2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Individual Documents
Description:
"A legal compliance review of Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore (ETC) released on Friday outlines steps for the company to evade sanctions and continue its business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office.
ETC commissioned Kelvin Chia Partnership (KCP) for the review in response to regulatory actions taken by Singapore Exchange regulators in February 2021.
Regulatory actions followed Justice For Myanmar’s publication of an investigation into ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office for the Golden City real estate development.
Justice For Myanmar’s investigation found that ETC’s payments to the Quartermaster General Office, which purchases weapons, finances the military’s international crimes.
The ETC legal review’s executive summary outlines steps for the company to avoid being caught by unilateral sanctions, advising the company to ensure that its businesses, shareholders, management and staff, are not US or UK persons; that those persons do not own any property or have financial interests in the US, UK or EU; and that the company does not do any sales or other business activities in the US, UK or EU.
The legal review also advises ETC to use third-party independent contractors to keep an arms length if the company or its customers need to import and install any equipment or machinery from the US, UK or EU for use in Golden City.
The review states that conclusions regarding potential sanctions enforcement are contingent on payments to the Myanmar army being made in kyat, although the lease agreement with the army and the land lease account is in US dollars.
This advice may encourage ETC to increase measures to evade sanctions, continue its business with the Myanmar army and attempt to resume trading in Singapore, while financing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
ETC, its directors, shareholders and subsidiaries have continued links to jurisdictions that have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military in response to its coup attempt.
The subsidiary ETC uses to channel investment into Myanmar, Uni Global Power, has four shareholders that are entities registered in the British Virgin Islands, a UK overseas territory with sanctions in place on the Myanmar military. These entities include Asiabiz Services Limited, whose sole shareholder is ETC director Zhu Xiaolin, D3 Capital Limited, whose sole shareholders are immediate family members of ETC director Teo Cheng Kwee, and Consortium Investments Limited, fully owned by ETC’s Senior Vice President and Regional General Manager for Myanmar, Lai Xuejun.
While the legal review’s executive summary does not directly address Uni Global Power’s shareholders in relation to their legal status in the British Virgin Islands, it notes that “there is a continuing risk that the activities of Minority Shareholders may be imputed to the Company or GL, first, upon the broad exercise by relevant authorities of their broad discretion to enforce relevant sanctions regulations and second, by virtue of the minority rights in favour of the Minority Shareholders, and UGP’s minority shareholders indirect rights to block shareholders’ resolutions”.
ETC’s legal review warns the company that “particular care should be exercised by the Company and GL in its financial dealings, specifically with banks and financial institutions” and notes continued legal risks from its relationships with banks that have transacted the company’s funds with US banks.
ETC’s creditors include E.SUN Commercial Bank of Taiwan, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and the Myanmar crony owned Kanbawza Bank, which are named in the legal review’s executive summary.
The company also remains in a “strategic collaboration” with Yoma Bank to finance Myanmar buyers of apartments in Golden City. Yoma Bank’s shareholders include the Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group, based in jurisdictions with sanctions against the Myanmar military. Yoma Bank and Golden City were jointly advertising discounted financing for local buyers as recently as November 2022.
The review warns against the use of goods, services and technology of US, UK or EU origin – presumably to avoid sanctions – in the maintenance and upkeep of machinery and equipment used in the Golden City complex. This suggests that the company’s business with Jardine Schindler, a joint venture of Schindler Group of Switzerland, may also be implicated in sanctions breaches. As of 2015, there were 27 Schindler elevators installed in Golden City, yet Switzerland has sanctions in place against the Myanmar military.
Exclusion of international law from review
Concerningly, ETC knowingly excluded the serious international legal implications of ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office in its legal review. These implications were the subject of a legal memo written by Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang and published by Justice For Myanmar in October 2021.
The legal memo found that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, such as transactions from ETC to the Myanmar army, and raised the possibility of reputational and sanctions risks for the SGX, its regulator the Monetary Authority of Singapore, and by extension, the Government of Singapore, should it not prevent continued payments from ETC to the Myanmar army.
The legal memo warned of ETC and SGX’s responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, and liability under international human rights and humanitarian law.
The legal memo also warned that the legal review then underway did not appear to consider international laws within its scope, inconsistent with the expectations of SGX in its own guidance to listed companies and their sponsors.
According to ETC announcements, the company received comments from SGX RegCo in October 2021 and undertook a follow-on engagement with KCP to address issues raised in the legal memo within the then ongoing legal review.
However, KCP states that they “have not considered as part of the Report the risk of liability under international law, including particularly international human rights law”, noting the exposure of ETC and its shareholders, directors and employees to the company’s business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office.
In circumstances where SGX RegCo has told them specifically to respond to the legal memo authored by the barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang, it appears evasive that ETC has excluded international law from KCP’s review.
Review legitimises junta
The Myanmar military junta was formed illegally in an attempted coup, and is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law. The National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, based on a popular mandate from the people of Myanmar through the 2020 election, designated the Myanmar military as a terrorist organisation under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law on June 7, 2021.
However, ETC’s legal review states that the Myanmar military has not been designated a terrorist organisation under Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law and, therefore concludes that lease payments to the Quarter Master General Office do not amount to terrorist financing. The review could only adopt this conclusion if the laws accepted to be the laws of Myanmar are those of the junta rather than those of the NUG. The people of Myanmar exercised their right to choose their own government, a right protected under international law, and the legal review has chosen to recognise the laws of an illegally installed occupier.
Justice For Myanmar asked ETC why its liability under international law was excluded from the review, why the review advised on sanctions evasion and why the review chooses to adopt junta law over NUG law, thereby recognising the illegal junta as the government of Myanmar. ETC did not respond.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "ETC’s legal review is a bad faith attempt to resume business as usual with the Myanmar army, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“ETC’s review encourages the evasion of sanctions on the Quarter Master General Office, while continuing its payments that help finance the bombs and jet fuel the military needs for its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Shockingly, ETC has omitted discussion of its liability under international criminal law, presumably because it knows the result will further outline the company’s complicity with the Myanmar military’s international crimes. This is unacceptable.
“As Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang have demonstrated, SGX and the Singaporean government may be liable under international law for ETC’s continued business with the Myanmar army.
“We urge SGX RegCo and the Government of Singapore to delist ETC unless the company ends all direct and indirect business links with the Myanmar military junta, and prevent its payments to the Myanmar army.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
187.38 KB
more
Description:
"အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဗဟိုအဖွဲ့သည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၆၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ(င) နှင့် ပုဒ်မ ၇၂၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (ခ) ပါ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို ကျင့်သုံး၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ သဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ဤအမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာ ကို ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။
၁။ မြန်မာ့စီးပွားရေးဦးပိုင်လီမိတက် နှင့် မြန်မာ့စီးပွားရေးကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း တို့သည် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု သက်ဆိုးရှည်စေရန် စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းပေါင်းစုံအား လက်ဝါးကြီးအုပ်ချယ်လှယ်၍ နှစ်စဉ် ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေများစွာ ရှာဖွေထောက်ပံ့လျက်ရှိကြောင်း စိစစ်တွေ့ရှိရသည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါ ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ထိပ်ပိုင်းခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် အရာရှိကြီးများ အတွက်သာ အကျိုးစီးပွါးဖြစ်ထွန်းလျက်ရှိပြီး အောက်ခြေအကြပ်၊စစ်သည်များမှာ ခံစားခွင့်မရှိသလောက် နည်းပါးလျက် ရှိကြောင်းကို အမြတ်ခွဲဝေမှုဆိုင်ရာ အထောက်အထား၊ စာရွက်စာတမ်းများအရ သိရှိရသည်။
၃။ ထို့အပြင် ၎င်းအကျိုးအမြတ်များအား အသုံးပြု၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူမဆန်စွာ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၄။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ မြန်မာ့စီးပွားရေးဦးပိုင်လီမိတက် နှင့် မြန်မာ့စီးပွားရေးကော်ပိုရေးရှင်းတို့အား အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုများ အဖြစ် ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။
၅။ ယင်းအကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုအားလုံးကို အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေး ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၃၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (ဃ) အရ အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုပိုင် ပစ္စည်းများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်၍ အများပြည်သူအကျိုးစီးပွားအလို့ငှာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေး ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၆၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (ဌ) နှင့်အညီ ထိန်းချုပ်စီမံခန့်ခွဲသွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
ဥက္ကဌ
အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဗဟိုအဖွဲ့
အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖက်ရေးဥပဒေပါ ရည်ညွှန်းကိုးကားချက်များ
ပုဒ်မ ၃(ဃ)
အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုပိုင်ပစ္စည်းများ ဆိုသည်မှာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကျူးလွန်ရာမှ ရရှိသည့် အကျိုးအမြတ်များ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တစ်ရပ်ကို ကျူးလွန်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုခဲ့သည့် သို့မဟုတ် အကျိုးပြုနေသည့် သို့မဟုတ် အသုံးပြုလိမ့်မည်ဟု ယူဆရသည့် ငွေကြေးနှင့်ပစ္စည်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်သမား သို့မဟုတ် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုတစ်ခုက အသုံးပြုခဲ့သည့် သို့မဟုတ် အသုံးပြုနေသည့် သို့မဟုတ် အသုံးပြုလိမ့်မည်ဟု ယူဆရသည့် ငွေကြေးနှင့်ပစ္စည်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်သမား သို့မဟုတ် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုတစ်ခု သို့မဟုတ် အဆိုပါအုပ်စု၏ ကိုယ်စား အခြားသူတစ်ဦးဦးက ပိုင်ဆိုင်ထားသည့် သို့မဟုတ် ထိန်းချုပ်ထားသည့် ငွေကြေးနှင့် ပစ္စည်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုတစ်ခုအား ထောက်ပံ့ရန် သို့မဟုတ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတစ်ခုအား ရန်ပုံငွေထောက်ပံ့ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် စုဆောင်းခဲ့သည့် ငွေကြေးနှင့် ပစ္စည်းများနှင့် အဆိုပါငွေကြေးနှင့် ပစ္စည်းများမှ ဆင့်ပွားဆင်းသက်လာသည့် ငွေကြေးနှင့် အကျိုးအမြတ်များကို ဆိုသည်။
ပုဒ်မ ၆(ဂ)
၆ ဗဟိုအဖွဲ့၏ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်းဖြစ်သည် -
...
(ဂ) လုပ်ငန်းကော်မတီများ၊ အဖွဲ့များ၊ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဌာနများ၊ အစိုးရဌာန၊ အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးအတွက် ညှိနှိုင်းပေးခြင်း၊ လမ်းညွှန်ခြင်းနှင့် ကြီးကြပ်ခြင်း၊
ပုဒ်မ ၆(ဌ)
... ပုဒ်မခွဲ (င)အရ အကြမ်းဖက်သမား သို့မဟုတ် အကြမ်းဖက်သမားအုပ်စုအဖြစ် ကြေညာ သည့်အခါ ယင်းအကြမ်းဖက်သမား သို့မဟုတ် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုပိုင် ပစ္စည်းများနှင့် ရန်ပုံငွေ များ ကို ထိန်းချုပ်ရန် အမိန့်ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း၊
ပုဒ်မ ၇၂(ခ)
ဗဟိုအဖွဲ့နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဌာနများသည် လိုအပ်သော အမိန့် ကြော်ငြာစာ၊ အမိန့်၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်နှင့် လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများကို ထုတ်ပြန်နိုင်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
478.54 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"On 7 September 2021, the National Unity Government’s (NUG) acting president Duwa Lashi La declared a people’s war against the Tatmadaw. He stated that in waging war against the junta, People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) should operate in accordance with the NUG’s Military Code of Conduct for People’s Defence Forces, which had been laid out on 21 July 2021. The NUG claimed that the Code of Conduct was established in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. However, there are some controversial areas in the Code of Conduct, which if left unaddressed, could undermine the NUG’s credibility. The political analyst Benjamin Mok has examined the Code of Conduct in an article on the Diplomat. However, there has not yet been an analysis of the Code of Conduct through the lens of International Humanitarian Law.
In this article, I will discuss some issues with how “legitimate targets” of PDF action might be defined and interpreted in the NUG’s Code of Conduct. First, I will evaluate the definition of civilians used in the NUG’s Code of Conduct and compare it with Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions (1977) which applies specifically to non-international armed conflicts. In so doing, I will inquire what constitutes a legitimate military target in the Myanmar context. Then, I will highlight some contentious issues on the ground, particularly targeting alleged informants, the junta-appointed civil servants, and political opponents. Finally, I will come up with recommendations for the main actors mentioned in this article.....
Who exactly are civilians?.....
One of the major actors in the Spring Revolution is “informants”. In this article, I use informants to refer to civilians who side with the junta and reveal the whereabouts of the resistance figures to the State Administration Council (SAC). They could be the SAC-appointed administrators or regular civilians and they have been one of the main targets of the PDFs. The moral justification for killing them has been debated since the beginning of the resistance. The NUG also does not specify if the informants qualified as military targets in their Code of Conduct for PDFs.
Under the ‘Targeting’ section of the Code of Conduct, Article 1 says PDFs are to target only “mechanisms of the dictatorship”, while Article 2 reads, “Civilians shall not be targeted, threatened, and attacked”. These two articles are in line with the basic principles of the Geneva Conventions. However, a question arises if we compare Article 2 against Article 1: Who does the Code of Conduct really count as civilians? According to the ICRC’s Interpretive Guidance, “all persons who are not members of State armed forces or of organized armed groups belonging to a party to an armed conflict are civilians.” This implies that to the ICRC, informants could be classified as civilians. The ICRC continues to state that civilians, so defined, are “protected against direct attack unless and for such time as they directly participate in hostilities”. Now, it is important to identify what constitutes “direct hostilities”.
While there’s no official definition of direct hostilities in International Law, the ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance, while not legally binding, also is helpful for this matter and serves as the standard procedure for states. According to the ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance,
“Persons participate directly in hostilities when they carry out acts, which aim to support one party to the conflict by directly causing harm to another party, either directly inflicting death, injury or destruction, or by directly harming the enemy’s military operations or capacity.”
By this definition, it’s hard to decide whether or not informants are partaking in direct hostilities. It may be tempting to put informants under the indirect hostility category. After all, what they are doing is simply revealing the location of their enemies. But, in this Spring Revolution, the informants do really “harm the operations” of the resistance groups. For example, informants reportedly revealed the whereabouts of Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy, responsible for overseeing the Yangon operations, leading to their arrests and snowball arrests of other members. A large number of arms and ammunition were also seized during the arrest.
However, I acknowledge the subjectiveness of such a matter, and one could argue targeting informants is not justified if they are only revealing the whereabouts of resistance figures under threat. This also highlights areas for improvement in international humanitarian law and such unique scenarios under the Myanmar context should be discussed more to better define “direct and indirect hostilities”....Attacks on SAC-appointed civil servants and political opponents....While informants blur the line between “direct and non-direct hostilities”, it is easier to determine whether or not civil servants working for the SAC should go under the “indirect hostility” category. The ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance says that “administrative and political support” is considered indirect participation in hostilities. Hence the ICRC views SAC-appointed civil servants as civilians that enjoy all the protections under Common Article 3 and Additional Protocol II. However, in Myanmar, the situation on the ground could be considered not yet in line with the ICRC’s standard.
As of November 2021, about 200 SAC-appointed administrators were killed by PDFs. It’s not surprising, to some extent, if some PDFs, not affiliated with the NUG, have their own agenda and would target the civil servants working for the junta, but it becomes problematic if the NUG itself would publicly recognize such operations as legitimate. In April 2022, Yangon Regional Command (YRC) under the NUG’s Ministry of Defense (MoD) shot the Central Bank’s Deputy Governor, as part of Operation Byan Hlwar Aung, which was conducted by NUG-affiliated PDFs under the directive of the NUG’s MoD. This sort of incident is not justified by the Geneva Conventions, which the NUG claims to abide by. While the NUG could argue that targeting informants is justified due to their significant damage to the resistance, International Law does not justify for military actions against civil servants.
One of the Soldier’s Rules under the NUG’s Code of Conduct reads: “Shall not discriminate any individual based on their ethnicity, religion, gender, and sexual orientation”, but there’s no mention of non-discrimination based on “political or other opinions” as included in Additional Protocol II. While it’s possible that the NUG simply overlooked this phrase in the article, it could also be assumed that the NUG intentionally phrased the rule in a way that could somehow enable the PDFs to target the regime-friendly civil servants or even civilians politically supporting the junta without facing legal restraints. In a recent interview with BBC, the USDP (a military’s proxy party) chairman U Than Htay claimed that “over 1,500 USDP members and supporters [were] killed (since the beginning of the coup)”. While it’s possible that the USDP has inflated this number, if true it could pose a threat to the NUG’s legitimacy if there’s no clear explanation on why and how it could happen from its side.....Potential risks and recommendations.....As the NUG is still competing for representation at the UN Human Rights Council with the SAC, it should consider the consequences of targeting those considered civilians in the eyes of the international community. Some international actors like ASEAN, except countries like Malaysia, lean towards keeping their distance from the parallel civilian government. ASEAN could justify its relative inaction against the SAC based on the claim that the NUG-led resistance inflicted “civilian damage”.
While targeting alleged informants is understandable for strategic purposes, it should always be the last resort and the PDFs should make sure that their targets are heavily involved in the military operations. While engaging with the international community, the NUG should make it clear from the start why alleged informants are not the same as ordinary civilians and how they are critical to the SAC’s counterinsurgency plans. And, at the same time, the NUG, as the government, should distance itself from the killing of the informants. In other words, they should not take credit for such operations. Otherwise, the NUG risks not looking credible in the eyes of the international community, within which many assume that ground realities contradict the NUG’s Code of Conduct.
The NUG could come up with alternatives to deal with the alleged informants and the junta-appointed civil servants rather than killings. There have been some good initiatives with the NUG setting up People’s Police Forces and township courts in different regions and states. With clear policies and measures, they could establish an effective justice mechanism to impose judicial measures against pro-SAC civilians rather than resorting to armed violence. The success of such a mechanism also relies on support from the international community.
The international community should also recognize that current conditions on the ground pose limitations on what the NUG can do. After all, many PDFs and LDFs (Local Defense Forces) operating are not yet directly under its command. The NUG’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Daw Zin Mar Aung recognized this reality while meeting with the diaspora community during her visit to Washington DC when she said, “PDFs need to follow rules of engagement (ROE) but on-ground situations could be complicated sometimes.” In order for the PDF to be more compliant with the NUG’s Code of Conduct, the NUG needs to first gain leverage over them. For now, the people’s government has little leverage over the majority of the PDFs due to its lack of capacity to provide financial and weapons support, and it simply cannot command the PDFs to do this or that.
While it is clear at this point that the West would not provide arms to the NUG, other forms of non-lethal support are still feasible. By having more financial leverage over the PDFs, the NUG could have more bargaining power in requiring them to engage in warfare and operations more in line with the Code of Conduct. What the West could do in this case is provide financial support to the NUG. The US could allow the NUG to access the 1 billion USD in Myanmar assets which the US froze at the beginning of the coup. This money could assist the NUG in coordinating its resistance, so that it can follow the standards of International Law. The US could also accelerate the legislative process of the Burma Act of 2021, which once passed, would provide humanitarian aid and assistance to civil society impacted by the coup, including “participants in the Civil Disobedience Movement, and government defectors”, hence, lifting weight off the NUG, so that it could redirect more resources to the resistance.
They could also support the parallel government in setting up administrative mechanisms, building the capacity of civil servants that refuse to work for the junta, developing administrative policies, providing joint educational programs, helping set up an effective tax system, and channelling aid through the NUG-initiated programs. At the moment, ASEAN is channelling aid through the SAC’s task force but the US could use its influence over ASEAN members to be more inclusive with aid management. In order to navigate the risk of targeting non-CDM civil servants, the international community could provide financial and technical support to the people’s administrations in PDF strongholds to create more incentives for those joining CDM. I recommend that the NUG also revise the Code of Conduct and make it more concrete with a well-defined set of rules and instructions to follow. More than a year since the publication of the Code of Conduct, it is important that the NUG and the international community revisit it..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Spring Revolution, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Bangkok, December 5, 2022 – Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalist Myo San Soe and stop imprisoning members of the press on bogus terrorism charges, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Monday.
On November 30, a court inside Pyapon Prison, in the Ayeyarwady region, sentenced Myo San Soe, a freelance reporter who contributed to the local Delta News Agency and Ayeyarwaddy Times, to 15 years in prison on charges of violating Sections 50(j) and 52(a) of the Counter-Terrorism Law, according to news reports.
Myo San Soe was convicted for contacting members of People’s Defense Forces, an array of insurgent groups that are fighting Myanmar’s military regime, according to those reports and an employee of the Delta News Agency who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal. He will serve his sentence at Pathein Prison, according to reports.
“Myanmar journalist Myo San Soe’s harsh sentencing is the military regime’s latest outrageous crime against the free press,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Myanmar’s junta must stop equating journalism with terrorism and allow journalists to report on anti-military resistance groups without fear of legal harassment and imprisonment.”
Authorities first arrested Myo San Soe in the Ayeyarwaddy region’s Pyapon township on August 29, 2021, the Delta News Agency employee told CPJ.
Myo San Soe was doing charity work related to the COVID-19 pandemic when he was detained, according to a report, which CPJ reviewed, by the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners Burma, a local human rights organization. Authorities then allegedly found evidence of his contacts with the People’s Defense Forces on his phone, according to that report.
Myo San Soe had covered the People’s Defense Forces before his arrest, the Delta News Agency employee said, adding that authorities had not contacted the outlet at the time of his detention.
Authorities banned the Delta News Agency and filed anti-state charges against its top editors soon after the military seized power in a February 1, 2021, coup, forcing the news organization to relocate to a perceived safe area of Kayin state controlled by rebels, the employee told CPJ.
Myo San Soe had stopped working as a Delta News Agency staff reporter by mid-2021 but continued to file news about the Ayeyarwaddy region as a freelancer, including a report published approximately one week before his arrest, the Delta News Agency employee told CPJ.
The Myanmar Ministry of Information did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment on Myo San Soe’s conviction, sentencing, and status in prison.
Myanmar was the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists after China, with at least 26 behind bars on CPJ’s 2021 prison census. CPJ will release its 2022 prison census on December 14..."
Source/publisher:
Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association: standards and mechanisms
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Commute Sentences; End Capital Punishment
Description:
"(New York) – The Myanmar military junta should immediately commute the death sentences recently handed down against 10 prisoners, Human Rights Watch and the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said today. The junta should impose a moratorium on the death penalty with the aim of abolishing capital punishment in the country.
Death sentences for 10 people, including 7 university students, by military courts follow the executions of four political prisoners in July 2022 that resulted in broad international condemnation. All these convictions followed grossly unjust closed-door trials that fell far short of international fair trial standards.
“Myanmar’s junta should immediately commute the sentences of all those facing the death penalty, a cruel punishment that most of the world rejects,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “For those governments that have hesitated to impose targeted sanctions against the junta for its long list of rights violations, the new death sentences should be a clear signal to take action now.”
On November 30, a closed military court in Yangon handed down the death sentences for the seven students, all members of the Dagon University Students’ Union, under section 302 of Myanmar’s penal code. The tribunal convicted the students for involvement in a shooting that killed a former military officer in Yangon in April. Police arrested all seven in April shortly after the alleged shooting.
The students are Khant Zin Win; Thura Maung Maung; Zaw Lin Naing; Thiha Htet Zaw; Hein Htet; Thet Paing Oo; and Khant Linn Maung Maung.
A military court also sentenced Wai Zin Yan, Thu Htoo Aung, and Min Htet Thar to death under section 302 of the penal code for a separate incident in June, for allegedly shooting and killing a ward administrator in north Yangon on May 24, 2022.
Myanmar’s secretive military tribunals have long shown complete disregard for basic human rights protections and failed to uphold international due process and fair trial standards. Those on trial before military tribunals face almost certain conviction regardless of the available evidence against them. Families, the public, and foreign diplomats have no access to trials. Convictions are frequently based on confessions obtained by torture and other ill-treatment, including frequent beatings.
The new United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Volker Turk, expressed alarm at the new death sentences in a December 2 statement: “By resorting to use death sentences as a political tool to crush opposition, the military confirms its disdain for the efforts by ASEAN and the international community at large to end violence and create the conditions for a political dialogue to lead Myanmar out of a human rights crisis created by the military.”
Military tribunals in Myanmar have sentenced 138 people to death since the February 2021 military coup, including 41 in absentia. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and concerned governments should press the junta to immediately commute all death sentences and release all those wrongfully imprisoned.
ASEAN member states and other concerned governments should press the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo and refer the country situation for Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
The July 25 executions were the first death sentences carried out in Myanmar in over 30 years. The men put to death were Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41; Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” 53; Hla Myo Aung; and Aung Thura Zaw. A military tribunal sentenced Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zeya Thaw to death on January 21 under Myanmar’s overbroad Counterterrorism Law of 2014. Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were convicted in April 2021 for allegedly killing a military informant.
Human Rights Watch and the AAPP oppose the death penalty in all circumstances and have long called on Myanmar to ban all capital punishment. Capital punishment is unique in its cruelty and finality, and is universally plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error.
“The Myanmar junta’s threats are aligned with military courts that have continually failed to protect any basic principles of fair trial process or to demonstrate independence and impartiality,” said Ko Bo Gyi, co-founder for the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. “Swift condemnation and concerted pressure and unified, targeted sanctions is what is necessary to end the junta’s violations.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
more
Description:
"1. Social media is heavily trending the news of the incident in which a lady, purported to be a perpetrator in a murder of some PDFs, is shown being shot and killed. The Ministry of Defence of the National Unity Government reiterates that this is in contravention of the code of conduct and rules of engagement it has laid down.
2. The National Unity Government has directed relevant officials to investigate urgently the events in detail, and to find out whether members of the People’s Defence Force have been involved in any way, and to discover whether any rules of engagement have been contravened.
3. If anyone is found to be in breach of any of the rules stipulated by law, a severe penalty will be imposed on those found guilty, as this is an unacceptable situation.
4. In our endeavours to carry out the people defensive revolution and to counter the terrorism, the People Defence Force must act in accordance with the military law and procedures.
5. Members of the People Defence Forces, People Police Forces and People Defence Organization are reminded not to fall into the trap of acting like the forces of the terrorist military council by committing atrocities and barbarities. They should also be mindful of the fact that we, as a revolution, are combating inhumane acts committed by the military fascists, and so must not at any time act like the military by committing crimes against humanity and performing inhumane acts.
6. The National Unity Government pledges to do its utmost to prevent abhorrent incidents like this from happening again anywhere in the country, and to work towards an independent future Federal Democracy where compassion and empathy thrives in the community..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
28.58 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"1. NUG strives to establish alliance with all EROs by all means.....2. NUG says SAC’s atrocities can be ended if US and EU support Myanmar as they do Ukraine.....3. Defence Ministry cautions over chemical weapons(30/11/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.25 MB
more
Description:
"(၁) စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ တမူးမြို့တွင် PDF များအား သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခု၌ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်ခဲ့သည်ဟု ယူဆရသူ အမျိုးသမီးတစ်ဦး ပစ်သတ်ခံခဲ့ရသည့် ဗွီဒီယိုဖိုင်တစ်ခု လူမှုကွန်ရက်ပေါ်တွင် ပြန့်နှံခဲ့သည်ကိုတွေ့ရှိရသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဗွီဒီယိုတွင် ပါဝင်သော လုပ်ရပ်သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ချမှတ်ထားသည့် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ကျင့်ဝတ်များနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်သွေဖည်လျက်ရှိသည်။
(၂) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်အသေးစိတ်နှင့် ဖြစ်စဉ်အတွင်း ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်မတော်သားများ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်ခြင်းရှိမရှိ သိရှိနိုင်ရန် စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းများကို စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများနှင့် အညီလုပ်ဆောင်သွားရန် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ စစ်ရေးတာဝန်ရှိသူများအား ညွှန်ကြားထားပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။
(၃) အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်သည် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းကမ်းများအရ လုံးဝလက်သင့်မခံနိုင်သည့် ကိစ္စရပ်ဖြစ်သောကြောင့် ဖြစ်စဉ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် ကွင်းဆက်များကို စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးဖော်ထုတ် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သူ မည်သူ့ကိုမဆို ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူသွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
(၄) ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ် ဆင်နွဲရာတွင် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများ၊ စစ်ရေးညွှန်ကြားချက်များနှင့်အညီသာ စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ကြရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
(၅) အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက တော်လှန်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား ၎င်းတို့ကဲ့သို့ပင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်နေသည်ဟု ပုံဖော်ရန်ကြိုးစားနေသည့် ထောင်ချောက်ထဲသို့ မကျရောက်မိစေရန် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ဝင်များ အားလုံး အထူးသတိချပ် ကြစေလိုပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ကျူးလွန်လျက် ရှိသော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ လူမဆန်သော ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများကို အပြီးတိုင်အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရေး စစ်ရေးနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် တော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင် နေကြရသော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များကဲ့သို့ အသိတရားမဲ့ တရားလက်လွတ်ပြုကျင့်သူများ မဖြစ်စေရေး ရဲဘော်များအနေဖြင့် ဂရုပြုကြရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
(၆) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မုန်းတီးမှု၊ ဖိနှိပ်မှုများမှကင်းဝေးပြီး အပြန်အလှန်မှီခိုမှု၊ ကရုဏာရှိမှု၊ အပြန်အလှန် ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်မှု တို့ကိုအခြေခံသည့် လွတ်လပ်သော အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကိုမျှော်ရည်လျက် ယခုဖြစ်စဉ်ကဲ့သို့သော ကိစ္စရပ်မျိုး နိုင်ငံတော်၏ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင်မှ ထပ်မံဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမရှိစေရန် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှုအပြည့်ဖြင့် ကွပ်ကဲကြပ်မတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
428.92 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"National Unity Government weekly Press Update (32/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.52 MB
more
Description:
"1. On April 21, 2022, the terrorist military unjustly arrested seven young students from Dagon University: Maung Hein Thant, Maung Thiha Htet Zaw, Maung Thura Maung Maung, Maung Khant Linn Maung Maung, Maung KhantZin Win, Maung Thet Paing Oo, and Maung Zaw Linn Naing. They were sentenced to death by an illegitimate prison court on November 30th, 2022. In addition, another four youths, Maung Min Htet Tha, Maung Wai Yan Zin, Maung Thu Htoo Aung, and Ko Phyo, had also been sentenced to death by the same prison court.
2. The terrorist military violates people's democratic rights by arbitrarily detaining those who oppose them through political means, committing extrajudicial killings, violating the political rights of people, passing judgment through biased courts, and infringing on the legal rights of people. At worst, they violate the people's right to life by carrying out the inhumane death penalty.
3. The terrorist military does not have the right to control the judiciary as it is not a legitimate government. Furthermore, imposing the death penalty is contrary to international human rights principles.
4. While the United Nations, ASEAN, and the international community have urged for the release of political prisoners, the terrorist military have challenged the entire world by sentencing death penalties on these young students.
5. The terrorist military must be held accountable for committing genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
6. Actions will also be carried out to bring justice for the terrorist military’s unlawful execution of Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zay Yar Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung, and Ko Aung Thura, which took place on July 25, 2022, as well as for the people who have suffered from the inhumane and brutal acts committed by the terrorist military group.
7. We are gathering documentary proof on the nationwide killing and torture of people, workers, farmers, students, and teachers who have been involved in the Spring Revolution. We vow to seek justice and continue to fight against the military dictatorship until federal democracy is restored..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-12-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
32.97 KB
more
Description:
"GENEVA (2 December 2022) - The Myanmar Military is forcibly evicting over 50,000 people from informal settlements and systematically destroying homes in a fundamental violation of core human rights obligations, UN experts said today.
More than 40,000 residents living in informal settlements in Mingaladon, a northern township of Yangon, have received eviction notices last month. Many were given only a few days to dismantle their homes, without provision of any alternative housing or land. Most residents have lived for decades in an industrial zone containing a mixture of industrial enterprises, informal settlements and vacant land controlled by the Myanmar Military.
Additional residents moved to the area after being displaced by Cyclone Nargis in 2008, or were forcibly displaced there as a result of violent military attacks on civilian villages in Rakhine State, the experts said.
After receiving eviction notices, some residents dismantled their homes in an attempt to secure their belongings and construction materials. However, most residents have so far chosen to remain due to a lack of alternative or decided to flee their homes. Out of desperation, two residents reportedly committed suicide.
“Forced evictions from Mingaladon are only part of the story. Violent arbitrary housing demolitions continue across the country,” the experts said.
On 19 November, 150 homes were bulldozed in Ward 3 of Yangon's Mayangone township, rendering affected residents homeless. The eviction was carried out by the State Administration Council and civilians armed with sticks and knives. The residents were reportedly given only 30 minutes to remove their belongings, and are temporarily sheltering in monasteries or with friends.
In Myanmar’s second largest city of Mandalay, over 5,000 households in Chan Mya Thazi Township were evicted overnight on 21 November. Earlier the Military demolished several houses with bulldozers in Zee Oat village in the same town. In addition, 200 shops and apartments on the station road of Mandalay's Pyin Oo Lwin township were ordered to be removed by 25 November, despite having local approval.
According to the experts, not only those living in informal settlements in Myanmar’s cities were subjected to forced evictions and housing demolitions. “Homes continued to be systematically destroyed, bombed and burned down in orchestrated attacks on villages by the Myanmar security forces and junta-backed militias,” they said.
Since the military coup on 1 February 2021, more than 38,000 houses have been destroyed or burned down, leading to widespread displacement of over 1.1 million people. Recently, on 23 November, 95 of 130 houses were burned down in the Kha War Thei village in Kyunhla Township, when the Myanmar military set fire to the settlement. The experts said these incidents follow a pattern of widespread burning of Rohingya villages perpetrated by the Myanmar Military in 2017 during genocidal attacks against the Rohingya.
“The policies of scorched earth in Myanmar are widespread and follow a systematic pattern,” the experts said.
In a recent report to the UN General Assembly, the Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing suggested that such arbitrary destruction of housing, displacing thousands into homelessness, should be recognised as domicide, a crime under international law.
“Forced evictions and mass burning of homes are gross violations of human rights. The junta must immediately stop the systematic destruction, burning and bulldozing of civilian homes,” the UN experts said.
“Depending on the context, systematic housing destruction and displacement can be prosecuted either as a war crime, a crime against humanity, or both. It is the responsibility of the international community to ensure that those responsible for such crimes face international justice,” they said.
ENDS
The experts: Mr. Balakrishnan Rajagopal, assumed his function as Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing on 1 May 2020. He is Professor of Law and Development at the Department of Urban Studies and Planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Mr. Thomas Andrews, is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. He is a Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale University Law School and an Associate of Harvard University's Asia Center.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what are known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. The Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN human rights system, is the general name for the Council’s independent investigative and monitoring mechanisms that deal with specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent of any government or organisation and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Human Rights Council
Date of publication:
2022-12-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"GENEVA (2 December 2022) – UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk on Friday expressed shock that more than 130 people have now been sentenced to death by military courts behind closed-doors in Myanmar since the military launched a coup last year, following fresh convictions this week.
At least seven university students were sentenced to death by a military court on 30 November. There are reports of as many as four additional death sentences being issued against youth activists yesterday. The UN Human Rights Office is seeking clarification of those sentences.
“The military continues to hold proceedings in secretive courts in violation of basic principles of fair trial and contrary to core judicial guarantees of independence and impartiality,” Türk said, calling for the suspension of all executions and a return to a moratorium on death penalty.
“Military courts have consistently failed to uphold any degree of transparency contrary to the most basic due process or fair trial guarantees.”
In July, the military carried out four executions, the first in approximately 30 years. A former lawmaker, a democracy activist, and two others were executed despite calls from the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the international community to desist.
Close to 1,700 detainees of the nearly 16,500 who have been arrested for opposing the military’s coup have been tried and convicted in secret by ad hoc tribunals, sometimes lasting just minutes. None have been acquitted, and often they have not had access to lawyers or their families.
The latest convictions would bring the total number of individuals sentenced to capital punishment to 139 individuals since 1 February 2021.
The actions of the military are not in keeping with the ASEAN 5-point consensus that the South-East Asia nations have just re-committed to uphold at the ASEAN summit in November, Türk said.
“By resorting to use death sentences as a political tool to crush opposition, the military confirms its disdain for the efforts by ASEAN and the international community at large to end violence and create the conditions for a political dialogue to lead Myanmar out of a human rights crisis created by the military,” the UN Human Rights Chief added..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-12-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
" Statement On The Death Sentence Of Seven Dagon University Students By The Myanmar Military Council..."
Source/publisher:
223 Students' Unions in Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.41 MB
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta on Wednesday handed down death sentences to seven Dagon University students in Yangon who took part in anti-regime protests.
Dagon University Students’ Union confirmed that Ko Khant Zin Win, Ko Thura Maung Maung, Ko Zaw Lin Naing, Ko Thiha Htet Zaw, Ko Hein Htet, Ko Thet Paing Oo and Ko Khant Linn Maung Maung were sentenced in closed trials by a military tribunal.
The seven were arrested in April for alleged involvement in the shooting of Global Treasure Bank branch manager Saw Moe Win, a former military officer.
Ko Nan Lin from the University Students’ Union Alumni Force condemned the sentences as unjust.
“We are deeply worried for our seven comrades,” he said, given the junta hanged four pro-democracy activists, ignoring international appeals and public objections.
The regime, which has killed more than 2,500 people since the February 2021 coup, has used the death penalty to intimidate opponents as it struggles to control the country.
It carried out the country’s first execution in nearly four decades in July by hanging veteran activist Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, former National League for Democracy lawmaker Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw and activists Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw. It has since handed down more death penalties.
Around 100 dissidents, including students, professionals and medics, have been sentenced to death..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-12-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
more
Description:
"On November 30, seven students from Dagon University were sen-tenced to death by
Myanmar Military Council. The military group's im-position of the death sentence is just trying
to kill innocent people using crumbling courts and laws. We, the Students Unions, do not
accept the ruling by the courts, which are the pillars of the terrorist military group, and
strongly oppose such injustice sentences imposed on innocent uni-versity students.
We, the Student Unions, stand together with the students who have been unjustly sentenced,
Ko Khant Zin Win, Ko Thura Maung Maung, Ko Zaw Lin Naing, Ko Thiha Htet Zaw, Ko Hein Htet,
Ko Thet Paing Oo, Ko Khant Lynn Maung Maung, monitoring all the situations closely.
The regime continues to torture and kill innocent students brutally. Also, in July 2022, four
pro-democracy activists were hanged by the terrorist military group, and so far, more than
13,000 people have been unjustly arrested, and 2,500 have been imprisoned across the
country.
We strongly urge the international community, including governments and organizations, to
take more focused actions to prevent the killing mechanisms of the military group from
continuing to operate.
As a whole population, we appeal to overcome fear and participate in the revolution for our
student comrades and the unjustly oppressed people..."
Source/publisher:
223 Students' Unions in Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
94.74 KB 1.85 MB
more
Description:
" ပြည်သူ့ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတော်ပုံတွင် ပါဝင်ကာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ဖျက်ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် ဒဂုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများဖြစ်ကြသည့် ကိုခန့်ဇင်ဝင်း၊ ကိုသူရမောင်မောင်၊ ကိုဇော်လင်းနိုင်၊ ကိုသီဟထက်ဇော်၊ ကိုဟိန်းထက်၊ ကိုသက်ပိုင်ဦး နှင့် ကိုခန့်လင်းမောင်မောင် တို့အား အာဏာသိမ်းဖက်ဆစ်တပ်က နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်လိုက်ကြောင်း သိရသည်။
ယနေ့ကာလသည် အာဏာသိမ်းဖက်ဆစ်ဘီလူး မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အုပ်စုက ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြမ်းဖက် နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ကာ ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်နေသည့် ကာလဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်၊ အိုးအိမ်၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကိုလည်း ပေါ်ပေါ်ထင်ထင် ဖျက်ဆီးနေမှု၊ လုယက်နေမှုများမှာ မျက်ဝါးထင်ထင်ပင်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဒဂုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသား (၇) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းသည်လည်း စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မတရားသဖြင့် တဖက်သတ်စီရင်ချက်ဟုသာ ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်မှ ယူဆသည်။ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့/ကျူးလွန်ဆဲ တရားမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ တရားမဲ့ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချမှု အလုံးစုံတို့ကို ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်မှ ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့ကျူးလွန်သမျှ ဖိနှိပ်မှုတိုင်းအတွက် မုချတာဝန်ခံရမည်။
ဤကာလတွင် စစ်အစိုးရ၊ စစ်အုပ်စု၊ စစ်ဗျူရိုကရေစီယန္တရား (စစ်သုံးစစ်) ဖြင့် အခိုင်အမာ တည်ဆောက်ထားသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ဖြတ်ချေမှုန်း သုတ်သင်ရန်မှာ တောင်ပေါ်/မြေပြန့် ဒေသအားလုံးရှိ လူထုလူတန်းစားပေါင်းစုံ အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံး၏ အရေးအကြီးဆုံး တာဝန်တရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် (စစ်သုံးစစ်) ကို အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံးက ထိရောက်မှန်ကန်သည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ကြပါရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်က တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်အပ်ပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်သည်လည်း တောင်ပေါ်/မြေပြန့် ဒေသအားလုံးရှိ အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် လက်တွဲကာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် (စစ်သုံးစစ်) အား အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းနိုင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်က ဒီမိုကရေစီတိုက်ပွဲများတွင် မြင့်မြတ်ဂုဏ်ပြောင်စွာ ကျဆုံးသွားခဲ့သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား တိုင်တည်ကာ ကတိသစ္စာပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
သေဒဏ်ပေးခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ရွာလုံးကျွတ် မြို့လုံးကျွတ် မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို တားဆီး၍ရမည်မဟုတ်။
“စစ်သုံးစစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းကြ”
“ပြည်သူ့ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတော်ပုံ မုချအောင်ရမည်”..."
Source/publisher:
All Burma Federation of Student Unions
Date of publication:
2022-12-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
463.46 KB
more
Description:
"The global problem of conflict and food insecurity
Conflict and food insecurity are intertwined: when one takes place, the other one usually follows. Several economic, environmental, political, or religious factors underlie armed conflicts. Every armed conflict bears tremendous human and environmental costs, but disruptions to food production and supply are often felt most immediately, with significant repercussions and flow-on effects. It is common that conflict-affected populations experience persistent hunger in the post-conflict setting as it takes time to reconstruct basic infrastructures, such as irrigation systems, roads, and marketplaces needed for the agricultural sector to operate.
When a civil war sparks between two or more warring parties, it has direct and indirect impacts on food and economic insecurity as well as environmental destruction. In Myanmar, opposing nationalisms, a fight for self-determination, and struggles over ethnic identity prolonged a civil war. The government brought to power by a military coup was characterized by its corrupt ruling regime, a lack of power-sharing, centralized political administration, and an ineffective constitution—all factors leading to the emergence of a civil war. The dominant warring party, the Myanmar military (Sit-Tat/Tatmadaw) seized land and controlled food to weaken opposition forces, especially culturally and politically marginalized groups. Deploying ‘scorched earth’ tactics are deliberately used in such wars. In a conflict state such as Myanmar, the sharp decline in food production is a result of the destruction of rural infrastructure, loss of livestock, deforestation, and the use of landmines and displacement. Consequently, countries heavily reliant on food exports from Myanmar are most vulnerable to this impact.
Introduction to Myanmar and the February 2021 Coup
Myanmar, a resource-rich and ethnically diverse country, has one of the longest civil wars in the world. Many ethnic groups have been fighting for self-determination since independence in 1948. The country experienced several military coups and was under authoritarian regimes. In 2010, it embarked on a political transition where a series of reforms were launched under a quasi-civilian government. In 2016, Myanmar had its first civilian government. Unfortunately, those days were short-lived and followed by a military coup took place in February 2021.
Myanmar is an agricultural-based country. The sector employs 70% of the rural population, and farmers play an important role in state-making. Their livelihoods, similarly, are the engine driving growth for rural development. Myanmar is also a major food supplier for neighbouring countries such as China, Thailand, Bangladesh and India.
There has been considerable resistance to Myanmar’s military in the months since the coup. Civilians took to the street in mass protests and stopped using government facilities and services. Schools were shut down, and government servants joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Boycotts were implemented against the military and military-back businesses. The international community also imposed targeted sanctions in response to the coup. Following a series of events, the economic, health, and financial sectors came close to collapse and unemployment surged. Myanmar’s youth or ‘Generation Z’ took up arms and established the People’s Defense Force (PDF) to uproot the junta regime.
This article discusses how the junta weaponizes food to weaken pro-democracy forces, deploying ‘scorched earth’ tactics to cause a sharp decline in food production, resulting in local starvation and threatening the regional food supply system. First, I explore the food supply chain mechanism in Myanmar. I highlight how policies related to food are developed in favour of generating government revenue, and at the expense of farmers’ welfare. Second, the article discusses the impact of the current country-wide conflict on hunger, specifically the way the junta uses food as a weapon against its opposition. Third, it looks at the state of food production in Myanmar and its impact on regional food security. I conclude by sharing some thoughts on how regional partners should hold the State Administration Council (SAC) accountable for atrocities committed.
Food supply chain mechanisms and the state in Myanmar
Myanmar’s food supply system has always been tightly controlled by the state. Land and agricultural policies have long determined farmers’ welfare and food accessibility. Burma’s first military coup in 1962, led by Ne Win, introduced the ‘Burmese Way to Socialism.’ Under the socialist system, farmers were forced to sell their farm products at low government-set prices as the government wanted to gain foreign exchange reserves through rice exports. As a result, farmers could not boost productivity, let alone scrape by for their own survival. This form of political intervention pushed them to sell rice on the black market. As food prices skyrocketed, village populations fell into extreme poverty. Due to the miscalculated economic strategy of the Ne Win government, Myanmar encountered economic stagnation and landed in the Least Developed Country list by 1987. The food crisis contributed to an uprising in 1988—this mass protest was brutally cracked down by General Than Shwe, the then-leader of the State Peace Development Council (SPDC).
The SPDC introduced the “Burmese Way to Capitalism” to recover the economy. Under this system, farmers were forced to take credit, which they paid back in the form of fixed portions of rice. This system ultimately trapped farmers in cycles of debt. Consequently, there was a sharp decline in purchasing power. People in hilly regions, such as Bago Yoma range, Shan Plateau and Arakan Yoma range, suffered the most as they had no alternative livelihoods. The State continued to control the food supply system, which suffered from major deficiencies in the distribution of food and further exacerbated political instability.
Ethnic conflict and oppression smouldered for years in various parts of the country. Fast forward to 2010, with a vision to hold nationwide ceasefire talks, the military-backed quasi-civilian government introduced a series of reforms, including the controversial Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) law. Many farmlands were officially seized under the pro-business FDI law. Against a backdrop of a decades-long civil war and lack of concrete political settlements with ethnic groups, many issues remained unsolved under the 2016 elected government.
When the coup took place in February 2021, in a speech delivered in January 2022 by SAC Chairman Min Aung Hlaing, the idea of exporting rice to earn foreign income was once again put on the table. He impressed that “efforts must be made to achieve success in the yield of 100 baskets of paddy per acre. If so, paddy rice can be exported to earn foreign income. Local farmers will have increased income which will contribute to the better local circulation of money.”
Drawing on examples from Myanmar’s history of state policies and practices in the food and agricultural sector, it’s clear that military regimes of the past have prioritized generating foreign income from the sale of rice and other agricultural products to serve their own profits, rather than fostering the welfare of people and farmers. Deploying a centralized approach to control the food supply chain, the military regime is positioning itself to further weaponize food against its opponents and ordinary citizens in a bid to remain in power.
The impact of conflict on hunger and the junta’s use of hunger as a weapon
The coup has threatened food security in urban and peripheral areas, albeit in different ways. The combination of inflation, skyrocketing food prices and Covid-19 threatens access to quality food for most urban and rural populations. In urban areas, food insecurity and the rising unemployment rate has also contributed to rising criminal activity. As the prices of commodities increased sharply, the SAC has allowed trade associations to sell subsidised cooking oil in urban areas like Yangon. The urban poor line up for long hours to buy supplies at a lower price. The military has forced people to struggle for survival, so much so that they do not have time to deal with politics.
In rural areas, organized crime committed by the military includes destroying crops, stealing livestock and confiscating civilian property to weaken revolutionary resistance. International emergency food providers are not permitted to reach the most vulnerable displaced populations. Moreover, the State Administration Council (SAC) has started to block transportation routes (e.g., to Rakhine, Chin,Magwe, Sagaing and Thanintharyi) where there is ongoing intense fighting and local people are experiencing a severe shortage of food supplies.
This is not the first time the junta has weaponized food to serve themselves. The notorious ‘Four Cuts’ policy was introduced in the 1960s to fight against the Communist Party of Burma (CBP) and Karen National Union (KNU). This policy cut off food supplies to ethnic armed groups, along with funds, news, and new recruits. Local people living in ethnic areas fighting for self-determination have borne the brunt of this policy, resulting in high mortality rates during the ‘Four Cuts’ campaign.
This pattern of starvation continues to persist. In 2008, in order not to let the world see the regime’s preparation for a national referendum, the Tatmadaw banned most international relief efforts from entering the country when Cyclone Nargis left a trail of devastation in its wake. The cyclone wiped out food reserves, and as the authorities failed to provide for survivors, the death toll reached an astounding 140,000 people. In 2017, the Tatmadaw cut off food supplies to conflict-affected marginalized Rohingya communities. This was carried out by the state with the intention to starve particular ethnic groups, and under the Rome Statutes of the International Criminal Court, it is considered a ‘crime against humanity’ and an act of genocide.
According to data for Myanmar (D4M) from 25 August 2022, a total of 28,434 houses were burned down by the military junta. A majority of casualties are located in Sagaing and Magway—both important hubs for the production of pulses and other food crops. The impact of this attack, once again, drove a sharp decline in production. These atrocities displaced farmers and transformed paddy fields into battlefields. As armed conflict breaks out across the country, there is no doubt that the whole supply chain has been severely disrupted.
Impacts of the conflict on regional food security
Food trade patterns directly correlate to the domestic food supply in various export countries. As Myanmar is a major exporter of rice to China and dried leguminous vegetables (DLV) to India, disruptions in trade also threaten those who rely on its supply to meet domestic consumption. The India-Myanmar border trade was supposed to resume after two years of Covid-19 restrictions, with many traders welcoming the opening of the border as it reduced smuggling activities in the borderlands. However, traders face great security concerns over trade routes as fighting intensifies in Myanmar’s border regions (such as Sagaing, where Kalay and Tamu towns are located). People fear that if the border opening is put off till 2023, this will have a negative impact on essential food supplies in India. Due to a lack of transparency and accountability during oppressive military regimes in the past, the data for exports of goods and services from Myanmar has remained undocumented. According to food trade data available from 2000 onwards, there has been a steady increase in demand for food products from Myanmar destined for China, Cambodia, India, Thailand, and other countries. It is important to note that the credibility of the data is hard to assess since it has been managed by different government administrations over the years.
How regional partners should hold SAC accountable for atrocities
Historical and contemporary examples from Myanmar demonstrate that various military regimes have consistently weaponized food to achieve their political agendas. Today, the junta continues to overlook the food insecurity challenges civilians face in the country. Controlling the profits of rice exports, the regime prioritizes generating foreign income to consolidate its own power. There is another way to interpret the trade deals between the junta and neighbouring countries: the junta is attempting to develop a niche market and control larger supply chains, thereby forging cooperation with like-minded allies to gain support and legitimacy.
If regional counterparts are serious about addressing the rapid onset of food insecurity, they must acknowledge the root causes of today’s political crisis. Prolonged hostilities not only drive domestic hunger but also undermine regional food security, especially in countries reliant upon Myanmar’s agricultural products. Therefore, regional counterparts should make all possible efforts to restore basic human rights and stability in Myanmar and enhance collaboration with governments that are finding ways to end the vicious cycle of hunger and war..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"A special junta court on Tuesday jailed U Tun Tun Hein, the former deputy speaker of the Lower House under the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government, for an additional 20 years after convicting him of high treason, taking his total sentence to 24 years, according to NLD politicians.
He is also a member of the NLD’s Central Executive Committee (CEC).
The special court in Lashio Prison, northern Shan State, sentenced U Tun Tun Hein to 20 years’ imprisonment under the Penal Code’s Section 122, which pertains to high treason, said the politicians.
U Nay Zin Latt, the elected MP for Kantbalu Township and a member of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, condemned the sentence.
“Whether high treason or state defamation, all such charges against politicians or others are meaningless. I don’t even have the proper words to describe the madness of the junta regime,” he remarked.
U Tun Tun Hein was detained on the same day as State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and other members of the ruling party’s CEC on Feb. 1, 2021, the day of the coup. The junta released him on Feb. 7 and sent him back to his native town of Nawnghkio in northern Shan State.
But on Feb. 10 he was rearrested and since then he has been detained at Lashio Prison, hit with three charges. In December 2021 he was charged under the notorious sections 505 (a) and (b) of the Penal Code and sentenced to four years in prison. He was later charged under Section 130 (a), accused of breaching polling laws.
Section 130 (a) aims to penalize those who prohibit or fail to carry out the implementation of existing laws and carries a maximum sentence of three years plus a fine.
U Tun Tun Hein, 73, first won a seat in the Lower House in the 1990 general election, the results of which were ignored by the then military regime. He was imprisoned in 2012 and released in 2015. That year, he contested and won a seat representing Nawngkio Township constituency in the Lower House.
In 2018, he became third deputy speaker of the Lower House and served until the end of that parliamentary term. In 2020 he was reelected to the Lower House representing a constituency in his home town.
As part of its crackdown on political opponents, Myanmar’s junta has handed out jail sentences to NLD CEC members and former Union Election Commission members.
“I’m especially concerned for elderly persons facing such political charges. Though they are mentally strong, they are getting too old to cope with the demands of prison, as well as the multiple methods of torture used during detention or interrogation,” said U Nay Zin Latt..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"At a special summit in April 2021, Myanmar military junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing and the nine ASEAN leaders agreed to a set of five initiatives for Myanmar to return to peace and stability amid the unrest that followed the coup launched in February that year. During the ASEAN summit in Phnom Penh in November 2022, leaders reaffirmed this ’five-point consensus’ and affirmed the need for concrete, practical and measurable indicators set within a specific timeframe.
Before the Phnom Penh summit, there were predictions that the five-point consensus may be revised, or that Myanmar could be expelled from ASEAN. Myanmar’s junta rejected the ASEAN leaders’ decision to enforce the consensus, but the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) welcomed it.
The five points include an immediate end to violence in Myanmar, dialogue among all parties to seek a peaceful solution, the appointment and visit of a special envoy to Myanmar and humanitarian assistance from ASEAN. But ASEAN’s five-point consensus has not stopped the junta’s violence and its implementation has not led to any significant progress.
In the past, Myanmar’s military junta has regularly launched air strikes on civilians in ethnic areas and central Myanmar, where armed struggles against its rule often break out. On 23 October 2022, the military launched an airstrike on a music concert in Kachin that killed at least 60 people and injured 100. Military helicopters also attacked a school in Let Yet Kone village in north-central Myanmar on 16 September. At least 11 children died in the air strike and around 15 are still missing, according to a statement by the United Nations Children’s Fund.
This is the situation in Myanmar despite the adoption of ASEAN’s five-point consensus. The NUG alleges that the junta has killed more than 3000 people over the past 11 months, while the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has counted 2338 civilian deaths since the coup. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that there are 986,500 internally displaced persons due to the coup. Data from the Institute for Strategy and Policy Myanmar indicates that the junta and armed conflicts have damaged over 36,000 homes and buildings.
The junta’s airstrikes on ethnic areas, the killing of unarmed civilians and the rejection of dialogue with opposition forces has led to the assumption that the junta will only engage militarily and not through political dialogue. The junta’s refusal to let the ASEAN special envoy meet with opposition leaders fuels this assumption.
Ongoing political turmoil, mass displacement and economic collapse are pushing Myanmar towards a humanitarian crisis. More than 1.1 million people have been displaced since the military coup and 15.2 million people are facing food insecurity.
ASEAN leaders’ five-point consensus included the provision of humanitarian assistance without discrimination. Though political turmoil and armed conflict in Myanmar may be a barrier to delivering this, ASEAN has great potential to respond to the refugee crisis since refugees from Myanmar are now sheltering in its member states. Thousands of refugees are sheltering in Thailand, but they lack support from ASEAN.
Engaging all stakeholders to solve Myanmar’s political turmoil — an important aspect of ASEAN’s charter — needs concrete and strong implementation.
In April 2021, when the ASEAN consensus was established, it was practical to recognise the junta as the main stakeholder in resolving the political turmoil as the junta controlled major regions of Myanmar. But this is no longer the case. Now only 17 per cent of Myanmar is under the junta’s total control — the NUG and other opponents effectively control over 52 per cent of the territory.
In the one and a half years since the consensus was established, democratic opponents have established the NUG and People’s Defense Force, launching a ‘people’s defensive war’ against the military junta. The area that they now control is jointly governed by the NUG and allied ethnic armed organisations and is coordinated through the National Unity Consultative Council. The NUG and its allies provide healthcare, education and humanitarian assistance — operating as functional governments in their territories.
ASEAN should exclude the military junta from political dialogue until they stop their acts of violence and brutal crackdowns. It should also impose severe and targeted sanctions on the junta. ASEAN’s sanctions on the junta may have more impact than Western sanctions as Southeast Asian countries are the largest sources of foreign investment in Myanmar. Recognising the NUG as the main stakeholder and removing the junta from the political dialogue is a more practical way to resolve Myanmar’s political turmoil than expelling it altogether..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2022-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"At least 308 women and girls have been killed by junta forces since the coup in February last year, according to the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), a political coalition of anti-regime bodies. Twelve of those victims, including girls, were raped before being killed, said an NUCC statement issued Sunday (November 27).
The statement, which came two days after the UN launched “16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence” on November 25, also demanded international action against Myanmar’s military regime.
“Every time conflict breaks out in Myanmar, the military uses gender-based violence including the rape of women and children as a tool,” said the NUCC, an alliance of pro-democracy forces and ethnic armed organizations that serves as a decision-making body in Myanmar’s parallel government.
According to data gathered by the NUCC, the junta’s police and military troops have killed 2,327 people, 308 of whom were women or girls. The data also shows the regime has arrested 16,432 people, 3,434 of whom are female.
The NUCC has also identified 12 cases where junta personnel raped women or girls before killing them. It has logged another 40 cases in which women and children have been reported raped, killed and their bodies burned to destroy evidence.
The NUCC said the military has adopted rape, torture and sexual abuse of civilians as a weapon of war, and continues to commit these and other war crimes with impunity almost daily..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Women's rights, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups
Language:
more
Description:
"BANGKOK (28 November 2022) – The UN Human Rights Office for South-East Asia (OHCHR) is deeply concerned about the potential negative impact on civic space and human rights of new rules regulating the registration of non-profit organizations in Myanmar.
On 28 October, the military’s so-called State Administration Council unilaterally imposed a text making registration compulsory for both national and international non-governmental organizations and associations. In purportedly repealing the 2014 Association Registration Law, these new rules introduce criminal penalties for organizations who fail to comply with punishments up to five years of imprisonment.
Since the attempted coup in February 2021 and in pursuance of their “four-cuts” strategy, the military has put in place numerous measures, including internet shutdowns in over 20 townships, eroding civic space and preventing the exercise of fundamental rights and freedom, such as freedoms of expression and association.
The military has used the national legal framework and the judiciary to crush any opposition and these new provisions add to the legal arsenal at their disposal to exert authoritarian control over Myanmar.
“Civic space has been decimated in the country already due to the military’s actions, particularly its systematic harassment, arrest, and prosecution of anyone who opposed their coup,” said James Rodehaver, Chief of the OHCHR Myanmar Team.
“These new rules could greatly diminish what operational space is left for civic organizations to deliver essential goods and services to a population that is struggling to survive.”
In the context of ongoing fighting throughout the country, military decisions and actions have severely restricted humanitarian access limiting efforts to reach some of the estimated 1.4 million internally displaced people and millions of others affected by crisis with life-saving humanitarian aid.
Local civil society and grassroot organizations have played an increasingly crucial role in the provision of humanitarian assistance to those in need, particularly to food, health care, shelter, safe drinking water, and sanitation facilities.
Registration obligations stemming from this new military text may jeopardize all this and expose over a million people, including children and the elderly, to life-threatening risks, said Rodehaver.
“These new requirements and penalties are likely to make it more difficult for legitimate, dedicated civil society groups to get desperately needed support to those who need it most,” Rodehaver said.
“The military has an obligation to the people of Myanmar to facilitate the work of civil society and to ensure unimpeded access to communities in desperate need of assistance, not target them through bureaucratic harassment or threaten them with prosecution.”
The UN Human Rights Office calls on the military to meet their obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law, particularly to enhance protection of civilians, release political prisoners, and restore a political system representative of the will of the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-11-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (31/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.76 MB
more
Sub-title:
အသိမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာချက်
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၉/၂၀၂၂)
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၂၆) ရက်
အသိမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာချက်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
213.81 KB
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today called on the Qatari government, currently hosting the football world cup, to stop allowing cargo vessels owned by the Burmese military to dock at ports in Qatar.
Cargo vessel U Thar is owned by Myanma Five Star Line, which in turn is owned by the Burmese military-owned conglomerate Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. It is currently docked at state-owned Hamad port in Qatar.
Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd has been sanctioned by the UK, USA, Canada, and EU because of its role in funding the Burmese military, and thereby helping to fund the human rights violations they commit.
At the United Nations, Qatar has supported resolutions calling for an end to human rights violations by the Burmese military. As a member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Qatar has supported the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice.
“By allowing Burmese military-owned vessels to use Qatari ports, Qatar is helping the Burmese military to raise funds to commit the human rights violations which Qatar condemns,” said Mark Farmaner, Director at Burma Campaign UK. “It is not consistent for Qatar to condemn human rights violations by the Burmese military but do business with them at the same time. Qatar must ban the Burmese military from using its ports.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-11-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Yoma Bank is providing banking services to Telecom International Myanmar Company Limited, the operator of the Myanmar military’s Mytel mobile network.
As of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for the company, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed.
Yoma is a Myanmar bank controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors.
Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution Norfund owns 10.6%. The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group owns 4.5%.
Telecom International Myanmar is a joint venture of the miliary conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada. Other Mytel shareholders are Viettel Global Investment of Vietnam’s Ministry of National Defence, and Myanmar National Telecom Holdings, an investment vehicle for Myanmar cronies.
Mytel is incredibly lucrative. Myanmar’s generals benefit through access to Vietnamese investment and technology, and future profits. Justice For Myanmar estimates that Mytel’s Myanmar military owners are projected to earn more than US$700 million in a decade from Mytel’s fifth year of operation.
Mytel also provides the Myanmar military leadership with capabilities for surveillance of troops and the public.
The Myanmar army’s signals directorate is operationally linked to Mytel and the mobile network uses and maintains the military’s network of fibre optic cables. Mytel operates towers on military bases, which are likely used to supplement military communications.
Transaction records from the MEC-owned Innwa Bank, recently released by Distributed Denial of Secrets, revealedmore than 200 transactions with Yoma Bank, including transactions with MEC.
In 2020, Yoma Bank issued a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a tower company co-owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported Pinnacle Asia to build towers for Mytel.
After Justice For Myanmar exposed the Yoma Bank loan to Pinnacle Asia, Norfund spokesperson Ylva Lindberg told Bistandsaktuelt that Yoma Bank will now use the UN Fact-Finding Mission as part of its standard background checks. However, she went on to say that “the military in Myanmar has a very extensive role in society and business, which makes it a demanding exercise to set a limit for indirect connections to the military… It is difficult to draw a clear line for how far the responsibility extends.”
Telecom International Myanmar was identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission as a military business, yet it has remained a Yoma Bank customer.
After the latest revelations, Norfund told Bistandsaktuelt that, according to Yoma Bank, it cannot block transactions between its customers and Innwa Bank unless those accounts are blacklisted by the junta’s central bank, and that Yoma Bank cannot deny accounts to companies.
As the Myanmar junta’s war of terror intensifies, Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank and its investors to immediately end its business with Telecom International Myanmar and all other companies owned by the Myanmar military, which stands accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "Mytel is a strategic resource of the illegal Myanmar military junta and the company aids and abets the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“By providing banking services to Mytel, Yoma Bank is supporting its international law violations.
“Norfund, IFC and GIC have been warned about Yoma Bank's business with the Myanmar military and its associates, yet Yoma Bank’s business with the Myanmar military is continuing.
“If Norfund, IFC and GIC cannot stop their investee, Yoma Bank, from providing services to Mytel and transacting with Innwa Bank, then they should responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
151.22 KB
more
Description:
"The Women's League of Burma will organize 16 Days of Activism in various forms and
activities along with white ribbons campaign under the theme of "Justice + Accountability =
End System of Impunity” to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence
Against Women, which falls today on the 25th November.
The Women's League of Burma is not only solely opposed to violence but also uses the Zero
Tolerance policy to condemn any kind and act of violence. In addition, WLB has documented
all forms of violence committed against women and highlighted the issues from the national
to the international level for justice and accountability.
Burma/Myanmar is a country of prolonged civil war, and the main reason for the increase in
violence against women in various ways is the use of the patriarchal system and military
dictatorship. Additionally, due to the existing mindset dominated by patriarchy, the presence
of those who practice the ideology of the patriarchy, and military dictators who seized power
unjustly for generations, the survivors have not received full justice and accountability until
today.
According to the WLB’s members' organizations, since the t military junta seized the power
on 1st February 2022 until today, they have documented 111 domestic violence cases, 14 rape
cases committed by civilians, at least 16 rape cases, and 3 sexual assault and violence cases
committed by the military Junta’s soldiers. In addition, according to news media, there are
more than 40 cases of women being raped and burned to death for forced disappearance. The
violence continues to occur every day with no punishment mechanism for the perpetrators,
who are getting impunity for their crimes.
Additionally, because of the current situation in Burma/ Myanmar, it is a terrifying situation
that no one, including women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations, has no
security protection but is also deeply concerned. WLB has designated the Military Junta as a
criminal for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, which have been
systematically and intentionally committed for generations. Therefore, WLB strongly urges
to work together in respective roles to ensure accountability of the perpetrators and to achieve
justice.
Women’s League of Burma would like to encourage women, girls, persons with diverse
sexual orientations, and anyone to join the White Ribbon Campaign to eliminate physical,
mental, and sexual violence and to stand against all forms of violence with WLB.
For the reason stated above, the Women's League of Burma urges authorities and officials as
follows:
• To collaborate with national and international human rights organizations and women
organizations to eliminate violence against anyone, including women, girls, and
persons with diverse sexual orientations, as soon as possible.
• To take effective action against perpetrators who have committed violence against
women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations.
• To develop effective policies and implementation activities to stop violence, to
prevent and protect against violence.
• To provide the necessary security protection and services, rehabilitation programs,
and financial support for the victims and survivors.
• For the international community to take effective action to end the system of impunity
and access to justice for the crimes committed by the military Junta..."
Source/publisher:
Women's League of Burma
Date of publication:
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Burmese women's organisations, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
299 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"The German Federal Foreign Office is funding the training of Myanmar military junta personnel through a Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law project for the promotion of maritime peace and security in Southeast Asia, in potential violation of EU sanctions.
As part of the program, the Max Planck Foundation has invited the junta to nominate three representatives for a workshop to be held in Singapore from November 28 to December 2, 2022 on maritime security and the law of the sea, confirmed by a Justice For Myanmar source.
Topics to be covered in the workshop include military operations at sea, maritime terrorism, and ways to respond to unilateral sanctions.
The German government is paying the travel and accommodation costs for senior and mid-level junta personnel, including from the junta’s defence ministry. The Myanmar participants are under the control of and serve the State Administration Council (SAC), which is the illegal junta’s executive body.
Earlier this month, the EU sanctioned SAC, and it has previously sanctioned the junta’s leader, Min Aung Hlaing, the junta’s defence minister, Mya Tun Oo, and other junta ministers.
The EU’s recent designation states that “SAC is engaged in actions that threaten the peace, security and stability of Myanmar/Burma”.
Similarly, the war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Mya Tun Oo have both been sanctioned for “[having] been directly involved in and responsible for decision-making concerning state functions and [are] therefore responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma”, and for “[being] directly responsible for [SAC’s] repressive decisions and for serious human rights violations”.
The Max Planck Foundation project supports SAC and at least two EU-sanctioned individuals through the financing of international travel that rewards loyal personnel under their control and equips them with knowledge and skills that assists the junta’s illegal coup attempt.
The benefits of the junta’s participation in the Max Planck Foundation project is all the more strategically important to the sanctioned entity and individuals as the junta only has stable control of 17 per cent of Myanmar territory, meaning capacity-building is of assistance in increasing its control, as the junta intensifies its war of terror against the people. The Max Planck Foundation project provides specific skills to assist the junta’s illegal attempt to take control of Myanmar’s coastline and maritime borders.
Participation in the Max Planck Foundation project also legitimises the junta as the government of Myanmar, an outcome the people of Myanmar have been courageously rejecting for the past 22 months, effectively preventing the junta’s illegal power grab.
By the enablement of such benefits to a sanctioned entity and sanctioned individuals through the provision of funds, the German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Plank Foundation may be in breach of Article 4a(2) of EU sanctions.
The upcoming Singapore workshop is the fifth in a series of six planned activities. Two in-person workshops have been held since the military’s illegal coup attempt, one in Vietnam in September 2022 and one in the Philippines in July 2022.
Junta representatives were funded by the German government to attend the workshop in Vietnam, according to a post by the Max Planck Foundation, which stated that “all ASEAN Member States nominated their representatives, with 26 engaged participants from all 10 ASEAN Member States being able to participate.”
Representatives from nine ASEAN states attended the Philippines workshop and Justice For Myanmar cannot confirm if junta representatives were included.
The Max Planck Foundation maritime peace and security project started in October 2020, before the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, with the objective “to strengthen preventive diplomacy and regional cooperation in SEA to improve maritime peace and security”.
Max Planck Foundation continues to list the program on its website under “current projects in Myanmar”.
Germany has repeatedly spoken out for human rights and democracy in Myanmar through UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions.
German support for the Myanmar military junta through the Max Planck Foundation is inconsistent with its public positions on the crisis in Myanmar and its international human rights obligations.
The German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law did not reply to Justice For Myanmar’s requests for a response.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “By providing support and legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta, the German government and the Max Planck Foundation are emboldening the its atrocity crimes, undermining democracy and potentially breaching EU sanctions.
“The junta is the cause of war and human insecurity in Myanmar. It is deplorable that the German government sees it as appropriate to use public funds to financially support the junta’s participation in a program that purportedly aims to promote peace and security.
“The provision of these funds enable a sanctioned entity and persons and personnel under their control to reward loyalty, gain legitimacy and acquire skills and knowledge that supports the junta’s illegal attempted coup.
“In launching its coup attempt, the junta has killed more than 2,500 and arrested over 16,000 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
“The Myanmar military uses its navy to commit atrocity crimes and other human rights abuses, including the regular interception and arbitrary arrest of Rohingya trying to flee the junta’s ongoing campaign of genocide.
“It is junta officials involved in abuses at sea or people under junta control that are being rewarded with all expenses paid international travel.
“We call on the German government and the Max Planck Foundation to immediately exclude the junta from remaining activities in the “Promoting Maritime Peace and Security in Southeast Asia” program and all other programs, meetings and events.
“We call on the German parliament to urgently investigate why taxpayer money has been used to support members of the Myanmar military junta, and whether such acts constitute breaches of EU sanctions.
“We call on the European Union to further impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its businesses, including a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
123.64 KB
more
Description:
"The head of the Myanmar military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) described resistance fighters battling the military dictatorship as “thoughtless” on Monday during a meeting with USDP members in Sagaing Region’s Monywa.
U Khin Yi vowed also to “wipe away tears, grip the sword, move a step forward and fight” the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), according to the USDP’s Facebook.
The hardline nationalist also challenged the PDFs during a November 3 meeting with USDP members in Tatkon Township in Naypyitaw: “You can kill me. I am a former military officer. I am in charge of the USDP. I’m the true pillar [of the regime]. I am the hardcore. Why don’t you come and kill me?” the 70-year-old said as he condemned the killing of USDP members.
Led by former generals, the USDP took the lead role in organizing pro-military rallies before and after the February 2021 coup and has helped the regime arrest opponents and dissidents. USDP members have also joined the junta-backed Pyu Saw Htee militia.
The USDP said that over 1,600 of its members and supporters have died at the hands of anti-junta forces since the military takeover.
While meeting USDP members in Sagaing, a stronghold of the resistance and the Spring Revolution against the military regime, U Khin Yi called for better security arrangements for USDP offices and members. He comforted the relatives of slain party members and told members to be ready to fight the PDFs when the time is ripe.
“I’ve come here to help you, to listen to your concerns and solve your problems,” U Khin Yi told the USDP members.
But despite his challenge to the PDFs, U Khin Yi did not dare to travel to Sagaing by road, instead arriving by air.
Since being appointed as the USDP chair last month, U Khin Yi has travelled extensively in Yangon, Mandalay and Ayeyarwady regions, devoting himself to inflaming nationalism, slamming the National League for Democracy (NLD) and encouraging party members to fight the PDFs.
Echoing the claims of the Myanmar military, the former brigadier general accused the ousted NLD government of electoral fraud and of failing to protect Buddhism in Myanmar.
“[If the Myanmar military had not seized power], you might not have a Buddha altar in your house now,” said U Khin Yi.
A henchman of successive military dictators, U Khin Yi oversaw the brutal 2007 crackdown on the nationwide anti-regime movement known as the Saffron Revolution. He also oversaw the house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under the previous regime.
He served as Minister for Immigration and Population in U Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian administration. U Khin Yi was also involved in planning the 2021 coup while serving as a vice chair of the USDP, organizing pro-military rallies in which so-called military sympathizers went on the rampage in Yangon, punching and stabbing those who denounced them.
After the coup, U Khin Yi was again appointed Minister for Immigration and Population, before taking over as USDP chair. It is thought he was put in place by regime chief Min Aung Hlaing to oversee the election the junta plans to hold next year, which Min Aung Hlaing hopes will enable him to seize the presidency..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"ယနေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သည့် ၂၇၆၂ ခုနှစ်မြောက် ကယန်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့တွင် ကယန်းပြည်သူအားလုံး မင်္ဂလာအပေါင်းနှင့် ပြည့်စုံပါစေကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းသို့ အစောဆုံး ဝင်ရောက်အခြေချနေထိုင်ခဲ့ကြသော ပျူ၊ သက်၊ ကမ်းယံ မျိုးနွယ်စုမှ ဆင်းသက်လာခဲ့ကြသည့် ကယန်းအမျိုးသားများ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းသို့ အကုန်အစင်ရောက်ရှိခဲ့သည့် ဘီစီ (၇၃၉) ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်ရေတွက်၍ ကယန်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်လာခဲ့သည်မှာ (၂၇၆၂) ကြိမ်တိုင်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။
နှစ်သစ်ကူးအချိန်သည် နှစ်ဟောင်းတွင် ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရသည့် အတွေ့အကြုံများကို ပြန်လည် ဆင်ခြင်သုံးသပ်ပြီး နှစ်သစ်တွင် သာ၍ကောင်းမွန်သော ကောင်းကျိုးများရရှိရန်အတွက် ခွန်အားသစ်များ မွေးဖွားရသည့် အချိန်ကာလဖြစ်ပါသည်။ နှစ်သစ်ကိုကြိုဆိုရင်း ကယန်းလူမျိုးတို့၏ သမိုင်းအဆက်ဆက်က ဂုဏ်ဝင့်ထည်စွာဖြင့် လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းလာခဲ့သော စာပေ၊ ဂီတ၊ အနုပညာ၊ စားဖွယ်သောက်ဖွယ် စုံလင်စွာဖြင့် ပွဲလမ်းသဘင်များ ကျင်းပရမည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
သို့သော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖိနှိပ်ချယ်လှယ်မှုများကြောင့် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံး အထွေထွေ ဒုက္ခအကြပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရပြီး ကယန်းပြည်သူမြောက်များစွာ တို့သည်လည်း ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုမရှိဘဲ စိုးရွံ့ထိတ်လန့်စိတ်ဖြင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ဘဝဖြင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း ကယန်းနှစ်သစ်ကူး အချိန်အခါအား ဖြတ်သန်းနေကြရသည်ကို များစွာ ဝမ်းနည်း ကြေကွဲရပါသည်။
စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးကြောင့် ဤပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း ဖြစ်တည်ခဲ့သော ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် သံသယများ၊ ပဋိပက္ခများကို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းပြီး တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဌာန်းခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသော စည်းလုံးငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးဆီသို့ အတူတကွ လက်တွဲလျှောက်လှမ်းကြရင်း ကယန်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းလုံးရှိ ပြည်သူအားလုံးတို့သည် ယနေ့ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသော ဒုက္ခအခက်အခဲများမှ အလျင်အမြန် လွတ်မြောက် ကြပါစေဟု နှစ်သစ်ကူးအခါသမယတွင် ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာ ပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Karenni (Kayah) - cultural, political
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
367.07 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် (၂၁၁၇) နှစ်မြောက် ရှမ်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့တွင် ရှမ်းတိုင်းရင်းသား များအားလုံးနှင့်တကွ နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားအားလုံး နှစ်သစ်တွင် ခွန်အားသစ်များ ပြည့်ဝကာ ရင်ဆိုင်ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေရသည့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးအား အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းနိုင်ပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသစ်ကို ပိုင်ဆိုင်နိုင်ကြပါစေကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ရှမ်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့သည် ရှမ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားအားလုံး၏ သမိုင်းအစဉ်အလာကြီးမားမှုနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်း မြင့်မားခိုင်မာမှု၏ ပြယုဒ်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရှမ်းရိုးရာပြက္ခဒိန်များအရ နှစ်စဉ် နတ်တော်လဆန်း ၁ ရက်နေ့ကို ရှမ်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့အဖြစ်သတ်မှတ်ပြီး နတ်တော်လသည် ရှမ်းဘာသာစကားဖြင့် “လိန်ကျိန်” (ပထမဆုံးလ) ဟု အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရသောကြောင့် ရှမ်းတိုင်းရင်းသား များသည် နှစ်တစ်နှစ်၏ အစကို နတ်တော်လမှ စတင်ရေတွက်ကြ၍ နှစ်သစ်ကူး ပွဲတော်များကို စည်ကားသိုက်မြိုက်စွာ ကျင်းပလာခဲ့ကြသည်မှာ ယခုဆိုလျှင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၂၁၁၇) တိုင်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ သို့သော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ မတရားသဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာကို သိမ်းယူခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကျရောက်ခဲ့သည့် ရှမ်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့ကိုမူ ယခင်နှစ်များလို ပျော်ပွဲရွှင်ပွဲများ စည်ကားသိုက်မြိုက်စွာ ကျင်းပခြင်း မပြုလုပ်ကြဘဲ အာဏာရှင်ကို အလိုမရှိကြောင်း ပြသခဲ့ကြ ပါသည်။ ရှမ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများသည် လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတခြင်းတို့ကို မြတ်နိုးတန်ဖိုးထား၍ မည်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုမျိုးကိုမှ မလိုလားကြောင်းကို လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက် အသက်ပေး ခဲ့သည့် အာဇာနည်ခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သော မိုင်းပွန်စော်ဘွားကြီး စပ်စံထွန်းကလည်း သမိုင်းတွင် မှတ်ကျောက်တင်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်မှစ၍ ယခု နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးခရီးအထိ အာဏာရှင်များကို ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရင်း တိုင်းပြည်၏ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုများကို လူငယ်များပီပီ လိမ္မာပါးနပ်စွာ ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိကြသည့် ရှမ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်အတွက် အသက်ပေးဆပ်သွားခဲ့ကြသည့် အာဇာနည်သူရဲကောင်းများအား ဤနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့ အခါသမယတွင် ဂုဏ်ယူလေးစားစွာ မှတ်တမ်းတင် အပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ နှစ်သစ်ကူးချိန်ဆိုသည်မှာ နှစ်ဟောင်းမှကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှု၊ ပေးဆပ်မှု၊ ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရသည့် အခက်အခဲအတွေ့အကြုံများမှတစ်ဆင့် သင်ခန်းစာယူကာ လာမည့်နှစ်သစ်တွင် တိုင်းရင်းသားအားလုံး မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တသည့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအောင်ပွဲဆီသို့ အတွေးသစ်၊ အမြင်သစ်ဖြင့် အရှိန်အဟုန် မပြတ် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးနှင့်အတူ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများ အားလုံးက စည်းလုံး ညီညွတ်စွာ ရှေ့ဆက်လျှောက်လှမ်းရမည့် အချိန်ကာလတစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၆။ လူသားတိုင်းသည် မိမိတို့အခွင့်အရေးကို မိမိတို့ကိုယ်တိုင် ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရန် တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် မိမိတို့၏ကိုယ်ပိုင်အခွင့်အရေးများ မဆုံးရှုံးစေရန် မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ကွယ်ပျောက်ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများက နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တခဲ့သော်လည်း ပုံဖော်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိသေးသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသစ်ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ဖန်တီးပုံဖော်တည်ဆောက်လိုသောဆန္ဒသည် မကြာသောကာလတစ်ခုတွင် ပြည့်ဝလာနိုင်တော့မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့်နိုင်ငံတော်ဖြစ်သည့် အတွက် တိုင်းရင်းသားအချင်းချင်း စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုရှိရန်မှာ အထူး အရေးကြီးပါသည်။
၇။ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့်စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ထားသည့် အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အတုအယောင်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကျင်းပ၍ ဥပဒေမဲ့အာဏာသိမ်းမှုမှ ထွက်ပေါက် နည်းလမ်းအဖြစ် တရားဝင်မှုရှိသည့်အစိုးရအသွင်သဏ္ဍန်သို့ လှည့်ပြောင်းနိုင်ရန် စီစဉ်နေခြင်းအပေါ် တိုင်းရင်းသားအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ သွေးခွဲမှု၊ လှည့်စားမှုများကို သိရှိနားလည်ကာ စည်းလုံး ညီညွတ်မှုဖြင့် အတူတကွ ရင်ဆိုင်ကျော်လွှား၍ ရှေ့ဆက်ကြိုးပမ်းသွားကြပါရန် လေးလေးနက်နက် တောင်းဆိုတိုက်တွန်းလိုပါသည်။
၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်ကို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးအသီးအပွင့်များခံစားနိုင်သော အသိုက်အဝန်းတစ်ခု ဖန်တီး ကျန်ရစ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကြီးကို အနာဂတ် မျိုးဆက်သစ်တို့အတွက် ကောင်းမွေအဖြစ်ပေးအပ်နိုင်ခဲ့ရန် ပင်လုံစိတ်ဓာတ်ကို အခြေခံ၍ ရှမ်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများအပါအဝင် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ အားလုံးနှင့်အတူ တွဲလက်ညီညီ ကြိုးပမ်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာပြုလျက် ဤနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့ သဝဏ်လွှာ အား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-11-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Shan (cultural, historical, political) articles
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
393.14 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ယနေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သည့် ၂၁၁၇ ခုနှစ် ရှမ်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးပွဲတော်နေ့တွင် ရှမ်းပြည်သူအားလုံး မင်္ဂလာအပေါင်းနှင့် ပြည့်စုံပါစေကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ နှစ်သစ်ကူးအချိန်သည် နှစ်ဟောင်းတွင် ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရသည့် အတွေ့အကြုံများကို ပြည်လည် ဆင်ခြင်သုံးသပ်ပြီး နှစ်သစ်တွင် သာ၍ကောင်းမွန်သော ကောင်းကျိုးများ ရရှိရန်အတွက် ခွန်အားသစ်များ မွေးဖွားရသည့် အချိန်ကာလဖြစ်ပါသည်။ နှစ်သစ်ကိုကြိုဆိုရင်း ရှမ်းလူမျိုးတို့၏ သမိုင်းအဆက်ဆက်က ဂုဏ်ဝင့်ထည်စွာဖြင့် လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းလာခဲ့သော စာပေ၊ ဂီတ၊ အနုပညာ၊ စားဖွယ်သောက်ဖွယ် စုံလင်စွာဖြင့် ပွဲလမ်းသဘင်များ ကျင်းပရမည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ သို့သော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖိနှိပ်ချယ်လှယ်မှုများကြောင့် ရှမ်းပြည်သူ မြောက်များစွာသည် ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုမရှိဘဲ စိုးရွံ့ထိတ်လန့်စိတ်ဖြင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ဘဝဖြင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း ရှမ်းနှစ်သစ်ကူးပွဲတော် အချိန်အခါအား ဖြတ်သန်းနေကြရသည်ကို များစွာဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပါသည်။
၄။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးကြောင့် ဤပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း ဖြစ်တည်ခဲ့သော ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် သယံသယများ၊ ပဋိပက္ခများကို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းပြီး တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသော စည်းလုံးငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးဆီသို့ အတူတကွ လက်တွဲလျှောက်လှမ်းကြပါစို့ဟု နှစ်သစ်ကူးဆုတောင်းမင်္ဂလာ ပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Shan (cultural, historical, political) articles
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
248.05 KB
more
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar cautiously welcomes ANZ’s announcement that they will exit Myanmar by early 2023.
ANZ will be the first international bank to leave Myanmar and its decision follows the blacklisting of Myanmar by the FATF.
Earlier this month, Justice For Myanmar exposed ANZ transactions with Innwa Bank, a subsidiary of the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), found in data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets.
MEC and Innwa Bank are sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada.
ANZ has also facilitated payments from its customers to the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We cautiously welcome ANZ’s decision to leave Myanmar and call on them to responsibly exit.
“This must involve mitigating and remedying the impact on their staff and ensuring that they repatriate all funds so they do not leave a windfall for the terrorist military junta.
“Since the military’s illegal attempted coup, ANZ has transacted with the US, UK and EU sanctioned Innwa Bank and facilitated customer payments to the military junta, enabled by the refusal of the Australian government to sanction the junta and its businesses.
"The Australian government's appalling inaction in response to the crisis in Myanmar undermines its democratic values and international obligations.
“We call on the Australian government to support the people of Myanmar and take a clear stand for democracy and human rights by sanctioning the illegal junta and its businesses.
“ANZ is the first international bank to leave Myanmar and their planned exit is another sign of the destruction the junta is causing to Myanmar’s economy through the military’s coup attempt, war of terror and proliferation of illicit business activities under control of or profiting the military and its associates.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
106.97 KB
more
Sub-title:
The US $3.8 billion accounts for more than two-thirds of foreign investment.
Description:
"Myanmar has raked in $3.8 billion in foreign investment in the nation’s key energy sector as key Asian oil firms continue to do business with the military regime despite efforts to reduce cash flows to the junta since the February 2021 coup.
Earlier this month, independent research group the Institute for Strategy and Policy (Myanmar) reported that the junta had attracted U.S. $3.8 billion to Myanmar’s energy sector between its Feb. 1, 2021, takeover and Oct. 30, 2022, or nearly 68% of all foreign investment over the same period.
The report was based on numbers provided by the junta’s Directorate of Investment and Company Administration and comes despite a concerted effort by Western governments to cut off funding to the military regime through sanctions, citing its role in violence that has claimed the lives of at least 2,525 civilians since the coup.
It’s a substantial cash infusion for the junta, which observers expected would be starved of money 20 months after seizing power as foreign companies fled political turmoil and economic mismanagement by the regime. Since December, five major players in the country’s energy sector have announced their departure, including France’s Total, U.S.-based Chevron, Australia’s Woodside, Japan’s Mitsubishi and Malaysia’s Petronas.
However, Soe Thura Tun, minister of energy and electricity for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, questioned the accuracy of the junta’s numbers, which he said only accounted for the total amount of investment without addressing losses incurred from foreign companies leaving the country.
“The reality is that $1 billion came in as new investment while $1 billion of old investment pulled out,” he said.
“But the junta won’t include loss of investment in its calculations and showed only the total figure. I don’t believe that they have as much investment as they claim.”
‘Selfish opportunists’ ignore crisis
Despite the departures since December, companies such as Thailand’s PTTEP, South Korea’s POSCO, India-based ONGC, Nippon Oil of Japan and China-owned CNPC continue to operate in Myanmar and have become the major players in the country’s energy sector, expanding their presence to make up for the gaps.
Soe Thura Tun said that the shadow government is working with the international organizations to cut off that energy sector revenue and other sources of income, which rights groups allege is being used by the junta to crack down on pro-democracy civilians.
The junta, meanwhile, has ignored calls to seek a political compromise, prompting condemnation and sanctions from the global community.
Ko Ye, spokesman for the Blood Money Campaign, which seeks to shut down junta access to foreign income and international business, told RFA that the kind of foreign investment that has entered since the coup is “not good … for countries like Myanmar.”
“This kind of investment at this time of chaos in our country is the work of selfish opportunists,” he said. “Reputable and unbiased investments are hard to come by these days.”
According to Ko Ye, much of the new investment obtained by the junta in 2022 involved fuel, including for aircraft, and electricity production.
The National Unity Government and NGOs such as Blood Money Campaign estimate that as much as 50% of Myanmar’s total revenue comes from the energy and oil and gas sectors, and despite their efforts to reduce how much of that flows to the junta, they have a long way to go.
Junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun acknowledged in May that while energy sector production had seen a “pause” as the result of foreign investment withdrawals, Russia was expected to make up the difference with investments of its own “in the near future.”
Russia, China and ASEAN
A Myanmar-based economist, who spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity, said that while Western sanctions have been effective, China, Russia, and some of Myanmar’s fellow Association of Southeast Asian Nations member states are continuing to prop up the regime with foreign investment.
“The NUG’s attempts to cut off the junta’s sources of income won’t have much of an impact on Russia and China, because those counties have always supported the military regime,” they said.
Than Soe Naing, a political analyst, said Myanmar’s neighboring nations should know how the junta rule has impacted the country more than most.
“We are dealing with selfish neighbors that prioritize their national interest above anything else,” he said.
“That’s why we have seen oil and gas companies from Thailand replace western corporations that pulled out, such as Chevron and Total Energy.”
Myanmar’s Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is estimated to generate U.S. $1.5 billion in annual revenues – or half the country’s foreign currency reserves – signed a deal with Thailand’s PTTEP in August 2014 to cooperate on U.S. $72 billion-worth of energy projects.
Last week, the Blood Money Campaign issued a statement urging Thailand, which recently hosted the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, to stop investing in Myanmar’s energy sector..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"DHAKA — Several Rohingya organizations and activists have united to form a group to demand human rights in Myanmar.
The Arakan Rohingya National Alliance (ARNA) called for Rohingya unity and said the Muslim community was not secessionist.
It said the Rohingya wanted to be part of a future federal democratic Myanmar to uphold peaceful coexistence through unity in diversity.
The groups said it would work with the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) and United League of Arakan in Rakhine State to achieve full and effective equality and the right to self-determination, like other ethnic groups in Myanmar.
An online press conference on Sunday aimed to unite the global Rohingya diaspora and announce the alliance’s intent to achieve self-determination for the Rohingya in Myanmar.
Rohingya leaders thanked the Bangladeshi people and government for sheltering more than a million Rohingya refugees. They also condemned the killing of a Directorate General of Forces Intelligence officer, Squadron Leader Rizwan Rushdee, by a criminal gang on Myanmar’s border on November 14.
An ARNA statement said: “For more than half a century, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have been brutally murdered, raped and tortured by Myanmar’s military and regime-sponsored non-state actors. The violence reached a peak in 2017 when Myanmar’s brutal military led the worst genocide of the 21st century in northern Rakhine State, forcing more than a million Rohingyas to cross the border into Bangladesh where they currently live in squalid refugee camps aided by the Bangladesh government and international aid organizations.
“This is the first time since the genocide of 2017 that a broad coalition of the Rohingya organizations, politicians and activists have joined together in a common platform, a development greeted with hope by the Rohingya people, including half a million stuck inside the open-air prison of Arakan [Rakhine].”
Rohingya leader Nurul Islam will chair ANRA’s central executive committee and the prominent Dr Yunus and Reza Uddin will be the vice chairs.
Other members include U Kyaw Min, Aman Ullah U Tun Khin, U Nay Saw Lwin, Dr Hla Myint, U Zaw Min Htut, Dr Habib Ullah and Dr Abu Siddique Arman.
Retired Dhaka University international relations academic CR Abrar, a specialist on refugees, welcomed the move and said unity is essential for the persecuted community, many of whom are genocide survivors.
Aung Kyaw Moe, a Rohingya activist and advisor for the NUG, told The Irrawaddy: “There is no such thing yet in the Rohingya community as representation. I wish one day it will exist. It must be secular, inclusive, and diverse and uphold human rights.
“The Rohingya are an issue for Myanmar which impacts the region heavily and must be tackled with the core leadership of emerging youth and female leaders in Myanmar and civil society organizations leaders in Myanmar.
“The diaspora may offer support but history suggests no issues in Myanmar will be solved by leaders overseas. While unity is needed more than ever in the Rohingya community, it needs to be initiated with principled and correct processes to avoid endangering the Rohingya.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"The military coup that took place on February 1, 2021, in Myanmar sparked a civic uprising as millions demonstrated against the coup. The military junta has now renamed itself the State Administration Council (SAC) and is made up of junta appointed officials and corrupt generals and officers. Today, Myanmar’s democracy movement is on the march, the junta is losing ground, the People Power Movement-known as the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)– has spread to the entire country and the regime is resorting to unspeakable acts of violence in a vain attempt to maintain control over the shrinking amount of Myanmar they control.
The very first example of the CDM striking back at the junta occurred just one day after the coup attempt at Mandalay General Hospital (MGH). A group of healthcare workers and government civil servants posted statements on social media saying they would not serve or work under the illegal SAC. Dr. Zwe Min Aung, a surgeon, was interviewed by Voice of America that day. He reiterated that he and his colleagues have rejected the junta’s attempted takeover. This act of peaceful defiance was the spark lighting a fire of civil disobedience that quickly began to rage across the country. The term CDM had become widely popular in Myanmar. In fact, the CDM preceded street protests by a few days with the goal of crippling the military’s economic and political infrastructure—utilities, telecommunications, railways to name a few that are owned by the state. Together with the street protests, CDM became the symbol of an uprising that incorporated Myanmar’s entire civil society.
The military’s response was brutal to this outpouring of collective rejection. Demonstrators were gunned down and beaten. Those participating in the CDM were fired from their jobs, hunted down, and jailed. Organizers faced especially brutal treatment if caught—including jailing where heavy torture was, and remains, standard treatment. Consequently, many participants went into hiding. As time went on, with no income, they faced extreme hardships. There has been some monetary support primarily from the Myanmar diaspora for them but much more is needed.
Many protestors have now decided to switch tactics and resort to armed struggle and have formed units known as the People Defense Force (PDF). The public interest and monetary contributions have shifted towards supporting PDF units. There is still a big demand for funding those committed to the CDM. We can’t let these individuals drift from our time, attention, and especially our financial support. They face similar hardships, sometimes more so, as Myanmar’s internally displaced people (IDP) since more frequently than not, the whole family had to relocate as well in avoiding harassment by the junta.
Our National Unity Government (NUG) recognizes the critical contribution of the CDM movement and is seeking social, financial, and educational support for this branch of the democracy movement. In April of this year, Ministry of Health, NUG carried out an on-line survey to further identify the needs and circumstances faced by the CDM participants. The report came out in May. A total of 6,576 CDM participants responded with 34% of them formers members of the staff from the Ministry of Education and 27% from Ministry of Health making up a big chunk of respondents. Key findings include: 84% of the respondents were fired from work; 38% were unable to continue working in their trade or profession; 31% have been displaced from home for more than 6 months; 80% were facing financial difficulty; 26% were finding it difficult to access healthcare from their location; 48% were facing security threats and 53% were facing mental health issues such as depression. It is estimated that there are about 300,000 CDM workers and close to 1.5 million of IDP.
The NUG has set up a “CDM Success Committee” and has been working hard to support CDM participants. Strategies include improving income generating activities of CDM staff, providing financial assistance, helping find job opportunities, implementing measures to reduce security issues and attempting to create psychosocial rehabilitation programs. A “Spring Lottery” has been set up. It is a creative program run by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investments of the NUG where the bulk of the proceeds are focused on CDM activists. Still, the needs are huge and much more needs to be done.
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) can play a critical role in assisting this important group. Afterall, they are IDPs under a different name. The NUG is ready and willing to collaborate if such an overture is made. Our policy has always been “People First”. Despite NGOs, both international and domestic, having to register with the SAC in areas controlled by the military, if there is transparency and equitable distribution and good communication with the NUG, we want them to be active in their roles. We may also have useful data to share as long as confidentiality can be guaranteed.
The SAC prohibits NGOs from operating in conflict zones which is almost 71% of the country , a tactic clearly meant to inflict suffering on those who oppose their rule. In another demonstration of callous brutality, in October 2022, the SAC issued a new law further restricting the registration and operations of NGOs. All of this suggests that the suffering of those associated with the CDM movement, as well as IDPs, are soon to increase exponentially.
Despite needing to walk a tightrope, the NGOs should not lose sight of what they were initially founded for and find creative ways to deliver help to those who need it most. They should pay more attention to delivering assistance through cross-border routes where many CDM participants are located together with IDPs. This would free them from the junta’s brutal restrictions which are handcuffing their ability to provide badly needed assistance to the people who need it most.
All NUG ministries, including mine, stand ready to work with any group to provide assistance to CDM members and those suffering so badly in Myanmar both inside the country and along cross-border areas..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2022-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Anti-coup protesters
Language:
more
Description:
"It has been nearly two years since Tracy last saw her parents. She left her family in Yangon, where she was in her final year at the University of Medicine (1), one day after celebrating her 23rd birthday in February 2021.
Now 24, Tracy is among many in Myanmar’s young generation who have traded comfortable urban lives and promising futures for a tough jungle existence with the anti-regime resistance.
The regime’s deadly crackdowns on peaceful protests after the February 2021 coup drove multitudes of young people like Tracy to seek refuge in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups who reject military rule.
Some are now fighting with the ethnic resistance forces, while others, like Tracy, are making essential contributions with what they have learned, providing medical care to comrades and locals.
Tracy now lives in Karenni State (Kayah State), which has been rocked by daily clashes between regime troops and ethnic armed forces since May last year.
Like many others across Myanmar, she took part in the 2021 anti-junta protests following the coup. As a secretary of her student union, she joined the nationwide strikes to protest military rule. However, she fled after regime troops raided her house and attempted to detain her on an incitement charge.
“I decided I would keep struggling against the regime for as long as the revolution existed. So I left Yangon,” Tracy told The Irrawaddy.
“I can’t stand by and just watch this injustice. I don’t want the future of our people to be lost. I will do whatever I can to resist this dictatorship,” she said.
Tracy arrived at Demoso township in Karenni State and began working as a medic for People’s Defense Force (PDF) members, residents and internally displaced people (IDPs). She also helps to distribute learning materials for students in remote areas of the township and provides health education in schools under the parallel civilian National Unity Government.
She arranges food supplies for IDP camps with support from Yangon Medical University 1 seniors and the public. Moreover, she and her colleagues have set up mobile medical services in their area.
A clinic in their area has now been upgraded to a hospital capable of conducting different types of surgery. Tracy said the hospital is operating with support from her university seniors, NGOs that do not want to be named, public volunteers and the NUG’s Health Ministry.
The hospital sees more than a dozen badly wounded patients after every clash between regime troops and resistance forces. At these times, Tracy and her colleagues perform surgery both day and night.
“Patients arrive in the operating theatre with missing legs, hands or with gaping belly wounds,” she said of injured resistance members.
She remembers one young comrade wheeled in with catastrophic stomach wounds after being hit by regime artillery. Tracy and other doctors operated on the youth despite knowing his chance of survival was low. He emerged from surgery alive after six hours of desperate battle, only to die 30 minutes later.
Tracy said she and her colleagues were almost broken by their grief when he died.
“I felt distraught over the struggle of the young resistance fighter. At the same time, I feel hatred, disgust and anger at the sit-khwe [junta military “dogs”] and the people who work for them” she said, her voice cracking with emotion.
Tracy admitted to sadness at being parted from her parents, who support her decision to join the resistance.
“When I get depressed, I just think about the sacrifice being made by resistance fighters. They give their lives and they never see their parents again,” she told The Irrawaddy.
It’s not just PDF combatants who depend on Tracy and her colleagues, but also civilians and IDPs in the area. Civilian residents get injured in frequent junta artillery attacks on their villages, which also destroy homes. Meanwhile IDPs in local camps often suffer poor health and emergencies through lack of humanitarian aid.
IDP camps have insufficient blankets, which leaves children prone to pneumonia in the cold weather, while lack of clean water means many residents suffer diarrhea. Meanwhile, older IDPs with chronic conditions like high blood pressure, heart disease and diabetes often arrive at the hospital desperately ill due to medicine shortages.
“We take care of them day and night. If they recover from their life-threatening condition, we are very happy,” she said.
Like Tracy, Julia travels around an ethnic area providing health services to civilians and ethnic armed combatants, in Chin State.
The strength of CDM medics
Julia, 33, was a civil servant in the public health department in Mindat Township, Chin State, before the military took power. In late February 2021, she and her friends joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Health workers nationwide were the first professionals to go on strike in protest against military dictatorship. Medics from government hospitals across the country participated in daily anti-coup protests and rejected the regime by hanging CDM hospital banners.
Myanmar’s health system ground to a halt as 60,000 of the country’s 110,000 health workers joined the CDM.
Nearly 5,000 of the CDM health workers are now working among resistance groups under the shadow civilian National Unity Government (NUG), according to the CDM Medical Network, which compiles lists of health workers. They include 320 specialist doctors, 560 nurses, 1,554 basic health workers, and volunteers, according to the NUG.
Julia is among them, having served both in a resistance group’s base camp and also in remote areas of Mindat township. Previously, she had worked at the Ministry of Health for 10 years.
“I joined the CDM movement because I strongly oppose and condemn the coup,” Julia told The Irrawaddy.
She and her friends had opened a CDM clinic just before May 2021, when the clashes erupted in Mindat. She then moved to a remote area where Chin Defense Forces (Mindat) were fighting regime troops.
She and the other five health workers served on the front line for 14 days in May 2021.
“Our side suffered casualties because of a shortage of weapons. I used a lot of bandages on comrades who were badly wounded and bleeding profusely,” Julia recalled of the battles.
Having never experienced combat conditions before, she was scared at first. But she overcame the fear by focusing on treating CDF comrades injured in battle.
She recalls seeing a tarpaulin on the ground soaked so heavily with the blood of wounded combatants that health staff could not sit down.
“One comrade was killed by a shell that shattered his skull. Others suffered smashed jaws or bullet fragments lodged in their legs. I felt sorry for them, these youths who had to take up arms instead of pens,” she muttered.
Away from the front line, she provides health services at CDF base camps. She said many resistance fighters suffer from kidney stones because the water is not clean. Some also fall sick because of the bad weather and training.
She is always ready if needed on the front line. Meanwhile, she provides maternity and child health services, her field of expertise, in remote villages in the township.
She faces many difficulties because these remote rural villages do not have enough medical equipment.
“Before the coup, we offered full services as a department.
But since last year we have been doing this work on our own. Since the coup, we have encountered a lack of equipment and inadequate medicine,” she explained of the challenges in public health provision.
However, Julia and other CDM medics remain determined to provide health services for areas under their care.
Doe Myae Medical Team
The Doe Myae Medical Team was formed by CDM health staff three months ago to provide healthcare services in western Sagaing Region, an anti-regime stronghold. The team is working for both IDPs and resistance forces.
Ko Myat Thu, 36, is the CDM medic who founded Doe Myae Medical Team.
He worked as a public health official for more than 18 years before joining the CDM movement on February 3, 2021 – two days after the military takeover.
“Our driving force to join the CDM movement was the coup,” Ko Myat Thu told The Irrawaddy.
Like other CDM medics, he has traveled around villages providing basic health care to the populace since last year. He and his colleagues have extended those services to PDF members in the last three months.
Ko Myat Thu and two other medics have stationed themselves just behind the battle lines to give first aid to wounded comrades. Seriously wounded combatants are transferred to the hospital in resistance-controlled territory.
He has seen many young resistance fighters killed, or lose legs and hands in battle.
“There is more pain than pleasure here,” he said quietly.
His family worries for him, but he also worries for them – regime troops launch artillery attacks on villages in his region almost daily.
The junta’s air force also carries out frequent airstrikes in the region.
“If the planes come, we can’t do anything. We have to run,” Ko Myat Thu said.
CDM medics unbeaten and unbowed
Having set up public health coverage in their respective areas by themselves, the CDM medical staff are determined to keep doing their jobs despite shortages of medicines and other necessities.
“I will continue to fight with my comrades until the revolution ends. After the revolution, I will return to my department,” Ko Myat Thu told The Irrawaddy.
Julia strongly believes the struggle against military rule will succeed because the public and the resistance are fighting a righteous war.
“We will inevitably succeed, but it will take time. I won’t abandon my fallen comrades, I will fight against the military to the end,” she said.
The medics also asked the public to donate to their medical teams around the country, as they provide health services not just to PDF camps but also IDP camps and civilian areas.
Tracy urged people not to relax under military rule but to participate in any way they could to support the revolutionary forces.
“We are struggling to finish the revolution as quickly as possible. I want to ask you to be part of this struggle.”
Topics: civil disobedience movement, ethnic armed organizations, Healthcare, medics, People’s Defense Forces, people’s war, resistance.."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Health Workers Strike, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"The November 17, 2022, junta announcement that a total of 5774 prisoners would be released in accordance with Code of Criminal Procedure Section 401, Sub-Section (1), has continued to be monitored. Through this, AAPP has been able to confirm 402 political prisoners released across 19 prisons in the country.
Up until 3.00pm of today (November 21, 2022), AAPP has documented and identified 161 released political prisoners.
The junta only announced the names of a handful of released political prisoners, exposing the utter lack of transparency regarding the released persons, and leading to delays in documenting the list of released political prisoners and confirming their names.
Release data is still being verified, we will update accordingly when further information is received. If anyone would like to share information about the prison releases, contact..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
393.27 KB
more
Description:
"When leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) met at the regional summit last week, there appeared to be progress regarding how they would handle the Myanmar crisis. The bloc released an assessment recognizing the need for an “implementation plan” to support the Five-Point Consensus, along with “concrete, practical and measurable indicators with specific timeline”. A few days after ASEAN’s assessment, the Myanmar military junta granted amnesty to 6,000 prisoners including some prominent political figures and high-profile foreigners such as Australian economist Sean Turnell and former British Ambassador Vicky Bowman.
While it may be taken as a diplomatic success for ASEAN and the international community, ASEAN needs to use caution, as the Myanmar junta has used this go-to strategy of delaying and defusing ASEAN and international efforts to resolve political crises since back in the 1990s. The recent release of some political prisoners will do little to resolve the ongoing crisis, as thousands of political prisoners remain detained, hundreds of thousands of people have lost their homes, and innocent civilians remain at risk of being killed by air strikes. On the other hand, this kind of defusing of international pressure benefits the junta by allowing it to not only buy time but also remain focused on crushing the resistance and maintaining its tight grip on power, while the suffering of millions of Myanmar people continues. Myanmar people have learned from the past that this is just the junta’s attempt to defuse pressure. Thus, the release of some political dissidents will have little impact on people’s strong resistance against military rule and more importantly on the suffering of the Myanmar people.
Upholding its non-interference policy, ASEAN faces limitations in dealing with the Myanmar crisis. Thus, many criticisms of ASEAN from the international community may be undue. However, the exasperation of the Myanmar people towards the regional bloc is largely different. Myanmar people have done everything they could within their means to show their rejection of military rule, from voting for civilian politicians in the 1990, 2012, 2015 and 2020 general elections, to nationwide peaceful protests against military rule in 1988, 2007 and 2021. When decades of peaceful means still did not produce the outcomes that they strongly desired, they finally resorted to the current armed struggle, joining forces with ethnic armed resistance organizations who have been fighting for self-determination and freedom from the military’s ultra-nationalistic rule for many decades. Myanmar people have very few expectations when it comes to international support, as we know, for the most part, that we must fight our battle on our own. However, what Myanmar people are really hoping and crying out loud for, is for our neighboring countries to not enable further or inadvertently embolden the Myanmar military to continue to commit their horrific crimes with impunity.
Myanmar people have every reason to fear history repeating – any de facto recognition of the current military rule by ASEAN is expected to result in more decades of military rule and suffering, which are the Myanmar people’s worst fears. Under ASEAN’s constructive engagement policy with the Myanmar military, which dates to the 1990s, the then-military regime was admitted to the bloc in 1997. The admission to ASEAN not only let the Myanmar generals get away with their horrific human rights violations with impunity, but also shielded them from pressure from the international community. ASEAN’s constructive engagement was also taken as an example to follow by Western democracies, since Myanmar was viewed as moving in the right direction when the political transition of the 2010s seemed initially to go smoothly.
The coup in 2021 has proved that when it comes to the military, neither ASEAN’s constructive engagement nor the Myanmar political elite’s appeasement and reconciliation policy of the 2010s will work. It only confirmed that the Myanmar military never had any intention to retreat from politics or to let go of its political power and economic privileges. The continued violent and horrific crackdown on the resistance by the military has only made people more determined to end military rule once and for all. However, the people’s strong resistance and rejection of military rule appear to be misjudged by outside observers and some ASEAN leaders. Singapore’s Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan recently described the Myanmar conflict as “a fight for the heart of the Bamar majority, between the Tatmadaw [Myanmar’s military] on one hand and the National League for Democracy led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.”
While ASEAN may see military rule as the norm in politically complex Myanmar, resistance leaders, Myanmar analysts, and ordinary Myanmar people immediately knew, as soon as the coup occurred, that the truly barbaric nature and intentions of the generals would soon be revealed. With the recent release of political prisoners, ASEAN may still hope that the Myanmar military can be convinced to bring stability and peace. However, over the past about 18 months since the agreement on the Five-Point Consensus laid out by ASEAN leaders, the Myanmar junta has had no qualms about continuing its extreme violence against its own citizens. Just a week before the 55th ASEAN ministerial summit, the Myanmar military executed four political activists. In the midst of ASEAN’s continuous calls for the utmost restraint and the end of all violence, the Myanmar military continues with its campaign of terror including recent air strikes on a school in Sagaing Region and on a concert in Kachin State.....
Options for ASEAN...ASEAN’s current assessment shows that in order to remain relevant, the bloc will need to show unity and leadership in the Myanmar crisis. After giving the benefit of the doubt to the military council for the past 18 months, the bloc now has an opportunity to take on fresh outlooks and approaches to develop the implementation plan. The regional bloc is now at a critical juncture – with a lot at stake, amid the continued deepening of the suffering of the Myanmar people, it has a chance to be on the right side of history, and save its reputation and relevance. ASEAN has three very different options: 1) maintain its old approach of constructive engagement with the Myanmar military; 2) take a politically neutral approach with effective support on humanitarian assistance; and 3) take a new direction, and listen to the people of Myanmar for a change.
The first option, constructive engagement with the junta, has been a default option for the bloc. It has raised the question of the relevance of the bloc and had a negative impact on ASEAN’s unity and leadership. To the people of Myanmar, such engagement only emboldens the junta and inadvertently sharpens the weapons that kill innocent Myanmar citizens and deepen their suffering. And the worst nightmare would be the regional bloc’s de facto recognition of the junta after its sham elections in 2023.
The second option, politically neutral support on humanitarian assistance, as also mentioned in the recent assessment, if taken cautiously, might be able to deliver urgently needed humanitarian assistance. ASEAN may be able to take a politically neutral approach, without directly engaging with the junta’s State Administration Council (SAC) or the National Unity Government (NUG). However, this humanitarian assistance could only achieve so much, considering the pace and intensity of atrocities that the junta continues to commit. This in a way only prolongs the people’s suffering with occasional relief provided along the way.
The third option is to take a completely new direction, an unprecedented one for ASEAN, by listening to the people of Myanmar for a change. It also means listening to the people’s representatives—those whom the people of Myanmar have chosen to lead their desperate attempt to overthrow the military. This includes the leadership of the NUG, the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs).
Myanmar has already experienced the harsh reality of military rule under generations of generals from the same institution for half a century. The military has a record of failing the country as a key driver of conflict and division, and mismanaging the economy resulting in poverty for the majority of the population. The junta’s atrocities since the coup have opened all the old wounds and caused fresh suffering.
None of the options will be easy for ASEAN. It will be even more difficult for the Myanmar people to comprehend if ASEAN continues falling for the junta’s ploy while our lives are at stake—the lives of Myanmar people who are also a part of the ASEAN community. And the sad reality is that there are only very limited options for Myanmar people: to live under military rule, be killed and impoverished, or remove the military from the political sphere once and for all. People have learned the hard way that there is a price to pay for peace, stability and prosperity. That’s all Myanmar people are trying to achieve today and all they are fighting for. That is the very reason why the recent military coup has only made the people more determined to break this vicious cycle of military coups and end the military’s attempts to deceive the people and the world as “transitioning to a disciplined democracy.”
It is therefore more important than ever that ASEAN not fall for the junta’s ploy whenever the generals try to defuse the pressure for a short term so that they can remain in power as long as they wish. With a more informed approach to handling the Myanmar crisis, ASEAN could still have a positive impact or even a monumental chance to be on the right side of history. That would not only save Myanmar but also reclaim the bloc’s unity and leadership role in the region..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Banned Weapons Kill, Maim Civilians for Decades
Description:
"“I lost my leg and my cow.”
Aoung Gya Thowai Tanchangya, 22, was grazing his cattle along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border on September 16. “Sometimes our cattle cross into Myanmar so we have to go bring them back,” he said. “I didn’t realize there could be mines planted. When I stepped onto the mine, it exploded. I lost consciousness. When I woke up, I saw that my left leg was gone. I still feel pain.”
In 2022, 25 years since the international Mine Ban Treaty was adopted, only two countries actively use antipersonnel landmines: Russia and Myanmar. Myanmar’s forces have used landmines since 1999, but new use by the junta has surged since the February 2021 coup, according to the Landmine Monitor Report 2022, released last week.
The report analyzed photographs of hundreds of landmines manufactured by the junta and planted across the country.
From February 2021 to September 2022, 157 civilians were killed and 395 injured by landmines and explosive remnants of war in Myanmar. About one-third of the casualties were children. The military has placed landmines in homes, village pathways, church compounds, and farms. Military units have continued to force civilians to act as “human shields,” walking ahead of troops to detonate any mines.
In August, as fighting spread across Rakhine State, the ethnic armed group Arakan Army located dozens of military-manufactured mines. Casualties are rising from landmines laid along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, where civilians like Tanchangya collect firewood, farm, and graze cattle. Witnesses reported activity by Myanmar soldiers near border posts in the days before recent mine blasts.
Myanmar’s military has long been implicated in numerous serious violations of the laws of war, many amounting to war crimes, in armed conflicts in ethnic minority areas. Since the coup, junta authorities have blocked lifesaving aid and ordered healthcare workers to refuse treatment for mine injuries. For the 1.4 million people displaced across Myanmar, the risk of landmines can hinder their ability to return home.
The Monitor report also cited use of mines by non-state armed groups.
The 1997 Mine Ban Treaty prohibits antipersonnel mines and requires their clearance, destruction of stocks, and victim assistance. Although Myanmar is not a party to the treaty, the junta’s use remains unlawful: Landmines do not discriminate between civilians and combatants. They kill and maim long after they are placed.
At the 20th meeting of states parties to the Mine Ban Treaty, opening this week in Geneva, governments should condemn Myanmar’s use of antipersonnel landmines, while strengthening efforts to cut off the junta from the revenue underwriting its use of these devastating weapons..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-11-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Sub-title:
အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကလေးများနေ့နှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၂၀) ရက်နေ့သည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကလေးများနေ့ ဖြစ်သကဲ့သို့ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ သဘောတူစာချုပ် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့လည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကလေးများနေ့ကို ဂုဏ်ပြုသောအားဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာတဝှမ်း သက်ဆိုင်ရာ လူမျိုး၊ ဘာသာနှင့် ဓလေ့ထုံးစံများ ပါဝင်သည့် ပျော်ပွဲရွှင်ပွဲများ ကျင်းပပြီး ကလေးများပါဝင်ခွင့်နှင့် ပျော်ရွှင်ခွင့်ရအောင် နှစ်စဉ်ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ကြပါသည်။
၂။အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကလေးများနေ့ ကျင်းပရခြင်း ၏ အဓိက ရည်ရွယ်ချက်မှာ ကလေးများအတွက် ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံသောနေရာ ပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ရရှိခွင့်၊ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ခွင့်နှင့် ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်ခွင့်များ ရရှိအောင် ကလေးပြုစုစောင့်ရှောက်သူများမှ မူဝါဒရေးဆွဲသူများအထိ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေး အတွက် ပိုမိုအလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရေး အတွက် အသိပေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် တစ်ခုအနေဖြင့်ပါ ရည်ရွယ်ပြီး ဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါသည်။
၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော သတ်ဖြတ် ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ၊ လေကြောင်းမှ ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ကြောင့် ကလေးသူငယ် ပေါင်း (၂၄၂) ဦးကျော် သေကြေပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပြီး ကလေး ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာ ထိခိုက် နှစ်နာမှုများရှိနေပါသည်။
၄။ ကလေးငယ်ပေါင်း (၃၇၂) ဦး ကျော် ကို မတရား ဖမ်းဆီးထားပြီး ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ကလေး (၃၀၃) ဦးခန့် မှာ ဆိုးရွားသော အချုပ်စခန်းများ၊ အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ခက်ခဲကြမ်းတမ်းစွာ နေထိုင် ဖြတ်သန်းနေရလျက်ရှိသည်။
၅။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေညီလာခံ သဘောတူစာချုပ် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့နှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကလေးသူငယ်များနေ့တွင် ကလေးတိုင်းအတွက် မိသားစုနှင့် လုံခြုံစွာ နေထိုင်ခွင့်၊ ပျော်ရွှင်စွာ စာသင်ကြားခွင့်နှင့်အတူ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများ ပြန်လည်ရရှိစေရန်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် ကလေးသူငယ် အရေး လုပ်ကိုင်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသူများအားလုံး တက်ညီလက်ညီဖြင့် ဝိုင်းဝန်းလုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်အပ်ပါသည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အမျိုးသမီး လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှနေ၍ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကလေးများနေ့ ရည်မှန်းချက်နှင့်အညီ မိမိတို့ ကလေးသူငယ်များအတွက် လုံခြုံစိတ်ချခွင့်၊ ဖွံဖြိုးတိုးတက်ခွင့်၊ ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်ခွင့်နှင့် လွတ်လပ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ စာသင်ကြားခွင့်များ များမကြာမှီ ပြန်လည်ရရှိနိုင်ရန် ပြည်သူများအားလုံး နှင့် အတူ အထူးကြိုးပမ်းလုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြော်ငြာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Women, Children and Youth Affairs and Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-11-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
415.04 KB
more
Sub-title:
ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်၊ မောင်တောမြို့နယ် ဂြိတ်ချောင်းကျေးရွာတွင်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ ပစ်ခတ်သည့် လက်နက်ကြီးများကျရောက်လာမှုကြောင့် ကလေးငယ်များနှင့် ရွာသားများသေဆုံးမှုအပေါ် ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ ကြိမ်ချောင်း (၂၄) ဂိတ်၊ နခခ (၇) တည်ရှိသည့် နေရာမှ ပစ်ခတ်လိုက်သည့် လက်နက်ကြီးကျည်ထိမှန်၍ မောင်တောမြို့နယ် ဂြိတ်ချောင်း ကျေးရွာတွင် ကလေးသူငယ် (၄) ဦး၊ အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၁၁) ဦးသေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး (၂၇) ဦးထိခိုက် ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ အလားတူ ကျောက်တော်မြို့နယ် ချောင်းတူ ကျေးရွာတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ လက်နက်ကြီး ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့မှုကြောင့် အမျိုးသမီး (၂) ဦး ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရပြီး အမျိုးသား (၄) ဦးသေဆုံးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုနေ့ တရက်ထဲ၌ပင် ကလေးငယ် (၄) ဦးအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၁၅)ဦး၊ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၉) ဦးသေဆုံးပြီး ဒဏ်ရာရသူ (၂၉) ဦးရှိပါသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်၊ မောင်တောအပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံအပြားတွင် လက်နက်ကြီးဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုလုပ်ရပ်သည် စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ကလေး သူငယ်များနှင့် အရပ်သားများအပေါ် လက်နက်ကိုင် ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ပြစ်မှုကို ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျူးလွန်ခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုအကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုသည် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗန်းရှင်း သဘောတူညီချက်များကို ကျူးလွန် ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ UN General Assembly resolution A/RES/54/263 အရ လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခ အခြေအနေ များတွင် ကလေးငယ်များအား ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေအရ အကာအကွယ်ပေးထားသော အရာများကိုတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းများကို ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ အားလုံးပူးပေါင်းပြီး ရှုံ့ချရန်နှင့်အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား လက်နက်များ ဖြန့်ဖြူးရောင်းချပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် ကုမ္ပဏီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင် ရန်အလေးအနက်ထားပြီး တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြုခြင်းသည် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်ရန် အားပေးရာရောက်သည်ဖြစ်၍အားပေးထောက်ခံသည့် အပြုအမူမှန်သမျှကို မပြုလုပ်ကြရန် မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာကို အလေးအနက်တောင်းဆိုသည်။ ထို့ပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံး ရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် တရားမျှတမှုဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့်အတူ တကွ အရေးတကြီး ပံ့ပိုးဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်း တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ယခုကဲ့သို့သော ကြီးလေးသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို မှတ်တမ်းရယူသကဲ့သို့ လူအခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှုအား ကာကွယ်ရေး၊ ပြန်လည်ကုစားရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတမှု ရှာဖွေရေး၊ ကျူးလွန်သူများအား တရားဥပဒေနည်းလမ်းတကျ အပြစ်ပေး အရေးယူနိုင်ရေးကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ် ဆက်လက် ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Women, Children and Youth Affairs and Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-11-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Children
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
455.83 KB
more
Description:
"BANGKOK – The Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer is encouraged by the announcement of the mass release of detainees in Myanmar and reiterates the Secretary-General’s call for the immediate release of all of those who continue to be arbitrarily detained, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
Special Envoy Heyzer reinforced her call for the release of all children and political prisoners who are being detained in prisons or other facilities in Myanmar, which she conveyed during her mission to Nay Pyi Taw in August along with the requested release of Australian economist Sean Turnell, who was freed during the recent mass release.
The Special Envoy appreciates continued support from Member States including in the UN Security Council and UN General Assembly that have echoed calls for the immediate release of all political detainees and strongly condemned arbitrary detention, arrest and politically motivated convictions, sentencing and executions, including of opposition activists..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
110.72 KB
more
Description:
"On November 16 evening, the military junta announced via Myawaddy Television, 5774 prisoners would be released the following day under pardon order, No. 70/2022, of the Code of Criminal Procedure Article 401 (1).
Up until now, AAPP has been monitoring and can confirm the release of only 72 political prisoners following this announcement and are cautious to declare this significantly higher as yet. All political prisoners released yesterday were also done so under the condition of retrospective sentencing.
The releases were an attempt to show political good will, but tens of thousands of political prisoners including the President and State Counsellor remain behind bars. Detained political prisoners will continue to endure daily physical and mental torture whilst across the country the military junta’s arrests, arsons, torture and murder will persist.
AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing said “most these released political prisoners had already been sentenced under baseless accusations and random charges, after detaining them in the first place for no apparent reason. Others had almost already served their prison sentences. The whole charade is but an attempt to alleviate domestic and international pressure off the junta, so that it can continue to commit inhumane crimes daily against the people.
AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said that “just as in every prison release since the coup the junta has refused to be transparent about the numbers of political prisoners released and the identities of those released. It is a deliberate tactic meant to deceive foreign governments”.
AAPP will continue to make efforts to ensure the unconditional release of all the arbitrarily detained, including the President and State Counsellor. Perpetrators of arbitrary arrests, torture, and murder must be punished. International actors are strongly urged to take more effective measures against the junta regime.
Data on releases is still being verified, we will update accordingly when further information is received. If anyone would like to share information about the prison releases contact:..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
322.6 KB
more
Description:
"၂၀၂၂၊ နိုဝင်ဘာ ၁၇ နေ့တွင် အကျဉ်းသား၊အကျဉ်းသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၅၇၇၄) အား ရာဇဝတ်ကျင့်ထုံး ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၄၀၁၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (၁) အရ ပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာမှတ်တမ်းတင်ခဲ့ရာ ယခု ကြေညာချက်ထုတ်ပြန်ချိန်အထိ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၇၂) ဦးကိုသာ မှတ်တမ်းပြု ထားနိုင်လျက်ရှိသည်။
လွှတ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများမှာ နောက်ကြောင်းပြန်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ဆိုသည့် နှောင်ကြိုးဖြင့်သာလွှတ်ပေးခဲ့ ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးမျှော်လင့်ချက်အရ ဟန်ပြလွှတ်ပေးခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတနှင့် နိုင်ံတော် အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိလ်များအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားတစ်သောင်းကျော်မှာ အကျဉ်းထောင်နောက်ကွယ်တွင် နိုင်ငံ ရေးအရ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခံနေရဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများကို နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ခံစားနေကြရဆဲဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ၊ မီးရှို့မှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများ၊ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ အစရှိသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက်ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ လွှတ်ပေးမှုနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အေအေပီပီ၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးတိတ်နိုင်က “အခု ပြန်လွှတ် ပေးလိုက်တဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအများစုဟာ ဘာအကြောင်းပြချက်မှမရှိဘဲ ဖမ်းပြီးမှအခြေအမြစ်မရှိတဲ့ စွပ်စွဲ ချက်တွေနဲ့ တွေ့ကရာပုဒ်မတွေတပ်ပြီး ထောင်ဒဏ်တွေ ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူတွေပါ။ နောက်တော့ သူတို့တွေဟာ ချမှတ်ထားတဲ့ ထောင်ဒဏ်တွေကို နှစ်ပြည့်နီးပါး နေခဲ့ပြီးသားတွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒါဟာ ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ ဖိအားတွေကို ဖြေလျှော့ဖို့ ကြိုးစားချက်တစ်ခုသာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက လူသားဖြစ်မှုကို ပိတ်ပင် တဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်တွေကို နေ့စဉ်နဲ့အမျှ တရားလက်လွတ်ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်နေတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။
ထို့အပြင် “စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်ကစပြီးတောက်လျှောက် အကျဉ်းသားတွေလွှတ်ပေးခဲ့တဲ့ အရင်အကြိမ်တွေလိုပဲ ဒီ တစ်ခေါက် အကျဉ်းသားတွေလွှတ်ပေးတဲ့အခါမှာလည်း စစ်အုပ်စုအနေနဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားဘယ်နှစ်ယောက် လွှတ်ပေးတယ်၊ သူတို့နာမည်တွေက ဘယ်သူ ဘယ်ဝါတွေဖြစ်သလဲဆိုတာနဲ့ပတ်သက်ပြီး ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှု မရှိပါ ဘူး။ ဒါဟာ နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရတွေကို လှည့်စားဖို့အကြံနဲ့ တမင်လုပ်တဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်တစ်ခုပဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု အေအေပီပီ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်မှ ဆိုသည်။
မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အပါအဝင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းထားသူများ အားလုံး ခြွင်းချက်မရှိလွတ်မြောက်ရေးနှင့် မတရားညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းများနှင့် လူမဆန်စွာသတ်ဖြတ် ခြင်းများကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သူများအား အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူမှု ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း စစ်အုပ်စုကို ဆက်လက်၍ ထိရောက်သည့် အရေး ယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို အမြန်ဆုံး ပြုလုပ်ပေးရန် လေးနက်စွာ တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
192.98 KB
more
Description:
"1. On November 17, 2022, the Myanmar Military Council released some political prisoners from arbitrary detention. Their freedom is a symbol of people’s victory after nearly two years of nationwide struggle by people of all ethnicities combined with the sustained international pressure.
2. The National Unity Government is appreciative of the fact that some of political prisoners have been released. Nevertheless, we need to recognise that those freed were unjustly detained in the first place and that thousands of political activists remain in detention, many cannot return home as they were killed during interrogation or murdered in prison and many have given their lives and livelihoods for the revolution. The National Unity Government will continue to strive to achieve justice for all injustices.
3. We thank all revolution forces of different ethnic regions, strike groups, and allied ethnic revolution organisations, who have been behind the driving force to achieve such positive outcomes for the release of political prisoners after one and a half years. We extend our profound appreciation to the international community for not recognising the terrorist military and for standing together with the People of Myanmar by cherishing democracy and human rights principles. Based on our current achievements to date, we urge everyone to maintain and escalate the revolution momentum using all possible means to bring about a solid change in Myanmar.
4. The National Unity Government will not lose sight of the goal of a federal democratic union, which the entire people of the country long for and to end the military dictatorship from the land of Myanmar, and we will continue to fight together with all ethnic allied organisations until our ultimate common goal is achieved..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
29.75 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၁၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအချို့ကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးထားရာမှ ပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဖြစ်ရပ်သည် တော်လှန်ရေးတစ်နှစ်နှင့် ၉ လကျော်ကာလအတွင်း နိုင်ငံအဝှမ်းရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံတိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ဖိအားပေးနေခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် ဖြစ်တည်လာခဲ့သော ပြည်သူ့အောင်ပွဲတစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။
၂။ အသက်နှင့်ခန္ဓာမြဲလျက် ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာခဲ့ကြသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဝမ်းမြောက်မိပါသည်။ သို့ရာတွင် ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက် လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ အားလုံးသည် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခံခဲ့ကြရသူများဖြစ်ခြင်း၊ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရပြီး ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်ခြင်းမရှိသေးသူများစွာ ကျန်ရှိနေခြင်း၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာခြင်းမရှိတော့ပဲ စစ်ကြောရေးတွင် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများ၊ ထောင်တွင်း သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသူများ ရှိခဲ့ခြင်း၊ တော်လှန်ရေးကာလတစ်လျှောက် အသက်သွေးချွေးများရင်းနှီးပေးဆပ် ခဲ့ကြသူများစွာရှိနေခြင်း စသည့်အချက်တို့ကို အမှတ်ရနေရမည်ဖြစ်ကာ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော မတရားမှုများ အားလုံးအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုကို ပြန်လည်ရရှိစေရေးကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် တစိုက်မတ်မတ် ဆက်လက်ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအချို့ လွတ်မြောက်လာခြင်းကဲ့သို့သော တော်လှန်ရေး ရလဒ်ကောင်းများ ရရှိလာခြင်း၏ အခြေခံအင်အားဖြစ်သော တစ်နှစ်ခွဲကျော်ကာလအတွင်း အလံမလှဲစတမ်း နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲခဲ့၊ ဆင်နွှဲနေကြဆဲဖြစ်သော တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ သပိတ်အဖွဲ့များနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားမဟာမိတ်များအားလုံးကို အထူး ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားလိုသည်။ ထို့အတူ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကို အသိအမှတ်မပြုပဲ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည်ပေးခဲ့ကြသော နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကိုလဲ အထူးကျေးဇူးတင်အပ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိရရှိနေသော တော်လှန်ရေးရလဒ်ကောင်းများကို အခြေပြု၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ခိုင်မာသေချာသော အပြောင်းအလဲတစ်ခု ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာစေရေး တော်လှန်ရေးကို အရှိန်အဟုန်မပျက်စေပဲ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်လိုက်ပါသည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့်လဲ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး လိုလားတောင့်တ နေသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုပန်းတိုင်ကို မျက်ခြေပြတ်မခံပဲ မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ဖယ်ရှားကာ ပန်းတိုင်ကို လက်ဝယ်ပိုင်ပိုင်လှမ်းကိုင်နိုင်သည်အထိ တိုင်းရင်းသားမဟာမိတ်များအားလုံးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းလက်တွဲကာ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း ကတိပြုပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
462.32 KB
more
Description:
"An attack and fire between 18-20 July 2022 allegedly left over 10 dead and homes
incinerated across Kyi Su village, Kanbalu Township Sagaing. There are claims these homes were specifically targeted for belonging to
Muslim civilians; however, this cannot currently be confirmed.
Myanmar Witness has verified the presence of a large fire via NASA FIRMS on 19 July 2022
(figure 3), with additional imagery from 18 August 2022 giving an indication on the level of
destruction Kyi Su village sustained (figure 4). Myanmar Witness has also geolocated footage
of burned motorcycles and matched them to before and after satellite imagery of the area.
Key points:
On 18 July 2022, a fire occurred in Kyi Su village, Kanbalu, resulting in the destruction of
civilian homes as well as, allegedly, at least 10 human casualties, whose bodies were burned.
It cannot be confirmed if this burning occurred pre or post mortem. Other sources claim around
70 people were killed during this incident.
Myanmar Witness has identified user-generated content (UGC) depicting burned bodies,
although this content cannot be independently verified at this time due its inability to undergo
geolocation. Allegations of burned bodies during this event were pervasive, leading Myanmar
Witness to include them in this reporting.
Myanmar Witness has also geolocated images of burned-out motorcycles in Kyi Su.
Myanmar Witness has also investigated claims of troop movements to verify the presence of
State Administration Council (SAC) forces at the time of the alleged attack.
Although reports of this village, and certain homes within it, being intentionally targeted due to
the village’s large Muslim population are startling, Myanmar Witness is unable to verify this at
present.....Summary: Local media reports allege that across 18-20 July 2022 the village of Kyi Su was raided by
SAC and Pyu Saw Htee forces, involving both ground and aerial based assaults. The reporting
specifically mentions the use of two Mi-35 attack helicopters and three Mi-17 transport
helicopters; however, a lack of geolocatable UGC depicting these air assets leads this
assertion to remain unverified.
Reporting from around 18-20 July claims that around ten individuals (at least) were killed, with
their bodies being burned by SAC and/or Pyu Saw Htee forces.
Myanmar Witness has geolocated footage to verify:
● An area where motorcycles had been burned-out in Kyi Su village
Myanmar Witness is actively monitoring:
● The alleged presence of burned bodies following this verified fire incident;
● Conflict around the area to establish if these burnings are a pattern of attacks on the
civilian or muslim population in Kanbalu;
● Footage and images related to the burning and destruction of homes in this case; and
● Any evidence that the villages were attacked based on their relation to being Muslimmajority..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Military History, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
391.52 KB (8 pages) - Original version
more
Description:
"JAKARTA – As the Myanmar military released four unjustly jailed foreigners in a mass amnesty this Thursday, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) wishes to congratulate their families. Yet this is no time to lower the guard with the military led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, as the prisoners should not have been jailed in the first place and thousands of Myanmar political prisoners remain in the country’s jails, APHR said.
As part of a mass amnesty in which 6,000 prisoners were freed, the junta released Sean Turnell, an Australian citizen and economic adviser to former State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi; Vicky Bowman, a former British envoy; U.S. citizen Kyaw Htay Oo; and Toru Kubota, a Japanese filmmaker. Another prisoner released is the former Chief Minister of Tanintharyi Region, U Myint Maung. Meanwhile, over 13,000 political prisoners remain in Myanmar’s jails, where conditions are notoriously abysmal and the use of torture is routine, often resulting in gruesome deaths.
“This is a game the Myanmar generals have been playing for a very long time. In the midst of continuous atrocities, from time to time they make an apparent gesture of goodwill, minor in comparison with the crimes they commit on a daily basis, in order to alleviate international pressure and gain legitimacy. No one should fall for this trick; the global community should not be fooled into thinking that Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen have changed their ways,” said Kasit Piromya, former Thai Minister of Foreign Affairs and APHR Board Member.
Sean Turnell was arrested on 6 April 2021, five days after the coup, under the accusation of trying to flee the country with secret information. Vicky Bowman and her husband, Htein Lin, were arrested in August this year on immigration charges, and Toru Kobuta was detained in July when he was filming a demonstration against the military.
While they have been released, others have not been so lucky. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 73 detainees have died in police or military custody in police stations, military interrogation centers, and prisons since the coup last year. They include four political prisoners executed in July: Phyo Zeya Thaw, former lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD); the prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as ‘Ko Jimmy’; Aung Thura Zaw; and Hla Myo Aung. These were the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988, according to Amnesty International.
Since the coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has committed all kinds of atrocities, which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to “crimes against humanity and war crimes,” in order to consolidate its power against widespread popular resistance. The self-styled State Administration Council (SAC) led by Min Aung Hlaing has killed at least 2,465 people, launched indiscriminate aerial attacks in ethnic areas, and razed hundreds of villages to the ground, throwing the country into chaos, and leading it to the brink of becoming a failed state.
Meanwhile, the international response to the crisis has been sorely insufficient, as argued in a report launched recently by the International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response to the crisis in Myanmar, an initiative organized by APHR and whose Committee is formed by eight parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe.
“The international community has proven largely unable to respond effectively to the crisis. The junta’s international allies—most prominently Russia and China—have emerged as steadfast and uncritical supporters, supplying both weapons and legitimacy to an otherwise isolated regime. Foreign governments that profess support for democracy have not backed up their rhetoric with the same force of action,” said the report, titled ‘Time is not on our side’: The failed international response to the Myanmar coup.
The reasons for the mass amnesty, and the release of the three foreigners, remain unclear, but they come after an ASEAN Summit, in which its member states reaffirmed its commitment to the Five Point Consensus, an agreement signed in April 2021 to address the crisis in Myanmar that has been supported by the international community at large. The consensushas not produced any tangible results ever since, as APHR has repeatedly denounced.
“There is a legitimate concern that ASEAN member states are going to drink the kool-aid and treat the Myanmar junta with even kinder gloves after the release of these political prisoners. Against all reason, ASEAN is already sticking to an agreement that has proved an utter failure for over one and a half years, instead of doing the right thing to solve the crisis: put real pressure on the military, recognize the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate authority in the country,” said Charles Santiago, former Malaysian Member of Parliament, APHR Chairperson, and one of the IPI Committee Members..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
more
Description:
"An election is understood to mean “a formal and organized choice by vote of a person for a political office or other position.” Myanmar’s junta has claimed it will organize an ‘election’ for August 2023. Don’t call it what it isn’t. The junta’s event, whatever it is and looks like, will in no way be an election. If analysts, media, and diplomats use the term ‘election’, the onus is on them to justify and prove why and how exactly it wasn’t legitimate when in fact it wasn’t even what happened.
This isn’t just about semantics. It is about establishing the factual basis for what is transpiring in reality. Autocrats who co-opt democratic terms are very skillful at doing so to create a narrative that they are something they are not. The best way to prevent this is to stop allowing them to freely use words they have no basis for using. Simply put — democracies need to stop letting dictatorships co-opt the terminology of democracy. By not pushing back, and by not introducing new terminology that accurately describes what dictatorships are doing, it allows the autocrats of the world to claim legitimacy by dressing up their actions with words that should never have been used in the first place.
When Myanmar’s generals say “discipline flourishing democracy”, it means dictatorship. When Xi Xinping says there is a “Chinese-style democracy” and an “American-style democracy”, he is spouting utter nonsense. China under the Communist Party is a totalitarian dictatorship from top to bottom and in no way is a democracy. Even more onerously totalitarian and unquestionably not a democracy is North Korea, the so-called “Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”. Claims of elections in such countries are nonsense. Having a ‘choice’ of one person picked by one party does not make for an election.
In Myanmar in 2008 a ‘referendum’ on the 2008 Constitution never happened. This was a coerced, fraudulent exercise that in no way reflected the will of the people or even marginally synced with the intentions of the term ‘referendum’. The fact that the exercise happened in the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Nargis highlights this point, namely that the exercise was coerced, predetermined, and never had any intention of representing the will of the Myanmar people. The sad thing is that because this term was used so extensively and became mainstream, including in international media, over the years it became, by default, accepted as what happened. This then lent unfortunate credence to the 2008 Constitution. The same is true for the 2010 election. Myanmar’s only free and fair elections in its modern history, even though problematic in important ways, were the by-elections starting in 2012 and the general elections of 2015 and 2020.
As regards the junta’s plans for a 2023 poll, commentators in the media, civil society or diplomacy that use terms and phrases like “sham elections” or “elections under military rule” unfortunately start the discourse from a disadvantage. They inherently force those rightly accusing dictators of being dictators to prove that the ‘election’ wasn’t good enough for this or that reason, when what happened wasn’t even an election in the first place. If one starts the conversation with a false term, it inherently lends legitimacy to whoever is claiming that term as being true. This approach became mainstream after being adopted by former United States President Donald Trump, when he called the 2020 US election “fraudulent”.
Words matter. They matter because they set narratives about what is happening or what will happen. By allowing the junta to use the term ‘election’ and to state that it will occur in August 2023, it catalyzes the wider international narrative about what’s happening in Myanmar. In simple terms, it creates the axis around which policy discourses begin to swirl about what to do as regards the country. Within Myanmar even if some fraudulent, coerced event occurs in August 2023 it will not actually do anything to stop the revolution against the junta because the Myanmar people have made it clear in a thousand ways that they do not accept a return to military rule. Internationally, though, the military regime is using this term to create the illusion of a clear “roadmap” of what the world can expect. While some countries have already called out the junta’s plans and said that they won’t accept the result of any ‘election’, other countries are clearly just waiting for the junta to declare the event a success, even if it will be the regime’s proxies and newly-retired generals who will ‘win’.
There is a story unfolding in Myanmar, but it does not match what the junta is saying. An August report from the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar highlighted that the junta only has stable control over 17 per cent of the country. The rest of the country is in active and escalating armed resistance against junta forces or is controlled by ethnic armed organizations that do not accept military rule in their areas, even if they maintain ceasefires with the military.
Hence, this is a country of approximately 55 million people in a sustained, committed revolution that’s focused on building a better future for themselves and future generations. It is not just about getting rid of the military or the Association of Southeast Asian Nation’s myopic “returning to normalcy” tomfoolery, in other words a toxic quasi-democracy built around military paramountcy. It is about creating a fundamentally different country built around real federal democracy. As the National Unity Government’s Acting President Duwa Lashi La has so profoundly stated: this is the second war for independence. Myanmar’s people want to start afresh.
The world should stop accepting the Myanmar military’s use of the term ‘election’ completely because that is not what will happen. The military’s event — which will undoubtedly be preordained, coercive, highly violent and in no way an election in any meaning of the word — is not the pole around which the conflict in the country will be resolved. A better term doesn’t currently exist in the English language, but surely one needs to be created along the lines of “coerced deception”.
In essence, don’t accept the regime’s narrative that there is a pathway to peace and stability and that the key date is August 2023. There is a pathway to peace in Myanmar, but it means the complete defeat of the current military and the implementation of the roadmap articulated by the Federal Democracy Charter drawn up by the democratic resistance’s National Unity Consultative Council..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
Language:
more
Description:
"In response to the reported release of the former British ambassador Vicky Bowman and her artist husband Htein Lin, who had been jailed in Myanmar’s post-coup crackdown, Polly Truscott, Amnesty International UK’s Foreign Policy Director, said:
“We’re enormously relieved to hear that Vicky Bowman, Htein Lin and political prisoners including U Mya Aye are among the thousands being released from prison. Many should never have been jailed in the first place and there are still thousands of others who’ve been arbitrarily imprisoned in Myanmar need to be released as well.
“Since the February 2021 coup, the authorities in Myanmar have rounded up thousands of people who’ve been jailed on spurious grounds, including for simply exercising their human rights.
“Myanmar has a history of announcing prisoner amnesties at politically opportune times, and today’s releases may have more to do with the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting taking place in Thailand this week than any change of heart from the authorities.
“The UK should see today’s releases as another opportunity to press the Myanmar government to release all those who’ve been jailed arbitrarily, as well as calling on the authorities to allow proper independent investigations into the thousands of killings that have taken place in the wake of the coup.”..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity
Government, welcomes the adoption of resolution on the “Situation of Human Rights
of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar" on 16 November 2022 at the
Third Committee of the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly.
Myanmar extends its appreciation to the member states of the European Union and
the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation for their continued leadership on this
resolution.
The resolution maintains a much needed focus on the Rohingya and other
minorities and condemns in the strongest terms the grave violations, past and
continuing, perpetrated against them by the security and armed forces of Myanmar -
now at the direction of the illegal military junta. Importantly, the resolution reaffirms
the fundamental rights of the Rohingya and other minorities.
While restating its continued commitment to implementation of the policy
position on Rohingya issued by the National Unity Government in June 2021,
Myanmar also supports the recommendations contained in the resolution and will act
on them accordingly. Further, Myanmar will continue to cooperate with all relevant
stakeholders and the international community including the UN Special Envoy, the
IIMM, the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, and other special procedures mandate
holders.
The resolution also acknowledges that the illegal military junta’s large scale
and widespread atrocities now impact all people in Myanmar. It catalogues junta
crimes such as arbitrary detention, politically-motivated convictions, extrajudicial
executions and killings, torture, and sexual and gender-based violence directed
against civilians including doctors, teachers, students, artists and journalists.
The resolution however stops far short of demanding that the junta be held
accountable for its atrocities, for its assault on democracy and human rights, for
triggering a grave humanitarian crisis, and for threatening regional peace and
security. It also fails to demand an arms embargo targeting the junta’s escalating
aerial and artillery attacks, which continue to see schools and public gatherings
bombed, villages razed, and cross-border incursions.
The National Unity Government of Myanmar is of the view that the General
Assembly should therefore complement the current resolution with another one
during this session, run concurrently, that more fully addresses the scale, gravity and
impact of the junta’s actions on all of Myanmar’s peoples and on the region. This
new text should also direct stronger asks to the international community aimed at
protecting all communities, advancing the people’s democratic will, and dismantling
the criminal junta..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
38.99 KB
more
Description:
"JAKARTA – Southeast Asian countries must do more to truly guarantee freedom of religion, protect minorities, and stop using “public order” and “harmony” as justifications for imposing unwarranted restrictions on this fundamental right, a new report from ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) found.
“This report shows that many laws that inhibit, restrict, and repress religious freedoms remain on the books and are implemented throughout Southeast Asia. This report is a reminder that, despite all achievements to maintain coexistence in a plural Southeast Asia, there are still many problems that remain to be solved and situations that should be improved,” said APHR member and Indonesian MP Taufik Basari.
The report, titled “Restricting Diversity: Mapping Legislation on Freedom of Religion or Belief in Southeast Asia,” was launched on 7 November 2022 and provides an overview of the laws and regulations regarding the right to freedom of religion or belief in the region. One of the key findings in the report is that, while many of the constitutions of Southeast Asian countries formally guarantee the right to freedom of religion, in practice the laws related to religion contain ambiguities and restrictions that do not conform with international standards.
National security and public order, for instance, have often been used to justify restricting the freedom of religious minorities, including Ahmadiyah, Shia, Jehovah’s Witnesses and others. Meanwhile, blasphemy laws are often used to criminalize certain religious groups that are critical to the state, government or the religious establishment of the majority, in flagrant violation of international human rights standards.
“I hope we can have more dialogues in the future and more innovative methods to promote and protect FoRB in the Southeast Asian countries. The law must serve as a tool in creating peace and balance for the community, so it should be formulated properly in order to bring justice in society.”” said APHR member and Timor-Leste MP Isabel Ximenes.
Parliamentarians can play a crucial role in working towards fully guaranteeing freedom of religion or belief in Southeast Asia by repealing and amending laws that violate such freedom, and pass new laws where necessary.
“I think that, at the end of the day, we must have a firm commitment from parliamentarians or both sides, whether in government or in parliament, to have the same understanding about human rights. If you do not speak the language of human rights, then you are the problem,” said Dr. Ahmad Farouk Musa, Founder and Director of Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF), Malaysia, and surgery professor at Monash University..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.42 MB (73 pages) - Original version
Local URL:
more
Title: Report of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar to the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits.
Description:
"EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1. On 01 February 2021, the Myanmar’s miliary launched a coup against the civilian government, arresting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Win Myint, along with other senior leaders of the ruling National League for Democracy, and declaring the results of the November 2020 general election invalid. What started as violence between the Tatmadaw and demonstrators quickly turned into brutal fighting in many parts of the country between the State Administration Council (SAC) and armed groups such as the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and the National Unity Government (NUG) and its armed wing the People’s Defence Force (PDF).
2. Cognizant of the far-reaching implications of Myanmar’s crisis on its own people and the region as a whole, ASEAN Leaders met on 24 April 2021 in Jakarta to discuss about the situation in Myanmar, and reached the Five-Point Consensus (5PC). To ensure full and effective implementation of the 5PC, Samdech Prime Minister went to Nay Pyi Taw on 7 January 2021 to meet with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and soon afterward, had two videoconferences to follow up on the outcomes of the visit. Moreover, he extensively consulted with his ASEAN colleagues and other world leaders, and also received calls and briefings from the international organizations including the United Nations Secretary General Special Envoy (UNSG SE).
3. Guided by the ASEAN Charter and the ASEAN’s principles, the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair (SEAC) paid two working visits to Myanmar to carry out his mandate as stipulated in the 5PC. Prior to each working visit, the SEAC always shared with his colleagues what he plans to do, and also sought their views on the best course of action to make progress. Moreover, the SEAC also had numerous meetings with external partners, the UNSG SE, Japan’s Special Envoy, UN Specialized Agencies, and other international organizations to receive updates and exchange views on how ASEAN and its partners can promote synergy and cooperation, especially in the area of humanitarian assistance.
4. Despite the complexity and difficulty of Myanmar’s political crisis, it is fair to say that the SEAC has managed to make some positive progress in the implementation of the 5PC, though not all points are moving at the same pace and scale. Since the beginning, Cambodia as the present ASEAN Chair and her Special Envoy prioritize immediate cessation of violence and ceasefire, and in all the engagements with the SAC, Samdech Prime Minister always urged for utmost restraint, and dialogue to start without delay. During the working visits, the SEAC extended this call to all armed groups including the NUG/PDF, because everyone has a share in inflicting harms and suffering on innocent people.
5. Given the SAC being the most powerful actor, the SEAC reminded his counterparts to double the efforts to end the violence, and suggested that they should deploy police instead of armed forces to maintain law and order, especially when civilians are involved. The SEAC also appealed to the EAOs and the political parties to commit to non-violent principle, and actively participate in ceasefire negotiation. In response, the SAC, the EAOs and the political parties have promised to do their utmost ability to achieve full cessation of violence, and they also shared that it was heartbroken to see this tragedy unfolding in their country. Besides heavy human costs, the SEAC emphasized that violence also undermines any efforts to begin a dialogue or even to deliver humanitarian assistance to those most in need.
6. The commencement of the political dialogue is the most difficult among the five points, and even Myanmar’s key actors themselves also thought that it is not yet the right time to bring everyone to the table. During the second working visit, the SEAC pressed Lieutenant General Yar Pyae on the possibility of a dialogue with the opposition, and he responded that it may happen but with 3 preconditions: (1) they do not seek to destroy the SAC, (2) they do not seek to replace the SAC, and (3) they agree to use the 2008 Constitution as the basis for talks. After months of intense shuttle diplomacy, the SEAC has finally managed to open a small window for dialogue.
7. The SEAC then tasked his office to share these preconditions with the NUG Foreign Minister Zin Mar Aung, and she responded by rejecting them, and offered her own preconditions, which aim to put the Tatmadaw under civilian control and send Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to prison. The differences between the SAC and the NUG are gulf apart, making any dialogue impossible, even at the technical level. However, the SEAC has not been discouraged by this lack of political will, and he continues to commence the dialogue process as soon as possible. Moreover, he has encouraged the SAC to engage with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and not to dissolve her party, without which any democratic solutions will face credibility question.
8. As stated in the 5PC, the SEAC has always involved the Secretary-General of ASEAN in every important activity including his working visits to Myanmar, and has also been in regular contact with the Secretary-General of ASEAN to seek his view on a wide range of issues and to receive his updates on the progress of the humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. In facilitating mediation of the dialogue process, the SEAC met with 7 EAOs, who are the signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, to underscore the need for all concerned parties to participate in peace talks. In response, they were strongly supportive of the SEAC’s views, and also pledged to make a dialogue work in the interests of their people.
9. Moreover, the SEAC also had meetings with 8 political parties, 7 of which won votes during the 2020 general election, and he shared with them that he is always ready to facilitate a dialogue among concerned parties, if requested. These political parties pledged their full support to the SEAC, and took turn to offer their perspectives on the current situations in Myanmar and how to solve them. Acknowledging the critical role of external partners, especially Myanmar’s immediate neighbours, the SEAC has often provided them with updates of his efforts, sought their view on the situation on the ground, and listened to their recommendations when applicable.
3
10. Humanitarian assistance has always been at the heart of Cambodia’s approach to address the political crisis in Myanmar because peace talk can take time, but saving life cannot wait. Even before taking over the ASEAN Chairmanship, Cambodia already provided the people of Myanmar with medical supplies, financial resources, and vaccines bilaterally and through ASEAN mechanism. The SEAC has also made a lot of efforts to mobilize additional supports for Myanmar, and as a result, 3 million doses of vaccines together with many other medical supplies were donated by external partners. Despite not being clearly specified in the 5PC, the SEAC has worked tirelessly to facilitate, coordinate and support the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar.
11. In May 2022, he co-chaired with the Secretary-General of ASEAN the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar, bringing together a wide range of stakeholders and leading to the adoption of two important frameworks, namely Joint Ministry of Health-Partners Vaccines Administration Framework and Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework. The SEAC has also managed to secure commitments from the SAC in addressing operational challenges facing the AHA Centre and other international organizations, and expanding access to more states and regions. Moreover, he has also facilitated the conduct of the Joint Needs Assessment, especially in pushing for the inclusion of areas requested by the AHA Centre, and representatives of the UN OCHA and WFP as observers.
12. Meeting all concerned parties is also one of the SEAC’s top priorities. During the working visit to Myanmar, besides his engagements with senior representatives of the SAC, he also met with 7 EAOs that remain signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, and 8 political parties, 7 of which won votes during the 2020 general election. The SEAC has also demanded to engage with the EAOs that are now fighting the SAC, and 4 political parties that are now under the inspection of the Union Election Commission. The request to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Win Myint has always been on the agenda of the SEAC, but the SAC has taken strong position on this matter, suggesting that it can only be considered upon the completion of their legal proceedings.
13. Benefiting from numerous meetings and conversations with many interlocutors inside and outside of Myanmar, and for the purpose of facilitating and supporting the works of the incoming Special Envoy, the SEAC wish to make 7-point suggestions: (1) the 5PC should be accompanied by a concrete implementation plan, (2) conditions applied to the SAC should also be applied to all concerned parties, (3) ASEAN needs to press the SAC, the NUG and other parties to compromise on their preconditions, (4) concerned parties need to be clearly identified and defined, (5) restoring normal engagements with Myanmar should be based on the progress of the implementation of the 5PC, not on other factors that are outside this framework, (6) the roles of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair in humanitarian assistance should be added to the 5PC or the implementation plan, and (7) the Secretary-General of ASEAN and the AHA Centre should be empowered with an appropriate degree of autonomy for a specific period of time..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
249.24 KB (20 Pages) - Original version
more
Description:
"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်သော (၇၇) ကြိမ်မြောက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေ ညီလာခံ၏ တတိယကော်မတီအစည်းအဝေး၌ “မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာမွတ်ဆလင်များနှင့် အခြား လူနည်းစုများ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး” ဆိုင်ရာ အဆိုမူကြမ်းအား အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည့်အပေါ် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ထို့အတူ အဆိုပါ အဆိုမူကြမ်းအား အစဉ်တစိုက် ဦးဆောင်ဦးရွက်ပြုလျက်ရှိသော ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အစ္စလာမ်ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းတို့မှ အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများအား ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ ဖော်ပြပါ အတည်ပြုခဲ့သော အဆိုမူကြမ်းတွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာနှင့် အခြားလူနည်းစုများအပေါ် အလေးထားသည့် စာသားများကို အဓိက ဖော်ပြထားပြီး ၎င်းတို့အပေါ် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် များနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ ယခုအခါ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုမှ ယခင်ကနှင့် ယခုတိုင် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော ကြီးလေးသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက် ရှုတ်ချထားပါသည်။ အဓိကအားဖြင့် ယင်းအဆိုမူကြမ်းတွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့် အခြားလူနည်းစုများ၏ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများကို ထပ်လောင်းအတည်ပြုထားပါသည်။
၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအရေးကိစ္စနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ အတွင်း၌ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် မူဝါဒရေးရာ ရပ်တည်ချက်ပါ ကတိကဝတ်များကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက် အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့်အပြင် ယခု အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည့် အဆိုမူကြမ်း တွင် ပါဝင်သည့် အကြံပြုချက်များကိုလည်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လွတ်လပ်သော စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေး ယန္တရား (IIMM)၊ မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အထူးအစီရင်ခံစာတင်သွင်းသူ အစရှိသည့် အခြားအထူးအစီရင်ခံစာ တင်သွင်းသူများအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် ဆက်လက် ပူးပေါင်း အကောင်အထည် ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ထို့ပြင် ယခုအဆိုမူကြမ်းတွင် တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ အပြစ်မဲ့ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူများဖြစ်သည့် ဆရာဝန်များ၊ သင်ကြားရေးပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ၊ ကျောင်းသား ကျောင်းသူများ၊ အနုပညာရှင်များနှင့် သတင်းထောက်များ အပေါ်တွင် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်မှု၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအရ လှုံ့ဆော်သည့်ပြစ်မှုများ၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းနှင့် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုနှင့် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများစသည့် ရက်စက် ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများနှင့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကိုလည်း အဆိုမူကြမ်းတွင် ပြည့်စုံစွာ ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။
၅။ သို့ရာတွင် အဆိုပါ အဆိုမူကြမ်း၌ စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများ၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးတို့အား ထိပါးစော်ကားမှု၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းဖြစ်ပေါ်စေမှုနှင့် ဒေသတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်အေးချမ်းရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးတို့အပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုတို့အတွက် တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် တောင်းဆိုရာတွင် အားနည်းလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့အတူ စာသင်ကျောင်းများနှင့် အများပြည်သူစုဝေးရာ နေရာဒေသများကို ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ၊ ကျေးရွာ များကို ရွာလုံးကျွတ်မီးရှို့ခြင်းများ၊ လူအစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများနှင့် နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် မှုများကို ဆက်လက်မြင်တွေ့စေသည့် အရှိန်အဟုန် မြင့်မားလာသော စစ်တပ်၏ လေကြောင်း တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား ဖြေရှင်းပေးနိုင်မည့် လက်နက်တင်ပို့ရောင်းချခြင်းအား ဖျက်သိမ်း စေနိုင်မည့် အစီအစဉ်ကိုလည်း တောင်းဆိုရန်လည်း ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၆။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ ယခု အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည့် အဆိုမူကြမ်းအပြင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် ဒေသတွင်း အပေါ် ကြီးမားကျယ်ပြန့်သော ဆိုးကျိုး သက်ရောက်မှု ရှိစေသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များကို ပြည့်ပြည့်ဝဝ ဖြေရှင်းပေးနိုင်မည့် အခြားသော အဆိုမူကြမ်းတစ်ခုအား ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေ ညီလာခံအနေဖြင့် အားဖြည့်ပံ့ပိုးပေးသင့်ပါသည်။ ယင်း အဆိုမူကြမ်း အသစ်တွင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းထံမှ ထိရောက်သော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များကို ပိုမို တောင်းဆိုကာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ အသိုက်အဝန်းအားလုံးကို ကာကွယ်ပေးနိုင်၍ ပြည်သူများ လိုလားတောင့်တသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ စနစ်ကို ဖော်ဆောင်ပေးရေးနှင့် ရာဇဝတ် စစ်အာဏာရှင်အား ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးတို့အား တောင်းဆိုသည့် စာသားများ အဓိက ပါဝင်သင့်သည်ဟု အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် ရှု့မြင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
285.9 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် (၁၀၂) နှစ်မြောက် အမျိုးသားအောင်ပွဲနေ့အချိန်အခါ သမယတွင် တိုင်းရင်းသားများအားလုံးနှင့်တကွ နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားအားလုံး ရင်ဆိုင်ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေရသည့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးအား အသိ၊ သတိကြီးစွာဖြင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ရာ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလတွင် ခွန်အား ပြည့်ဝစွာဖြင့် ဆက်လက်လျှောက်လှမ်းနိုင်ကြပါေစကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ကိုလိုနီနယ်ချဲ့လက်အောက်ခံဘဝ ၁၉၂၀ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၅ ရက် (မြန်မာသက္ကရာဇ် ၁၂၈၂ ခုနှစ်၊ တန်ဆောင်မုန်းလပြည့်ကျော် ၁၀ ရက်နေ့) တွင် တက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများက ရန်ကုန်တက္ကသိုလ် အက်ဥပဒေမူကြမ်းကို သပိတ်မှောက်ဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ကြရာမှအစပြုကာ အမျိုးသားအောင်ပွဲနေ့ ဟူသော သမိုင်းဝင်နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရန်ကုန်တက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားသပိတ်သည် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးသို့ပျံ့နှံ့သွားခဲ့ပြီး အမျိုးသားတော်လှန်ရေးကြီးအသွင် ပြောင်းလဲသွားကာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလွတ်လပ်ရေးရရန်အတွက် မျိုးချစ်စိတ်ဓာတ်များ၊ သူ့ကျွန်မခံလိုသည့်စိတ်များ သန္ဓေတည် မွေးဖွားပေးခဲ့သော တော်လှန်ရေးကြီးတစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၃။ ယခုအခါတွင်လည်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အချုပ်အခြာ အာဏာကို ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒမဲဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်တို့ဦးဆောင်သည့် ပြည်သူ့ အစိုးရထံမှ စစ်တပ်က လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့အာဏာသိမ်းယူခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ရှင်သန် ထွန်းသစ်စ ဒီမိုကရေစီအသီးအပွင့်များသည် ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်မှစ၍ ယခု နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးခရီးတိုင် အာဏာရှင်များကို ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရင်း တိုင်းပြည်၏ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုများကို လူငယ်များပီပီတက်ကြွပြီး လိမ္မာ ပါးနပ်စွာ ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိကြသည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်အတွက် အသက်ပေးဆပ်သွား ခဲ့ကြသည့် အာဇာနည်သူရဲကောင်းများအား ဤနေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ် အခါသမယတွင် ဂုဏ်ယူလေးစားစွာ ဂုဏ်ယူမှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ကွယ်ပျောက်ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများ က နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တခဲ့သော်လည်း မပြည့်ဝသေးသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ နိုင်ငံသစ်အိပ်မက်ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ဖန်တီးပုံဖော်တည်ဆောက်နိုင်မည့်အခွင့်အလမ်းသည် ယနေ့ အချိန်အခါတွင် လက်တစ်ကမ်းအကွာသို့ ရောက်ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုး၏အကျိုးကို ထာဝရသယ်ပိုးလိုသည့် အမျိုးသာရေးစိတ်ဓာတ်များ အစဉ်ကိန်းအောင်းနေမည်ဆိုပါက မဝေးလှသော အနာဂတ်တွင် ပြည်သူလူထုအားလုံးက ရည်ရွယ်ကြိုးပမ်းနေကြသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသစ် သည် ပေါ်ထွန်းလာမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၆။ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ထားသည့် အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်တပ်သည် အတုအယောင်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကျင်းပ၍ ဥပဒေမဲ့အာဏာသိမ်းမှုမှ ထွက်ပေါက် နည်းလမ်း အဖြစ် တရားဝင်မှုရှိသည့်အစိုးရအသွင်သဏ္ဍန်သို့ လှည့်ပြောင်းနိုင်ရန် စီစဉ်နေခြင်းကြောင့် အမျိုးသား အောင်ပွဲနေ့၏ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုအနှစ်သာရကိုအခြေခံကာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ သွေးခွဲမှု၊ လှည့်စားမှုများကို ရင်ဆိုင်ကျော်လွှားကာ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အတူတကွ ဆက်လက်လက်တွဲ ကြိုးပမ်းသွားကြပါရန် လေးလေးနက်နက် တောင်းဆိုတိုက်တွန်းလိုပါသည်။
၇။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် မဲဆန္ဒရှင်ပြည်သူများက ယုံကြည်စွာ အပ်နှင်းထားသည့် အခွင့်အာဏာကို တာဝန်သိစွာ ကျင့်သုံးလျက် တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအတွက် ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သောအနာဂတ်အား ဖန်တီးပုံဖော်ပေးရေး ဦးဆောင် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် ကဏ္ဍ အသီးသီး၌ ပြင်ဆင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပြီး တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုအားလုံး၏ စုပေါင်းအားဖြင့် ဘုံရန်သူဖြစ်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကို အမျိုးသားရေး စိတ်ဓာတ်အပြည့်ဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ် တိုက်ထုတ် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာပြုလျက် ဤသဝဏ်လွှာအား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
349.66 KB
more
Description:
"16 November 2022, New York – European Union General Statement at the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly Third Committee Resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar: A/C.3/77 /L.33 Rev 1
Mr. Chair,
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Member States.
The Candidate Countries North Macedonia*, Montenegro*, Albania*, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, the country of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidate Bosnia and Herzegovina, align themselves with this statement.
The resolution that the EU and the OIC are presenting today for adoption by the Third Committee of the General Assembly is about atrocities committed for many years against Rohingya and persons belonging to other minorities in Myanmar, and about atrocities committed against all the population of Myanmar since a military coup forcibly overthrew the civilian government in blatant violation of the will and democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar on 1 February 2021.
The indiscriminate use of violence by the Myanmar armed and security forces across the country, the widespread cases of killings, torture and other forms of ill-treatment, the obstruction of humanitarian aid and the breaches of international humanitarian law, sexual and gender-based violence as well as the maiming and killing of children occurring every day in Myanmar are intolerable. The international community, in particular the United Nations and ASEAN must act to stop these atrocities. This joint resolution prepared by the EU and the OIC aims at contributing to this urgent call for action. I would like to thank the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh for the good cooperation in preparing the resolution.
We are appalled by the death sentences carried out by the junta in July 2022 against four pro-democracy activists, after decades with no recorded executions in Myanmar. We are extremely alarmed by the continued arbitrary detention of journalists, peaceful protesters and politicians, and by the unjustified restrictions to fundamental freedoms in Myanmar, aggravated by the junta. The continued military build-up and flow of arms into Myanmar also gravely undermine human rights and must stop immediately.
Mr Chair,
Rohingya and persons belonging to other minorities in Myanmar continue to face severe movement restrictions, impeded access to services and livelihoods, disenfranchisement and violations of their fundamental rights. The current situation in Myanmar also suppresses hopes for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of the 1.5 million Rohingya and other minorities who have found refuge in Bangladesh and across the region.
This joint EU-OIC resolution is also about accountability: It sends a strong message on the importance of the work ongoing with the ICC and the ICJ, and calls on all countries to actively cooperate with the Independent Investigate Mechanism for Myanmar, including by facilitating access to witnesses of human rights violations.
The European Union wishes to express its unequivocal support for all the people of Myanmar, including Rohingya and other minorities, their democratic aspirations, and their legitimate expectation that their human rights and the rule of law be respected.
The European Union continues to underline the importance and urgency of the full implementation of the ASEAN “Five Point Consensus”. The EU stands ready to actively support ASEAN’s efforts towards the establishment of a constructive political dialogue, which is essential for the country’s return to a democratic path..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations in New York
Date of publication:
2022-11-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
more
Description:
"The number of currently detained political prisoners has reached more than 13,000, according to the latest figures from Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma.
Under the previous military dictatorship pre 2010 the average was just over 2,000.
“Despite the record number of political prisoners, they barely get mentioned by governments and world leaders,” said Wai Hnin, Senior Advocacy Officer at Burma Campaign UK. “The fact that so many people have been jailed demonstrates the level of fear the Burmese military have of the people of Burma. The Burmese military are afraid for their survival and arrest anyone they see as a threat.”
The number of political prisoners is growing every day as the military continues to arrest peaceful protesters, interfaith writers, celebrities, civilians, and anyone opposing the attempted coup, which began on 1st February last year.
The military is not only carrying out the targeted arrest of individuals whom they might consider a threat because of their activities, but they are also conducting random mass arrests of civilians as a means of trying to instil fear and crush dissent.
The Burmese military has also started using the official death penalty for the first time in decades, executing 4 political prisoners in July 2022. Many more activists have been sentenced to death and are awaiting execution.
Political prisoners are usually held in military-controlled detention centres for a lengthy period before being charged and sent to prison. Many of them face brutal torture, harassment, rape, and sexual violence. Activists from the LGBTQ community face severe torture and harassment purely because of their sexual orientation.
The current number of political prisoners does not include civilians who have been forcibly disappeared in remote ethnic areas and people who have been unlawfully detained in military camps in ethnic areas, where documentation is difficult.
In addition, there is an unknown number of Rohingya political prisoners, who have been arrested and imprisoned for breaking laws and regulations specifically targeting Rohingya as part of the ongoing genocide they face.
Since 1 February, at least 80 journalists have been arrested for reporting on the human rights violations committed by the military. Many civil servants, including doctors, teachers, and nurses, have been arrested for participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).
The military also issued warrants and revoked licences for many doctors and nurses for taking part in the CDM. After their release, they will have a criminal record, making it almost impossible to return to their jobs or find new jobs.
Currently, trials are being held inside prison out of public view, and families cannot attend. Trials in Burma are just formalities, and almost all of them will undoubtedly be sentenced under politically motivated charges. The Burmese military arrest, jail, torture and even kill many activists and civilians daily but people in Burma continue to stand up against them.
“These political prisoners bravely stood up against the military coup, but the world seems to have forgotten about them,” said Wai Hnin, Senior Advocacy Officer at Burma Campaign UK. “Many of them are just young students who should be in university but instead, they were brutally tortured and jailed for speaking out. The international community must speak out for these 13,000 political prisoners in Burma, and provide much needed support for families of political prisoners.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-11-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
more
Description:
"H.E. Mr. Aung Kyi Nyunt, Chairperson o f the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu
Hluttaw sent a thank you letter to H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General o f
the United Nations on 14 November 2022 as follows:
"On behalf o f the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and in my
capacity as Chairperson o f the CRPH, I write to thank you for your public calls urging
the M yanmar junta to immediately return to democracy, saying it was the only way to
stop the "unending n ightmare" engulfin g the country.
The nightmare is all too real for Myanmar's people and none more so than Myanmar’s
large Ethnic Nationalities population who have suffered systemic discrimination and
violence over many decades, but violence now at a level not seen before. The
indiscriminate killings caused by the targeted airstrikes conducted by the military
junta in the Saging Region, Magway Region, Kachin, Kayin, Chin and Rakhine States
is too cruel with children now being murdered.
We further welcome your strong call for the military junta to release all political
prisoners including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and for countries to develop a regional framework to protect refugees from
Myanmar. Moreover, your statement that it is vital to have a peace plan agreed to by
the military junta, referring to the ASEAN agreed five-point consensus that has not
taken effect.
In order to implement the ASEAN five-point consensus, an all-inclusive process is
important. We note that ASEAN has set its Foreign Ministers the task o f developing
an implementation plan to its statement issued recently in Phnom Penh.
Civilian leaders including leaders o f elected representatives, political parties, and
Ethnic Nationalities need to be front and center in these processes and military-led
dialogue only would not yield a return to a civilian democratic government.
The CRPH is the lawful parliamentary institution that legitimately represents the
people o f Myanmar. You would o f course know that the CRPH was convened with the clcctoral mandate from the citizens through a free and fair election in 2020
November. The CRPH stands ready to work with the United Nations, ASEAN, friends
of democracy and of Myanmar to bring an end to the violence and Usher in peace.
The International Parliamentary Union (IPU) states that the parliamentarians are the
peacemakers and that is what we are doing our best to be. We stand ready to lead in
this and lead our people to a better place. The violence, the trauma, the carnage, the
strafing o f children and civilians from fighter planes deployed by General Min Aung
Hlaing beggar belief. We must make every effort to effect peace.
To further this, I request your consideration of at least the following actions.
1. Lend your good offices to support ASEAN to advance its five-point consensus
and recent commitment to develop an implementation plan articulated in its
statement titled ASEAN LEADERS' REVIEW AND DECISION ON THE
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE FIVE-POINT CONSENSUS (Sec attached).
2. Lend your good offices to your Special Envoy to convene a series o f inclusive
round tables with the parties to brainstorm what peace could look like and
what practical steps are to be taken to get there. (Think DARE for Timor-Leste
talks and the UN’s direct involvement in getting people to the table). I know
that you played a big role as well in supporting Timor-Leste. It could be useful
to involve your colleague and close friend H.E. President Jose Ramos-Horta.
3. Lend your good offices to have United Nations inclusive processes and
procedures for the democratically elected representatives of Myanmar. (Noting
that at the recent Global Town Hull event where NUG is present that your
Deputies do not pressure organizers to disallow the NUG to be present as "it
looks like they the UN are taking sides" as happened).
I thank you again for your efforts regarding the Myanmar crisis and look forward to
working with you to restore peace, stability and development in our country."..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2022-11-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
51.89 KB 181.04 KB
more
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ဦးအောင်ကြည်ညွန့်သည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ် H.E. Mr. António Guterres ထံသို့ ၁၄-၁၁-၂၀၂၂ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြောင်း စာတစ်စောင် ပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါသည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ဥက္ကဌ၏ ပေးပို့စာအား မြန်မာဘာသာပြန်ဆိုချက်နှင့်တကွ ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-11-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
232.49 KB
more
Description:
"After 18 months of the Spring Revolution, resistance forces around the country have become more sophisticated. Although they started the revolution against the Myanmar military using homemade rifles, now they can use automatic weapons like the AK-47 rifle, as well as drones. And women from various regions of the country are now among those who are fighting against the military regime.
Armed resistance started in late May last year, four months after the military seized power on February 1, 2021. Since then, resistance forces commonly known as People’s Defence Forces (PDF) have been formed around the country. Women are part of the PDFs, as well as working as medics, raising funds and supporting the PDF base camps.
Moreover, female-only units are being formed in some regions to fight against the military dictatorship. Myaung Women Warriors is one of those units, having been formed in October last year...
Myaung Women Warriors
Myaung Women Warriors (M2W), famous for its landmine attacks against junta troops in Sagaing Region, was formed by female civilians from Sagaing’s Myaung Township in order to eradicate the fascist dictatorship, as well as to show that women can be involved in the revolution and to promote the role of females, according to Amara Hmuee, the spokesperson for M2W.
Although M2W comrades are sometimes involved in landmine attacks against junta forces, their main duty is to make mines and distribute them to the at least 22 PDFs currently operating in Myaung Township.
“The damage the mines can do depends on the type of mine. We choose which mine to use depending on the number of soldiers we are attacking. For example, we use a certain mine for military vehicles and we use another mine against infantry,” the twentysomething Amara Hmuee told The Irrawaddy.
She and the other members of M2W took part in military training and learned the techniques of making landmines before the all-women force was formed. Leaders from the Civilians Defense and Security Organization Myaung shared the techniques of making landmines that they had learned from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). M2W fighters have been involved in mine attacks against regime forces since October 30, 2021.
There are 225 members in M2W, including striking teachers who are part of the Civil Disobedience Movement, university graduates and students and women from farming villages. They are aged between 18 and 45.
Although M2W comrades are sometimes involved in landmine attacks against junta forces, their main duty is to make mines and distribute them to the at least 22 PDFs currently operating in Myaung Township.
“The damage the mines can do depends on the type of mine. We choose which mine to use depending on the number of soldiers we are attacking. For example, we use a certain mine for military vehicles and we use another mine against infantry,” the twentysomething Amara Hmuee told The Irrawaddy.
She and the other members of M2W took part in military training and learned the techniques of making landmines before the all-women force was formed. Leaders from the Civilians Defense and Security Organization Myaung shared the techniques of making landmines that they had learned from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). M2W fighters have been involved in mine attacks against regime forces since October 30, 2021.
“The men always want to fight and to take up arms. So there was some weakness in the production of mines. That’s why M2W decided to specialize in making mines,” said Amara Hmuee.
M2W produced 1,130 mines within a year and all were used in missions against junta forces. M2W has shared mines with all the resistance groups in Myaung Township. Moreover, some allied resistance forces from Chaung-U and Myinmu townships in Sagaing, Yesagyo in Magwe Region and Ngazun in Mandalay Region have also used M2W-made mines.
Since the formation of M2W, eight battles have been fought in cooperation with those allied forces and 85 soldiers have been killed in those clashes. Moreover, 21 mine attacks have been carried out and at least 139 junta troops have been killed and 37 injured.
Despite a lot of difficulties in making mines, M2W comrades do their best to supply plenty of mines to resistance groups.
“Although we haven’t encountered any difficulties with explosives, sometimes we have been in trouble in the weapons factory,” said Amara Hmuee.
“Once, we all had to run out of the factory because a fire broke out while we were making gunpowder.”
Nor were the M2W members experienced in the use of the welding and stone crushing machines used in the manufacture of mines. Some women suffered injuries to their hands while using the machines. Others have experienced combat.
“When I was at the frontline, an artillery shell landed near us and felled a big tree. I was really afraid because it was my first time under fire,“ Amara Hmuee recalled.
Ethnic women fighters
Some ethnic women have joined ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) such as the KIA, the Karen National Union, Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) and the Chin Defence Force (CDF).
The KNDF Battalion 5 women’s unit was formed in May 2021 with dozens of members. The KNDF was the first EAO to form a female force after the coup.
A lot of women were keen to participate in the revolution, so the KNDF formed a female unit, according to Soe Myar, a spokesperson for the KNDF’s women’s unit. Its members are aged between 18 and 25. They were university and school students and striking teachers and civil servants before they took up arms.
Soe Myar, who is 18 and a former student from Kayah State, joined the KNDF’s female unit in August 2021 in order to destroy the military dictatorship.
“There are a lot of female combatants who go to the frontline. It’s not a strange thing that women are fighting at the frontline,” Soe Myar told The Irrawaddy.
The KNDF’s female fighters focus not only on fighting, but also act as medics and in other support roles. “We women fight the military by doing as much as we can in various sectors in the revolution,” said Soe Myar.
Like their female comrades in the KNDF, some women residents of Chin State have joined the CDF since last year.
Chin State has around 27 resistance groups. Some 16 – totaling 9,000 fighters in all – have joined forces with the Chinland Joint Defense Committee (CJDC). Around 500 women are currently in 13 resistance groups in Chin State, according to the CJDC.
CDF-Mindat has the most female members, with around 120 women in the group.
Most of the women in Chin PDFs and EAOs are former university and school students, according to Daisy, a member of CDF-Kanpetlet Battalion 1, which has around 90 female fighters.
“We don’t accept the military dictatorship. We want a system governed by the people that is accurate and fair,” Daisy told The Irrawaddy.
Daisy was a 22-year-old university student before she joined the CDF, where she works in administration. Some women comrades go to the frontline, while others support the fighters.
“It’s not just fighting in the revolution, but doing whatever you can to participate in the revolution,” said Daisy. She added that the revolution started from nothing and now there has been some progress in terms of weapons and finances....
Tiger Women Drone Force...
Resistance forces, including M2W, also use drones to bomb regime targets.
Tiger Women Drone Force (TGR), part of the Myaung People Defense Force, has been attacking military convoys on the Mandalay-Monywa Road since August of this year.
TGR was formed in August 2022 with 15 members in order to fight junta troops like the male resistance fighters do.
“When the male combatants fight against the junta troops, the female PDF members want to do the same. So we formed the drone force to attack regime soldiers, as well as to show that women can fight in combat,” said Kyar Khin Sein, or Tiger Lady, the leader of the TGR.
Its members are women from various sectors and they spent a month training with the drones. TGR has two drones each worth almost US$5,000 and use bombs made by the Myaung People Defense Force.
The group conducts drone attacks in Sagaing, especially on military convoys using the Mandalay-Monywa Road. As of October, around 30 missions have been carried out and some 48 regime soldiers have been killed.
“All military reinforcements use the Mandalay-Monwya Road, so we want to cut access to the highway. That’s why we carry out drone attacks on it,” said TGR leader Kyar Khin Sein. But the group faces difficult and dangerous conditions when it carries out its attacks.
“We run when the regime scouts shoot at us while we are trying to bomb a military target,” recalled Kyar Khin Sein...
Women fighters are committed to the revolution...
The women participating in the revolution will keep fighting the junta until it is gone and they want the public to believe in the resistance fighters.
“We want democracy. We are fighting the military to get freedom for our country. We hope all of the public will also fight for federal democracy,” Kyar Khin Sein told The Irrawaddy.
The men and women who join the PDFs are considered to be soldiers of the people and are ready to give their lives for the revolution, but they also need weapons and ammunition, added the TGR leader. She asked Myanmar people at home and abroad to make donations so that weapons can be bought for the resistance forces.
All of the resistance fighters are ready to sacrifice their lives and they believe strongly that the revolution must succeed.
“We want the public to stay strong because we will fight against the military dictatorship until the end,“ said KNDF female fighter Soe Myar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-11-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"1. NUG seeks ASEAN’s support on serious roadmap for the future Myanmar prepared in the interest of entire region...2. NUG Foreign Minister remarks Myanmar people transform challenges posed by coup to opportunity by creating a new unity...3. NUG welcome EU and US sanctions against the military junta and its cronies (09/11/2022)...4. NUG urges ASEAN leaders to take 6 actions...5. NUG in partnership with ethnic revolutionary actors make efforts
to climate change mitigation, and natural resources utilization and conservation..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.12 MB
more
Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly News Update (29/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.38 MB
more
Description:
"1. During the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits, the Leaders assessed the
implementation of the Five-Point Consensus as agreed at the ASEAN Leaders'
Meeting in April 2021. We took note of the recommendations of the 55th ASEAN
Foreign Ministers' Meeting on 3 August 2022 and Special ASEAN Foreign
Ministers on 27 October 2022.
REVIEW
2. We reaffirmed that Myanmar remains an integral part of ASEAN;
3. We considered Articles 7 and 20 of the ASEAN Charter and recalled our 38th and
39th Summits;
4. Considering that the situation in Myanmar remains critical and fragile, with
growing violence as a major concern which affects not only Myanmar but also
ASEAN's Community-building efforts, ASEAN is committed to assist Myanmar
in finding a peaceful and durable solution to the current crisis;
5. With little progress achieved in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus,
it is therefore incumbent on the Myanmar Armed Forces to comply with its
commitments to the ASEAN Leaders;
DECISION
6. The Five-Point Consensus shall remain our valid reference and should be
implemented in its entirety;
7. There is a need for an implementation plan that outlines concrete, practical and
measurable indicators with specific timeline to support the Five-Point Consensus
and, therefore, shall be developed. We tasked the ASEAN Foreign Ministers to
develop the implementation plan; 8. To seek all parties concerned to adhere to and implement the Five-Point
Consensus and for ASEAN to engage all stakeholders soon. Engagement would
be done in a flexible and informal manner, primarily undertaken by the Special
Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar due to the neutrality that is inherent in
his/her mandate, with the sole objective of restoring peace and stability in the
country in accordance with the Five-Point Consensus;
9. Whilst maintaining Myanmar's non-political representation to the ASEAN
Summits and the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting, we tasked the ASEAN
Coordinating Council to further review Myanmar's representation at ASEAN
meetings, if the situation so requires;
10. We reaffirmed that ASEAN Summit is the supreme decision-making body and
will make the final decision on the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus,
including when consensus cannot be achieved, in line with the ASEAN Charter;
11. To urge all parties concerned to de-escalate tensions and exercise utmost restraints
and all parties concerned that bear arms should be fairly held accountable and
condemned for violence, noting that the Myanmar Armed Force is the single
largest military forces in Myanmar;
12. Calls all parties in Myanmar to facilitate the work of the Secretary General of
ASEAN and AHA Centre in delivering humanitarian assistance in Myanmar to
all in need without discrimination. The Secretary-General of ASEAN and the
AHA Centre should be empowered with some degree of autonomy to facilitate
the humanitarian assistance in Myanmar;
13. ASEAN is to call the UN and our external partners to support us in our efforts in
the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus;
14. ASEAN shall consider exploring other approaches that could support the
implementation of the Five-Point Consensus;
15. We shall review the above decision at our future sessions and mandate the Foreign
Ministers to monitor progress and report to the ASEAN Summit..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-11-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
144.93 KB
more
Description:
"Excellencies,
On the occasion o f the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits and Related Summits in
Cambodia, the Republic o f the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity
Government (NUG), urges you as ASEAN leaders to prioritise the security, wellbeing, and
democratic will and interests o f the people o f Myanmar as you determine ASEAN's way forward
on Myanmar.
While you convene, the illegal military junta continues to escalate its indiscriminate
attacks on civilians. Its bombing of schools and torching of villages has been joined by extreme
atrocities that include beheadings and the burning to death o f women and children. Even ASEAN
appeals held no sway in stopping the extrajudicial execution o f pro-democracy activists. The
junta’s detention o f foreign nationals as a form of hostage-taking comprises yet another example
of its terrorism.
In the midst o f a humanitarian crisis that has seen one million civilians displaced, the
junta' s acts o f aggression - which include cross-border incursions — also constitute a clear threat
to the peace and security o f the region and to the populations o f ASEAN Member States.
At the same time, the National Unity Government and its ethnic and civic partners have
achieved an historic convergence. We exercise control over more than half of the territory of
Myanmar and are delivering public services including healthcare, humanitarian relief and
education. Under the leadership of the representative National Unity Consultative Council
(NUCC) and the democratically-constituted Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
(CRPH), Myanmar is crafting a new federal democratic framework to address the grievances and
to ensure the full inclusion of our ethnic and minority communities including the Rohingya. We
also remain committed to international justice and to securing accountability for all crimes.
Where the NUG stands committed to partnership with ASEAN Members, the lack of
progress on the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) necessitates a fresh approach. We therefore urge
you as ASEAN leaders to take the following actions:
1. Replace or expand the 5PC with a new framework that establishes formal
mechanisms for engagement with the NUG as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people. This should include NUG attendance at future ASEAN meetings
and summits.
2. Prioritise the urgent delivery of cross-border humanitarian assistance to all
communities in need. This should see engagement with the NUG, Ethnic Resistance
Organisations (EROs) and Myanmar civil society, and see the ASEAN AHA Centre
endorse the joint humanitarian track agreed between the NUG's Ministry of
Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management (MOHADM) and EROs.
3. Expand the provision of support to Myanmar nationals who have been forced to flee
the country by junta operations and atrocities, including by respecting the principle
of non-refoulement.
4. Convene dialogues on humanitarian issues affecting Myanmar with the Friends of
ASEAN (China, India, United Kingdom, and the United States).
5. Support a long-term people-centered political solution to the multiple junta-induced
crises in Myanmar. This must include constitutional and structural reform that is *
guided by the democratic will of the people of Myanmar and that involves the
genuine participation of all Myanmar groups and communities. Under no
circumstances should sham junta-led elections be permitted.
6. Support action on Myanmar by the United Nations Security Council and the
General Assembly, which would prove complementary to and reinforcing of
ASEAN's efforts.
While the Myanmar people face a supremely dark moment in their history, we also see a
brighter future. We remain united and determined to shape a renewed nation founded on peace,
justice, equality, inclusion, human rights, and the protection of minorities. We also remain
hopeful that with political will and creativity, ASEAN can help break the decades-long cycle o f
military atrocities and help us to secure sustainable and pcoplc-centcrcd political solutions.
Please accept, Excellencies, the assurances of my highest consideration.....ကမ္ဘောဒီယားနိုင်ငံမှာ ကျင်းပလျက်ရှိတဲ့ ၄၀ နဲ့ ၄၁ ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးသို့ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက သဝဏ်လွှာပေးပို့
နိုဝင်ဘာ ၁၁ ၊ ၂၀၂၂
နိုဝင်ဘာ ၁၀ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ ကနေ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့အထိ ကမ္ဘောဒီယားနိုင်ငံမှာ ကျင်းပလျက်ရှိတဲ့ ၄၀ နဲ့ ၄၁ ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးသို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ရက်စွဲနဲ့ သဝဏ်လွှာပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ သဝဏ်လွှာထဲမှာ အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွေနဲ့ ဆက်စပ်အစည်းအဝေးတွေမှာ အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်တွေ အနေနဲ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ ပြည်သူ လူထူ လုံခြုံရေး၊ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီဆန္ဒနှင့် အကျိုးစီးပွားများအား ဦးစားပေးဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်စေရန် တိုက်တွန်းတယ်ဆိုပြီးတော့ ဖော်ပြထားပါတယ်။
အာဆီယံက ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွေကျင်းပနေဆဲ ကာလမှာပဲ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အရပ်သားပြည်သူတွေအပေါ် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုတွေ ကို အရှိန်မြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်နေပြီး၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းတွေကို ဗုံးခွဲတိုက်ခိုက်တာ၊ ကျေးရွာတွေမှာ ရွာလုံးကျွတ် မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးတာ၊ ခေါင်းဖြတ်သတ်တာ အပါအဝင် အမျိုးသမီးတွေနဲ့ ကလေးသူငယ်တွေကို မီးရှိုသတ်ဖြတ်တာ အစရှိတဲ့ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုတွေကို လူသားမဆန်စွာနဲ့ ပြုလုပ်နေတယ်လို့ ဖော်ပြထားပါတယ်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူတွေကို ကွပ်မျက်တာတွေ မပြုလုပ်ဖို့အတွက် အာဆီယံက တိုက်တွန်းခဲ့ပေမဲ့ လည်း အဲဒီပန်ကြားချက်ကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြုပြီးတော့ လူမဆန်တဲ့ ရက်စက်မှုတွေကို ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့တယ်လို့ ဆိုထားပါတယ်။ အဲဒီလိုပဲ နိုင်ငံခြားသားတွေကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းတာတွေ ပြုလုပ်နေတာကလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုရဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်ဝါဒတွေ ကို ပေါ်လွင်စေတဲ့ ပြယုဂ်တွေ ဖြစ်တယ်လို့ ထောက်ပြထားပါတယ်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေနဲ့ မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူလူထုအနေနဲ့ သမိုင်းဝင် ပေါင်းစည်းညီညွတ်ရေး ကို အောင်မြင်စွာဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်တယ် ဆိုတာနဲ့ လက်ရှိမှာလည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ နယ်မြေတဝက်ကျော်ကို ထိန်းချုပ်ထားနိုင်ပြီး ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုတွေ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဥ်တွေနဲ့ ပညာရေးအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ဆောင်မှုတွေကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်ပေးနေပြီလို့ သဝဏ်လွှာထဲမှာ ဖော်ြပထားပါတယ်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေနဲ့ အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်တွေကို အချက် ၆ ချက် တောင်းဆိုထား တာလည်း တွေ့ရပါတယ်။
အဲဒီတောင်းဆိုချက်တွေထဲမှာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ်နဲ့ ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံဖို့နဲ့ အာဆီယံမူငါးချက်ကို တရားဝင်မူဘောင်အသစ်တွေ အစားထိုးချမှတ်တာ ဒါမှမဟုတ် ချဲ့ထွင်တာ၊ နယ်စပ် ဒေသတွေမှာ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီတွေ လိုအပ်နေတဲ့ ရပ်ရွာတွေ အားလုံးကို အကူအညီပေးပို့တာ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုရဲ့ စစ်ဆင်ရေးတွေနဲ့ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုတွေကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတွင်းက ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်လာခဲ့ကြရတဲ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသားတွေကို အတင်းအကြပ် ပြန်မပို့တာနဲ့ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှုတွေ တိုးချဲ့လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးတာ၊ တရုတ်၊ အိန္ဒိယ၊ အင်္ဂလန်နိုင် ငံနဲ့ အမေရိကန်နိုင်ငံတို့အပါအဝင် အာဆီယံရဲ့ မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံတွေနဲ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ထိခိုက်စေတဲ့ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်တွေအတွက် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးတာ၊ ရေရှည်လူထုဗဟိုပြု နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းနဲ့ အကျပ်အတည်းတွေကို ဖြေရှင်းဖို့ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီတာ တွေအပါအဝင် အာဆီယံရဲ့ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုကို အားဖြည့်ပေးနိုင်မယ့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီနဲ့ အထွေထွေညီလာခံရဲ့ မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံအပေါ် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နေတာတွေကို ကူညီထောက်ပံ့တာတွေ ပြုလုပ်ပေးဖို့ ဖော်ပြထားပါတယ်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
137.18 KB 310.1 KB
more
Sub-title:
Leaked ASEAN document reveals proposal to appease Myanmar junta, “maintain status quo”
Description:
"“ASEAN leaders need to get real—the junta is the cause of the crisis in Myanmar, not the solution,” said Patrick Phongsathorn, Human Rights Advocacy Specialist at Fortify Rights. “Efforts like this to appease the junta will only prolong its commission of international crimes, the suffering of the Myanmar people, and the negative impacts of this crisis on the wider region. The junta poses a threat to international peace and security and should be treated as such.”
Fortify Rights received the leaked internal ASEAN document from a well-placed source close to negotiations between ASEAN member states on the Myanmar crisis. The office of the ASEAN chair—Cambodia—reportedly prepared the undated document following an emergency meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers in Jakarta, Indonesia on October 27, 2022. The document includes 11 numbered points, including equivocal assessments of the situation in Myanmar (e.g., “growing violence from all armed groups is a major concern”) as well as general directives and recommendations for ways forward. It makes no mention of the junta’s ongoing coup d’état, it’s more than 12,000 political prisoners, or the junta’s well-documented nationwide attack on the civilian population.
Myanmar coup-leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing will not attend the ASEAN Summit. ASEAN has agreed to exclude representatives of the Myanmar junta from ASEAN Summits and foreign minister’s meetings, accepting only “non-political” representatives from Myanmar. The leaked document obtained by Fortify Rights acknowledges, at point four, that this policy will remain; however, the document clarifies that “other ministerial meetings shall maintain the status quo,” meaning that junta representatives will be welcomed at those meetings.
Point two in the document clarifies that ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus shall be retained” and that the ASEAN Secretariat will be tasked “to draft the implementation plan.”
Point eight in the document, which may have been proposed by a single foreign minister, refers to a “strategic reverse implementation approach,” which is defined in the document as ASEAN “try[ing] to find converging points between the two separate parallel tracks of the 5-Point Consensus and 5-Point Roadmap.”
The Myanmar junta proposed the Five Point Road Map in August 2021 as a rival plan to ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, which the junta itself had agreed to three months earlier, on April 24, 2021, in Jakarta, Indonesia. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus calls for end to violence, constructive dialogue among all parties, the appointment of an ASEAN Special Envoy to facilitate dialogue, humanitarian aid, and a visit to Myanmar by the Special Envoy. Following its adoption, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing almost immediately flouted the agreement, which is widely viewed as an abject failure.
The junta’s Five Point Road Map has as one of its objectives “free and fair multiparty democratic elections” following the lifting of the junta-imposed state of emergency.
Since the military putsch of February 2021, the Myanmar junta has sought to systematically annihilate all opposition to its rule. In the first six months after the coup, Fortify Rights and the Schell Center at Yale Law School documented crimes against humanity perpetrated by the military and police in Myanmar, including murder, imprisonment, torture, persecution, and enforced disappearances. In a concerted effort to solidify its rule, the junta has systematically arrested more than 16,000 people since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), with more than 12,000 remaining behind bars at the time of writing. Political prisoners include opinion leaders, members of civil society, key political figures, health workers, and civil servants formerly involved in the administration of elections. Fortify Rights and the Schell Center documented the imprisonment of Union Election Commissioners, journalists, and civil society leaders, and the imprisonment and enforced disappearance of National League for Democracy (NLD) officials.
According to media reports, as of July 2022, the junta killed almost 50 NLD members, including at least three members of parliament, and arrested nearly 900 members of the party since the coup. On July 25, ending a decades-long moratorium on the use of the death penalty, the Myanmar military junta executed four political prisoners, including NLD lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw and veteran democracy activist U Kyaw Min Yu, popularly known as Ko Jimmy.
The U.N. reports that more than 1.1 million people are displaced in Myanmar and more than 30,000 civilian properties have been razed since the coup on February 1, 2021.
“The junta’s plans to conduct elections next year are a complete farce and should be treated as such by the entire international community,” Patrick Phongsathorn said. “ASEAN leaders must reject any plans to continue to appease the junta, which is committing a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population of Myanmar.”
In another sign of discord within ASEAN, the original two-page Chair’s Statement that resulted from the emergency foreign ministers meeting on October 27, 2022 has subsequently been removed from the ASEAN website and replaced with a much shorter, three-paragraph text. The revised statement no longer makes reference to “concrete, practical and time-bound actions” to strengthen implementation of the Five Point Consensus, as was noted in the original Chair’s Statement, and fails to provide details on other key issues such as the delivery of humanitarian aid.
In line with its apparent policy of appeasement, on November 4, ASEAN appointed the Myanmar junta as chair of the ASEAN Air Chiefs Conference, as revealed in the junta-run Global New Light of Myanmar and reported by the organization Justice for Myanmar, despite the fact that the junta’s air force is responsible for ongoing airstrikes against civilian populations. The Air Chiefs Conference involves coordination between air forces within the region.
ASEAN should suspend the Myanmar junta’s participation in meetings throughout the entire ASEAN system, scrap the failed five-point consensus, and enact emergency measures to protect the country’s civilian population, said Fortify Rights today.
Such emergency measures should include an agreement on protecting Myanmar refugees, authorizing cross-border humanitarian aid, and coordinating with other U.N. member states to deprive the Myanmar military junta of weapons, dual-use technology, aviation fuel, revenue, and political recognition. ASEAN must now publicly engage the National Unity Government—Myanmar’s legitimate representative on the international stage.
“The Myanmar junta has undermined ASEAN’s efforts at every stage of this crisis,” said Patrick Phongsathorn. “The Myanmar people can’t wait any longer. ASEAN needs to take concrete emergency action now.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2022-11-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
268.44 KB 120.49 KB
more
Description:
"Almost two years after the military coup, over 1.4 million people are displaced inside Myanmar, 12,839 people are detained in inhumane conditions, at least 73 people remain on death row, and 7.8 million children are out of school. The Myanmar military has killed hundreds of protesters and bystanders, and thousands have died a result of armed conflict across the country since the coup. The Myanmar military is flagrantly ignoring calls to respect human rights, including the ASEAN five-point consensus which they agreed to implement in April 2021. ASEAN must act with the utmost urgency to convince the Myanmar military to stop committing atrocities and listen to the Myanmar people who are the key stakeholders. There is no time for further delay..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-11-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
122.19 KB
more
Description:
"အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ တွင် တရားမဝင် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ၎င်းတို့နှင့်ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့် ခရိုနီများကို စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှု အသစ်များ ထပ်မံ တိုးမြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ လှိုက်လှဲစွာကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
ယခုအချိန်သည် နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၀ နေ့က ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် အများစုက လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည့် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် အထွေထွေ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ၏ ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခု ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်သည့် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ် ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပေါ် ထောက်ခံအားပေးကြောင်း သတင်းစကားပါး လိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအားလည်း သတိပေးလိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်လိုက်သည့် စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုများသည် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ၁၉ ဦးနှင့် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတခုကို အရေးယူလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယခုအကြိမ်သည် ၅ ကြိမ်မြောက် ထပ်လောင်း အရေးယူခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ယခုအကြိမ် အရေးယူမှုသည် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ စစ်လေယာဥ်နှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစိတ်အပိုင်းများ ဝယ်ယူထောက်ပံ့နေ သူများကို ဦးတည်အရေးယူခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါအရေးယူမှုသည် အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၃ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်က အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုက ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ဖျော်ဖြေရေးအခမ်းအနားတခုကို လေကြောင်းမှ တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း တရာခန့် ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသော အကြမ်းဖက်ဖြစ်စဥ် နောက်ပိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အရေးအတွက် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ ဦးစီး ဦးဆောင်ပြု၍ ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများကိုလည်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
351.92 KB
more
Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
strongly welcomes the new swathe of European Union (EU) and United States
sanctions against the illegal military junta and its cronies announced on 8 November
2022.
Timed to mark the second anniversary of the general elections held on 8
November 2020, which were independently determined to have been free and fair,
the new measures are a strong message of support to the people of Myanmar and to
the National Unity Government as their legitimate representative. Importantly, they
also send a sharp signal to the illegal junta that its appalling atrocities will be met
with escalating action.
The EU’s new sanctions, which target 19 individuals and one entity associated
with the junta, comprise its fifth round of restrictive measures. While the United
States’ new designation, which targets a key supplier of military aircraft parts to the
junta, follows the junta’s egregious 23 October 2022 aerial attacks on an ethnic
community festival in Kachin State, which killed as many as 100 concertgoers.
The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the EU and to the
United States for their international leadership and for their sustained commitment to
the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
23.46 KB
more
Description:
"Statement regarding to 27th Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (9/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Climate Change - governmental and inter-governmental bodies, treaties, meetings, reports, commentaries, Climate Change - networks, campaigns, guides, resources
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
565.75 KB
more
Description:
"Few countries have suffered so much hardship as Myanmar. Throughout
its recent history, Myanmar has suffered endless civil wars, poverty and
the tyrannical rule of a military more dedicated to defending its own
interests and imposing by force, on an extraordinarily diverse society, an
ethnocentric idea of national unity than to protecting its own people.
The latest episode in a long string of tragedies started on 1 February 2021,
when, after a decade of democratic reforms that offered some glimmers
of hope for the future development of the country, the military asserted
itself again with a senseless coup d’état that would throw the country into
chaos over the coming months. The great mass of the Myanmar population
has valiantly opposed the coup from the very beginning with strikes and
peaceful demonstrations organized by a civil disobedience movement
(CDM) which emerged spontaneously out of the burning desire of the
Myanmar people to prevent at all costs a return to military rule.
At first, most of the global community seemed to take the side of the
people against the junta established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing,
the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar armed forces. As the military
launched a brutal campaign of repression, many government and
international institutions issued statements of concern condemning the
coup and the violence, but little else.
The international attention on Myanmar soon faded away, as crises
elsewhere displaced it from the headlines. Policy-makers throughout the
world seemed to forget about the Myanmar people’s plight. That neglect
was taking place as the situation in Myanmar only kept worsening. Since
the coup, the military has steadily ramped up its repression, committing
all kinds of atrocities against the Myanmar people in order to consolidate
its power. Failing, however, to do so, the junta has merely accomplished
to drive the country into a civil war that is devastating the economy,
displacing hundreds of thousands, throwing millions into poverty, and
generating a humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions.
We, eight Parliamentarians from seven countries all over the world who had
been observing with concern the worsening situation in Myanmar, decided
that more needed to be done. At the initiative of ASEAN Parliamentarians
for Human Rights (APHR), we formed an international coalition to launch
the International Parliamentary Inquiry (IPI) into the global response to
the crisis in Myanmar. Our aim has been to find out how and why the
global community has failed to address the crisis, with the view to offering
recommendations on what it should do.
The result of such work is this report, drafted to persuade the international
community to substantially increase their support for the Myanmar
people. We are convinced that such support is not only necessary as a
consequence of the crucial geopolitical importance of Myanmar, but also
because, as authoritarianism seems to be on the ascendance throughout
the world, the struggle of the Myanmar people for democracy is also the
struggle of all people who love democracy and justice everywhere.
A common theme often repeated by our witnesses has been that, in the
face of such a horrible tragedy, the countries and international institutions
that claim to support democracy in Myanmar have reacted with a timidity
that puts in serious doubt their alleged commitment to the country.
The inquiry has also given us a better understanding of the political
complexities of Myanmar, particularly its multiple ethnic conflicts, which
are crucial to understand the prominent role of the military, and the
true extent of the crimes against humanity committed by the military.
But the inquiry has also shown us the determination and courage of
those fighting for democracy in Myanmar; the heroism of civil society
organizations, most often led by admirably resilient women, working to
tackle the humanitarian crisis; and the commitment and selflessness of
those activists, particularly the youth, who refuse to give up in working to
realize their dream of a better and more just Myanmar.
We are deeply grateful for their testimonies and invaluable help in
conducting this inquiry. We are also firmly convinced that the future of
Myanmar belongs to all of them, and to millions of Myanmar people of
all ethnicities who fight everyday for their rights in many different ways,
many of them unacknowledged. They are the ones who can break the
tragic cycle of violence that has brought so much misery and misfortune
to the country, not a military that is acting as a brutal force of occupation
in its own territory. But they need our help. Let’s not fail them again..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
2.42 MB 184.71 KB 134.17 KB 155.09 KB
Local URL:
2022-11-03-IPI-APHR-final-report_Time-is-not-on-our-side_-The-failed-international-response-to-the-Myanmar-coup-en.pdf- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-bu.pdf
- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-indo.pdf
- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-Malay.pdf
- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-thai.pdf
more
Description:
"International actors should help Myanmar to put an end to the violence and human rights violations perpetrated by the military junta since the coup in February 2021, put the country’s military under civilian control, and establish a federal democratic system, argued the International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response response to the crisis in Myanmar (IPI) in its final report, published today.
The report, titled “Time is not on our side”: The Failed International Response to the Myanmar Coup, contains an analysis of the situation in Myanmar since the military takeover, as well as the reaction of international actors. Finding that the global response to the crisis has fallen woefully short of international obligations and standards, the IPI offers a set of recommendations to move forward and help the Myanmar people in their struggle against military dictatorship.
“It is imperative that the international community changes course on Myanmar as soon as possible, and those countries claiming to support democracy and human rights in the country live up to their stated commitments. They should begin with recognizing the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) as what it is: the legitimate authority in the country; impose effective and coordinated sanctions on the junta, and address the terrible humanitarian crisis afflicting Myanmar,” said Heidi Hautala, Vice President of the European Parliament and IPI Chair.
The IPI is an initiative launched by ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) in June 2022. Its Committee is formed by eight parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe who are appalled by the situation in Myanmar since the military takeover.
Since the coup, the Myanmar military has committed acts which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to “crimes against humanity and war crimes” in order to consolidate its power against widespread popular resistance to its rule, throwing the country into chaos, and leading it to the brink of becoming a failed state.
The IPI Committee has held a total of six public oral hearings online, as well as several private hearings, with dozens of stakeholders and experts, and has received dozens of written submissions. Two of its members conducted a fact-finding mission to the Thai-Myanmar border in August 2022.
The Inquiry has analyzed the response to the crisis in Myanmar of a wide variety of international actors, but has paid particular attention to the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in which Myanmar is a member. In April 2021, ASEAN member states and the Myanmar junta, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, signed the Five-Point Consensus to put an end to the violence, seek a negotiated solution to the conflict and address the humanitarian crisis. Since then, many countries have expressed their support for the agreement and largely deferred to ASEAN to solve the crisis.
“It has become abundantly clear that the Five Point Consensus has been an utter failure. General Min Aung Hlaing has shown an absolute contempt for the agreement he signed and for ASEAN’s member states, and the regional group has been unable to adopt a stance to put pressure on the Junta. Meanwhile, most of the international community has hidden behind ASEAN in order to avoid doing anything meaningful. It is past time that ASEAN ditches the Five Point Consensus and urgently rethinks its approach to the crisis in Myanmar,” said Charles Santiago, former Member of Parliament (MP) in Malaysia, APHR Chairperson and IPI Committee Member.
In the latest meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers on Myanmar, held on 27 October, the regional group agreed to “reaffirmed the importance and relevance of the Five-Point Consensus” while underscoring “the need to further strengthen its implementation through concrete, practical and time-bound actions.”
“ASEAN is not acting with the urgency that the situation in Myanmar demands. The group should have started to put real pressure on the junta and engage the NUG long ago. It is unacceptable that ASEAN continue to shirk their responsibilities to the people of Myanmar, and continue adopting half-hearted measures that only serve to embolden Min Aung Hlaing and his junta,” added Santiago.
International passivity has encouraged a sense of impunity within the Myanmar military, which most recently launched an airstrike on a multitude attending a music festival in Kachin state, killing at least 60 civilians. By the most conservative estimates, the junta has killed at least 2,404 Myanmar citizens, and arrested over 16,000 people.
The violence has also displaced hundreds of thousands from their homes, and the number of internally displaced people in the country now has reached 1.3 million, a terrible record in Myanmar’s history. Many interviewees during the IPI oral hearings described in vivid detail the humanitarian catastrophe afflicting the Myanmar people, as well as how the military junta is hijacking and weaponizing the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
“Myanmar is suffering a tragedy words cannot describe. The global community should urgently step up the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and it should work with local civil society organizations that know the terrain well, have ample experience and are trusted by the population. Millions of Myanmar citizens suffering the most grievous hardships cannot wait for long. International actors should leave politics aside and help the Myanmar people immediately,” said Mercy Barends, APHR Board Member and IPI Committee Member..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-11-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
2.42 MB 184.71 KB 134.17 KB 155.09 KB
Local URL:
- 2022-11-02-IPI-APHR-final-report-Time-is-not-on-our-side-the-failed-international-response-to-the-Myanmar-coup-en.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-bu.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-indo.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-malay.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-thai.pdf
more
Description:
"Today, on International Religious Freedom Day, 27 October 2022, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) published a new report entitled: “Violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief since the coup d’état in Myanmar”, which examines the situation of the right to freedom of religion or belief in Myanmar since Military coup.
Since the coup d’état on 1 February 2021, the military has been responsible for human rights violations on a large scale,[1] including unlawful killings, torture and other ill treatment and arbitrary detentions. The rights to freedom of assembly, movement, information and speech have also been severely curtailed. Less well-reported have been the Tatmadaw’s (i.e., Myanmar military) systematic violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief, particularly targeting members of Myanmar’s sizeable religious minorities despite the fact that some of these violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief have not only increased drastically, but also that they could amount to war crimes under international law.
In the aftermath of the coup, the military initially focused on limiting the rights to freedom of expression and information by suppressing the media and internet access. Since then, massive arrests of journalists, activists, human rights defenders and internet shutdown have systematically curtailed freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and media freedom. The military’s focus has also widened to include suppression of the right to freedom of religion or belief with raids and attacks on places of worship, leading to damage and destruction. The military has also set up military encampments in places of worship. There have also been reports of arrests of religious leaders, who were later prohibited from practising their religion while in detention.
This report presents an overview of the violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief that have taken place from 1 February 2021 until 30 May 2022. These include:
Incidents of violence against religious leaders and religious minority communities;
Raids on places of worship;
The use of religious sites as military camps;
The destruction of religious buildings and shrines;
The restrictions of movement and denied citizenship for Rohingya
The emergence of new forms of nationalism after the coup
In light of these serious concerns, the report offers a number of recommendations, particularly to the UN, and International Community with a view to addressing the violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief in the country.
This report is part of a series of ICJ publications on the right to freedom of religion or belief.
[1] “Human rights ‘catastrophe’ in Myanmar: UN calls for urgent action”, accessed at: https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/09/1100922..."
Source/publisher:
International Commission of Jurists
Date of publication:
2022-10-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.19 MB
more
Description:
"Decades of experience: For over three decades, Karen community based organisations (CBOs), together with departments of the Karen National Union
(KNU), have been providing humanitarian aid to villagers in southeast Burma suffering displacement and food insecurity due to Burma Army offensives, persecution and destruction of farms and rice stocks. The aid has been delivered through our own
long-established mechanisms, systematically developed to maximize effectiveness while ensuring accountability to donors. Based at the border for security and logistical reasons, these systems have been able to deliver significant amounts of assistance, allowing hundreds of thousands of people to remain living inside Burma instead of becoming refugees. From 1992 to 2020, border-based Karen organisations assisted over 1.7 million vulnerable persons living in Burma with over US$ 32 million of aid, mainly for rice.
This aid has been delivered directly to the beneficiaries without any financial, military or political benefits going to Burma’s military governments since these programs began.
Instead of fueling centralization, this border based assistance has helped develop locally governed aid structures as building blocks for a new federal democratic Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Peace Support Network
Date of publication:
2022-10-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.77 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"One of the biggest challenges that Indonesia will face as ASEAN Chair 2023 is how it ensures effective leadership to secure significant progress on the ongoing political and human security crisis in Burma/Myanmar.
On 1 Feb 2021, the Burmese military took over the country’s capital and detained government officials and elected parliamentarians preparing to convene parliament, dramatically halting the country’s 10-year transition to a semi-democratic system. For the people of Burma, this was only the beginning of a reign of terror - the junta has consistently ramped up the brutality of attacks against civilians, targeting them with airstrikes, artillery attacks and atrocity crimes. For ASEAN, this was the beginning of a multi-level and multi-dimensional threat to ASEAN’s credibility and regional human security.
The regime used lethal force against opponents to crush nationwide opposition to its rule. As of 6 Oct 2022, regime troops had killed at least 2,338 civilians and arrested at least 15,770. Junta tribunals also sentenced 126 people, including children, to death.1 On 23 Jul, the junta executed four prominent anti-coup activists; a first since 1976.2 In Aug 2022, Amnesty International highlighted the regime’s systematic use of torture in custody. It said the junta was ‘flout[ing] the law at every stage of the arrest and detention process’—from making arbitrary arrests to forcing confessions through torture or by threatening of reprisals against relatives.3
The junta also tried to destroy the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party that overwhelmingly won the 2015 and 2020 general elections. It sentenced top officials—on bogus charges—including President Win Myint, Naypyidaw Mayor Myo Aung, and the Chief Ministers of Mandalay, Magway, Rakhine, Tanintharyi, Mon, Shan, and Karen States/Regions.4 Ousted State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi faces almost 200 years in prison on multiple charges, and had been sentenced to 26 years as of 12 Oct 2022.5 As of late September 2022, the regime had also killed at least 56 party members.6
The regime’s escalating violence resulted in nationwide conflict with Ethnic Resistance Organizations and newly formed civilian guerilla groups.
In the first 18 months of the coup, there have been 14,076 armed clashes and attacks against civilians, compared to 12,822 in Syria, 10,204 in Yemen, and 8,110 in Afghanistan during the same period.7
During the six months of Jan-Jun 2022, the Armed Conflicts Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) recorded 668 incidents of violence directly targeting unarmed civilians by the regime - the highest figure worldwide. In the same period ACLED documented over 11,000 fatalities, mostly resulting from battles between the regime and anti-junta armed groups.8
The National Unity Government (NUG), a coalition of over 70% of MPs elected in 2020 and Ethnic Resistance Organizations, documented 2,778 war crimes by junta forces during 1 Dec 2021-31 May 2022.9 On 9 Aug 2022, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) said there were ample indications that crimes against humanity had been committed in Burma since 1 Feb 2021.10
While the numerous crimes have taken place around the country, 3 incidents have sparked international shock and concern:
On 24 Dec 2021, regime forces captured at least 37 men, women, and children fleeing conflict in Karenni State and burned them alive.11
On 16 Sep 2022, regime helicopters fired at a school housed in a Buddhist monastery in Sagaing Region, killing at least 14 people, including twelve children.12
On 23 October 2022, regime airstrikes targeted a music concert in Kachin state, killing up to 80 people – the largest number of people killed in an airstrike by the junta which described it as a “necessary operation”. 13
Regime troops also destroyed at least 132 religious buildings as of late June 2022, mostly in Chin State (66 churches destroyed), Sagaing Region (28 Buddhist monasteries, a Buddhist convent, two mosques, and two churches), Karenni State (20 churches and a mosque), and Magway Region (11 Buddhist monasteries and a church).14 Junta soldiers burned down 28,434 houses during Feb 2021-25 Aug 2022, including 20,153 houses in Sagaing Region and 5,418 houses in Magway Region.15
Conflict in Burma also spread to neighboring countries:
On 30 Jun 2022, a regime MiG-29 fighter jet crossed into Thai airspace amid clashes with resistance forces, forcing local officials to evacuate villages and schools.16 A Thai farmer later reported that his truck was hit by shrapnel from the jet’s missiles.17
On 30 Aug 2022, a regime helicopter crossed into Bangladeshi airspace and attacked AA fighters.18
On 16 Sep 2022, five artillery shells fired from Burma killed a young Rohingya refugee and injured at least six others in Bangladesh.19 The Bangladesh Foreign Minister subsequently summoned the Burmese Ambassador over this incident and multiple other incursions. 20
On 21 Sep, the Bangladesh Army chief said his personnel was ready to respond if regime forces did not stop firing across the border.21
HOW ASEAN RESPONDED
Under Brunei’s chairmanship, ASEAN proved itself incapable of responding swiftly to the Burma crisis. On 24 Apr 2021, almost three months after the attempted coup, the bloc held talks with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in Jakarta.22 The meeting led to the adoption of the Five-Point Consensus (FPC), calling for: (1) immediate cessation of violence; (2) constructive dialogue among all parties concerned; (3) a special envoy of the ASEAN Chair to facilitate the mediation of dialogue; (4) ASEAN to provide humanitarian aid through its AHA Centre; and (5) the special envoy and delegation to visit Burma and to meet with all parties concerned.23
Within two days, the junta walked back its commitment to the FPC, saying it would only implement these ‘suggestions’ after restoring stability in Burma.24 On 29 Apr 2021, the junta declared itself ‘recognized’ by ASEAN,25 making clear that its participation in the Jakarta meeting was merely a publicity stunt to appear as the country’s legitimate government. During 24-30 April 2021 (i.e. a week of the ASEAN meeting), the junta launched 68 airstrikes on Kachin and Karen states. 26 Brunei waited until 4 Aug 2021 to appoint an envoy to Burma; and achieved no further results.
On 1 Jan 2022, Cambodia became ASEAN’s chair and appointed its Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn as envoy. On 7 Jan 2022, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen met with Min Aung Hlaing in Burma, drawing widespread condemnation while achieving no results.27 On 7 Feb 2022, a little over a month into Cambodia’s chairmanship, Hun Sen said he would leave it to the next ASEAN chair to sort out the Burma crisis, adding that he had ‘already tried his best’ and did not need the ‘headache.’28 As of Oct 2022, the ASEAN envoy had been unable to meet with Burma civilian representatives or facilitate dialogue.
On 25 Jul 2022, ASEAN denounced and expressed disappointment at the four executions carried out by the regime but abstained from outright condemning them.29 Hun Sen had previously called on the junta to reconsider the death sentences.30 The bloc ultimately prevented the junta from attending its Foreign Ministers meeting in Phnom Penh on 3 Aug 2022, citing its lack of commitment to the FPC. It also demanded the junta changed course before its November summit, and agreed to continue to bar the regime from high-level meetings until progress was made.31
Although such a stance against a member state is unprecedented in its history, the fact that ASEAN decided to give the junta three more months to implement the FPC is symptomatic of the lack of urgency that has plagued the bloc’s response to the regime’s attempted coup and all-out war on the people of Burma.
Malaysia has been the loudest voice calling for ASEAN to harden its stance towards the regime and engage with the NUG. On 14 May 2022, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah met with his NUG counterpart, becoming the first ASEAN minister to do so.32 On 26 Jul 2022, the country called the regime’s executions a crime against humanity and a mockery of the FPC.33 On 19 Sep 2022, Saifuddin Abdullah called on ASEAN to review whether the FPC should be replaced with a better plan.34 On 20 Sep, he called on the bloc to engage with the NUG and work towards ‘a framework that has a clear endgame to return democracy to [Burma].’35 HOW INDONESIA CAN HELP
On 19 March 2021, Indonesia President Joko Widodo called for ASEAN members to meet as soon as possible ‘to discuss Burma’, also calling for a restoration of democracy and an end to violence.36 This was the very first initiative of an ASEAN member state to take an action on the military coup in Myanmar. Following the adoption of the FPC, Indonesia constantly urged the junta to implement it in a transparent and time sensitive way. On 3 Sep 2021, a top diplomat from Indonesia expressed concerns over ASEAN’s delayed action to address the Burma crisis and urged the junta to grant ASEAN’s Special Envoy full access to the country.37
As time passed, the junta still failed to implement the FPC and continued attacking civilians. On 26 Oct, together with Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines, Indonesia urged ASEAN to take a more assertive stance towards the regime, suggesting barring the junta from further ASEAN meetings or even revoke its membership, if progress remained elusive.38 On 23 Feb 2022, Indonesian President Joko Widodo called for an immediate and fair solution for the people of Burma, saying the nation’s citizens deserved peace, safety and prosperity. Widodo stressed that the resolution could not be delayed any further. In a meeting with the Singaporean PM, Widodo argued that the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus was critical.39
Under two ASEAN chairmanships, the Burma situation wasn’t sufficiently addressed and there was a significant increase in the number of atrocities committed by the junta. One and a half years after the adoption of the Five-Point Consensus, the bloc still seems to lack common ground regarding the FPC’s implementation. As an ASEAN member state, Indonesia echoed significant initiatives and clearly revealed its stance against the junta. In its upcoming 2023 chairmanship, Indonesia should trade the FPC for a more progressive and pragmatic plan with clear timelines and enforcement mechanisms in the best interest of the Burma people. The plan should also include political dialogue with NUG counterparts and engagement with international and civil society organizations working along the borders of Burma to enable humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-Burma and The Commission for Disappeared and Victims of Violence
Date of publication:
2022-10-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
735.56 KB
more
Description:
"A total of 7,703 clashes broke out in the country between February 1, 2021, and October 12, 2022 following the coup. There were more than 7,000 battles during the period, of which at least 4,520 were between SAC forces and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and at least 2,168 were between SAC forces and local armed resistance groups (PDF, LDF, CNDF, KNDF, etc.). At least 906 clashes were launched by ethnic armed organizations and local armed resistance groups against SAC forces.
Karen State saw the majority of clashes across the country with at least 4,383 out of more than 7,700 nationwide, followed by Sagaing Region with at least 830 clashes. The escalation of armed conflicts has resulted in clashes in 186 townships across the country.
Meanwhile, armed conflicts between SAC forces and the Arakan Army (AA) have resumed in Rakhine State since early November 2020 following a cease-fire of approximately one year in the aftermath of the coup. AA and SAC forces engaged in no fewer than 40 clashes in six townships in Rakhine State, which resulted in the displacement of at least 10,922 residents.
∎ Why does it matter?
By looking at the number of civilian fatalities and injuries, how they were killed and wounded, and the number of people displaced by fighting involving SAC’s forces and EAOs, or within EAOs themselves, it is possible to examine whether or not armed forces have committed human rights violations from the perspective of transitional justice. In addition, by studying the post-coup situation, further research can be conducted to examine whether there has been a change in conditions related to Myanmar’s peace process.
∎ Other relevant readings
On-the-ground reports from ethnic news organizations and other independent media groups provide regular updates about conflict situations, their impact, and the collateral damage in the aftermath of the military coup. These include reports of renewed fighting in ethnic areas, civilian fatalities, and rising refugee and IDP issues on the ground. In addition, records and reports by United Nations organizations such as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), and other independent local and foreign organizations also provide information about the ongoing conflict situation in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Institute for Strategy and Policy – Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"On the morning of 27 October 2022, His Excellency Deputy Prime Minister PRAK
Sokhonn. Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, chaired the Special
ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting at the ASEAN Secretariat to deliberate on ways to
better implement the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) endorsed by the ASEAN Leaders'
Meeting on 24 April 2021 and to propose recommendations the ASEAN Leaders'
consideration at the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits. A non-political representative from
Myanmar was invited to the Meeting; however, the invitation was met with no positive
response.
The Meeting exchanged extensive views on how to further strengthen the implementation
of the 5PC to help solve Myanmar's crisis, the need to resume Myanmar's full and
normal engagements with ASEAN, the importance of continuing ASEAN community
building efforts without disruption, and the ways to facilitate and expedite the delivery of
the humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar and the early conclusion of the
Joint Needs Assessment led by the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian
Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre).
While reaffirming the importance of the 5PC, which emphasized ASEAN Centrality and
ASEAN's leading role in returning peace and normalcy for the people of Myanmar, the
Ministers and representatives reiterated full support for the tireless efforts of Cambodia
as the Chair of ASEAN and H.E. Deputy Prime Minister as the Special Envoy of the
ASEAN Chair on Myanmar in carrying out the mandate over the past ten months.
The Meeting also recalled the ice-breaking visit of Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei
Techo Hun Sen. Prime Minister of Cambodia, to Myanmar, which paved the way for the
two subsequent visits of the Special Envoy. H.E. Deputy Prime Minister stressed that he
remains strongly committed to advance the three priorities that Cambodia has set out
since the beginning of her Chairmanship, namely (1) end or reduce violence, (2) facilitate
humanitarian assistance delivery and (3) create an enabling environment for political
dialogue among all parties concerned.
Undoubtedly, the situation on the ground remains critical and fragile, and this is not due
to the lack of commitments and efforts on the part of ASEAN and the Special Envoy, but
because of the complexity and difficulty of Myanmar's decades-long protracted conflicts,
which has been further exacerbated by the current political crisis. Despite these great
challenges, the Meeting agreed that ASEAN should not be discouraged, but even more
determined to help Myanmar to bring about a peaceful solution the soonest possible.
Furthermore, the Meeting unanimously agreed that decision-making in ASEAN shall be
based on consultation and consensus, and the fundamental principles stipulated in the
ASEAN Charter shall guide ASEAN's collective efforts to address the situation in Myanmar.
Foreign Ministers and Representatives also reaffirmed the importance and relevance of
the 5PC, and underscored the need to further strengthen its implementation through
concrete, practical and time-bound actions.
H.E. Deputy Prime Minister emphasized that the time to act is now, and ASEAN needs
to act together with respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the interests of
the people of Myanmar at the core. The Meeting also acknowledged that all concerned
parties in Myanmar have a stake in ending or worsening the current political crisis that
has caused the loss of many lives, severe destruction to the country, and long-lasting effects
on the economy, and it is of utmost necessity and urgency that a dialogue process shall
commence the soonest possible.
In order to ensure full and effective implementation of the Five-Point Consensus and an
early conclusion of the current political crisis in Myanmar, the Meeting has also discussed
about key recommendations to be submitted for the consideration of the ASEAN Leaders
at the upcoming 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in November 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-10-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
70.59 KB 504.18 KB
more
Description:
"Border based Karen community groups lead aid response to post-coup humanitarian crisis in Kawthoolei..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Peace Support Network
Date of publication:
2022-10-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.61 MB
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Region’s Leaders Should Commit to Protecting Asylum Seekers
Description:
"Southeast Asian foreign ministers are meeting today in Jakarta, Indonesia, to discuss the most pressing crisis facing the region: Myanmar.
Last April, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) adopted a “five-point consensus” in response to the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, an ASEAN member. Since then, Myanmar junta chief Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has defied each point while overseeing crimes against humanity and war crimes by security forces. Just this week, a junta airstrike unlawfully killed at least 60 people at a music concert in Kachin State.
Today’s discussion, taking place ahead of the ASEAN summit in November, should address how the bloc can revamp its approach to support international efforts to restrict the junta’s access to foreign revenue and arms.
In August, the ASEAN ministers noted they were “deeply disappointed by the limited progress in and lack of commitment” of junta authorities and committed to assessing next steps “consistent with Article 20 of the ASEAN Charter,” which covers serious breaches of the charter or noncompliance.
But the foreign ministers should also look beyond influencing the crisis within Myanmar’s borders. As military atrocities continue, growing numbers of Myanmar refugees are seeking asylum throughout the region. An estimated 70,000 have fled to neighboring countries since the coup. Yet rather than protecting asylum seekers from the junta’s violence and persecution, regional actors are forcing Myanmar refugees and other nationals back into harm’s way.
Malaysian authorities have accelerated deportations to Myanmar, returning over 2,000 people since April without allowing the United Nations refugee agency to assess their asylum claims. Thai authorities have similarly pushed asylum seekers back across the Myanmar border without verifying their protection needs. And last week at the 90th General Assembly of Interpol, the international criminal police organization, the junta’s police chief requested that Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand hand over any “terrorists” – its label for all opponents of military rule.
The ASEAN chair noted in a statement yesterday that “ASEAN is gravely concerned over the recent escalation of violence in Myanmar” and “deeply saddened by the … immense suffering that ordinary people in Myanmar have endured.”
Recognizing the grave abuses the junta has unleashed on Myanmar’s people is only step one. Southeast Asian leaders also need to ensure their own governments don’t force people back to suffer under the brutality they managed to flee..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"London, UK - The 23 October air bombing of a concert in Hpakant, Kachin State, that killed 60 people demands an immediate and harsh response from the international community. The concert was part of a celebration of the anniversary of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Large parts of the crowd and those killed were civilians. Many more were injured.
“The Burmese military knows exactly what they are doing, and we have no doubt this bombing was widespread and systematic attack on civilians, which is clearly a crime against humanity. The junta’s goal remains to terrorize the people and demoralize support for any resistance to their illegitimate rule. This horrifying act is one of the most brazen since the coup, and the international community can no longer sit on their hands while these atrocities occur. The response must be immediate and devastating to the criminal regime,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win.
The attack comes just days before a meeting is scheduled in Indonesia where ASEAN ministers are to discuss a five-point plan which the junta agreed to last year to resolve the conflict in Burma. The Tatmadaw has recently increased its attacks on civilians and should be denied any legitimacy by ASEAN or any other international body. This attack is clearly defying the five-points plan and disregard the efforts of ASEAN leaders.
The junta maintains its power through the flow of cash and weapons in the country. The international community must cut their access to these two assets as much as possible. Military interests must be severely sanctioned, and the international community must take greater action to pressure countries to stop providing weapons to the Burmese military. The international community must also consider how to better support the people of Burma in their struggle against the military. No moral nation can remain neutral in a fight between a genocidal military dictatorship and a civilian population. International accountability mechanism cannot protect civilians from airstrike. This is the duty of international community to step in to protect the civilians from being butchered by the junta.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2022-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
94.55 KB
more
Description:
"Quotes attributed to SAC-M founding members in response to the deadly junta airstrike in Hpakant Township, Kachin State on 23 October:
Chris Sidoti: “The Myanmar military is emboldened to commit such heinous and cowardly acts against the Myanmar people and Myanmar’s ethnic minorities in particular, because it knows the international community will not take action to stop it. In failing to act the international community is shielding the Myanmar military generals from accountability. This makes it complicit in the junta atrocity at Hpakant. The International Criminal Court urgently needs to act on the National Unity Government of Myanmar’s article 12(3) declaration so that Myanmar military leaders face justice for their horrific crimes.”
Marzuki Darusman: “To launch an airstrike on civilians attending a music concert is the ultimate act of junta cowardice and inhumanity. Sadly, it is entirely consistent with the campaign of scorched-earth that the Myanmar military has been waging against the peoples of Myanmar, including the Kachin, with impunity not just for the last 20 months but for decades. It’s completely unacceptable that ASEAN has wasted 20-months trying to reason with Min Aung Hlaing and persisting with its failed Five Point Consensus while his junta burned Myanmar to the ground and brutalised its people. ASEAN leaders must urgently chart a new course in coordination with the National Unity Government of Myanmar and Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations to end the mass suffering being caused by the junta. The upcoming ASEAN Summit must be a turning point to speedily, effectively and irreversibly lead to the end of the junta’s erratic behaviour and the whole conflict.”
Yanghee Lee: “The horrific junta airstrike in Kachin State demonstrates how far Min Aung Hlaing and his barbaric junta are beyond reason. Junta fighter jets deliberately attacked a night time music concert attended by hundreds of civilians knowing it would likely cause catastrophic loss of life, an act that constitutes a war crime. When will the international community, including the UN and ASEAN, stand with the people of Myanmar and support the democratic revolution?”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
more
Description:
"HURFOM: Today, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), releases our latest report: “The junta wiped us out again”: Socio-economic impacts post-coup in Southeastern Burma. Our findings confirm that the Burma Army has deliberately derailed prospects for democracy in the country and has embarked on a campaign of targeted and wide-spread abuse in an attempt to terrorize the population into submission. Their volatile and unlawful actions have resulted in widespread displacement resulting in a refugee crisis alongside crippling social and economic impacts on innocent civilians. In areas of Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region, the military junta has continued to act with impunity. HURFOM condemns the ongoing attacks and calls for immediate international intervention.
Since the attempted coup on 1 February 2021, HURFOM has been documenting the human rights violations committed against local people by various battalions of the Burma Army. Through focus groups and interviews conducted by HURFOM for this report, witnesses and victims of various crimes perpetrated by the junta have voiced feelings of insecurity and fears of their future. Economic mismanagement has led to inflation, which has priced basic goods including cooking oil and rice, outside of the financial means of local people. Electricity blackouts are common, leaving many people without power for hours during the day. Compounded with limited work opportunities and ongoing bribery and extortion by the regime, civilians across Southeastern Burma are worried about their futures.
Our findings include evidence of serious disregard for civilian safety and their livelihoods by the military junta. Education has been interrupted, risking a generation of children growing up illiterate and unable to provide for themselves. Young people have been forced to abandon their studies or seek opportunities abroad. As the junta unleashes their campaign of terror, resistance movements are adapting and using various tools and organizing methods to overcome them.
The uptick in violence has also led to protracted displacement. HURFOM observed rising numbers of displacement as the presence of the Burma Army has led to more villagers fleeing to safer areas in search of refuge and protection. Across HURFOM’s documentation, it is evident that the junta is using the same policies of scorched earth, divide and rule as well as the four cuts strategy to deploy their villainous acts.
The international community must be inspired by the will and power of the people and act with integrity and moral conviction on their behalf. There have been multiple calls by civil society organizations who are calling for diplomats and global actors to use their power to protect the lives of those inside Burma. It is imperative that they respond beyond words of condemnation but with actions that will finally make clear to the Burma Army once and for all that they are not above the rule of law and will be punished at the highest international level..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication:
2022-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
HURFOM and other human rights material about the Mon, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
4.26 MB (Original version) - 72 pages, 4.61 MB (Original version) - 81 pages
more
Description:
"ASEAN is gravely concerned over the recent escalation of violence in Myanmar, including
the bombing at Insein prison, hostilities in Karen State, and the most recent report of an
air strike in Kachin State, which hit a civilian gathering, killing and injuring many people.
We are deeply saddened by the growing casualties, and the immense suffering that
ordinary people in Myanmar have endured.
We observe with alarm the latest intensified fighting which has not only resulted in
worsening the humanitarian situation throughout Myanmar, but also goes against the spirit
of ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus and undermining effort of the Special Envoy of ASEAN
Chair on Myanmar to bring progress in its implementation.
We, therefore, strongly urge utmost restraint and immediate cessation of violence. We
urgently call on all parties concerned, in particular one with significant power on the
ground, to take concrete actions to enable a process of inclusive and constructive dialogue
and to seek a peaceful solution and national reconciliation in Myanmar, and for the sake
of peace, security and stability in the region..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
17.85 KB
more
Description:
"There is mounting evidence that crimes against humanity and war crimes in Myanmar
are intensifying. The people of Myanmar continue to suffer because of the lack of
accountability for those who believe they answer to no law. In this context of impunity,
the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar has never been
more important. Every person in my team is committed to the Mechanism’s vision of
collecting the evidence needed to ensure that perpetrators of the most serious
international crimes in Myanmar face justice.
The preliminary findings outlined in our fourth Annual Report released in August indicate that there are
widespread and systematic attacks against the civilian population of Myanmar. We are regularly receiving
reports of indiscriminate attacks and heinous crimes perpetuated by members of the security forces and
armed groups against civilians, including children. These crimes include torture, rape and other forms of
sexual violence against both men and women.
While the Mechanism is very actively collecting evidence of crimes committed in the post-coup period, we
continue to focus on crimes against the Rohingya, particularly related to the 2017 clearance operations.
August marked five years since the wave of violence that resulted in around three-quarters of a million
Rohingya fleeing their homes to neighboring Bangladesh. On my recent visit to Cox’s Bazar where most of
those displaced now live, Rohingya I met consistently asked how the Mechanism could help them return to
their homes in Myanmar. As I explained to them, the Mechanism hopes that by helping to bring those
responsible for the crimes that led to their forced displacement to justice, we will contribute to creating
conditions that will allow their safe and voluntary return to their homes. We are committed to collecting
evidence of the individuals responsible and supporting legal proceedings, including ensuring close
cooperation and timely sharing of evidence with the ongoing investigations by the International Criminal
Court and The Gambia v. Myanmar proceedings before the International Court of Justice.
I am grateful to the many brave individuals who have provided us with vital first-hand information about the
crimes that have been committed in Myanmar, and to the Member States who have supported us to conduct
in-person screenings and interviews on their territories. Conducting voluntary face-to-face interviews with
witnesses is essential for our efforts to build files that will effectively facilitate criminal prosecutions. The
Mechanism prioritizes the safety and security of witnesses and endeavors to refer witnesses to partners who
can provide psychological and/or medical assistance to those who seek it. We call on all Member States who
support accountability efforts to each do their part to ensure that witnesses are safe and have access to
psychological and medical support.
For decades perpetrators of serious international crimes in Myanmar have believed that they could act with
impunity. At the Mechanism, we are committed to breaking this cycle and we are focusing all our efforts to
ensure that those responsible for serious international crimes in the country will one day face justice..."
Source/publisher:
Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Crimes Against Humanity, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
4.21 MB 4.28 MB
more
Description:
"On October 23, a music concert was held in Hpakant, Kachin State, as an early celebration of the 62nd anniversary of the founding of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO).
In the evening of the commemoration event, the armed wing of the junta forces perpetrated an aerial bombardment with fighter planes, causing the death and injury of many innocent civilians. More than 60 civilians, including ethnic Kachin, are known to have been killed, whilst more than 100 others were injured in the airstrike, based on reports so far.
This atrocious and intentional terror attack targeted a crowd of people during a peaceful gathering at a ceremony, and constitutes a crime against humanity and war crime of the junta.
The armed wing of the junta subsequently blocked local streets to obstruct those seeking treatment for the injured, a blatant violation of the right to life in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
This atrocity demonstrated their intent to make the population submit to military dictatorship through using weapons to sadistically target and indiscriminately kill. The military junta considers the whole of Burma as their enemy.
We, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, strongly condemn any act of terror committed by the junta. We implore international actors to take immediate and effective action - to mitigate the armed wing of the junta’s extrajudicial killings, destruction of innocent livelihoods and homes, on daily basis.
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
20.41 KB
more
Description:
"For Immediate Release Tuesday 25th October 2022
Burma Military Airstrikes Kill At Least 80 - Aviation Fuel Sanctions Needed Now The Women's League of Burma and Burma Campaign UK send condolences to the family and friends of all those who were killed by Burmese military airstrikes in Kachin State on the evening of 23rd October.
As around a thousand people attended a music festival to celebrate the founding of the Kachin Independence Organisation, the Burmese military sent jets to bomb the audience.
Initial reports are that more than 80 people have been killed. More than 100 were seriously injured. When they tried to reach hospitals for treatment, they were blocked by the Burmese military at Ginsi village and turned back.
Three Burmese military jets attacked the music festival, which featured famous Kachin artists such as Aurai and Galau Yaw Lwi. The festival was celebrating the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the Kachin Independence Organisation.
Over the past four days, the Burmese military has also been carrying out airstrikes at Kawkereik, Karen State, with reports of two people killed and ten injured, including six children.
Since the attempted coup began on 1st February last year, more than a million people have been forced to flee their homes because of attacks by the Burmese military. A large
proportion of these people were forced to flee because of airstrikes, or because the threat of airstrikes means it is unsafe to return home. This has created a humanitarian crisis.
Women's League of Burma and Burma Campaign UK call on the international community: To immediately impose aviation fuel sanctions on Burma. Limiting the Burmese military's access to aviation fuel will reduce its ability to carry out airstrikes and kill civilians.
Enact targeted sanctions against the Burmese military and its proxies to effectively cut off financial flows;
Institute a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all
weapons and other equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance; Refer the situation on human rights in Burma to the International Criminal Court for their crimes against humanity, which have been perpetrated against innocent civilians, including peaceful protests and ethnic groups.
The Burmese military are deliberately and indiscriminately targeting civilians with airstrikes as part of their campaign to attempt to terrorise the people of Burma into submission. This is a war crime and a crime against humanity.
We have repeatedly called for action to cut the supply of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military. The failure to do so has meant that the Burmese military are still able to carry out airstrikes like the one in Kachin State yesterday.
"Every day ethnic communities are the victims of war crimes and crimes against humanity. We are witnessing daily atrocity crimes perpetrated by the same military junta that has already committed genocide. The international community needs to start enforcing international laws
and rules with regard to Burma. Decisive action is needed to uphold international law, to preserve international peace and security and to fulfil mandates contained in Resolution 1674 regarding the protection of civilians," said Nang Moet Moet, Joint General Secretary (1) of Women's League of Burma.
"The British government, EU and USA have decided that trying to stop airstrikes like this is not a priority, and have failed to act on calls for aviation fuel sanctions. They can and must do more. Imposing sanctions to stop the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military is the single most effective action that can be taken to address the humanitarian crisis caused by airstrikes against civilians," said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK..."
Source/publisher:
Women’s League of Burma and Burma Campaign UK
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
117.2 KB 445.83 KB
more
Description:
"1. International Humanitarian Law, which also governs non-international armed conflict,
forbids the belligerent parties to attack non-military objectives. International Law defines
military objectives as follows:
Additional Protocol I of the Geneva Conventions
Article 52(2) of the 1977 Additional Protocol I provides:
In so far as objects are concerned, military objectives are limited to those objects which by their
nature, location, purpose or use make an effective contribution to military action and whose
total or partial destruction, capture or neutralization, in the circumstances ruling at the time,
offers a definite military advantage.
Hague Rules of Air Warfare
Article 24 (1) of the 1923 Hague Rules of Air Warfare provides: “Aerial bombardment is
legitimate only when directed at a military objective, that is to say, an object of which the
destruction or injury would constitute a distinct military advantage to the belligerent.”
2. In spite of the fact that whatever aerial bombing must be carried out strictly targeting only
military objectives, the belligerent party must calculate the possible civilian casualties that are
likely to result due to the attack. If there are civilians in the immediate vicinity, the belligerent
party must refrain from such aerial attack since it could cause many casualties.
3. On October 23, 2022, the military council conducted an airstrike targeting an outdoor concert
being held to celebrate the 62nd anniversary of KIO in A Nang Pa village in Kachin State,
causing hundreds of casualties, mostly civilians. The military had a clear knowledge about civilians1 participating in the celebration since the access to the village was controlled by its
check points. As such, the concert clearly wasn’t military objective and thus the attack is a
blatant war crime. Moreover, the patterns of the junta’s aggressive operations clearly indicate
the commission of crimes against humanity because the attack was widespread and systematic,
inducing fear among the population.
4. Aerial attacks using fighter jets cannot be carried out without the authorization from the
central command, Office of the Commander in Chief. Following the airstrike in A Nang Pa
village, the junta’s information team reported that the airstrike was conducted in compliance
with the Rules of Engagement. Therefore, the command for carrying out the bombing came
directly from the central command and is planned and systematic. 2 Min Aung Hlaing and his
top generals3 are therefore directly responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
5. Now is the time for all political and legal entities, ethnic resistance groups and CSOs, both
at home and abroad, to unitedly put all efforts to seek justice for the victims by firmly adhering
to the principle of substantive justice and to restore the rule of law in the country. The impunity,
primarily enjoyed by successive military perpetrators, must be ended once and for all.
6. The responsibility for such brutal crimes also extends to those so-called ethnic resistance
organizations that entered a ceasefire agreement with the junta under the failed NCA or,
otherwise, to the political parties that are preparing to run for office in the announced juntacontrolled
elections, thereby knowingly supporting the resurgence of the 2008 Constitution and
the military dictatorship. Also, the United Wa State Party should reconsider its position in
relation to the junta’s crimes.
7. Legal Aid Network calls on the above-mentioned organizations to review their political
determinations and unanimously combine forces under the principle of the rule of law, so that
the military perpetrators including Min Aung Hlaing and his top accomplices can be brought
before international justice mechanisms and hold accountable for their evident and consistent
commission of international crimes..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Aid Network
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Rule of Law - Burma/Myanmar-specific
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
584.4 KB
more
Description:
"၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂၃ ရက်နေ့ ညတွင် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဖားကန့်မြို့၌ ကချင်လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအဖွဲ့ ၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်ခြင်း ၆၂ နှစ်မြောက် အကြို တေးဂီတ ဖျော်ဖြေပွဲ ကျင်းပနေစဉ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ တိုက်လေယာဉ်များဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူအများအပြား ထိခိုက် ဒဏ်ရာရ၊ သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပါသည်။
ထိုဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် ယခုအချိန်အထိ အနည်းဆုံး ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ ၆၀ ကျော်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပြီး ၁၀၀ ကျော် ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ကြောင်း ကနဦး သိရှိရပါသည်။
တေးဂီတပွဲအား လူအများ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ စုဝေးဆင်နွဲနေချိန်တွင် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် တိုက်ခိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းသည် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု မြောက်ကြောင်း သက်သေခံလျှက်ရှိသည်။
ထို့အပြင် ဒဏ်ရာရ လူနာများအား ဆေးကုသမှု မရနိုင်အောင် စစ်အင်အားဖြင့် လမ်းများပိတ်ဆို့ တားမြစ် ထားခြင်းသည် လူတစ်ဦးချင်း၏ လွတ်လပ်စွာ အသက်ရှင်သန်ခွင့်ရှိရမည် ဟူသည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာစာတမ်းကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ငြင်းဆန် ချိုးဖောက်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
အထက်ပါလုပ်ရပ်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးအား ရန်သူအဖြစ်သတ်မှတ်ကာ လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် လူမဆန်စွာ အနိုင်ကျင့် စော်ကားမှု၊ တရားလက်လွတ် ရမ်းကား သတ်ဖြတ်များ ကျူးလွန်လျှက်၊ တတိုင်းပြည်လုံးကို စစ်ကျွန်အဖြစ် သွတ်သွင်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေမှု၏ လုပ်ရပ်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း အနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု လုပ်ရပ်မှန်သမျှကို ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက် ရှုံ့ချလိုက်သည်။ ထို့အတူ ထိုကဲ့သို့ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက် အိုးအိမ် များကို နေ့စဉ်နဲ့အမျှ တရားလက်လွတ် သတ်ဖြတ် ဖျက်ဆီး နေမှုများအား နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ ချက်ခြင်း ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်း တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
349.48 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ပွဲများတွင်ပါ သက်ရောက်မှုရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ စစ်ဥပဒေအရ ဘက်နှစ်ဘက်
စစ်ဆင်တိုက်ခိုက်နေစဉ် စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်ကိုသာ တိုက်ခိုက်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်အားအောက်ပါအတိုင်း
ဖွင့်ဆိုထားသည်။
နိုင်ငံတကာစစ်ဥပဒေ (ခေါ်) ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်း1
နိုင်ငံတကာစစ်ဥပဒေ (ခေါ်) ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်း၏ နောက်ဆက်တွဲစာချုပ် (၁)၊ အပိုဒ် ၅၂ အပိုဒ်ခွဲ
(၂) တွင် အရာဝတ္ထု၊ အဆောက်အအုံတို့နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းပြီး စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ် (Military Objective) ဟူသည်မှာ
၎င်းအရာဝတ္ထု၊ အဆောက်အအုံ၏ သဘာဝအရသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ တည်နေရာအရသော်လည်းကောင်း၊
၎င်း၏ရည်ရွယ်ချက်အရသော်လည်းကောင်း သို့မဟုတ် အသုံးချပါက စစ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုကို ထိရောက်စွာ
အကျိုးပြုနိုင်ခြင်းရှိရမည်။ ထိုအရာဝတ္ထု၊ အဆောက်အအုံအား အလုံးစုံသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ တစိတ်တပိုင်း
သော်လည်းကောင်း ဖျက်ဆီးပစ်ပါက သို့တည်းဟုတ် သိမ်းပိုက်ပါက သို့တည်းမဟုတ် ဖြိုချဖျက်ဆီး
လိုက်ပါက အဆိုပါအချိန်အတောအတွင်း တိကျသည့်စစ်ရေးအသာစီးရမှု ရှိနေရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
လေကြောင်းတိုက်ပွဲများဆိုင်ရာ ဟိဂ်စည်းမျဉ်း2
၁၉၂၃ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ပွဲများဆိုင်ရာ ဟိဂ်စည်းမျဉ်း၏ အပိုဒ် ၂၄ အပိုဒ်ခွဲ (၁) တွင်ဖော်ပြထား
သည်မှာ လေကြောင်းမှ ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ရာတွင် စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်ကို ဦးတည်တိုက်ခိုက်မှသာလျှင် တရားဝင်
ဖြစ်သည်။ ဆိုလိုသည်မှာ ပစ်မှတ်တခုကို တိုက်ခိုက်ပျက်စီးအောင်ပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် ပြုလုပ်သည့်အဖွဲ့အတွက်
တိကျသေချာသည့် စစ်ရေးအကျိုးအမြတ် ရှိနေရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ စစ်လေယာဉ်ဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ရာတွင် စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်ကို တိုက်စေဦး၊ ဗုံး၏ကျရောက်
ပေါက်ကွဲမည့်နေရာနှင့် အရပ်သားလူထုများရှိနေမည့်နေရာကို တွက်ချက်ရသည်။ စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်ကို
တိုက်ခိုက်သော ဗုံး၏ပြင်းအားကြောင့် ပြန့်ထွက်သွားမည့် အကွာအဝေးနေရာတွင် အရပ်သားလူထု
ရှိနေလျင် အဆိုပါ စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်အား တိုက်ခိုက်ခွင့်မရှိ။
၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီက အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၃ ရက်ည ကချင်ပြည်နယ် ဖားကန့ြ်မို့နယ် အနန်ပါကျေးရွာတွင ်
ကေအိုင်အို အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့အကြို လူထုအခမ်းအနားကျင်းပနေစဉ် လေယာဉ်ဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှု
ကြောင့် သေဆုံးဒဏ်ရာရသူ ရာဂဏန်းနီးပါးရှိခဲ့သည်။ အရပ်သားလူထုများသည် အခမ်းအနားပြုလုပ်သည့်
အဆိုပါနေရာသို့ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဂိတ်စခန်းကိုဖြတ်ပြီး သွားရောက်ရသည့် နေရာဖြစ်၍ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်
အနေဖြင့် အရပ်သားလူထုများ ရောပြွန်းလျက်ရှိကြောင်းသိပါလျက်3နှင့် စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်အလျဉ်း
မဟုတ်သည်ကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သောကြောင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို အတိအလင်း ကျူးလွန်ရာရောက်သည်။
ထို့အပြင် အဆိုပါသတ်ဖြတ်မှုအား တနိုင်ငံလုံးကို အကြောက်တရားဖန်တည်းသည့်အခြေအနေကို
သက်ရောက်စေရေးအတွက် ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နှင့် စနစ်တကျ (widespread and systematic)
ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သဖြင့် လူသားဆန့က် ျင်ပြစ်မှု (Crimes against humanity) လည်းမြောက်သည်။
၄။ ဂျက်လေယာဉ်များဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုသည် အောက်ခြေတပ်ဖွဲ့တခုခုက ၎င်းတို့၏ သဘောဆန္ဒ
သက်သက်မျှဖြင့် ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းမဟုတ်။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဦးစီးချုပ်၏ အမိန့် (သို့မဟုတ်) အတည်ပြုချက်
ဖြင့်သာ စစ်ဆင်ရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အရ ဤစစ်ဆင်ရေးကို
ကာကွယ်ရေးဦးစီးချုပ်ရုံးကနေ တိုက်ရိုက်အစီအစဉ်တကျ ဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ကို တွေ့ရသည်။4
သို့ဖြစ်၍ ဤနိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီး နှစ်ခုအတွက် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် ထိပ်ပိုင်းစစ်အရာရှိ5
ကြီးများအားလုံးတွင် ပထမဆုံးအနေဖြင့် တိုက်ရိုက်တာဝန်ရှိသည်။
၅။ ယင်းသို့သော ဆိုးဝါးပြင်းထန်လွန်းသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာပြစ်မှုကြီးများကို အဆက်မပြတ်ကျူးလွန်နေသော
စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးအခြေခံအရ ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူကို အပြစ်ပေးကာ တရားမျှတမှု
ရှာဖွေရမည့် (Substantive Justice) မူက ို ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသားကိုင်စွဲလျက ် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့ ် အပေါင်းပါ
စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား အရေးယူအပြစ်ပေးနိုင်ဖို့ ကြိုးပမ်းဖော်ဆောင်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ နှင့် ပြည်တွင်း
အင်အားစုများအားလုံးတွင် တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။
၆။ တနိုင်ငံလုံးအပစ်ရပ်စာချုပ်ကို အခြေပြု၍ဖြစ်စေ၊ အခြေမပြုဘဲဖြစ်စေ စစ်ကောင်စီ နှင့် အပစ်အခတ်ရပ်စဲ
မှုက ို ပုံသဏ္ဍာန်မျိုးစုံဖြင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ခဲ့ကြသည့ ် တိုင်းရင်းသား ခုခံစစ်ဆင်အဖွဲ့ အစည်းတချို့ နှင့်
စစ်ကောင်စီက ဦးစီးကျင်းပမည့် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲသည် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံကိုသာ ပြန်လည်အသက်
သွင်းပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ဆက်လက်တည်မြဲသွားလိမ့်မည် ဟူသည်ကို သိပါလျက်နှင့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ
3 Myanmar Now: စစ်ကောင်စီ ဗုံးကြဲမှုအပေါ် KIA ပြောခွင့်ရ ဗိုလ်မှူးကြီးနော်ဘူ နှင့် ဆက်သွယ်မေးမြန်းချက်။
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8xtynN8ZmBo
4 ဖားကန့်မြို့နယ်အတွင်း လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက လိုအပ်သည့် လုံခြုံရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအား ထိတွေ့တိုက်ခိုက်မှု
ဆိုင်ရာစည်းမျဉ်း (Rules of Engagement-ROE) အတိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်။ နေပြည်တော်၊ အောက်တိုဘာ - ၂၄။
http://www.dsinfo.org/node/5381?d=1
5 မင်းအောင်လှိုင်(ကြည့် - ၁၄၂၃၂/စတသ-၁၉)၊ စိုးဝင်း (ကြည့်း - ၁၆၄၈၉/စတသ-၂၂)၊ မောင်မောင်အေး (ကြည်း -
၁၈၁၃၁/စတသ-၂၅) - ညှိနှိုင်းကွပ်ကဲရေးမှူး (ကြည်း၊ ရေ၊ လေ)၊ ထွန်းအောင် (လေ - ၁၉၈၂/ - ကာကွယ်ရေးဦးစီးချုပ်
(လေ)၊ တေဇကျော် (ကြည်း - ၂၀၂၇၈/ဗသက-၇၃) - အမှတ်(၁) စစ်ဆင်ရေးအထူးအဖွဲ့မှူး။
၀င်ရန်ပြင်ဆင်နေကြသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ အဓိကအားဖြင့် ဗမာပြည်ကွန်မြူနစ်ပါတီထံမှ အာဏာသိမ်း
ကာ ဖွဲ့စည်းပေါ်ပေါက်လာသည့် ဝပြည်သွေးစည်း ညီညွတ်ရေးပါတီတို့သည်လည်း ယခုကဲ့သို့သော
စစ်ကောင်စီက အလားတူဆန့်ကျင်ကျူးလွန်မှုမျိုးကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းချို့ဖောက်နေမှုတွင် တာဝန်ရှိ
ပါသည်။
၇။ အဆိုပါအင်အားစုများအားလုံးသည် မိမိတို့၏ ရပ်တည်ချက်များကို ပြန်လည်သုံးသပ်ကာ ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေး
အခြေခံကို အတိအကျကိုင်စွဲပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်ပြစ်မှုကြီးများ အဆက်မပြတ်ကျူးလွန် လျက်ရှိသော
မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် ထိပ်ပိုင်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအားဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရုံးများတွင် တင်သွင်း
အရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် စုပေါင်းကြိုးပမ်းကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Aid Network
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Rule of Law - Burma/Myanmar-specific, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
562.58 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စစ်တပ်သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် အောက်တိုဘာလ(၂၃)ရက်နေ့ ည(၈း၃၀)နာရီခွဲ ကျော် အချိန်တွင် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဖားကန့်မြို့နယ်၊ အနန့်ပါ တွင် ပြုလုပ်ကျင်းပနေသည့် ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့ KIO ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်ခြင်း (၆၂)နှစ်မြောက်အထိမ်းအမှတ် အကြိုတေးဂီတ ဖျော်ဖြေပွဲပြုလုပ်ကျင်းပ နေစဉ် ဂျက်တိုက်လေယာဉ်(၃)စင်းဖြင့် လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်ဗုံးကြဲခဲ့သဖြင့် အပြစ်မဲ့အရပ်သား ပြည်သူလူထုများ၊ အနုပညာရှင်များ (၈၀)ကျော်ခန့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ကြရပြီး ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရသူ (၁၀၀)ကျော်ကိုလည်း ဆေးကုသခွင့် မရရှိအောင် ဂင်စီကျေးရွာ တွင် ပိတ်ဆို့တားမြစ်သည့်အတွက် အသက်သေဆုံးမည့်အန္တရယ်များ နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင် နေရကြောင်း ကြားသိရပါသဖြင့် ကေအဲန်ယူ-ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံးအနေဖြင့် ကျန်ရစ်သူ မိသားစုနှင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ကချင်ပြည်သူ တစ်ရပ်လုံးနှင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ KIO ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့နှင့် ထပ်တူ ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲ ရပါသည်။
၂။ အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ သည် တေးဂီတပွဲအား လူအများငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ စုဝေးဆင်နွဲနေချိန်တွင် ရက်စက် ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ လူသားမဆန်စွာဖြင့် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အစီအစဉ်ရှိရှိဖြင့် အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းသည် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုအပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု နှင့် အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်ကြောင်း သက်သေခံလျက်ရှိသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ သည် စနစ်တကျ ကျူးလွန်သည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိပြီး ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူလူထုများ အတွက်လည်း တရားမျှတမှုကို ရရှိရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။
၃။ အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်တွင် အသုံးမပြုရဟု ပိတ်ပင်တားမြစ်ထားသည့် စစ်ဆင်ရေးသုံး စစ်ဂျက်လေယာဉ်များဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အရပ်သားပြည်သူလူထုများ ဟူ၍ ခွဲခြားမှုမရှိဘဲ ရန်ငါ စည်းခြားလျက် ငါနဲ့မတူ ရန်သူဟူ၍ သိမ်းကြုံးသတ်မှတ်ကာ ပစ်မှတ်ထား ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်သည် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု(War Crime)အား ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရေးဆိုင်ရာ ယန္တယားများကလည်း ဤသို့သော နိုင်ငံတကာ လူသားခြင်းစာနာထောက်ထားသည့် ဥပဒေများ (International Humanitarian law) ကို ပြောင်ပြောင် တင်းတင်းကျူးလွန်သူ နှင့် အမိန့်ပေးစေခိုင်းသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီအား တာဝန်သိစွာဖြင့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေး အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တောင်းဆိုသည်။
၅။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူများတို့အား ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်နေခြင်းသည် ၎င်းတို့အာဏာ ဆက်လက်ဆုတ်ကိုင်ရေးကိုသာ ပြုလုပ်နေသည့်အတွက် စစ်တပ်အပေါ် ရွံ့ရှာနာကျည်း မုန်းတီးမှုများကိုသာ ပိုမိုဖြစ်ပေါ်စေပြီး မိမိပြည်သူအား ပြန်လည်သတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်အား တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးက ပိုမိုစည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အတူတကွ ဝိုင်းဝန်းဆန့်ကျင်မှုပြုကြရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၆။ အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဤသို့သော လုပ်ရပ်များသည် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်အား ပိုမို နက်ရှိုင်းစွာ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ရေးသို့ တွန်းပို့နေသည် နိုင်ငံ၏အလုံးစုံ ပျက်သုန်းရေးသို့ ဦးတည်နေသော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံးအနေဖြင့် ဤသို့သော အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ လူမဆန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ် အား ဝိုင်းဝန်းဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်ရေးတွင် ပိုမိုပါဝင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရန်ကိုလည်း တိုက်တွန်း ပါသည်။
၇။ မိမိတို့ ကေအဲန်ယူ-ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး အနေဖြင့် (၆၂)နှစ်မြောက် ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေးနေ့ တွင် ကချင်ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံးနှင့်အတူ ထပ်တူထပ်မျှ အထူးဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပြီး အပြစ်မဲ့လက်နက်မဲ့ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူများတို့အား တတ်စွမ်းသရွေ့ အကာအကွယ်ပေးမှုများ ကို ဆထက်ထမ်းပိုး လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးသွားမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး မဟာလူမျိုးကြီး ဝါဒ နှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးပိုင် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးအတွက် တော်လှန်သူအင်အားစုများ အားလုံးနဲ့ အတူ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန် လိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Karen National Union
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
300.54 KB
more
Source/publisher:
National Unity Consultative Council
Date of publication:
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
280.14 KB
more
Description:
"အောက်တိုဘာလ (၂၃) ရက်နေ့ ည ၈နာရီခွဲဝန်းကျင်တွင် ကချင်လွတ်မြောက်ရေးတပ်မတော်(KIA) တပ်မဟာ(၉) အနန့်ပါ (A Nang Pa) ၌ အောက်တိုဘာလ (၂၅) ရက်နေ့ တွင်ကျရောက်မည့် (၆၂) နှစ်မြောက် ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ချုပ်(KIO) နေ့အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပွဲအကြို တေးဂီတဖျော်ဖြေပွဲ ပြုလုပ်နေစဉ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ဂျက်လေယာဉ်(၄)စီးဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုခဲ့ရာ အနုပညာရှင်အချို့နှင့် ပြည်သူအများအပြား ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်ဟု ကနဦး သိရှိရပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာကို မတရားလုယူခဲ့သည့် ကာလအတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသား နယ်မြေများ အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းလုံးတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှု အကြိမ်ပေါင်း (၂၄၀) နီးပါးပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပြီး အဆိုပါ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများအတွင်း အရပ်သားပြည်သူ(၂၀၀)ကျော် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရကာ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ နေအိမ်များ၊ ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများလည်း ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ် လက်ယက်ကုန်းကျေးရွာတွင် ကလေးငယ်များစာသင်ကြားနေသော စာသင်ကျောင်းကို စစ်ရဟတ်ယာဉ်များ ဖြင့် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် ကလေးငယ် (၇) ဦးအပါအဝင် စုစုပေါင်း (၁၄) ဦးသေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်အပြီး တစ်လကျော်ကာလအတွင်း ပြည်သူအများအပြားရှိနေသော ဂီတဖျော်ဖြေပွဲ ကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် လေကြောင်းမှ ဗုံးကြဲကာ လူအစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကို ထပ်မံကျူးလွန် လိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဂျနီဗာသဘောတူစာချုပ်၏ ပြဌာန်းချက်တွင် စစ်ရေးစစ်ရာကိစ္စများ၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်း အဖြစ် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်နေခြင်းမဟုတ်လျှင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများသည် တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရခြင်းဘေးမှ အကာအကွယ်ရရှိစေရမည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသောကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာ ဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း ပေါ်လွင်ထင်ရှားပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ လူအစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအတွင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့ကြရသော တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအတွက် များစွာဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲ ရပါကြောင်းနှင့် ကျဆုံးခဲ့သူ ပြည်သူတစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်ချင်းစီတိုင်းအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး ပြည်တွင်း နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ တရားဥပဒေများ နှင့် အညီ အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။ အရပ်ဖက်ပစ်မှတ်ကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ တိုက်ခိုက်သော လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ၊ လူအစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တံ့နိုင်ရေး ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် ထိရောက်သော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန်နှင့် လူထုလူတန်းစားအဖွဲ့အစည်း အသီးသီး အနေဖြင့်လည်း နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် အဆိုပါလုပ်ရပ်အား ဆန့်ကျင်ကြောင်း တောင်းဆိုလှုံ့ဆော်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ပေးကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
467.22 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"We join our Kachin brothers and sisters in their grief on this tragic day. The junta conducted an airstrike with 3 fighter jets in Hpakant, Kachin State on 23 October 2022, targeting a Kachin Independence Organization music festival held to celebrate the 62nd anniversary of the KIO. According to verified reports and sources, at least 50 Kachin people were killed including Kachin celebrities. The fascist military deliberately targeted this ceremony. This is proof that they carry out airstrikes with the express intention of targeting ethnic minorities, activists, and civilians. The military is escalating their air strikes across the country and particularly in Sagaing, Chin, Kayin, Kachin and Rakhine in a deliberate attempt to weaken the people’s defensive war. The terrorist regime is using excessive force, violence and airstrikes in an attempt to maintain their power.
My thoughts and prayers are with the victims of the airstrikes in Kachin State. I would like to send my deepest condolences to the victims' family members. I would like to encourage the international community and the UN security council to take immediate action to protect the innocent people of Myanmar from the atrocities and war crimes committed by the junta. With the indifference and inaction of the international community thus far we are losing too many innocent lives. We need immediate tangible action and support from the international community to hold the junta accountable for their crimes. We urge you to collaborate with us to end these tragic attacks once and for all..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
24.7 KB
more
Description:
"(Bangkok) – On the evening of October 23, 2022, the Myanmar military carried out an airstrike on a music concert in Hpakant, Kachin State, organized by the opposition Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) to commemorate the ethnic organization’s 62nd anniversary. Local media reported that at least 60 people were killed and 100 injured, and that the Myanmar military blocked access to medical care for those harmed. The concert was held at a base also used for military training by the KIO’s armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).
The following quote can be attributed to Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch:
The Myanmar military’s airstrike on hundreds of concertgoers in Kachin State is an apparent violation of the laws of war, which prohibit attacks causing indiscriminate or disproportionate civilian harm. Myanmar military operations in ethnic minority areas have long been characterized by a near total disregard for civilian lives and property and a failure to abide by international law. The military’s entrenched impunity underlines the need for an international investigation of those responsible for this attack and the many others committed by security forces since the February 2021 military coup.
For over a year and a half, the junta has carried out grave abuses against the millions of people who oppose military rule, amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes. How high does the death count need to reach before governments around the world impose consequences that will impact the junta’s behavior?
This horrific attack should trigger renewed efforts by concerned states to enforce tougher sanctions on the junta, including cutting off its access to foreign currency revenues as well as arms and aviation fuel. The United Nations Security Council should urgently pass a resolution imposing a global arms embargo on the junta and referring the situation to the International Criminal Court. Southeast Asian leaders meeting this week and at the ASEAN Summit in November should signal their support for such efforts to bring justice to the victims of the junta’s abuses across the country..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, International Criminal Court, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Responding to the news that Myanmar military air strikes reportedly killed dozens of people including civilians at a concert in Kachin State on Sunday night, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director Hana Young said:
“Singers, artists and other civilians are among those reported killed in last night’s air strikes. We fear this attack is part of a pattern of unlawful aerial attacks by the military which have killed and injured civilians in areas controlled by armed groups.
“The military has shown ruthless disregard for civilian lives in its escalating campaign against opponents. It is difficult to believe the military did not know of a significant civilian presence at the site of this attack. The military must immediately grant access to medics and humanitarian assistance to those affected by these air strikes and other civilians in need.
“Myanmar’s military has been committing widespread atrocities since the 2021 coup, including unlawfully killing, arbitrarily detaining, torturing and forcibly displacing civilians. It has been able to carry out these crimes in the face of an ineffective international response to a human rights crisis that is only worsening.
“As officials and leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations prepare to host high-level meetings in the coming weeks, this attack highlights the need to overhaul the approach to the crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN has to step up and formulate a more robust course of action so that military leaders end this escalating repression.”
Background:
On 23 October, the Myanmar military launched air strikes on a musical performance near A Nan Pa village in Hpakant Township, Kachin State, in the north of the country.
The attack reportedly killed dozens of people, but Amnesty could not independently confirm the figures. Among those injured and killed were civilians including prominent artists who were performing at the event. The performance was held as part of celebrations for the 62nd anniversary of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO).
The KIO is the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army, which controls the area and has clashed with the Myanmar military for decades.
The military has increasingly relied on air power as it struggles to retain control of the country since seizing power in a coup on 1 February 2021.
In a July report, “Bullets rained from the sky”: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, Amnesty International found that Myanmar’s military has subjected Karen and Karenni civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, often including torture or extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History
Language:
more
Description:
"(Yangon) – The United Nations (UN) in Myanmar is deeply concerned and saddened by reports of airstrikes that took place in Hpakant, Kachin State around 8:00PM on 23 October 2022. Initial reports suggest that over 100 civilians may have been affected by the bombing. Numerous fatalities have also been reported.
While the UN continues to verify the details of this attack, we offer our deepest condolences to the families and friends of all those who were killed or injured. The UN calls for those injured to be availed urgent medical treatment, as needed.
What would appear to be excessive and disproportionate use of force by security forces against unarmed civilians is unacceptable and those responsible must be held to account..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Military History
Language:
more
Description:
"Kachin Alliance strongly condemns the coup regime’s air strike in A Nang Pa, Hpakant on October
23, 2022 around 8:30 PM local time. The air strike targeted a public cultural event commemorating
the founding of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), and killed scores of civilians,
including Kachin artists, businessmen and local elders, and local KIO leaders, and injured many
more.
In the aftermath of the massacre, families were scrambling to obtain news about their loved ones
due a prolonged internet blackout in Hpakant. We are also concerned to learn the report of blocking
of medical access to victims of massacre.
We are extremely saddened by the loss and suffering of innocent lives. We pay tribute to the
commitment and sacrifices of those who were slayed in this brutal and deliberate attack. Our
sincerest condolences to the families and loved ones of the victims. You are in our thoughts and
prayers.
The coup regime, its leader Min Aung Hlaing, and their collaborators will be held responsible for
this heinous crime. Peace in Burma is not possible without the annihilation of this coup regime
once and for all. We call upon the international community to end the policy of muted response
and take serious action against the terrorist regime which has committed every known war crime
against the people of Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Kachin Alliance
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
20.18 KB
more
Description:
"The Kachin National Organisation (KNO ) condemns the airstrike/massacre carried out by the Burmese military terrorists
against the Kachin people who had gathered together to celebrate the 62nd Anniversary o f the founding o f the Kachin
Independence Organisation (KIO) Day at the A Nang Pa, Brigade 9 o f the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) on Sunday, 23rd
Octobcr 2022.
The tragic incident killed over 100 civilians, well known musicians, local officials and officiating personnel from the KIA
and KIO. The terrorist military ju n ta restricted and stopped the injured people in Gin Si areas from getting medical treatment at
Hpakan and Myitkyina hospitals. The terrorist military cut the phone and internet lines to the area as well.
We send our deepest condolences to the family members who lost their loved ones. May their lives, musical and artistic
contributions never be forgotten and live on in the hearts and memories o f all Kachin peoples by inspiring others to express their
songs, ballads, and art for generations to come.
The launching o f an airstrike by the terrorist Burmese Military Junta against a peaceful civilian gathering was a most
despicable and cowardly act. Unfortunately, from the beginning, the Burmese Military Junta has been committing genocidal
atrocities, war crimes, and crimes against humanity for decades in an attempt to control the political opposition and subjugate the
civilian population. It is reported that the Burmese Military Junta has launched over 240 airstrikcs killing over 200 civilians,
including women and children, and destroying many homes, public buildings including schools, temples, businesses, and clinics
throughout Burma in areas under the control o f the ethnic Burman, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Shan, Chin, and the Rakhinc. The air
strikes violate international law as spelled out in the Geneva Convention regarding the protection o f civilians.
We arc calling on all countries to protest against the atrocities. We call on freedom loving nations to support and supply
practical anti- air craft equipment and weapons to the Kachin Independence Army and other armed forces fighting against the
Burmese military to prevent more such tragic massacres and loss o f life in the future..."
Source/publisher:
Kachin National Organization
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
44.15 KB
more
Description:
"In the evening of October 23 2022, terrorist Myanmar military launched targeted airstrikes
against civilians who were gathering at a live music event that mark the upcoming 62nd
Anniversary of the founding of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) in Ah Nant Par
village of Hpakant Township in Kachin State. Many innocent civilians including prominent
Kachin ethnic singers and artists were killed and injured during the indiscriminate arial
attacks and deliberate bombing by junta’s fighter jets.
The village is located in an area within Kachin’s Hpakant Township where internet and
telecommunication blackout have been imposed since August 20, 2021, more than 15
months ago. By the time of the release of this statement, estimated 60 people have died
while over 100 injured people are facing a life-threatening situation having been blocked
by the terrorist military troops at a checkpoint in Ginsi village to deny them any chance
of getting treatment.
We, the undersigned resistance forces, would like to declare our position as follow
regarding this tragic event.
1. We are deeply sorry for the Kachin people who have suffered from this inhuman
attack.
2. We consider this attack by terrorist junta on 62nd anniversary ceremonial event
of the KIO as an attack on all revolutionary forces and actors who are engaging
in political and armed resistance against the terrorist junta for the establishment
of a genuine federal democracy.
3. These deliberate bombing attacks on large civilian gathering which have resulted
to mass killing is a serious commission of war crime. Moreover, such targeted
mass killing of the Kachin ethnic people in particular during such gathering of
ethnic ceremonial event implies that the junta could have genocidal intent.
4. We condemn the terrorist military council in the strongest terms possible for
such attack on civilians.5. We are always proud of the commitment and effort of KIO in their struggle for
federal democracy and Kachin people’s liberation, and we vow to collaborate
more closely with them and increased the intensity of our fight against the military
junta.
6. We call on the international governments and community to block supplies of
aviation fuel to the terrorist junta, sanction its main source of revenue Myanma
Oil and Gas Enterprise, step up efforts for stripping of any form of legitimacy and
recognition that the junta is receiving on international stage, and urgently and
consistently advocate for he people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
All Kachin Students’ Federation, Anti Junta Mass Movement Committee, Blood Money Campaign, General Strike Committee, General Strike Committee of Nationalities, Kachin National Youth Network, Kachin State Civilian Movement and Women’s League of Burma
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
90.82 KB 297.76 KB 153.25 KB 290.97 KB
Local URL:
- 2022-10-24-Statement-regarding-Myanmar-junta’s-deliberate-bombing-on-civilians-gathering-site-in-Kachin-State-tu-en.pdf
- 2022-10-24-Statement-regarding-Myanmar-junta’s-deliberate-bombing-on-civilians-gathering-site-in-Kachin-State-pio-en.pdf
- 2022-10-24-Statement-regarding-Myanmar-junta’s-deliberate-bombing-on-civilians-gathering-site-in-Kachin-State-pio-bu.pdf
- 2022-10-24-Statement-regarding-Myanmar-junta’s-deliberate-bombing-on-civilians-gathering-site-in-Kachin-State-pio-kachin.pdf
more
Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂၃ ရက်၊ ည (၀၈း၃၀) နာရီအချိန်တွင် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဖားကန့်မြို့၌ ကျင်းပနေသည့် “KIO အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့” တေးဂီတ ဖျော်ဖြေပွဲသို့ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်က တိုက်ခိုက်ရေးလေယာဉ် (၃) စီးအသုံးပြုကာ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် နာမည်ကျော် အဆိုတော်၊ အနုပညာရှင်များအပါအဝင် ကချင်တိုင်းရင်း သားပြည်သူ ၅၀ ဦးထက်မနည်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ကာ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သူ အများအပြားရှိကြောင်း သတင်းများအရ ကြားသိရပါသည်။ ယင်းလူမဆန်သော တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများ၊ မိသားစုဝင်များ၊ ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ထပ်တူ ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပါသည်။
၂။ လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား ဆန့်ကျင်သူများနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားအင်အားစုများအပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်၍ သတ်ဖြတ် တိုက်ခိုက်လျက်ရှိသည့်အပြင် အရပ်သားပစ်မှတ်များကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ တိုက်ခိုက်လျက် ရှိသည်ကို ယင်းဖြစ်ရပ်များက သက်သေခံလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ်ရှိ စာသင်ကျောင်းအား လေကြောင်းဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့မှု နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် ကချင်ပြည်နယ် တို့၌လည်း လေကြောင်း အင်အားသုံး၍ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ဆက်တိုက်ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့်နည်းတူ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းတို့တွင် ပြည်သူများ၏ နေအိမ်များကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ ကျေးရွာနေ ပြည်သူများအား မဟုတ်မမှန် စွပ်စွဲဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ လူမဆန်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကဲ့သို့ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၄။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန် တာဝန် ပျက်ကွက်မှုနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် လူသတ်စစ်တပ် အပေါ် အရေးယူရန် ပျက်ကွက်နေမှုများကြောင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အရေး ကြိုးပမ်းနေသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ရက်စက်သော အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို နေ့စဉ်ကြုံတွေ့ရင်ဆိုင်နေရပါသည်။ ထို့သို့ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက စနစ်တကျ ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့မှုများအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအပါအဝင် ကမ္ဘာ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်နှင့် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို ကာကွယ်ပေးရန်၊ ရာဇဝတ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူများကို အမြန်ဆုံး အရေးယူနိုင်ရေးတို့အတွက် မိမိတို့နှင့်အတူ ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန် လေးလေးနက်နက် တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
290.27 KB
more
Description:
"၂၃.၁၀.၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့၊ ည (၈:၃၀) အချိန်ခန့်က ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဖားကန့်မြို့နယ်၊ ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေး တပ်မတော် (KIA) တပ်မဟာ (၉) အနန့်ပါ၌ ၂၅.၁၀.၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်မည့် (၆၂) နှစ်မြောက် ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (KIO) အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပွဲ အကြိုအခမ်းအနား တေးဂီတဖျော်ဖြေပွဲ ကျင်းပနေစဉ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ဂျက်လေယာဉ်များဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ရာ အနုပညာရှင်အချို့နှင့် ပြည်သူအများ အပြား ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်ဟု ကြားသိရပါသည်။ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူ အရပ်သား (၁၀၀) ကျော်ကိုလည်း ဆေးကုသခွင့် မရအောင် ဂင်စီကျေးရွာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အဝင်အထွက်များကို ပိတ်ပင် နေသောကြောင့် အသက်အန္တရာယ် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရကြောင်း ကြားသိရသည့်အတွက် တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် များစွာဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲ ရပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အထက်ပါ လုပ်ရပ်သည် ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူစာချုပ်၏ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက် Common Article 3, Protocol II တွင် ပါဝင်သည့် “စစ်ရေးစစ်ရာကိစ္စများ၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်းအဖြစ် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်နေခြင်း မဟုတ်လျှင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများသည် တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရခြင်းဘေးမှ အကာအကွယ် ရရှိစေရမည်” ဟူသော ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထင်ရှားသည်။
အဆိုပါ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အပြင်းအထန် ရှုတ်ချလိုက်သည်။ အထက်ပါ အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ရပ်ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် လက်အောက်ခံများအားလုံးသည် ခွင့်လွှတ်နိုင်စရာ အကြောင်းလုံးဝမရှိသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ထိုက်သင့်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်အသီးသီးကို မလွဲမသွေ ကျခံစေရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သဘောထား ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Justice - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
133.41 KB
more