body and its relief and resettlement minister Dr Win Myat Aye to discuss issues including humanitarian assistance for Myanmar. It’s not clear if she has had more meetings with the NUG.
At the time of reporting on Wednesday, details of the meeting between the UN envoy and Min Aung Hlaing were not known.
Even if she did push the junta leader during the meeting to stop his soldiers from killing civilians and torching their homes, her words will be ignored.
Prior to his meeting with the envoy on Wednesday, Min Aung Hlaing said at his governing body meeting on Tuesday that “if terrorist attacks continue to be carried out, we will act in accordance with our policy of anti-terrorism.” By “terrorists” he was referring to the NUG and People’s Defense Force (PDF) groups, which are waging an unwavering campaign of armed resistance against the regime across the country. His remarks imply that the junta has no plans to stop its violence.
When Heyzer landed in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw on Tuesday, Scot Marciel, the former US ambassador to Myanmar, tweeted that while she was in an impossible situation, he didn’t see any value in going to meet the generals.
“I mean how many senior UN and foreign officials need to be rudely rebuffed by the junta before the world stops trying to ‘persuade’ the generals to be reasonable?” the former ambassador’s Tweet reads.
On the same day, the NUG said in an announcement that the UN special envoy’s visit must be directed at ending the junta’s violence, its weaponization of aid, its persecution of political prisoners, and its impunity.
“Anything short of this would be an appeasement of war criminals,” it said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Sub-title:
The bodies of the victims, who were all related, showed evidence of torture, sources said
Description:
"Two brothers aged 14 and 15 were among seven people tortured and murdered by junta troops in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township on Sunday, according to local sources.
The victims, who were all related, were residents of Wun Gyi, a village of around 100 households located in Khin-U Township, near the border with Shwebo.
According to a relative, they were detained while travelling together to Thabeikkyin Township in Mandalay Region, where they planned to look for work at a gold mine.
“This is a farming village, but a lot of people here also work at the gold mines when they’re not farming. It’s sad to see kids being killed like that,” said the relative.
The victims were identified as Min Nyi, 14, Zaw Hein, 15, Kyaw Thu Hein, 19, Phyo Ngwe Soe, 19, and Min Ko, Thura Tun and Nine Nine, who were between the ages of 20 and 22. All were male.
Min Nyi and Zaw Hein were both in the seventh grade and had a one-year-old sister, said the relative, who did not want to be named.
A resident of Wun Gyi who also spoke on condition of anonymity said that the bodies of the victims had multiple gunshot wounds and showed evidence of torture.
“The bodies were riddled with bullets and were all badly bruised. I’m certain they were brutally tortured,” said the villager, who was part of a team that searched for the victims after they were abducted.
“We were afraid the military would arrive while we were retrieving the bodies, which were scattered around the road, so we couldn’t get a close look at them. But each one had at least three or four bullet wounds,” he added.
According to a member of a local defence force, the seven victims were taken into custody near a high school in the town of Shwebo, but their bodies were found on Monday in Khin-U Township.
“They were just dumped in a field near Ywar Thar. They were regular villagers who went out to work to make ends meet,” he said, adding that the site was around 5km north of a military recruitment and training centre.
Myanmar Now tried to contact police in Shwebo for comment, but all calls went unanswered.
Residents of Wun Gyi confirmed that the seven boys and young men killed on Sunday were the village’s first casualties since last year’s coup, which has met with strong resistance in Sagaing and other parts of the country..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
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Description:
“မိမိတို့ ယနေ့ဆင်နွှဲနေတဲ့ ခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးဟာ ကရင်နီတစ်မျိုးသားလုံးရဲ့ ပျောက်ဆုံးနေတဲ့ အမျိုးသား ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာတွေကို ဖော်ထုတ်ဖို့အပြင် မဟာစစ်ဝါဒီတွေရဲ့ မတရားတဲ့ ကျူးကျောက်စစ်ကို ပြန်လည် တွန်းလှန်ခုခံတော်လှန်နေတဲ့ တရားမျှတသော လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးဖြစ်တယ်။ မိမိတို့ဟာ နယ်ချဲ့စစ်အာဏာရှင်များရဲ့ လက်အောက်မှ ကရင်နီပြည်ကြီးရဲ့ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို လက်လွတ်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပြီး လူမျိုးတစ်မျိုးရဲ့ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာ၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုနဲ့အတူ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးတွေကို ပျောက်ကွယ်လာခဲ့ရတာ နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၄) နှစ် တိုင်တိုင် ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ် . . . မိမိတို့ရဲ့ သမိုင်းပေးတာဝန်တွေ မပြီးဆုံးမခြင်း ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင် နေရဦးမှာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ် . . .”
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party
Date of publication:
2022-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Karenni history
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"Euromoney has awarded the military linked United Amara Bank (UAB) as “Best Bank” in Myanmar. Euromoney is a UK-based banking and finance media corporation.
Asiamoney, Euromoney’s sister publication, also gave UAB best bank in Myanmar awards for “Best Domestic Bank”, “Best Bank for ESG” and “Best Bank for SMEs”.
UAB is connected to the crony conglomerate, IGE Group of Companies, whose core entity, International Group of Entrepreneur Co. Ltd. was sanctioned by the EU on February 21, 2022.
In its sanctions designation, the EU stated, “IGE provided the Tatmadaw [Myanmar military] with financial support in 2017 in connection to the Rakhine ‘clearance operations’ and thus contributed to serious human rights violations in 2017 against the Rohingya population. IGE has also provided the Tatmadaw with indirect financial support by taking financial participations in several projects and companies linked to the Tatmadaw and its conglomerates. Therefore, it provides support to and benefits from the Tatmadaw.”
IGE is owned by Ne Aung, brother of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung. Ne Aung’s father, Aung Thaung, now deceased, was a minister in the former military junta and was a notorious hardliner who was sanctioned by the US in 2014 for “perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption”.
A 2008 US embassy cable, released by Wikileaks, called Ne Aung and his other brother, Pyi Aung, “rising cronies” and described how they “use their family connections and close ties to the regime to amass great wealth”.
According to Myanmar’s company registry, Ne Aung and his wife, Khin Moe Nyunt, were the sole owners of UAB Bank Limited until March 8, 2022, when they transferred their shares to two shell companies: Future Growth Investment Co. Ltd., owned by Myo Aung, and Capital Link Investment Co. Ltd., owned by Aye Aye Swe.
Future Growth Investment and Capital Link Investment were both established on March 1, 2022.
Myo Aung and Aye Aye Swe do not appear on directors lists of any other current or former Myanmar registered companies. Myo Aung may be a cousin of Ne Aung, who is an army colonel. Colonel Myo Aung was court marshalled for his involvement in the killing of five detained villagers in northern Shan State in 2016, and was reportedly the manager of an IGE subsidiary.
Corporate filings show Ne Aung left the UAB board of directors on February 25, four days after the EU sanctions designation against IGE. Ne Aung had previously acted as the bank’s chairperson.
The restructure of UAB, days after EU sanctions on IGE, appears to be an attempt to evade sanctions by creating a false separation between UAB, IGE and Ne Aung.
UAB remains linked to IGE Group through common directors. The most significant is IGE Group’s CEO, Than Win Swe, who remains a director of UAB after the ownership restructure. Than Win Swe and Ne Aung are the sole directors of the EU-sanctioned entity, International Group of Entrepreneur Co. Ltd.
Thant Zin, another UAB director, remains on the board of UAB infrastructure development subsidiary Future Creator Group Construction, and, until early 2022, was a director of IGE Land.
It is likely that Myo Aung and Aye Aye Swe are proxy shareholders, and that Ne Aung maintains ownership of the bank. Ne Aung’s control may be exercised through IGE, which would make UAB subject to EU sanctions.
Asiamoney also gave a CSR award to the crony bank KBZ, part of KBZ group of companies. KBZ is linked to the UK, US and EU sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), and has used its philanthropic arm, the Brighter Future Foundation, to make major donations to the military in support of the 2017 Rohingya genocide.
The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recommended that KBZ be criminally investigated for making a direct and substantial contribution to crimes against humanity.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Despite attempts at concealment, UAB is clearly linked to Ne Aung’s IGE group, a business empire that has built immense wealth from dealings with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates, profiting from the military’s systemic corruption and enriching war criminals.
“IGE’s complicity in the Rohingya genocide and financial relationships with a murderous military are well established, including in the recent EU sanctions designation.
“It is inexcusable that Euromoney has given its “Best Bank in Myanmar” award to UAB, reputation laundering for a bank that is deeply connected to an EU sanctioned company.
“Since the military’s attempted coup, the junta has murdered more than 2,100 people and arrested over 15,000, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners.
“The junta’s international crimes are enabled by IGE, KBZ and other crony companies that provide the junta with sources of revenue to finance its campaign of terror.
“Euromoney and Asiamoney must act responsibly and revoke their awards to UAB and KBZ immediately.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions
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Sub-title:
UN special envoy for Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer travelled to the country for the first time since taking up her appointment last October.
Description:
"Her visit follows the Security Council’s latest call for an end to the violence and unimpeded humanitarian access to the Southeast Asian nation.
Ms. Heyzer, a women’s rights activist from Singapore, will focus on addressing the deteriorating situation there, according to the UN.
News agencies cited security officials who wished to remain anonymous in reporting that Ms. Heyzer, landed in Naypyidaw on Tuesday afternoon.
Ensconced in chaos
Myanmar has been in chaos since the military overthrew the elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi early last year followed by a bloody crackdown on protests against the coup.
Despite that in April 2021 Myanmar’s military rulers had agreed to a five-point plan of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that would restore peace and stability to the country, little effort has been made to implement it.
The State has since slipped into a situation that some have characterized as a civil war.
Peace efforts
Efforts by Myanmar’s Southeast Asian neighbours to revive peace have also been hampered by the country’s recent execution of four political activists, including two from the pro-democracy movement.
The Security Council, including allies Russia and China, condemned the executions.
Earlier this month news media said that Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, who also serves as special envoy to Myanmar for the 10-member ASEAN, warned that further executions would force the regional group to reconsider how it engages with the country.
Crimes against Humanity
In its annual report released in early August, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Burma found that a growing body of evidence that crimes against humanity were being committed in the country.
Since the military coup, more than 2,100 civilians have been killed and nearly 15,000 arrested, according to news reports.
Ms. Heyzer’s visit comes a day after a court in the military-run State convicted the ousted leader on four extra counts of corruption and added six more years in prison to her previous 11-year sentence.
The UN had no details as to whether Ms. Heyzer will meet with Myanmar’s military rulers or Ms. Suu Kyi – a longtime UN demand,
First visit
The UN envoy’s visit follows extensive consultations with actors from across the political spectrum, civil society and communities affected by the ongoing conflict.
From 1994 to 2007, Ms. Heyzer had headed the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), which focuses on promoting women’s economic advancement, and from 2007 to 2014, served as the first woman Executive Secretary of the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP)..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations News Service
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"France condemns the new prison sentence passed yesterday on State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi following another arbitrary procedure. Once again, the military junta is seeking to undermine the legitimacy of democratically elected opposition members, contrary to the constructive political dialogue the Burmese people and international community wish to see.
France reiterates its call for the immediate, unconditional release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners and for the cessation of violence perpetrated by the Burmese security forces. It maintains its support for ASEAN, which at the beginning of the month reaffirmed a firm, unambiguous position vis-à-vis the military regime, and for the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, whose role to find a way out of the crisis is more crucial than ever..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, About Aung San Suu Kyi, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"It is delusional to think that the Myanmar junta’s No. 2 man will seize power from the junta boss and release the country’s detained civilian leaders.
But some observers like to imagine that deputy military chief Vice Senior General Soe Win would take it upon himself to purge junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, given all the mistakes he has been making.
But time and again, Soe Win has proved that he would never take such a step, and retains allegiance to his senior.
Since seizing power last year, Min Aung Hlaing has made two long trips to Russia. The first was in June 2021, just four months after the February coup, demonstrating his trust in his deputy.
He also made a long visit to Russia in July this year, but the coup some people dreamed of did not materialize. Soe Win’s loyalty to his senior means he has lost the opportunity to salvage his name from the list of coup co-conspirators.
Most importantly, while Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, as the junta chief, is taking the helm in managing the regime’s administrative affairs, his deputy Soe Win, as the deputy commander-in-chief of defense services and the commander-in-chief (Army), is responsible mainly for overseeing offensive operations against all armed groups ranging from ethnic armed organizations to People’s Defence Force groups (PDFs) to urban guerrilla units launching hit-and-run attacks against regime targets in the cities, according to military sources.
Over the past 18 months, Soe Win has proved to be a Min Aung Hlaing loyalist, committing himself to crushing all anti-regime forces by launching airstrikes and deploying combatants.
“The deputy military chief is responsible for [waging] the war. Thanks to Soe Win, Min Aung Hlaing has been able to maintain his position,” former captain Nyi Thuta, one of the first military personnel to desert the military, recently told The Irrawaddy. Captain Nyi Thuta formed the “People’s Goal” group to help military personnel wishing to join the Civil Disobedience Movement, and has contact with active personnel.
Aside from Soe Win, other top generals include Chief of General Staff (Army, Navy and Air) General Maung Maung Aye, Defense Minister General Mya Tun Oo, Lieutenant General Moe Myint Tun, and Lieutenant General Ye Win Oo. But none of them are likely to want to risk their current status as well as the dominant position of the military, which has control over everything in Myanmar, to purge Min Aung Hlaing and hand power back to civilian leaders.
“The military officials do not like civilian rule, because their privileges were restricted,” said former captain Nyi Thuta.
Min Aung Hlaing’s subservient junior
Soe Win surprisingly secured the No. 2 position in Myanmar’s military over more senior generals, just like Min Aung Hlaing did.
Min Aung Hlaing was part of the 19th intake of the Defense Services Academy, while Soe Win was from the 22nd. When former military dictator Than Shwe stepped down, he made a surprising choice and handed the military to Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win despite having many other generals to choose from.
Than Shwe’s thinking was that the military chief would have to retire after the five-year term of the first elected government. The deputy military chief would then have to lead the military to maintain its role during the power transfer to the second elected government, a follower of Than Shwe told The Irrawaddy.
“But then, Min Aung Hlaing breached that rule,” he said.
Min Aung Hlaing refused to retire after reaching 60 and had the retirement age extended through a directive of the defense council, which he controls. Since the putsch, he has made himself the country’s de facto military leader for life, while also removing the age restriction for the deputy military chief, in this case, Soe Win. In other words, Min Aung Hlaing unfairly blocked Soe Win from becoming the military chief.
But Soe Win seems to be comfortable and has apparently never thought about using his position to turn against his boss.
Besides being second in command of the entire armed forces, Soe Win is also commander-in-chief (Army), a position that is more powerful than those of his Navy and Air Force counterparts.
Rather, has has been busy attempting to crush the resistance for Min Aung Hlaing while sharing his political stand.
“He is content with being the second man. He is only too satisfied to drink and fight,” said a retired military officer.
In the not very distant past, in 1992, then deputy military chief General Than Shwe purged his senior, military chief Senior General Saw Maung, who had a mental disorder. He also objected to Saw Maung’s public statement that the army would return to the barracks after handing power over to a winning party in the 1990 election. The National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in the election but was not allowed to take power.
In Myanmar’s modern military history dating back to 1962, no deputy chief or other high-ranking military officer has ever seized power from his chief to hand it back to an elected government.
Soe Win, the silent killer
Soe Win holds the highest rank among his classmates from the 22nd intake. But he was not as popular as his friends. U Ye Htut, who served as the spokesman and information minister under the U Thein Sein’s government, was for a long time the best-known figure from the intake.
Other well-known individuals include retired Navy chief Admiral Thura Thet Swe, former Home Minister Lieutenant-General Kyaw Shwe, former Defense Minister Lieutenant-General Hla Min, Energy Minister U Zeya Aung and Lieutenant-General Yar Pyae, who leads the regime’s peace negotiation team.
Soe Win is known as an inscrutable and quiet man. But he is a silent killer. He is responsible for the ongoing violence against civilians and for the clearance operations against the Rohingya in 2017. The US-sanctioned officer does not seem to have any regrets about any of those atrocities.
“The deputy military chief has become even more active since the coup,” said a former military officer.
Soe Win was born in 1960. He joined the 22nd intake of the Defense Services Academy in 1976, and served in various positions including commander of Light Infantry Battalion 379 in Minbya in northern Rakhine from 1981 to 2001. He became a tactical commander at North-Western Command in 2003, the commander of the 10th Military Operations Command in 2005, and the commandant of the combat training school (Ba Htoo) in 2006. He was appointed the commander of Northern Command in 2008. In 2010, he was brought back to Naypyitaw as the chief of the Bureau of Special Operations and promoted to lieutenant general. He became the deputy military chief in March 2011.
Will Soe Win become military chief?
Min Aung Hlaing’s presidential dream is an open secret. If he were to take the presidency, he would only leave someone he can trust as the military chief. There is no one else except Soe Win. Though Lt-Gen Moe Myint Tun was previously widely tipped to be the next military chief, Min Aung Hlaing would not take Soe Win into the cabinet as vice president, a position that does not have any power, and leave the military to a young and inexperienced general.
The third-most powerful men, chief of general staff (Army, Navy and Air) General Maung Maung Aye and Defense Minister General Mya Tun Oo are from the 25th intake of the Defense Services Academy and neither is likely to become the military chief.
Soe Win has probably foreseen that the military chief position is waiting for him once Min Aung Hlaing steps down, and thus has no reason to want to purge Min Aung Hlaing.
Soe Win has kept a low profile and has made sure he does not appear to be ambitious.
In reality, he is a not only co-conspirator behind the coup and protector of Min Aung Hlaing, but also the key general overseeing the bloody military offensive against EAOs, PDFs and civilians in the country.
So, for those delusional people who have not already done so, it is time to discard any wishful thinking that Soe Win would stage a coup against Min Aung Hlaing, let alone hand power back to the ousted NLD government..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"(CNN)A court in military-run Myanmar has sentenced ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi to six more years in prison after convicting her on four extra counts of corruption, state media reported on Tuesday.
The latest verdict in the series of secretive trials against the Nobel laureate takes her total jail term to 17 years and comes as the UN's Special Envoy on Myanmar traveled to the country on Monday to address the "deteriorating (rights) situation."
Suu Kyi, who turned 77 in June, was previously found guilty of multiple offenses ranging from graft to election violations.
n Monday, Suu Kyi was sentenced for charges of misusing funds from a charity to build a house and leasing government-owned land, according to the Myanmar News Agency (MNA).
Three other former government officials were also sentenced to three years in prison on similar charges, state media said.
Suu Kyi is being held in solitary confinement at a prison in the capital Naypyitaw and has denied all charges against her.
International rights groups and world leaders have expressed concern about the deteriorating state of human rights in Myanmar and dismissed ongoing trials against Suu Kyi, calling them "unfair and unjust."
"The Myanmar military junta's unjust conviction and sentencing of Aung San Suu Kyi is part of its methodical assault on human rights around the country," said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch (HRW), in a statement Monday.
"The military's willingness to forcibly disappear the country's high-profile civilian leader reveals the brutality that lesser-known political prisoners face," Pearson said.
Meanwhile, UN's Special Envoy on Myanmar, Noeleen Heyzer, traveled to Myanmar on Monday to address the "deteriorating situation and immediate concerns," the UN said in a statement.
"The Special Envoy's visit follows her extensive consultations with actors from across the political spectrum, civil society as well as communities affected by the ongoing conflict," the statement said..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, About Aung San Suu Kyi, Articles and reports about the NLD
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Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the U.S. and other governments to impose further sanctions on its army-controlled government
Description:
"BANGKOK -- Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the United States and other countries to impose further sanctions against military leaders who ousted an elected government early last year.
Human rights advocates and comments by U.S. lawmakers suggest the Senate is inching toward passage of the Burma Act, legislation already passed by the House of Representatives. Among other actions, it would pave the way for sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, or MOGE, a state-controlled company that is a vital source of hard cash for the impoverished nation.
That makes MOGE a key target in the push to cut off funding for the military’s efforts to quash a widespread public backlash against its February 2021 seizure of power.
Myanmar, also called Burma, has been ruled by the military for most of the past 70 years. The army’s takeover interrupted a gradual transition toward democratic civilian government and a more modern, open economy and resulted in a slew of sanctions against the military, which controls many industries, army family members and cronies.
The hangings in late July of four political activists prompted condemnation and stronger calls from U.S. lawmakers and others f or Myanmar’s neighbors, especially the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to exert more pressure on the country’s military rulers.
“It is time for them to impose meaningful consequences on the junta in Burma that is literally getting away with murder,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a supporter of ousted Myanmar civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said in a recent statement. If Myanmar’s neighbors and ASEAN won’t do more, the U.S. should “turn up the heat” on the army and its sources of financial support, he said.
“This should include sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise,” McConnell said.
In February, the European Union announced sanctions against MOGE, saying the military’s control means the company is “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma.”
Two of the other biggest Myanmar state companies, Myanma Economic Holdings Ltd. and Myanmar Economic Corp., already have been designated for U.S. sanctions.
Advocates of sanctions say they could make a difference if they are well-targeted and enforced. So far, Myanmar's economy has been insulated somewhat from the penalties imposed by the U.S. and other Western governments after the military takeover. Most of its trade — especially lucrative sales of gems, rare earths and timber — is with nearby countries, especially China, which has been signaling growing support for the military-controlled government. Most big Western energy companies already have pulled out of oil and gas projects in the country.
That leaves only financial levers. Exports of oil and gas to China and Thailand earn about $2 billion a year, according to reports in its state media, and are a key source of the foreign exchange Myanmar needs to pay for imports of all kinds, including weapons used to fight opposition forces who took up arms after the army crushed peaceful protests.
The EU sanctions led the Bank of China to advise operators of the Shwe oil and gas field in northwestern Myanmar that it will not handle payments in euros to MOGE out of concern they might fall afoul of those restrictions, according to activists briefed by two of the companies operating the project, Posco International and Kogas. Two other people familiar with the situation confirmed that euro payments to MOGE were being kept in escrow accounts. The people spoke on condition they not be identified out of concern over risks for themselves, family members and associates.
The billions that other global banks have paid for violating sanctions against other countries are a strong incentive for compliance.
The EU, in announcing its sanctions, said that since MOGE was controlled by and generates revenue for the military, it was “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma."
A 770 kilometer (475 mile) pipeline connects the Shwe field to China’s Yunnan province. It is the only major project whose contracts call for revenue from gas sales to be paid in euros, rather than U.S. dollars.
A spokesman for Posco International, which has a 51% stake in the project, confirmed that those revenues were being paid into an escrow account. Posco is being paid its share as normal, Song Chan, the spokesman, said in an emailed reply to questions. He said he could not comment on the status of payments to the other companies participating in the oil and gas pipeline.
Otherwise, the project was operating as normal, he said, referring further questions to China National United Oil Co., which buys gas from the Shwe project and pays sales revenue. That company, a subsidiary of state-owned China National Petroleum Corp., did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Neither did CNPC nor the Bank of China.
Korea Gas Corp., which has an 8.5% stake in the Shwe fields, did not reply to a request for comment.
The fact that the Shwe project has continued to send gas to China suggests that sanctions can be implemented without disrupting livelihoods or supplies of natural gas in Myanmar, said Keel Dietz, a policy adviser at the environmental non-profit Global Witness.
Critics of sanctions have often contended that they might harm employees of companies involved in the projects or worsen power shortages in the country. The Burma Act itself calls for assessing the potential impact of any sanctions against MOGE on people in Myanmar. The president could impose such sanctions if they would hinder abuses by Myanmar's military after ensuring they would be in the U.S. national interest, with benefits outweighing any harm.
Even though the EU sanctions, imposed in February, have only affected the Shwe project, “it’s clear that EU sanctions had a meaningful impact on the thinking of at least one bank in a way that at the very least has raised costs for the junta in accessing their money," Dietz said. “All of this was done with zero negative humanitarian impacts in Myanmar and Thailand."
A lack of impact on gas supplies to Thailand from other projects would alleviate concerns that U.S. sanctions against MOGE might harm relations with Bangkok.
The executions that Myanmar carried out recently have deepened frustrations for its neighbors. Human rights advocates say dozens of democracy activists remain on Myanmar’s death row.
“If more executions are conducted, then things will have to be reconsidered,” said Prak Sokhonn, Cambodia's foreign minister and ASEAN's special envoy for Myanmar.
Outside ASEAN, the countries with closest ties and most sway over Myanmar, China and Russia, have signaled support for the military and are unlikely to do much to apply pressure.
The nine other ASEAN members are waiting to see what happens in coming months ahead of an annual summit meeting in November, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah told reporters in Bangkok last week.
Saifuddin acknowledged that ASEAN countries, which tend to refrain from imposing economic sanctions against other members, are discussing that option as they search for ways to exert leverage on Myanmar's military leaders.
“We did discuss this measure, but there was no conclusion," Saifuddin said..."
Source/publisher:
"ABC News" (Sydney)
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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"The Republic of Union of Myanmar
National Unity Government
Ministry of Health
Announcement (10/2022)
16th August 2022
1. The National Health Committee (NHC), the COVID-19 Task Force (CTF) and the Ministry of Health, National Unity Government have repeatedly issued statements, encouraging UN agencies and non-governmental international organizations to implement immunization activities and humanitarian assistance based in accordance with the people-centred three fundamental principles: (a) People First (b) Transparency (c) Equal and balanced communication with all stakeholders.
2. The estimated immunization coverage in Myanmar after the unlawful military coup in 2021 is observed to be 48%, 37%, 44% for BCG, DPT3 and MR1 respectively. Therefore, more than half of the 950,000 children under the age of one year have not been fully vaccinated. The children
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Health, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
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Statement on the visit of the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar -ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံခရီးစဉ်အပေါ် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar takes
note of the announcement that the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General, Ms.
Noeleen Heyzer, will travel to Myanmar.
The reported focus of Special Envoy’s visit will be to advance the UN Security
Council’s calls for an immediate cessation of all forms of violence and for
unimpeded humanitarian access, and to address ' the deteriorating situation and
immediate concerns as well as other priority areas of her mandate'.1
Yet on the same day that the visit was announced, the illegal military junta added
six years to the political imprisonment of State Counsellor H.E. Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, who continues to be held in solitary confinement despite repeated
condemnation by the UN Security Council and the General Assembly.
There is no coincidence in this timing. It is deliberate act of junta aggression
against the UN - a live threat that any attempt by the Special Envoy to engage with
Myanmar's democratically-elected leaders and its legitimate Government will
result in swift reprisals.
It also follows the terrorist junta’s extrajudicial execution of four democracy
activists before the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on 3 August 2022 and
despite the ASEAN Chair’s public plea.
Through murder and deception, the junta is attempting to hold the international
community hostage. Not only has each ASEAN and UN entreaty been rebuffed,
the rejections have been metered out in escalating atrocities.
The Special Envoy’s visit must be directed at ending the junta’s violence, its
weaponisation of aid, its persecution of political prisoners, and its impunity.
Intensified efforts must also target the multiple junta-induced crises destabilising
the region’s peace and security. Anything short of this would be an appeasement of
war criminals.
The National Unity Government remains a committed and dependable partner to
the Special Envoy. Ms. Heyzer’s consultations must also include Myanmar’s
Ethnic Resistance Organizations and civil society, and amplify the voices of the
Myanmar people.....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Ms. Noeleen Heyzer အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။
အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်လာရောက်မည့် ခရီးစဉ်သည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်မှုပုံစံအားလုံးကို ရပ်တန့်ရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများ အတားအဆီးမရှိ ဝင်ရောက်နိုင်ရေးတို့အား တောင်းဆိုပြီးနောက် ဆိုးရွားလာသော အခြေအနေနှင့် အရေးပေါ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့်ကိစ္စရပ်များနှင့် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အတွင်းမှာရှိသော ဦးစားပေးကဏ္ဍများကို ကိုင်တွယ် ဖြေရှင်းရန်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ခရီးစဉ်ကြေညာသည့်နေ့တွင်ပင် တရားမ၀င် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အား ထပ်တိုးထောင်ဒဏ်ခြောက်နှစ်အား မတရားသဖြင့် ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီနှင့် အထွေထွေ ညီလာခံတို့က အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ရှုတ်ချခဲ့သည့်တိုင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အား ယခုကဲ့သို့ မတရားသဖြင့် ဆက်လက်အကျဉ်းချထားခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ယခုကဲ့သို့ အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင် တိုက်ဆိုင်မှုဟူ၍ မရှိပါ။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအား တမင်တကာ ရန်စသည့် လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးချယ် တင်မြှောက်ထားသော ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ၎င်း၏တရားဝင်အစိုးရနှင့် ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံရန် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုမှန်သမျှသည် လျင်မြန်စွာ လက်တုံ့ပြန်ခြင်းခံရမည်ဟု အဓိပ္ပာယ်ရသည့် တိုက်ရိုက်ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုတစ်ရပ်လည်းဖြစ်သည်။
ထို့အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အာဆီယံဉက္ကဋ္ဌ၏ လူသိရှင်ကြား တောင်းဆိုခဲ့မှုရှိခဲ့သည့်ကြားကပင်
ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူ လေးဦးအား အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးမတိုင် မီ မတရားသဖြင့် ကွပ်မျက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် လူသတ်မှုနှင့် လှည့်ဖြားမှုမှတစ်ဆင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆုပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အာဆီယံနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂတို့၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်များကို ပယ်ချရုံသာမက အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအား ယခုထက် ပိုမိုတိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ခရီးစဉ်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ အဆုံးသတ်ရေးကို ဦးတည်ရမည့်အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် ထောက်ပံ့ကူညီမှုများကို လက်နက်သဖွယ် အသုံးချနေခြင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းခြင်းနှင့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးခြင်းတို့အား အဆုံးသတ်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ဒေသတွင်း ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးကို မတည်မငြိမ်ဖြစ်စေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက လှုံ့ဆော်လျက်ရှိသည့် ပြဿနာ အကျပ်အတည်း များကိုလည်း ပစ်မှတ်ထားဖြေရှင်းရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကယ်၍ ထိရောက်စွာ ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပါက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအား စစ်ရာဇဝတ်သားများအဖြစ်မှ သက်သာရာရသွားစေမည့်အဖြစ်သို့ ရောက်ရှိသွား နိုင်ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ အားထားရသော မိတ်ဖက်အဖြစ် ဆက်လက်တည်ရှိနေမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး Ms. Noeleen Heyzer ၏ ဆွေးနွေးချက်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ပါဝင်ကာ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသံကို ထင်ဟပ်ရမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့
ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၀/၂၀၂၂)
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၁၆) ရက်
၁။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် ကာကွယ်ဆေးထိုးနှံခြင်းလုပ်ငန်းများအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီအထောက်အပံ့များကို (က) ပြည်သူသာ အဓိက ဖြစ်ရမည်၊ (ခ) ပွင့်လင်း မြင်သာမှုရှိရမည်၊ (ဂ) ညီမျှသော ဆက်ဆံမှုရှိရမည် ဟူသော ပြည်သူအခြေပြုမူဝါဒ (၃) ရပ် နှင့်အညီ အမြန်ဆုံးအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးကော်မတီ (NHC)၊ COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ထိန်းချုပ်ကုသရေးအဖွဲ့ (CTF) နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့က အကြိမ်ကြိမ် အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် (၂၀၂၁) ခုနှစ်၏ ခန့်မှန်းခြေ ကာကွယ်ဆေးထိုး လွှမ်းခြုံမှု (Estimated Immunization Coverage) မှာ BCG 48%, DPT3 37%, MR1 44% ရှိ ကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် တစ်နှစ်အတွင်း အသက်တစ်နှစ်အောက် ကလေးဦးရေ (၉) သိန်းခွဲ၏ တစ်ဝက်ကျော်သည် ပုံမှန်ကာကွယ်ဆေးများ အပြည့်အဝထိုးနှံနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများအပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြား၌ အသက် (၅) နှစ် အောက် ကလေးငယ်များသည် ပုံမှန်ရရှိသင့်သည့် ကာကွယ်ဆေးများ မရရှိကြဘဲ ကာကွယ် ဆေးဖြင့် ကာကွယ်နိုင်မည့် ရောဂါများ (Vaccine Preventable Diseases) ဖြစ်ပွားနိုင်သည့် အန္တရာယ်များနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရပါသည်။
၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ဆေးများ၊ ကလေးငယ်များအတွက် ပုံမှန်ရရှိသင့်သည့် ကာကွယ်ဆေးများအပါအဝင် ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီ အထောက်အပံ့များ ရရှိရေးအတွက် ကုလ သမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၄။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သားများ၊ ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်းများ၊ လူနာတင်ယာဉ် များအပါအဝင်၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများအပေါ် ကမ္ဘာ့ကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့ (WHO) က နှုတ်ဆိတ်ပြီး မနေရန်နှင့် မြန်မာကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သားများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့ (WHO) ထံသို့ စာဖြင့် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ဆက်သွယ်အသိပေး၊ တောင်းဆို ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အနေဖြင့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ၊ စစ်ဘေးသင့် ပြည်သူများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဘေးအန္တရာယ်မှ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရသည့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ပြည်သူများအတွက် အမှန်တကယ် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသော COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ဆေးများ၊ အသက် (၅) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးငယ်များအတွက် ပုံမှန်ရရှိသင့်သည့် ကာကွယ်ဆေးများ အပါအဝင် ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီ အထောက်အပံ့ များကို ပြည်သူအခြေပြုမူဝါဒ (၃) ရပ်နှင့်အညီ ထိထိရောက်ရောက်နှင့် အမြန်ဆုံးအကောင် အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို နိုင်ငံ တကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းမှန်သမျှအသုံးပြု၍ အချိန်မီထိရောက်စွာ တားဆီးအရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းအသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။
ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Health, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
390.44 KB
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Description:
"The lack of technical details and progress of the peace talks amid ongoing land and air incursions in the borderlands has drawn criticism that the negotiations are superficial and hollow.
The Tatmadaw’s outreach to Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) in Myanmar for peace talks has drawn much domestic and international attention. The rare conciliatory tone towards rebel groups could be driven by growing international pressure to focus reconciliation efforts as constant fighting with these groups has resulted in heavy losses. Although many resistance groups adopted a wait-and-watch approach after the military takeover in 2021, the junta has managed to convince 10 out of 21 EAOs (both signatories and non-signatories to the 2015 nationwide ceasefire agreement) to enter into a ceasefire—mostly those that are not in a direct conflict with the regime.
Both SSA and UWSP have sought to further consolidate their positions in the Shan state amidst the ongoing competition amongst the EAOs there.
The Tatmadaw’s engagement with the EAOs is more on an individual basis rather than on a group level. The country’s Army General Min Aung Hlaing held individual meetings in May 2022 with leaders of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), and the United Wa State Party (UWSP). Both SSA and UWSP have sought to further consolidate their positions in the Shan state amidst the ongoing competition amongst the EAOs there. While the SSA is facing resistance from other rebel groups in the state, the UWSP has a stronghold in areas under its command, supported by Beijing across the border. Meeting the EAOs individually is easier for the junta to attend to their separate and unique demands.
However, some EAOs including the Karen National Union (KNU), Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Chin National Army (CNA), which have engaged in violent clashes with the regime in recent months, have refused to join the latest round of peace talks. They have said that the negotiations lack inclusion given that the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) and People’s Defence Force (PDF) were not invited. The junta has denounced the PDF, NUG, and Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) as terrorist groups and refused to include them in the peace talks. The recent round of military operations in Karen State in June 2022 could also play a role in dissuading the KNU from reciprocating the peace overtures. The Arakan Army (AA) has also expressed cynicism about the talks given that the Tatmadaw has waged offensives, occupied religious buildings, and set up military posts in public spaces in Rakhine.
The EAOs adopted divergent reactions to the February 2021 coup, only some expressed willingness in joining forces with the NUG to fight the Tatmadaw while a few ended up switching sides.
Historically, most EAOs have played a minimal role in anti-coup movements given that they have neither had a loyalty to the Tatmadaw nor the National League for Democracy (NLD). Many rebel groups felt that the NLD deprioritised their interests and well-being when they entered into a power-sharing arrangement with the junta in 2015. Therefore, the EAOs adopted divergent reactions to the February 2021 coup, only some expressed willingness in joining forces with the NUG to fight the Tatmadaw while a few ended up switching sides. For instance, although the SSA-S supported the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) following the coup in 2021, it has now changed its position and was the first EAO to accept the junta’s recent ceasefire offer. EAOs will likely continue their strategy of hedging for individual mileage.
Figure 1: A map of Myanmar showing key areas contested by Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs)
Superficial engagement rather than a genuine outreach
The lack of technical details and progress of the peace talks amidst ongoing land and air incursions in the borderlands has drawn criticism that the negotiations are superficial and hollow. There are three possible reasons for the peace overtures. First, the reconciliation efforts appear to be a smokescreen to conceal the junta’s real intent of continuing their brutal crackdown against those directly and indirectly affiliated with the resistance—from the PDF soldiers to political dissidents to anti-regime netizens. Second, it could be a ruse to sow discord amongst the groups and find ways to dissuade the EAOs from aligning with the NUG. It could also be a “divide and rule” policy to delegitimise and instigate conflict given that some of these EAOs continue to have a factitious relationship with one another. It could also be a distraction to prevent them from aligning with the NUG. Third, the ongoing land and aerial attacks could be a strategy for the junta to come to the negotiating table from a position of power and strength. It may be using its military aggression against rebel fighters and civilians to have an upper hand at these talks.
The negotiations are unlikely to lead to a new and lasting ceasefire agreement given the junta’s tendency of not sticking to its own commitments in the past and the lack of group unity during these peace talks.
Accepting the junta’s offer for peace talks, however, not only legitimises the regime but also serves as a reminder that rebel groups do not have much agency in Centre-peripheral relations. The regime’s vision for nation-building and national unity resulted in processes of discrimination and subordination of minority groups. It remains to be seen what roles would play in the coming years, and whether they will receive more autonomy in the country. After all, the Tatmadaw perceives itself as guardians of the unitary state and strongly opposes efforts toward federalism or equal distribution of power between the Centre and the peripheries. It is also uncertain whether the junta will continue its conciliatory and accommodating stance toward the EAOs once it has consolidated more power across the country. The negotiations are unlikely to lead to a new and lasting ceasefire agreement given the junta’s tendency of not sticking to its own commitments in the past and the lack of group unity during these peace talks.
The recent developments do not bode well for the NUG which wants EAOs to play ball with them, either through an alliance or by remaining neutral. Efforts by the ousted government to encourage rebel groups to align with them appear to be challenging given the trust deficit between the two sides. Several “peace conferences” in recent years have done little to overcome the deep resentment and distrust between Bamar and ethnic groups. The KIO’s efforts to encourage EAOs who do not want to join the peace talks to side with the NUG and PDF have had limited success as well. The lack of positive engagement with the NUG raises the question of how far the ousted government will go to keep its legitimacy intact on the domestic and international levels. At the moment, some Burmese still think that the NUG is their legitimate government and a few western countries continue to engage with them informally. There are also concerns about whether the international community has provided sufficient support to these pro-democracy forces to ensure that Myanmar does not slide into the zone of neglect, indifference, and silence given the disproportionate attention given to the Ukraine crisis..."
Source/publisher:
Observer Research Foundation
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"Political prisoners on hunger strike at Mandalay’s Obo Prison have been beaten and placed in solitary confinement since August 3, and are being denied medical treatment, said prison sources.
Some 19 political prisoners are currently being held in solitary confinement. Four are anti-regime protesters, including Ko Naung Htet Aung from the Basic Education General Strike Committee, who were placed in solitary confinement on August 3. Another 15 political prisoners were placed in solitary after August 9, according to prison sources.
Relatives and colleagues are concerned about the health of Ko Naung Htet Aung, a former chairperson of the Yangon Education University Students Union, who was badly beaten by prison authorities.
A member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) said: “Ko Naung Htet Aung lost three teeth and was also beaten on his head and shoulders. We have learned that political prisoners including him are being denied medical treatment. So we are working for them to be able to receive medical treatment.”
Ko Naung Htet Aung was sentenced on August 10 to three years in jail by a junta court inside Obo Prison for incitement under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, said an ABFSU member.
Political prisoners being held at Obo staged a hunger strike from August 1 in protest at the military regime’s executions of pro-democracy activists Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw. Some 40 anti-junta prisoners joined the hunger strike and on August 3 four of them were placed in solitary confinement.
On August 9, a prisoner being held for criminal offences seized a care package sent to a political prisoner with the same name. A brawl erupted when political prisoners complained to prison authorities about the incident. Anti-regime protesters were subsequently beaten by a prison official and convicts being held for committing crimes.
As many as 30 political prisoners were beaten and 15 were subsequently placed in solitary confinement.
An ABFSU member said that the prison authorities instigated the brawl between the political prisoners and criminal prisoners, as they needed an excuse to punish the political prisoners on hunger strike.
“Political prisoners are being held with criminal prisoners. Criminal prisoners have taken the care packages sent to political prisoners. When the political prisoners complained, the prison authorities got the criminal prisoners to beat political prisoners. The political prisoners were then placed in solitary confinement. It was a deliberate set-up by the prison authorities,” said the ABFSU member.
The ABFSU said that it supported the political prisoners’ hunger strike as a way of demonstrating opposition to the unfair judicial system.
The anti-regime prisoners on hunger strike are demanding that prisoners on death row be spared, that political prisoners be released as requested by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, that political prisoners be allowed visits by relatives and that restrictions on their rights be lifted.
The ABFSU and student unions have called on the public and anti-regime media to publicize the plight of political prisoners at Obo Prison, as the junta has imposed a news blackout on their ill-treatment.
Some 125 people have been given death sentences by regime courts since last year’s coup, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"A Myanmar junta court sentenced the country’s ousted leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to an additional six years in prison on Monday, finding her guilty of further corruption charges, relating to a charity she founded in memory of her late mother.
In the four corruption cases decided on Monday, a special court in Naypyitaw Prison, where Suu Kyi is being held in solitary confinement, said that the 77-year old leader of the National League for Democracy Party misused her power to rent public land at below market prices and to build a residence with donations intended for Suu Kyi’s charity, the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation.
Sources close to the court said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi complained that the verdict was unfair and has asked her lawyers to appeal.
Since her arrest following last year’s coup, the military regime has filed 20 charges against Suu Kyi, including 13 corruption cases.
She faces a potential combined prison term of 164 years if found guilty of all 20 charges, with the regime seemingly determined to ensure that their politically-motivated charges keep Suu Kyi behind bars for the rest of her life.
So far, she has been sentenced to 17 years in jail on six charges.
In May, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to five years in prison for accepting bribes from the then Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein, who testified in October last year that he gave her seven viss (around 11.4kg) of gold and US$600,000 in 2017 and 2018.
The verdict was based only U Phyo Min Thein’s testimony and there is no evidence of the gold or dollars being received by Suu Kyi..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, About Aung San Suu Kyi, Articles and reports about the NLD
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Description:
"A total of 17 civilians, including a child, have been killed in a Myanmar junta raid and airstrikes on a Sagaing Region village.
On Thursday around 60 regime soldiers, airlifted by helicopters, occupied Yin Paung Taing village in the south of Yinmabin Township after three Russian-made MI-35 helicopters attacked villagers using machine guns and rockets.
The villagers were preparing a meal for resistance fighters from Chin State. Many villagers and Chin People’s Defense Force members were trapped in the village while around 3,000 residents escaped.
Overnight most of the resistance members escaped after a shootout with regime forces.
On Friday, approximately 90 more regime reinforcements were dropped by helicopter and an MI-35 attacked after resistance groups tried to evacuate the trapped civilians.
On Sunday, regime troops left the village and residents found 17 bodies, including the remains of six people burned by troops.
Twelve were Yin Paung Tiaing villagers, according to residents and the Young Ranger Force (YRF), a resistance force.
Ko Bala of the group told The Irrawaddy on Monday that a 10-year-old girl and villager Daw Nwe Nwe, 52, were killed by helicopter bombs.
“We will live without any worry when we annihilate the regime. Until then there is nowhere safe for everyone,” he said.
Villagers Ko Thaw Phone Naing, 17, Ko Saung Win Latt, 40, U Mg Myint, 55, Ko Nyein Thu Aung, 24, Daw Yi Myint, 45, U Kyaw Win Swe, 73, and Ko Pwa Gyi, 45, who suffered from mental illness, were shot dead by troops.
Villagers Daw Khin Mya, 85, and Daw Ni, 62, starved to death while trapped in the village.
U Kyaw Hmawe, 67, died while fleeing junta airstrikes, according to the YRF.
Residents found five other bodies, one of which was confirmed as an ethnic Chin resistance fighter, a villager told The Irrawaddy.
Pro-regime Telegram channels reported last Friday that seven resistance fighters were killed and many firearms and ammunition were seized during the raid.
Regime forces torched about six buildings and many houses were bombed, residents said.
The troops took around 32 villagers as human shields as they raided villages in Pale Township on Sunday.
Shootouts broke out with resistance forces on Sunday.
The casualty numbers are unknown.
Since Thursday, around 7,000 residents from seven villages have fled their homes.
Amid repeated resistance attacks, regime forces have relentlessly committed atrocities, including the arbitrary killing of civilians, torturing and burning people alive, using civilians as human shields, air and artillery strikes on residential areas, looting and burning houses and acts of sexual violence..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political History
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Description:
"The Special Envoy of the Secretary-General Noeleen Heyzer is travelling today to Myanmar. Following the latest call from the Security Council for an immediate cessation of all forms of violence and unimpeded humanitarian access to all those in need, she will focus on addressing the deteriorating situation and immediate concerns as well as other priority areas of her mandate.
The Special Envoy’s visit follows her extensive consultations with actors from across the political spectrum, civil society as well as communities affected by the ongoing conflict..."
Source/publisher:
Secretary-General, United Nations
Date of publication:
2022-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
“Statement on the joint letter addressing the United Nations Transforming Education Summit in New York” - “နယူးယောက်မြို့တွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်မည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပညာရေး အသွင်ပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညီလာခံသို့ တက်ရောက်ရန် စာရေးသားဖိတ်ကြားခဲ့မှုနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်”
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အမေရိကန် ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ နယူးယောက်မြို့တွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်မည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပညာရေး အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှု ဆိုင်ရာ ညီလာခံသို့ တက်ရောက်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၂ ခုက စာရေးသား ဖိတ်ကြားခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက်ပါသည်။
အဆိုပါစာတွင်မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သို့ လိပ်မူထားပြီး ဝဏ္ဏမောင်လွင် ကဲ့သို့သော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု အဖွဲ့ဝင်များကို မိတ္တူပေးပို့ထားသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ အဆိုပါပူးတွဲပေးပို့စာသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို စော်ကားသကဲ့သို့ဖြစ်ပြီး သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၂ ခု၏ ပုံရိပ်ကို ထိခိုက်စေပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာ စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာရေးအဖွဲ့မှ ပြန်လည်တောင်းပန်စာကို တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သော်လည်း စာမှာ အလွန်တိုတောင်းသည်ကို ဝမ်းနည်းစိတ်ပျက်ဖွယ် တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည်သာ မြန်မာပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရဖြစ်ပြီး ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလတွင် တရားဝင်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်း ထားခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းများမှ အားပေး ထောက်ခံမှုကို တစ်ခဲနက် ရရှိထားသော အစိုးရဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် သိသာထင်ရှားသည့် နယ်မြေထိန်းချုပ်မှု၊ သင့်တင့်သော အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးလည်ပတ်မှုနှင့် အစိုးရယန္တရားကိုလည်း လည်ပတ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၊ အထွေထွေညီလာခံနှင့် အထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်ရုံးတို့မှလည်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရခေါင်းဆောင်များကို တရားဝင် အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စု ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှု စသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု များကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့်သူဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂၀၁၈ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ လွတ်လပ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာ အချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးမစ်ရှင်မှ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်အား ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်ရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအရေး အပါအဝင် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှု၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အရေးယူစစ်ဆေးနိုင်ရန် အစီရင်ခံစာရေးသွင်းခဲ့ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါကိစ္စရပ်များသည် ယခု နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရုံး (ICJ) တွင် တရားစွဲဆိုမခံရခင်ကတည်းက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိနေခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အထူးစောင့်ကြည့် ရေးအဖွဲ့နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လွတ်လပ်သောစုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုယန္တရားတို့မှ စစ်ဆေး ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် များအရ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ခေါင်းဆောင်ဖြစ်သည့်အလျောက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အတွက် များစွာတာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။
အဆိုပါ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၂ ခုက ဖိတ်ကြားစာပေးပို့ခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အမြန်ဆုံးပြန်လည်ရုတ်သိမ်း၍ လူသိရှင်ကြားတောင်းပန်ရန်နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည့် စာအပြည့်အစုံအား ရေးသားထုတ်ပြန်ရန် မျှော်လင့်ပါသည်။ တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် အဆိုပါ အဖွဲ့ ၁၂ ဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့် လွဲမှားသွားမှုအပေါ် အလေးအနက် ပြန်လည်သုံးသပ်ရန်နှင့် ယင်းကဲ့သို့ အမှားအယွင်းမျိုး နောက်တစ်ကြိမ် ထပ်မံမဖြစ်ပွားစေရန် သေချာဂရုပြုရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ထိုသို့ပြန်လည်သုံး သပ်ရာတွင် ၄င်းတို့၏ မူဝါဒများ၊ ပရိုဂရမ်များနှင့် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများအားလုံးသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူ ပြည်သားများကို တိုက်ရိုက်အကျိုးပြုကြောင်း သေချာစေရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
ပူးတွဲရေးသားထားသည့်စာတွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ ပညာရေးအသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာညီလာခံသည် “ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သည့် နိုင်ငံတကာပညာရေးသို့ တက်လှမ်းနိုင်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်သည်” ဟူ၍ ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အထူးစောင့်ကြည့်ရေးအဖွဲ့မှ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီသို့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့က ပေးပို့သည့်စာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် ပညာရေးစနစ်ပြိုလဲစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ ကျောင်းများ နှင့် ကျောင်းသား /သူများအပေါ် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ပြီး အနည်းဆုံး (၇.၈) မီလံယံ ကျောင်းနေအရွယ်ကလေးများ၏ ပညာသင်ကြားမှု အခွင့်အရေးများ ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့သည်ဟု ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် အခြားသော သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တိုင်းရင်းသားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါ ပညာရေးလစ်ဟာမှုများကို ဖြည့်ဆည်းနိုင်ရန်ရည်ရွယ်၍ လက်လှမ်းမှီသမျှ ကလေးသူငယ်များအား ပညာသင်ကြားခွင့်ရရှိရန် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ကမ္ဘာ့ပညာရေး၊ သိပ္ပံနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှု အဖွဲ့အစည်း (ယူနက်စကို) အနေဖြင့် စက်တင်ဘာလတွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်မည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပညာရေး အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညီလာခံသို့ တက်ရောက်ရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကိုသာ အသိအမှတ်ပြု ဖိတ်ကြားသင့်ပါသည်။ ပူးတွဲပါ အဖွဲ့အစည်း ၁၂ ခုအနေဖြင့်လည်း ကမ္ဘာ့ပညာရေး၊ သိပ္ပံနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှု အဖွဲ့အစည်း (ယူနက်စကို) ကိုသာ ကိုယ်စားပြုသင့်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-13
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar expresses its grave concern and extreme disappointment at a joint letter issued by 12 organisations on 11 August 2022.
The letter, which discusses the upcoming United Nations Transforming Education Summit in New York, was addressed to Min Aung Hlaing and was copied to other junta members including Wunna Maung Lwin.
The joint letter is supremely insulting to the Myanmar people and damaging to reputations of the 12 co-signatories. While the National Unity Government acknowledges the subsequent public apology issued by Human Rights Watch, this too falls woefully short.
The National Unity Government is the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people. It was established by parliamentarians who were democratically elected in November 2020. It enjoys the popular support of the Myanmar people and large segments of the international community. It exercises significant and effective territorial control, manages ordinary governmental operations and delivers governmental services. The UN Security Council, General Assembly, and Secretary-General have each affirmed the continuing authority of the National Unity Government’s leaders.
Min Aung Hlaing, however, is a war criminal responsible for atrocity crimes. In 2018, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar called for Min Aung Hlaing to be investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, including against the Rohingya in Rakhine State. An associated genocide case is active before the International Court of Justice.
Since he has presided over his terrorist junta, Min Aung Hlaing has also been found responsible for grave human rights violations and probable war crimes and crimes against humanity by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar.
The National Unity Government therefore expects the 12 signatory organisations to issue a fuller apology to the people of Myanmar that also recognises the National Unity Government as the legitimate representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. At the same time, the 12 organisations must urgently determine how this serious mistake occurred and put in place procedures to prevent a repeat. Such a review would be consistent with the repeated calls on organisations and their donors to ensure that all policies, programs and interventions directly benefit the Myanmar people.
In their joint letter, the organisations called on states to use the UN Transforming Education Summit to provide a ‘strong foundation for stronger international standards’ on education. As the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar reported to the UN Human Rights Council on 29 June 2022, junta attacks “on schools and children and the collapse of the state education system have deprived at least 7.8 million children of access to education”.
The National Unity Government and its ethnic partner organisations are closing this gap by providing Myanmar’s children and youth with access to education. It follows that UNESCO must accredit the Myanmar representatives presented by the National Unity Government at the UN Transforming Education Summit in September. The 12 signatory organisations should make representations to UNESCO to this effect..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"116 Myanmar and Singapore companies with 262 directors and shareholders have brokered the supply of weapons and other equipment worth many millions in US dollars to the Myanmar military, including since the illegal attempted coup of February 1, 2021.
The known brokers include 31 companies with 77 directors and shareholders that Justice For Myanmar has identified as suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had active business with the military since its coup attempt.
These brokers of arms and equipment for a military that has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide must be urgently sanctioned.
Justice For Myanmar has also identified 27 companies with 51 directors and shareholders that brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military since 2017– the year of the Rohingya genocide. Justice For Myanmar also calls for sanctions against these companies and individuals.
Linked to the total of 78 Myanmar-based companies supplying the military are at least 38 subsidiary or associated companies in Singapore.
Singapore has long been a known financial and trade hub for the Myanmar military’s arms procurement and this poses an imminent threat to the lives of millions of Myanmar people.
As a member of ASEAN, Singapore has an obligation to play an instrumental role to resolve the Myanmar crisis, as well as a moral responsibility to act. It must end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.
We are calling for international sanctions on arms brokers and their directors and shareholders in order to halt the flow of arms to the military junta.
We call on Singapore to impose immediate sanctions to ban the use of its territory, including its banks and ports, for the supply of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military.
The Myanmar military’s resources are used by the junta in its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
The military junta has killed 2,158 civilians and imprisoned over 15,000 more since the military’s illegal attempted coup on February 1, 2021.
Since the attempted coup, the military junta has carried out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murdered villagers, committed rape, destroyed homes and crops, forcibly displacing an estimated 866,400 people.
Under the Arms Trade Treaty, to which 111 states are parties, it is prohibited to transfer arms with knowledge they would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies seeks to prevent the transfer of dual-use goods to countries of concern. Singapore is not party to the Arms Trade Treaty or the Wassenaar Arrangement.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “So far, only a few of the companies supplying arms and equipment to the military junta have been sanctioned. The vast majority are continuing to operate freely. This is unacceptable.
“When only a few countries impose sanctions, the junta is still able to get the arms, equipment and funds it needs to terrorise the people of Myanmar.
“Sanctions are only effective when they are imposed by all relevant countries, on all businesses and individuals enabling the junta and its atrocity crimes.
“JFM is calling for coordinated international sanctions on these companies and their directors and shareholders in order to stop the flow of arms and equipment to the military junta.
“Governments and companies – especially Singapore – have significant power to end the military junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity. Without meaningful action, Singapore will remain complicit in the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes.
“Singapore and other governments imposed swift and coordinated sanctions on the Russian government and its arms businesses in response to its aggression against Ukraine. The time is well overdue for governments to take a decisive and coordinated response to the Myanmar military’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions
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"116 Myanmar and Singapore companies with 262 directors and shareholders have brokered the supply of weapons and other equipment worth many millions in US dollars to the Myanmar military, including since the illegal attempted coup of February 1, 2021.
The known brokers include 31 companies with 77 directors and shareholders that Justice For Myanmar has identified as suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had active business with the military since its coup attempt. These businesses and their directors and shareholders are complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes. Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against these companies and individuals.
Justice For Myanmar has also identified 27 companies with 51 directors and shareholders that brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military since 2017– the year of the Rohingya genocide, preceding the coup attempt. They have been complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes and must be prevented from pursuing further business with the military. Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions against these companies and individuals.
Linked to the total of 78 Myanmar-based companies brokering for the military are at least 38 subsidiary or associated companies in Singapore.
Singapore has long been a known financial and trade hub for the Myanmar military junta and this poses an imminent threat to the lives of millions of Myanmar people. As a member of ASEAN, Singapore has an important role to play to resolve the Myanmar crisis. It must start by ending its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.
Myanmar’s military resources have long been used in its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, in aggression against ethnic minorities who resisted its attempts to suppress their equal rights in the union. The military has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity against ethnic minorities and in 2017, committed genocide against the Rohingya. Since the 1 February 2021 attempted coup, that deliberate violence is directed against people across the country who continue to reject and resist the military’s ongoing attempt to seize power.
The suppliers of arms to the Myanmar military have had knowledge of the war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed by the brutal military. Those who continue to provide arms are complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes.
Since the military’s attempted coup, the military has carried out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murdered villagers, committed rape, destroyed homes and crops, and forcibly displaced an estimated 866,400 people.
Under the Arms Trade Treaty, to which 111 states are parties, it is prohibited to transfer arms with knowledge they would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies seeks to prevent the transfer of dual-use goods to countries of concern. 42 states are parties to the Wassenaar Agreement. However, Singapore is not a party to the Arms Trade Treaty or the Wassenaar Arrangement.
So far, only a few of the companies supplying arms and other products to the military junta have been sanctioned, while the vast majority are continuing to operate freely.
Companies brokering arms to Myanmar military
The following companies are confirmed to have brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, and are divided into three categories, based on the current status of their identified business activities.
Category “A” lists brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military since the attempted coup.
Category “B” lists brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have conducted business with the Myanmar military following the Rohingya genocide from 2017 or later.
Justice For Myanmar calls for companies, directors and shareholders listed in category “A” and “B” to be sanctioned for their involvement in supplying the Myanmar military.
Category “C” includes brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have conducted business with the Myanmar military from 2015-2016, or where dates are not confirmed. The companies, their shareholders and directors should be monitored as there is a risk that they may have continued business with the Myanmar military. Any ongoing business with the Myanmar military must result in sanctions.
The sources are based on documents from the Myanmar Ministry of Defence's procurement department that have been leaked to JFM, previous disclosures made public by JFM, industry sources and other online and media sources.
Download the list of Myanmar military arms broker companies and individuals (11 August 2022): Download Excel File (65 kb)
Category A: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military since its coup attempt
A1 Group of Companies & subsidiaries: Yadanarbon Fibre Services Co. Ltd, Com & Com Co. Ltd, Terabit Wave Co. Ltd & Bright Sky Group Pte Ltd
A1 Group through its subsidiaries Yadanarbon Fibre Services Company Limited, Com & Com Company Limited, Terabit Wave Company Limited and Bright Sky Group Private Limited provide telecommunications technology and services to the Myanmar military.
According to Yadanarbon Fibre Services Co. Ltd’s website, the company has provided CCTV surveillance services to the Ministry of Defence, which is controlled by the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing.
Terabit Wave Co. Ltd and Com & Com Co. Ltd, which has business links to German and Israel companies, have had business with the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Signals since 2014.
According to JFM sources, purchases are made through Bright Sky Group Pte Ltd, a Singaporean business unit of the A1 Group.
In 2017, Terabit Wave brokered or attempted to broker the procurement of optical transmission systems from the Korean firm Coweaver for the Directorate of Signals, according to a leaked letter sent by the company to the Directorate of Procurement in September 2017.
The four companies share common directors and shareholders. In addition, Yadanarbon Fibre Services Company Limited is also a shareholder in Telecom International Myanmar (Mytel), a military-controlled telecommunications operator in Myanmar, through Myanmar National Telecom Holdings.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Creative Exploration Ltd
Creative Exploration Limited (formerly known as mySpace International or My Space International Company Limited) has imported fuzes from India to the Myanmar military since the attempted coup.
The most recent shipment was on March 25, 2022 and consisted of 3,000 fuzes, according to records from the Panjiva trade database. This followed a similar shipment in 2020 and 2019.
The company has also imported digital forensics technology from the United States (US) firm Oxygen Forensics and a digital forensics examination station from the US firm Sirichie, both via Indian suppliers.
Creative Exploration Ltd is also a major broker of arms and equipment for the Myanmar police force.
The company is owned by Dr Kyaw Kyaw Htun, a former military officer and graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy and his wife, Zar Phyu Tin Soe, is the daughter of a former military officer who was Myanmar’s ambassador to Russia.
For more details, see JFM’s feature
Dynasty Group & its subsidiaries
Dynasty Group of Companies, which has carried out business in the European Union (EU), supplied aircraft and spare parts manufactured by the German company Grob to the Myanmar Air Force.
A subsidiary of Dynasty Group, Dynasty International Company Limited, is also a key arms supplier to the Myanmar military, with links to companies in Russia, Belarus and Germany.
Dynasty International imported parts for Mi-17 helicopters since the attempted coup, according to data from the trade database, ImportGenius.
The Group’s director, Dr Aung Moe Myint, is the Belarus Honorary Consul to Myanmar.
His business unit registered in Singapore, Dynasty Excellency Pte Ltd, is highly likely to be used to facilitate arms transactions to Myanmar.
Aung Moe Myint is now targeted by sanctions from the United Kingdom (UK) and Canada, and his business Dynasty International Company Limited is also sanctioned by the UK.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Galaxy Shine Co. Ltd
Galaxy Shine Company Limited (formerly known as Aung Sein Hein Company Limited) has imported Mi-17 helicopter parts to Myanmar from Simplex LLC, a Russian supplier of aircraft parts, since the attempted coup.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Htoo Group of Companies & its subsidiaries: Myanmar Avia Export, Htoo Trading, YAECO
The Htoo Group of Companies (HGC) is a major crony conglomerate owned by arms broker Tay Za and his family.
Tay Za is a significant business associate of the Myanmar military, who has supplied the military with aircraft and parts through his companies, Myanmar Avia Export and Htoo Trading Company Limited.
Myanmar Avia Export Company has imported Mi-35P aircrafts and Mi-17 aircrafts parts worth millions of euros from Ukrainian firm Motor Sich and Russian firms including JSC Russian Helicopters, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY and a leaked letter from the Myanmar Air Force to the Directorate of Procurement, sent in November 2017. The company is now in liquidation.
The Group’s aviation service company Yangon Aircraft Engineering Company Limited (YAECO) has also provided services to the Myanmar Air Force.
The Htoo Group of Companies and some of key directors and shareholders have been sanctioned by the US, the UK and the EU for providing financial support and arms to the Myanmar military.
HGC has ongoing business with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
International Gateways Group of Companies, Myanmar Consultancy Co. Ltd & Venture Sky International Ltd
International Gateways Group of Companies (IGG) through its subsidiary Gateways Hongkong Company Limited – was awarded contracts worth millions of US dollars to supply equipment including spare parts and upgrades for the air force’s fighter jets and other aircraft and weapons for warships to the Myanmar military.
According to JFM sources, IGG is one of the biggest arms suppliers to the Myanmar Air Force and Navy, especially in trade from China.
IGG’s managing director, Dr. Naing Htut Aung, is sanctioned by the US.
Dr. Naing Htut Aung was a key director and shareholder of Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited (MCC), which has procured equipment from ALLWE, a Russian trading company that specialises in the supply of aircraft parts and related equipment for Mi-8 and Mi-17 helicopters. In 2019, Myanmar Consultancy attempted to supply a CASA CN-235 military transport aircraft, according to a leaked proposal.
MCC was an online exhibitor at the MAKS 2021 air show in Russia, which the Myanmar military coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended in person.
For details, see JFM’s feature.
Dr. Naing Htut Aung’s Singapore business Venture Sky International Ltd has directly supplied aircraft spare parts to the Myanmar military.
The company had at least 12 contracts with the Myanmar Air Force to provide aircraft spare parts in 2016 alone.
Notably, this is the same year the company was established, indicating that the company was likely to have been set up as an intermediary for the Myanmar military amidst sanctions that were in place at the time.
According to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement, the 2016 purchases include:
53 spare parts for MiG-29 fighter planes worth over USD$ 3.3 million
213 spare parts for G-4 planes worth USD$ 800,000
197 spare parts for K-8w trainer jets worth USD$ 700,000
30 spare parts for Y-12 multi-use planes worth USD$ 100,000
7 spare parts for Mi-17 military helicopters worth USD$ 10,901
25 spare parts for Mi-17 military helicopters worth USD$ 47,203
289 spare parts for Cessna Citation CCII planes worth USD$ 1.4 million
4 spare parts for main components of CCII planes worth USD$ 43,640
57 spare parts for F-7 fighter planes worth USD$ 200,000
3 pieces of lifting equipment for Myanmar Navy worth USD$ 359,750
11 main components for MiG-29 fighter planes worth USD$ 1.1 million
5 main components for Bell-206 helicopters worth USD$ 44,650
In 2017, when the Myanmar military carried out a campaign of genocide against the Rohingya,
Venture Sky International Ltd also sold spare parts for PC-7 aircraft and Mi-17 helicopters to the Myanmar military.
Venture Sky International Ltd was dissolved in October 2021 after JFM reported on arms shipments involving Dr Naing Htut Aung’s companies.
Dr Naing Htut Aung is a key arms dealer to the Myanmar military and his businesses are currently only sanctioned in the US and continue to operate freely elsewhere.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
KT Group, Ky-Tha Group & their subsidiaries
KT Group of Companies and Ky-Tha Group of Companies have procured arms and dual use goods for the Myanmar military through their subsidiaries.
A subsidiary Kyaw Htet Kyaw Company is a key broker for the procurement of equipment and services for the Myanmar military, including the air force and the army’s Directorate of Procurement.
The company won a one-million-euro tender for the purchase of a Sub-Atlantic Super Mohawk remotely operated vehicle (ROV), manufactured by the US-based Forum Energy Technologies.
According to a leaked document, the transaction was made through subsidiary Ky-Tha Trading in Singapore.
KT Group subsidiary, MWG Limited, has procured Fokker planes for the Myanmar Air Force, according to the New York Times.
Subsidiaries Ky-Tha Trading and Ky-Tha Industrial Development have also procured and provided services related to Thales Coast Watcher 100s – a French-designed long-range coastal surveillance radar – for the Myanmar Navy.
These companies are owned by Moe Kyaw Thaung and his son Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung, who is the Chief Executive Officer of KT Group.
Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung is currently sanctioned by the US for being a business associate of the Myanmar military.
Yet, no other country has sanctioned his arms-dealing companies and their directors.
KT Group has ongoing business with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates. For more details, see New York Times reporting and JFM’s feature.
L T Resources Co. Ltd
L T Resources Company Limited is linked to the procurement of aircraft for the Myanmar Air Force.
The company is owned by Linn Htet and Mon Yee and Thida Myint (niece, nephew and sister of the junta’s State Administration Council member, Maung Maung Kyaw).
For more details, see Reuters reporting.
Mega Hill General Trading Co. Ltd
Mega Hill General Trading Company Limited has procured arms, dual use goods and spare parts for the Myanmar military, including after the attempted coup.
The company also has a history of procuring technology and providing services through the army’s Directorate of Procurement.
It also provides medical supplies to the Myanmar military's Defence Services Medical Academy.
The company has business links to German companies.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Miya Win International & Asia Golden Phoenix Consultancy Services
These two companies procure arms and dual use goods for the Myanmar military, including from Austria and Germany.
Miya Win International procured Austrian-made Schiebel Camcopter S-100 unmanned aerial vehicles for the Myanmar military, in breach of the EU arms embargo.
Asia Golden Phoenix Consultancy procured an ATR flight simulator from the Austrian firm Axis Simulation, and registered it with the European Air Safety Authority.
Miya Win International has imported parts and a full-scale training model for Camcopter S-100s since the illegal coup attempt.
Miya Win International is now subject to sanctions from the UK for its role in procuring arms on behalf of the Myanmar military.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Myanmar Chemical & Machinery Co. Ltd & its subsidiaries
Myanmar Chemical & Machinery Company Ltd (MCM) is owned by arms dealer Aung Hlaing Oo.
The company’s subsidiaries are suppliers of arms and related materiel to the Myanmar military and are also involved in arms production and a technical transfer project producing K-8 trainer jets in Myanmar with the Chinese state-owned arms company, CATIC. K-8 trainers were last commissioned during the junta’s air force anniversary celebrations in December 2021.
MCM was part of a project with the Ukrainian state-owned arms manufacturer Ukroboronprom and the army’s Directorate of Defence Industries to produce BTR-4 armoured personnel carriers (APCs), MMT-40 light tanks and 2SIU self-propelled howitzers.
MCM has supplied spare parts, tools and accessories for T-72 tanks to the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps.
MCM has also procured arms from Serbia for the Myanmar military. A 2019 MCM proposal for the Myanmar Air Force, leaked to Justice For Myanmar, details aircraft-mounted rocket launchers, rockets, free-fall bombs, a multiple bomb launcher for use “on large surfaces” and fuses.
A Singaporean subsidiary of MCM Pacific Pte Ltd has provided parts for Mi-2, Mi-17 and Bell 206 helicopters to the Myanmar Air Force.
The company has also imported spare parts for a MTU12V 331TC 92 marine diesel engine as well as an engine display unit, propulsion system, lifesaving equipment and stern arrangement worth millions of US dollars for the Myanmar Navy.
MCM Pacific Pte Ltd supplied BTR-3U armoured personnel carrier parts to the Myanmar army’s Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps worth millions of euros.
MCM has been sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada.
For more details, see JFM’s feature and comany profile.
Myanmar New Era Trading Co. Ltd & Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd
Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, owned by Aung Myo Win, former managing director of arms supplier Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited, has procured goods for the Myanmar military.
Data from the trade database Import Genius reveals that Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited has shipped parts for Mi-17 and Mi-8 helicopters from Russia 83 times.
Yatanarpon Aviation Support Company Limited, which is linked to Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, has received aircraft parts from Ukroboronservice on behalf of the Myanmar military since 2020, including following the military’s attempted coup.
Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd was formerly a company of Sit Taing Aung, Mexico's honorary consul to Myanmar, who has been sanctioned by the US and Canada for brokering arms on behalf of the Myanmar military.
Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd is now in liquidation.
For more details, see JFM’s features here and here.
Sky Aviator Co. Ltd
Sky Aviator is a Myanmar miliary arms broker that has procured equipment from Russia and Ukraine since the attempted coup, including YAK-130 support equipment from Concern Radio-Electronic Technologies (KRET), refitted turbojet engines from United Engine Corporation and engine parts from Rosoboronexport and Motor Sich.
According to a proposal leaked to JFM, Sky Aviator represents JSC Russian Helicopters in Myanmar.
Sky Aviator is subject to UK sanctions.
For more details, see JFM’s feature and details of recent shipments received from Russia by Sky Aviator Co. Ltd.
Star Sapphire Group
A subsidiary of Star Sapphire Group – Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited – has played a key role in brokering deals for arms and military equipment on behalf of the Myanmar military over many years.
Equipment procured has included defence technology and products from China and, previously from Israel.
The company’s Managing Director, Dr Tun Min Latt, is directly involved in these arms deals and has direct access to military coup leader Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing.
His wife Dr Tun Min Latt jointly formed a company with Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of Min Aung Hlaing.
The company has ongoing business with the Myanmar military.
For details, see JFM’s feature.
Synpex Shwe Co. Ltd
The Synpex Shwe Company Limited procured material for the Myanmar Air Force in March 2021 and the company is also a supplier for the Directorate of Defence Industries.
Synpex Shwe is now subjected to sanctions from the UK for its role in procuring arms on behalf of the Myanmar military.
For more details, see the JFM feature.
Trident Marine Co. Ltd, Amber Star General Trading Co. Ltd, Atland Services Pte Ltd and D&K Intertrade Pte Ltd
These companies have supplied equipment and services worth many millions of US dollars for the Myanmar navy, as part of a major frigate construction project.
In the aftermath of the junta’s illegal coup attempt, Trident Marine Co. Ltd staff together with a Myanmar navy delegation travelled to Ukraine as part of the frigate project.
The deal was brokered in partnership with the Ukrainian-owned Singaporean company, Atland Services Pte Ltd, according to an industry source.
Trident Marine Co. Ltd also procured ship parts for the Myanmar Navy in 2015-16, including navigation equipment, electrical fittings and steering equipment.
For more details, see Myanmar Now reporting and JFM’s feature.
Category B: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military during the 2017-18 financial year or later
Aero Sofi Co. Ltd & Asia Trading Group Pte Ltd
Aero Sofi Company Limited is a supplier to the Myanmar Air Force.
The company’s agreements with the Myanmar Air Force include the luxury refurbishment of an Airbus A319-112 plane worth millions of US dollars, which was cancelled after it was exposed, and a proposed US$38.6 million deal to purchase two Airbus CASA C-295 military transport planes from the Royal Jordanian Air Force.
The company is wholly owned by an arms broker, Sai Kham Park Hpa, who holds a stake in the Singapore-based Asia Trading Group Private Limited, a company which is facilitates the transactions.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Asia Energy Supply & Services Co. Ltd
This company supplied a pump to the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
D S T Business Group Co. Ltd
In 2017-18, the company supplied an engine room ventilation system and accessories, an anchor winch and an F12 PLC industrial computer control card, a shipboard power cable, electrical hardware, a watertight cable sealing system, a navigation lamp, a search light, a signal light, a marine electrical lamp fitting and a steering system to be used by the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
General Machinery Trading Co. Ltd and General Machinery Trading Pte Ltd
General Machinery Trading Company Limited, a port equipment supply company, has provided welding accessories, a welding electrode, panelling materials and packing and joining materials to the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
The purchases were made through its Singapore business unit, General Machinery Trading Private Limited.
Another leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement shows General Machinery Trading Company also supplied a Laser Tracker System for the Myanmar Navy in 2017
The company is the official authorised distributor in Myanmar of a wide range of port equipment from international brands – such as cranes and lifting equipment from Konecranes in Finland, V-belts products from Bando in Japan, a mobile shredder from Metso in Denmark and products from Terex Fuchs in Germany, according to the company website.
Interstellar Ltd
This company is an official sales agent for the import of aviation parts from Ukroboronprom in Ukraine to the Myanmar air force, according to a leaked proposal, and was an online exhibitor at the MAKS 2021 air show in Russia.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
King Royal Technologies Co. Ltd
This company has had contracts with the Myanmar Air Force and the Myanmar army’s Directorate of Signals, and has reportedly been engaged in military research and manufacturing.
It is subject to US Department of Commerce restrictions.
For more details, see JFM’s report and feature on the arms trade with Russia, and a leaked proposal.
Life and Challenge Co. Ltd and LANC Pte Ltd
Life and Challenge Company Limited, a company which has links to the EU, provided an engine room ventilation system and accessories, an anchor winch, a F12 PLC industrial computer control card, and a piping machine and tools for the Myanmar navy, according to leaked Ministry of Defence documents concerning procurement.
In 2018, Life and Challenge Co. Ltd and its partner TBSS, a Singaporean company that specialises in radars and electronic warfare, and training and engineering services, were jointly awarded a contract to design and deliver a radar capability development programme for the Myanmar military officers from the Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), Defence Services Technological Academy (DSTA), Directorate of Signals and Directorate of Defence Industries.
Life and Challenge Co. Ltd has also supplied dozens of items to the DSSTRC through its Singapore business LANC Pte Ltd.
Life and Challenge Co. Ltd’s co-owner Wunna is also director and shareholder of Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited (MCC), a key arms supplier to the Myanmar military.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Lion Zone Co. Ltd
This company was contracted to supply a plating machine and other tools for the Myanmar Navy in 2017.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Machinery & Solutions Co. Ltd
This company supplied spare parts for a MTU12V 331TC 92 marine diesel engine and an engine display unit for the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Mega Dynamic Co. Ltd and Achiever Marine Service
These two companies have jointly provided items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for dozens of marine equipment items including ship wiring cables, navigation and marine electrical fittings, a propulsion system, a stern arrangement, a steering system, a ventilation blower, welding machines, mooring and towing equipment and other accessories, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY
In 2017, Mega Dynamic Co. Ltd also provided a propulsion system, a stern arrangement, a steering system and ventilation blower to Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2017-18 FY.
Monday International Co. Ltd
This company supplied an engine room ventilation system and accessories for the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Myan Shwe Pyi Tractors Ltd
This company sold a propulsion system and stern arrangement to the Myanmar Navy in 2014 and 2017, respectively, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Myanmar Future Science Co. Ltd
This company has procured Elbit drone parts that were sent to the Myanmar military.
For more details, see a proposal leaked to JFM, and reporting in the New York Times.
One Success Co. Ltd
This company was awarded a contract to supply foundry shop accessories to the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Royal Shune Lei Co. Ltd
The Royal Shune Lei Company Limited has supplied arms and related materiel from Russia and Serbia to the Myanmar military.
See the leaked 2019 proposal involving procurement from Serbia and this feature on the arms trade with Russia.
Shwepoe May Co. Ltd
Shwepoe May Company Limited is run by a former instructor at the Myanmar military’s Defence Services Academy.
The company has supplied rockets and missiles to the military, according to a JFM source.
It has also provided spare parts for BTR-3U armoured personnel carriers to the Commander in Chief (Army) Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps.
See 2019 proposal leaked to JFM.
Sixth Ocean Ltd & Midway Pte Ltd
Sixth Ocean Limited has procured equipment for the Myanmar military.
The company’s purchases were made through Midway Pte Ltd, a company that was registered in Singapore, but has since been struck off the company registry.
In addition, Sixth Ocean also has links to Allwe, a Russian company which provides parts to the Myanmar military.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Sun & Moon 777
Sun & Moon 777 works closely with the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung.
The company brokered French Zodiac Milpro inflatable rubber boats to Myawaddy Trading, a subsidiary of the Myanmar military’s conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), in August 2020, for delivery in 2021, according to leaked documents.
The Myanmar Navy is known to be the end user of these boats according to an industry source with knowledge of the transaction.
TBSS Group and TBSS Center for Electrical and Electronics Engineering
TBSS, a sole proprietor company owned by Singapore engineer Lee Kar Heng, has provided equipment, training and support for the Myanmar military to development its radar capabilities, in partnership with Myanmar military broker Life and Challenge Company Limited. This has included the provision of a 9-month radar capability development program for the Defense Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC) and Defence Services Technological Academy (DSTA) in 2018. Lee Kar Heng is a former staff of Singapore’s Defence Science and Technology Agency.
TBSS Group has involved its international partners in supplying equipment and training to the Myanmar military, including Keysight Technologies (USA), SkyRadar (Luxembourg/Germany), Dspnor (Norway) and RFBeam (Switzerland).
For details, see JFM’s feature and Straits Times reporting.
Trio Core Distribution Co. Ltd
Trio Core Distribution Company Limited is linked to arms broker Miya Win International.
This company was a business partner to Victorinox and arranged a meeting for Victorinox with the Myanmar military on August 22, 2017, as the military was committing genocide against the Rohingya. It led to the supply of knives with an imprint for the 72nd anniversary of the Myanmar Air Force in 2019.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
True North Co. Ltd
True North is a known arms dealer and the agent of the Indonesian state-owned enterprise, PT Pindad. PT Pindad has exported ammunition to Myanmar. True North is owned by Htoo Htoo Shein Oo, the son of the Myanmar military junta’s planning and finance minister, Win Shein.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Trust And Honesty International Co. Ltd / UK Logix Security International Co. Ltd
Aung Min Nyo (also known as Kevin Nyo) and these two companies that he co-owns have provided defence security consultation, services and technology to the Myanmar military, according to JFM sources.
Category C: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who had business with the Myanmar military from 2015 to 2016, or where dates are not confirmed
Asia Resource Developments Trading Co. Ltd
This company has had contracts with the Myanmar Navy to supply marine items including an engine room ventilation system and accessories, marine diesel gensets, a main switchboard, marine spare parts and an oxygen plant for a naval dockyard, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Bamar Pte Ltd
Bamar Pte, a Singapore based company owned by Myanmar citizens, has supplied arms and aircraft spare parts for the Myanmar military in 2016.
The items supplied include spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters and 37mm twin barrel AA guns worth millions in US dollars, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement, according to leaked Ministry of Defence documents concerning procurement.
The company has registered an overseas branch office in Yangon, Myanmar.
Eternity Star Co. Ltd and Pollux Marine Pte Ltd
Eternity Star Company Limited and Pollux Marine Private Limited have jointly imported ship wiring cables, marine navigation electrical fittings and a steering system for the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Both companies are owned by a Myanmar citizen, Ye Linn.
Eternity Star Co. Ltd is the authorised distributor of products from marine brands ESAB, Mercury Marine and Delfin in Myanmar.
Future Gift International Ltd
This company has provided an aviation jet refuelling vehicle for the Myanmar Air Force in 2016, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Lucky Bird Trading Company Limited
A leaked August 2017 Myanmar Air Force letter to the Directorate of Procurement shows that Lucky Bird Co. Ltd attempted to broker EWR 600 and EWR 750 weather radar manufactured by its partner. According to an arms industry source, Lucky Bird Trading has also won IT contracts from the Myanmar military.
Marinetech Limited
A Myanmar military broker with links to France. In July 2017, Marinetech together with a French partner CNIM met with the Myanmar army to negotiate the provision of a modular assault bridge system, according to a leaked letter sent to the Directorate of Procurement.
Mascot Company Limited
The company has supplied communications equipment to the Myanmar army from the South African firm Reutech, according to an industry source.
The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFMM) reported that Reutech has supplied ground-to-air radio transmitter V/UHF transceivers (Reutech/PAE 3060), according to the Ministry of Defence budget documents.
Moezac Company Limited
A leaked July 2017 Directorate of Procurement letter shows representatives from MoeZac Co., Ltd. is partnered with Russian firm UAZ LLC and met with Directorate of Defence Industries regarding the supply of armoured and other vehicles.
Nanova Company Limited and Nanova Pte Ltd
Nanova Company Limited supplied equipment including pneumatic fenders for the Myanmar Navy.
It has also provided scientific equipment for the Myanmar military’s Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Since 2014, Nanova has been purchasing Radar Absorbent Paint (RAP) manufactured by Micromag Co., Ltd. for the Myanmar military. According to a brief report, Myanmar Navy representatives travelled to Spain in Feb 2014 regarding Micromag purchases.
Nanova is registered in Myanmar as well as in Singapore as a supplier of medical, scientific and industrial equipment.
It has offices in Yangon, Naypyidaw and Mandalay.
Oro Vittorio Co. Ltd.
This company supplied spare parts for a flight simulator to the Myanmar Air Force in 2016, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Proven Technology Industry Co. Ltd.
This company has supplied thousands of vehicle batteries to the Myanmar military, according to a leakedMinistry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Pyae Naing Thu Co. Ltd and Xinde Marine Engineering Pte Ltd
Xinde Marine Engineering Private Limited had a joint agreement with Pyae Naing Thu Company Limited to provide items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for gyrocompass equipment and stabiliser systems, and an external firefighting system in 2015-16, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Royal Pyae Phyo Company Limited
Royal Pyae Phyo, a trading and logistics company has involved in supplying the Myanmar military with nitrate from the Thai firm, Thai Nitrate Company, according to an industry source.
According to Royal Pyae Phyo’s website, their partners include the Chinese arms conglomerate AVIC, and the Chinese drone manufacturer Beihang UAS Technology Co. Ltd.
Sea Technology International Ltd and Sea Technology Cooperation Pte Ltd
Sea Technology International Limited is a major supplier of marine communication and navigation equipment in Myanmar.
The company has had multiple contracts with the Myanmar military. It provided items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for navigation and other equipment to be installed on landing craft, offshore patrol boats and other naval vessels, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
The company also supplied a Furuno navigation radar to the Myanmar army.
The purchases were made through Sea Technology Cooperation Pte. Ltd, a Singapore branch of Sea Technology.
Shwe Pan Thu Co. Ltd. and Duwon Pte Ltd
These companies have jointly supplied items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for anchor chain and accessories and a marine window, according to a Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Singa International Enterprise Ltd and Royal Lion International Pte Ltd
These companies jointly brokered items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for an electric boat crane, firefighting and other equipment, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
The companies have the same directors: Khin Thin Swe and Sein Aung.
The Prime Inya Company Limited
The Prime Inya Company Limited and its partner, Chinese Aerospace Long March International Trade Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of CASC met with the air force commander-in-chief regarding CH-4 armed UAVs in Aug 22, 2017 according to a leaked Myanmar Air Force letter to the Directorate of Procurement. China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp. CASC has a plant to build CH-4 UAVs in Myanmar, according to the UN Fact-Finding Mission.
The Prime Inya has also been listed as a buyer of ammonium nitrate and sulphur.
Triple Phoenix Co. Ltd. and Triple Phoenix Pte Ltd
Triple Phoenix Company Limited and its Singapore subsidiary Triple Phoenix Private Limited were awarded multiple contracts to supply equipment for the Myanmar military, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
This has included providing items for the Myanmar Air Force following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters and main components for MiG-29 aircraft.
These companies have also supplied navigation equipment to be installed on a hospital ship used by the Myanmar Navy and cardiac consumables for the Defence Services Medical Academy.
Some of the purchases were made through a Singapore company, TRD Consultancy Pte Ltd, which has shared the same office and directors with Triple Phoenix Pte Ltd. TRD Consultancy has had an office in Myanmar and has supplied anti-drone guns to the Myanmar Police Force.
Shwe Htee San Trading Co. Ltd. and Shwe Htee San
Shwe Htee San Trading Company Limited, together with its Singapore business, have supplied navigation equipment for the Myanmar Navy to be installed on a naval ship, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
The companies have been struck off the Myanmar and Singapore company registries.
Reliance Products Pte Ltd
Reliance Products Private Limited is linked to Mega Hill General Trading Co. Ltd and has imported hydraulic cranes for the Myanmar navy and equipment for the Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for the 2015-16 FY.
Call for sanctions
Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions on the abovementioned category “A” and “B” companies and their directors and shareholders, for their involvement in supplying the Myanmar military.
Category “C” companies and their shareholders and directors should be monitored for any continued business with the Myanmar military. Any ongoing business with the Myanmar military must result in sanctions.
More sanctions are urgently required to prevent the continued flow of arms, equipment and revenue to the Myanmar military, which enable its campaign of terror. Targeted sanctions must capture:
Myanmar and international companies supplying and funding the Myanmar military;
Myanmar and international companies and their directors and shareholders brokering arms, dual-use goods, and funds;
any other companies and individuals that continue to provide the Myanmar military with arms, dual use goods and revenue.
Detailed list of Myanmar military arms broker companies and individuals
JFM has compiled detailed lists identifying Myanmar registered companies and Myanmar linked Singaporean companies involved in supplying the Myanmar military, along with company directors and shareholders, graded according to the abovementioned categories..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"Malaysia’s foreign minister on Wednesday urged member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to engage directly with the Myanmar junta’s opponents, and to bring other countries into efforts to bring peace to the military-ruled country.
During a visit to Thailand, Saifuddin Abdullah said it was of the “utmost importance” that ASEAN members morally support Myanmar’s people and engage with opposition groups formed after the coup, including the National Unity Government (NUG), a shadow government that has been designated as a terrorist group by the regime.
Since the military coup last year, Myanmar has been in social and political turmoil due to the regime’s brutal crackdowns on the opposition and popular armed resistance against military rule.
ASEAN has been trying to mediate peace in the country since then by engaging only with the junta. The bloc’s efforts, however, have been criticized for making little progress. The regime has killed more than 2,000 people so far.
“Now it is one-sided, we are only engaging the junta,” said the Malaysian foreign minister.
Saifuddin said ASEAN foreign ministers discussed last week the possibility of seeking support from third-party states to help with the the bloc-led peace process.
“Some of us brought it to the table that if ASEAN cannot do it alone then we will probably have to engage some of our ASEAN dialogue partners,” he said, without naming any countries.
Among the 10 ASEAN states, Malaysia is one of the few that has been critical of the regime.
In May, Saifuddin proposed that the regional grouping, which admitted Myanmar as a member under a previous military regime in 1997, consider informal engagement with the NUG, especially in the area of humanitarian relief.
The junta’s Foreign Ministry condemned Saifuddin’s suggestion, calling it “irresponsible and reckless.”
He met his NUG counterpart Daw Zin Mar Aung on the sidelines of the US-ASEAN special summit, becoming the first minister from the bloc to meet an official from Myanmar’s shadow government publicly.
The Myanmar issue also dominated last week’s ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. In a statement following the meeting, the ministers showed their disappointment at the military junta’s lack of commitment to implementing the bloc’s peace plan, known as the Five-Point Consensus. Adopted last year, the plan calls on the regime to halt all violence in the country immediately and meet with all stakeholders to discuss ways of finding peace.
Singapore Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan said there is a real danger that the political crisis in Myanmar could turn into a civil war, given the lack of progress on peace plans that the country has agreed with ASEAN.
“I have to be very frank. It’s very dire. I think there is a real danger that the coup is sliding into a civil war. There’s been no progress on the Asean Five-Point Consensus,” Dr. Balakrishnan said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
Description:
"NEW REPORTS REVEAL EVIDENCE OF ATROCITIES IN MYANMAR
Crimes against humanity continue to be systematically committed in Myanmar (Burma), according to a report released by the UN’s International Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on 9 August. Violent conflict -which has engulfed Myanmar since the military launched a coup in February 2021 – is disproportionately affecting women and children. The IIMM documented evidence of sexual and gender-based crimes, including rape and other forms of sexual violence, as well as crimes against children perpetrated by members of the security forces and armed groups. Children in Myanmar have also been tortured, conscripted and arbitrarily detained, including as proxies for their parents.
“Crimes against women and children are amongst the gravest international crimes, but they are also historically underreported and under-investigated,” Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the IIMM, said in a press release. “Perpetrators of these crimes need to know that they cannot continue to act with impunity. We are collecting and preserving the evidence so that they will one day be held to account.”
The IIMM’s report was released two weeks before the five-year anniversary of the so-called “clearance operations” by the military against the Rohingya, a distinct Muslim ethnic minority, in Rakhine State. The operations were characterized by brutal violence and grave human rights violations on a mass scale. As a result, over 700,000 Rohingya were forced to flee to Bangladesh. Severe violations of universal human rights and the risk of atrocity crimes persists for the Rohingya population remaining in Myanmar as the military continues to perpetrate widespread and systematic human rights violations and abuses against civilians, particularly those from ethnic minority populations.
On 4 August Reuters released an investigative report based on a cache of thousands of official documents that provides significant insight into how Myanmar’s military planned the Rohingya genocide. The documents, collected by the Commission for International Justice and Accountability, reveal discussions and planning by senior military officials weeks before the “clearance operations” began, as well as their efforts to hide the operations from the international community.
Liam Scott, Myanmar Expert at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said, “these reports clearly show that the previous government of Myanmar and the military systematically targeted populations within their borders, and that the military junta continues to do so. Based on the growing evidence of past and ongoing atrocity crimes, the UN Security Council should urgently refer the situation to the International Criminal Court and impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar. Moreover, additional states should formally intervene in The Gambia v. Myanmar Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice.”..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication:
2022-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Tokyo Should Suspend Training, Cut All Military Ties
Description:
"(Tokyo) – A Myanmar army general who received military training in Japan served as a high-ranking officer in a regional command that has been implicated in serious abuses in ethnic minority areas, Human Rights Watch said today. From August 2021 to July 2022, Brig. Gen. Tin Soe was based at Eastern Command headquarters, which oversees operations in southern Shan and Karenni (Kayah) States and whose forces were responsible for a massacre of civilians and other atrocities.
The Japanese government should immediately halt its training program with Myanmar and investigate whether program participants have been involved in operations violating the laws-of-war.
“Myanmar graduates of Japan’s military training program are serving in conflict areas where Myanmar military abuses are rampant,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government should stop playing with fire and immediately end its support of Myanmar’s military.”
Then-Colonel Tin Soe received training at Japan’s Ground Self Defense Force Staff College from August 2016 to March 2017, based on information from the All Japan Defense Association and a Defense Ministry document. Tin Soe served as military attaché for the Myanmar embassy in Tokyo from 2019 to 2021, according to a source with direct knowledge of the matter and state media reports. Two sources said that Tin Soe left Japan after the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar and was appointed a brigadier general. He was deployed to the Eastern Command headquarters in Shan State’s Taunggyi in August 2021. In July 2022, Tin Soe was relocated to Myanmar’s capital, Naypyidaw, a source said.
The Eastern Command, one of 14 regional commands of Myanmar’s armed forces, controls more than 40 infantry battalions in southern Shan and Karenni States, areas that have had increased fighting since the coup. Since the renewal of military operations in the region in May 2021, the United Nations, human rights groups, and independent media outlets have documented extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, looting, and arson, as well as offensives targeting civilians, indiscriminate attacks, and use of landmines by Myanmar forces under the Eastern Command.
On December 24, 2021, in Karenni State’s Hpruso township, security forces summarily executed at least 39 people, including 4 children and 2 staff members from the international aid group Save the Children. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that many of the victims were bound, gagged, and showed signs of torture, and some may have been burned alive. “It is one of the most shocking and depressing things I have ever experienced,” said a doctor who performed autopsies on the victims.
In February, the European Union sanctioned Brig. Gen. Ni Lin Aung, head of the Eastern Command and Tin Soe’s superior at the time, stating that he “directly commands the units in the State of Kayah, including those responsible for that massacre.” The EU also sanctioned Lt. Gen. Aung Zaw Aye, the commander of the Bureau of Special Operations No. 2, which oversees the Eastern Command.
Light Infantry Battalion 531, which operates under the Eastern Command, was implicated in the massacre, as was Light Infantry Division (LID) 66. A LID 66 commander told Amnesty International that all ground operations in Karenni State were overseen by the Eastern Command.
Other abuses against civilians have been reported in military operations against anti-junta armed groups and ethnic forces in Karenni State. The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar reported in March, “Instead of limiting its attacks to combatants from these groups, the military has targeted civilians, including by striking the region’s larger towns. The military has also pursued civilians as they flee, launching attacks on places where IDPs [internally displaced persons] are sheltering.”
In May, Amnesty International reported on abuses carried out during Eastern Command operations including “unlawful attacks, village burning, pillage, enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment, and persecution of ethnic Karenni communities.” Infantry Battalion 102, under an Eastern Command combat division, committed several indiscriminate shelling attacks. Amnesty also reported on the military’s use of antipersonnel landmines “on a massive scale” in Karenni State, which the Karenni Human Rights Group said were responsible for killing or seriously injuring at least 20 civilians since June 2021.
In May, the Shan Human Rights Foundation identified four infantry battalions under Eastern Command linked to human rights violations in southern Shan State’s Ywangan township, including the massacre of nine villagers in mid-April.
Since 2015, the Japanese government has accepted cadets and officers from Myanmar under article 100 of the Self-Defense Forces Act, which permits training and educating foreign nationals in Defense Ministry facilities with the defense minister’s approval. In 2021, following the Myanmar coup, Japan accepted two cadets and two officers from Myanmar. In 2022, Japan again accepted two cadets and two officers from Myanmar for training.
Previously, Human Rights Watch and Justice For Myanmar identified Hlwan Moe, a Myanmar Air Force lieutenant colonel trained by the Japanese government who was based at Magway Air Base in Magway region. Aircraft from the air base have been implicated in possible indiscriminate airstrikes since the coup. The Myanmar military has also committed summary executions, arson, and other abuses in Magway region.
Human Rights Watch in December 2021 said that the Japanese government should immediately suspend the training program because it risks making Japan complicit in military atrocities. A Japanese Defense Ministry official responded that the ministry did not have any information about what the cadets and officers trained in Japan were doing once back in Myanmar.
However, on April 26, during a parliamentary committee session on security, a defense official said the ministry “knows to a certain extent” what “positions” these program participants currently hold, but declined to disclose any details due to Japan’s “relationship” with “the other country.” On June 22, during an ASEAN defense ministers meeting, Japanese Defense Minister Nobuo Kishi said it will be “difficult to accept” officers for training if they are “complicit in oppression against civilians” once back in Myanmar.
For decades, the Myanmar military has been responsible for war crimes in long-running armed conflicts with ethnic armed groups, and crimes against humanity and acts of genocide against ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, Human Rights Watch said.
The Japanese government has called for a restoration of democratic rule in Myanmar and the release of elected government officials, including Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto Myanmar leader prior to the coup. On March 28, 2021, Japan’s Defense Ministry issued a joint statement with 11 other countries criticizing the military’s attacks against “unarmed civilians.” The Japanese government halted new non-humanitarian Official Development Assistance projects earlier in 2021, while allowing existing aid projects to continue. The Japanese Diet passed a resolution in June 2021 that condemned the coup and called for a “swift restoration of the democratic political system.”
“The longer the Japanese government continues to train Myanmar soldiers and officers, the more harm it does to its own international reputation, as well as the lives of Myanmar people,” Kasai said. “As a country that wants to be recognized for promoting human rights, Japan should stand up for the rights of Myanmar’s people and cut defense ties with the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"1. NUG warns 8 unregistered Singaporean and Chinese investment
companies to stop operation unconditionally [31/07/2022]...2. 3. Min Aung Hlaing’s mansion, located at 6 1⁄2 miles in Yangon,
would be sold at 7 Million US dollars in shares. [5/08/2022]...3. NUG launches monthly support program for healthcare profes-
sionals [03/08/2022]...4. NUG Foreign Minister remarks that condemnation, and attempts
to support the democratic forces through humanitarian aid are
proven to be of no use for the people of Myanmar..[30/07/2022]...5. Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun urges the international communi-
ties not to let military’s atrocities continue...6. MOD plans to carry out fund raising campaign titled “Project
Skywalk” that aims to increase supports to strengthening drone
operations [04/08/2022]...7. NUG launch labour law portal [05/08/2022]..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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2.29 MB 2.96 MB
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Description:
"Crimes against humanity continue to be systematically committed in Myanmar, with ongoing conflicts severely impacting women and children, according to the evidence gathered to date by the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (Mechanism) and outlined in its Annual Report released today.
The Mechanism has collected more than three million information items from almost 200 sources since starting operations three years ago, the Report notes. This includes interview statements, documentation, videos, photographs, geospatial imagery and social media material. The available information indicates that sexual and gender-based crimes, including rape and other forms of sexual violence, and crimes against children have been perpetrated by members of the security forces and armed groups. According to the Report, children in Myanmar have been tortured, conscripted and arbitrarily detained, including as proxies for their parents.
“Crimes against women and children are amongst the gravest international crimes, but they are also historically underreported and under-investigated,” said Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Mechanism. “Our team has dedicated expertise to ensure targeted outreach and investigations so that these crimes can ultimately be prosecuted. Perpetrators of these crimes need to know that they cannot continue to act with impunity. We are collecting and preserving the evidence so that they will one day be held to account.”
According to the Report, “there are ample indications that since the military takeover in February 2021, crimes have been committed in Myanmar on a scale and in a manner that constitutes a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population” and the nature of potential criminality is also expanding. This includes the execution of four individuals by Myanmar’s military on 25 July 2022, which was carried out after the Report was prepared.
The Report is released just two weeks ahead of the five-year commemoration of clearance operations which resulted in the displacement of nearly one million Rohingya people. Most of the Rohingya who were deported or forcibly displaced at that time are still in camps for refugees or internally displaced persons.
“While the Rohingya consistently express their desire for a safe and dignified return to Myanmar, this will be very difficult to achieve unless there is accountability for the atrocities committed against them, including through prosecutions of the individuals most responsible for those crimes,” said Koumjian. “The continued plight of the Rohingya and the continuing violence in Myanmar illustrate the important role of the Mechanism to facilitate justice and accountability and help deter further atrocities.”
With the consent of its sources of information, the Mechanism is sharing relevant evidence to support international justice proceedings currently underway at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files for use in future prosecutions of those responsible in national, regional and international courts..."
Source/publisher:
Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Crimes Against Humanity, International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General
Language:
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Sub-title:
National Unity Government: Ministry of Foreign Affairs STATEMENT (15/2022) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၅/၂၀၂၂)
Description:
"1. The National Unity Government o f the Republic o f the Union o f Myanmar
welcomes the discussion on Myanmar at the 55th ASEAN Foreign
Ministers' Meeting in Cambodia on 3 August 2022, and the address of
Myanmar in the corresponding Joint Communique.
2. ASEAN Foreign Ministers expressed their deep disappointment at the illegal
military junta’s ' lack of commitment' in implementing the Five-Point
Consensus. Yet the Ministers are well aware that this ' limited progress' is in
fact a deliberate junta strategy by Min Aung Hlaing and his junta to sabotage
ASEAN's efforts - including those o f its Chair, H.E. Hun Sen and its Special
Envoy on Myanmar, H.E. Prak Sokhonn.
3. The National Unity Government is therefore deeply disappointed at the
Foreign Ministers' decision to delay concrete action on Myanmar until
ASEAN convenes for its annual Summit in November. This reprieve offers
the junta an atrocity window, during which it will continue to escalate its war
crimes, crimes against humanity and its acts o f terror. The decision also
follows ASEAN's public condemnation1 o f the junta's extrajudicial
execution of four political prisoners, martyred for their commitment to a free
and democratic Myanmar. While murder is a junta hallmark, these were the
first executions under the facade o f legal process in over three decades, an
issue that ASEAN in its own words said that it ' takes seriously'.
4. The Joint Communique reiterates ASEAN’s ' commitment to peace and
stability in the region'. This demands direct action against Min Aung Hlaing
and the illegal military junta, which comprise a clear threat to peace and
security. The ASEAN Summit must therefore include the National Unity
Government, as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people, to help
solve the multiple junta-induced crises wreaking havoc on the region.
ASEAN must at the same time listen to Myanmar’s Ethnic Resistance
Organizations and to the voices of the Myanmar people, while taking active
steps to sideline die junta in earnest.
5. ASEAN continues to have a dedicated partner in the National Unity
Government. Consistent with the Joint Communique's call, the National
Unity Government will meet with Special Envoy Sokhonn at the earliest
opportunity.....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
=======================
၅၅ ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးရလဒ်များအပေါ် ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာချက်
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၅/၂၀၂၂)
ဩဂုတ်လ ၉ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်
=======================
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဩဂုတ်လ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ၌ ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် ၅၅ ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် အာဆီယံပူးတွဲကြေညာချက်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအား ထည့်သွင်းခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
၂။ အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အာဆီယံဘုံသဘော တူညီချက်ငါးရပ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရာတွင် 'ကတိကဝတ်မရှိခြင်း' အပေါ် အလွန်စိတ်ပျက် မိကြောင်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ယခုကဲ့သို့ 'ကန့်သတ်ခံထားရသော အခြေအနေ' သည် လက်တွေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုတို့၏ အာဆီယံ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှုများကို ဖျက်ဆီးရန် တမင်ရည်ရွယ်သော နည်းဗျူဟာတစ်ခုဖြစ်ကြောင်း အာဆီယံဥက္ကဋ္ဌ မစ္စတာ H.E. Hun Sen၊ အာဆီယံ၏ အထူးသံတမန် H.E. Prak Sokhonn အပါအဝင် အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများအနေဖြင့် ကောင်းစွာ သဘောပေါက် မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။
၃။ ထို့ကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ခိုင်မာသော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများချမှတ်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အာဆီယံ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မချမီ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက်ငါးရပ်ကို အကောင် အထည်ဖော်ခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ တိုးတက်မှုကို ပြန်လည်အကဲဖြတ်ရန် လာမည့် နိုဝင်ဘာလတွင် ကျင်းပမည့် အာဆီယံထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးအထိ စောင့်ဆိုင်းရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အပေါ် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လွန်စွာစိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မိပါသည်။ ယင်းဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်သည် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ၎င်းတို့၏တရားမ၀င်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ငြင်းပယ်တွန်းလှန် လျက်ရှိသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအတိုက်အခံများနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ၊ လူသား မျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက် ကျူးလွန်နိုင်စေရန် ခွင့်ပြုပေးလိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ယခုဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်သည် လွတ်လပ်ပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီထွန်းကားသော အနာဂတ်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် ရည်ရွယ်၍ ၎င်းတို့၏ အသက်ပင် ပဓာနမထားဘဲ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံခဲ့ကြသည့် နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသားလေးဦးတို့အား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မတရားကွပ်မျက်ခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် အာဆီယံက လူသိရှင်ကြား ရှုတ်ချပြီး သည့်နောက် ထွက်ပေါ်လာခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်လူသတ်မှုသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ် အုပ်စု၏ တံဆိပ်ခပ်နှိပ်ထားသည့် အမှတ်အသားတစ်ခုပင်ဖြစ်သော်လည်း ၎င်းတို့သည် ဆယ်စုနှစ် သုံးခုကျော်အတွင်း တရားရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ဆိုသည့် မှန်ကန်တရားမျှတခြင်းမရှိသည့် မျက်နှာစာ အောက်တွင် ပထမဆုံး ကွပ်မျက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ကိုယ်ပိုင်စကားလုံးဖြင့် 'အလေးအနက်ထားရမည်' ဟု ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့်ကိစ္စလည်းဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အာဆီယံ၏ ပူးတွဲကြေညာချက်တွင် အာဆီယံ၏ 'ဒေသတွင်း ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် တည်ငြိမ် ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကတိကဝတ်' ကို ထပ်လောင်း ကတိပြုသည်ဟု ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ အဆိုပါဖော်ပြ ချက်အရ ဒေသတွင်းငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးကို ထင်ရှားပြတ်သားစွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိသည့် တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအား တုံ့ဆိုင်းခြင်းအလျဉ်းမရှိဘဲ တိုက်ရိုက် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြောက်ခြင်းခံထားရသည့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အာဆီယံထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ပါဝင်တက်ရောက်ကာ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ လှုံ့ဆော်လျက်ရှိသည့် ဒေသတွင်း ယိုယွင်းပျက်စီးနေသော အကျပ်အတည်း အခြေအနေများကို ဖြေရှင်းရာတွင် ပါဝင်ကူညီပေးရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် အာဆီယံသည် မြန်မာ့တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မြန်မာလူထု၏ အသံများကို နားထောင်လျက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကို ဖယ်ရှားရန် ထင်ရှားပြတ်သားသည့် ခြေလှမ်းများကို လျှောက်လှမ်းရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၅။ အာဆီယံသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ အရေးပါသည့် မိတ်ဖက်အဖြစ် ဆက်လက် တည်ရှိနေပြီး အာဆီယံပူးတွဲကြေညာချက်၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်နှင့်အညီ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရသည် အာဆီယံ၏ အထူးသံတမန် H.E. Prak Sokhonn နှင့် အမြန်ဆုံး တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-09
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"August 9, 2022
At present, news on prison conditions in the country is under a blackout. The outside world is likely unaware of the real situation inside prisons – of human rights violations, torture, and murder.
Monitoring Inside Prisons by Military Security Affairs Forces and Police
The terrorist junta have ordered Military Security Affairs Forces (SAF) and police forces, to directly manage the prisons, as well as closely monitor the prisoners with strict rules to prevent information from getting out.
Prisons Visits Banned
In many of the places, including Yangon, and Obo (Mandalay) Prison, political prisoners have been denied visitation access by relatives since the terrorist junta seized power. As a result, prisoners are deprived of food, medicine and of contact with the outside.
Transfer of Political Prisoners to Different Prisons; Torture and Extortion
During the month, political prisoners have also been transferred to other prisons. In Monywa Prison, political prisoners were transfered twice in July and August, to Myingyan Prison, Nyaung Oo Prison, and Shwe Bo Prison. We also know that on August 5, more than 120 political prisoners from Insein Prison were transferred to Tharrawaddy Prison.
Last July, around 100 political prisoners from Hpa-an Prison were transferred to other places, including Insein Prison. Among the political prisoners transferred, members of the Hpa-an Student Union were beaten and tortured on a daily basis.
In Magway Prison, political prisoners were beaten daily without reason, both the family members and prisoners faced challenges because they were not informed before of the transfer to another prison.
Political prisoners are also forced to do hard work such as carrying sewage and sacks of rice. In addition, they are beaten by a group of other prisoners without cause, until they were severely injured and made to sleep near the putrid sewage. If political prisoners refuse to do this, there are unfair demands like how much money they must pay. Whilst criminal prisoners are ordered to beat political prisoners.
Increased COVID-19 Infections Within Prisons
Increasing numbers of prisoners are catching COVID-19, they are being isolated without medical treatment. Around 50 political prisoners are infected in Obo Prison. Since they are not allowed to see relatives, they find it difficult to get medicine and food. At least three political prisoners are in serious pain and life-threatening condition.
Hunger Strikes
Political prisoners who have been sentenced to death, as well as families, are concerned, they are victims of severe mental stress following the execution of four political prisoners including two prominent activists. Particularly since the terrorist junta force’s announcement that “more death row prisoners are to be executed”. Following this, there have been reports that political prisoners in some prisons are on hunger strike.
We are particularly concerned about the danger to these lives due to solitary confinement, and the severe beatings of political prisoners. There is, therefore, an urgent need to reveal the true situation. AAPP has been told that since a hunger strike in Obo Prison on August 4 and August 5, two gunshots were heard from the prison. Families of the detained are worried.
We, AAPP, strongly condemn these human rights violations, torture, and killings concealed within the prisons. We urge the United Nations, international governments, human rights organizations monitoring the political situation, the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as ASEAN member states to demand the genuine prison conditions, as well as take action to prevent such targetted and widespread human rights violations..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"ရက်စွဲ။ ။ ဩဂုတ်လ ၉ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်
လတ်တလောအချိန်ကာလတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း အခြေအနေများကို ပြင်ပကမ္ဘာမှ မသိရှိစေရန် သတင်းအမှောင်ချထားပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုနှင့် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ ဆိုးရွားစွာ ဖြစ် ပေါ် နေကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။
အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း စရဖနှင့် ရဲများဝင်ရောက်၍ စောင့်ကြည့်နေခြင်း
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အကျဉ်းထောင်များအား စစ်ဖက်ဆိုင်ရာ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ (စရဖ) နှင့် ရဲများက အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်း ဝင်ရောက်၍ တိုက်ရိုက်စီမံခြင်း ပြုလုပ်နေသည့်အပြင် အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်းရှိ သတင်းများ အပြင်သို့ မပေါက်ကြားစေရန် စည်းကမ်းများ အထူးတင်းကြပ်ထား၍ အနီးကပ် စောင့်ကြည့်ခြင်း များပြုလုပ်နေကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။
ထောင်ဝင်စာ ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်း
ရန်ကုန်၊ အိုးဘို (မန္တလေး) နှင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်အများစုတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု အာဏာလုယူပြီးချိန်မှ စ၍ မိသားစုနှင့် ထောင်ဝင်စာတွေ့ခွင့် ပိတ်ထားသည်မှာ ယနေ့တိုင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အကျဉ်းသားများမှာ အစားအသောက်နှင့် ဆေးဝါးများ မရရှိဘဲ ပြင်ပနှင့်လည်း အဆက်အသွယ် ဖြတ်တောက် ခြင်း ခံထားကြရသည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ထောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့ခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းနှင့် ငွေညှစ်ခြင်း
ယခုလပိုင်းအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ထောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့ခြင်းကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ မုံရွာ အကျဉ်းထောင်မှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ဇူလိုင်လ နှင့် ဩဂုတ်လတို့တွင် နှစ်ကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင် ထောင် ပြောင်းရွှေ့ခဲ့သည်။ မြင်းခြံ၊ ညောင်ဦး၊ ရွှေဘိုထောင်များသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့ကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ ဩဂုတ်လ ၅ ရက် နေ့တွင် အင်းစိန်ထောင်မှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၂၀ ကျော်ကို သာယာဝတီထောင်သို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့လိုက်ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ဇူလိုင်လအတွင်း ဖားအံထောင်မှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ခန့် ကို အင်းစိန်ထောင် အပါအဝင် အခြားထောင်များသို့ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းများအနက် ဖားအံ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင်များကို နေ့စဉ်နဲ့အမျှ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရိုက်နှက်ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရ သည်။
မကွေးထောင်တွင်လည်း ဇွန်လအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို နေ့စဉ် အကြောင်းမဲ့ ရိုက်နှက်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထောင်အပြောင်းအရွှေ့ပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် မိသားစုများကို ဆက်သွယ် အသိပေးခြင်းများ မပြုလုပ်ဘဲ သတင်းအမှောင်ချ၍ ထောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့မှုများကြောင့် မိသားစုဝင်များအနေဖြင့်ရော အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရသူ အနေ ဖြင့်ပါ အခက်အခဲများစွာ ကြုံတွေ့နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို မိလ္လာထမ်းခိုင်းခြင်း၊ ဆန်အိတ်များထမ်းခိုင်းခြင်းကဲ့သို့ ပင်ပန်းကြမ်းတမ်းသော အလုပ်များ ခိုင်းစေလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အကြောင်းမဲ့ အုပ်စုလိုက် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသည်အထိ ရိုက်နှက် ခြင်း၊ ရာဇဝတ်အကျဉ်းသားများကို ရိုက်နှက်ရန်ခိုင်းစေခြင်း၊ အကျဉ်းဆောင်အတွင်း အနံ့အသက်ဆိုးဝါးသော မိလ္လာနားတွင် အိပ်စက်ရန် နေရာချထားခြင်း တို့ကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ မလုပ်ချင်၊ မနေချင်ပါက မည်ရွေ့မည်မျှ ငွေကြေးပေးရမည်ဆိုသည့် မတရားငွေတောင်းခံမှုများလည်း ရှိနေသည်။
အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း COVID–19 ကူးစက်သူ ပိုမိုများပြားလာခြင်း
COVID-19 ကပ်ရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံနေရသူများ များပြားလာပြီး ဆေးဝါးကုသမှုလုံးဝ မပြုလုပ်ပေးပဲ အခန်းခွဲထား သည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။ အိုးဘိုထောင်တွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၅၀ ခန့် ကူးစက်ခံနေရပြီး မိသားစုနှင့် တွေ့ခွင့် မရသည့်အတွက် ဆေးဝါးနှင့်အစားအသောက်များ မရရှိဘဲ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား အနည်းဆုံး ၃ ဦးမှာ ဝေဒနာ ဆိုးရွားစွာ ခံစားနေရပြီး အသက် အန္တရာယ် စိုးရိမ်နေရသည်။
အစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြခြင်း
ထင်ရှားသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားနှစ်ဦးအပါအဝင် ၄ ဦးအား သေဒဏ်စီရင်လိုက်ခြင်း (သတ်ဖြတ်လိုက်ခြင်း)၊ နောက်ထပ် သေဒဏ်ကျအကျဉ်းသားများအား ဆက်လက်၍ ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ရှိကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ထုတ်ဖေါ်ပြောဆိုချက်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများနှင့် မိသားစုများ အနေဖြင့် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မှုများ မြင့်တက်လာပြီး စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာထိခိုက်မှုများ ကြီးမားစွာ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခံစားနေကြ ရသည်။
ထိုအဖြစ်အပျက်၏ နောက်ဆက်တွဲအနေဖြင့် အချို့သော အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်းရှိ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား များလည်း အစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြလျှက်ရှိကြောင်းလည်း သတင်းများ ထွက်ပေါ်နေသည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ထိုသူများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း၊ တိုက်ပိတ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်များ ချမှတ်နေကြောင်းလည်း သတင်းများဖြစ်ပေါ်နေရာ ထိုသူများ၏ အသက်အန္တရာယ်အား အထူးစိုးရိမ်ရပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် သတင်းအမှန် ကို ထုတ်ဖေါ်ရန် အရေးတကြီး လိုအပ်နေသည်။ အိုးဘိုထောင်တွင် ဩဂုတ်လ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် အစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ ကြောင်း ကြားသိရပြီး ဩဂုတ်လ ၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထောင်တွင်း သေနတ်သံ ၂ ချက်ထွက်ပေါ်လာသည့်အတွက် အကျဉ်းသားမိသားစုများမှ အလွန်စိုးရိမ်လျက်ရှိသည်။
ထို့ကဲ့သော အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း သတင်းအမှောင်ချထားကာ တရားလက်လွတ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများ၊ သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများအား မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း အနေဖြင့် အပြင်းအထန် ရှုတ်ချကန့်ကွက်ပါသည်။
ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အစိုးရများ၊ မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေ မှတ်တမ်းယူ စောင့်ကြည့်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကြက်ခြေနီအဖွဲ့နှင့် အိမ်နီးချင်း အာဆီ ယံ နိုင်ငံများအနေနှင့်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျဉ်းထောင်များ၏ အခြေအနေအမှန်ကို သိရှိခွင့်ရရန် တောင်းဆို ရမည့်အပြင် ထိုသို့ ကြီးမား ကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ကျူးလွန်နေသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို အမြန်ဆုံးနှင့် အထိရောက်ဆုံး ကာကွယ်၊ အရေးယူကြပါရန် အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Format :
pdf
Size:
142.34 KB
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