Human Rights and international relations
Individual Documents
Description:
"19 June 2023, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh; Bangkok, Thailand: After decades of sexual and gender-based violence and other atrocity crimes perpetrated by the consecutive Myanmar military regimes, victims and survivors are still waiting for justice. Myanmar’s judicial system is designed to protect the perpetrators instead of bringing them to justice. This culture of impunity has left survivors with little to no trust in Myanmar’s national justice system.
For survivors speaking out and seeking justice can create real and significant risks to their personal safety and wellbeing – this is especially true in the context of Myanmar. Fear of retaliation, harassment, arbitrary arrest, and physical violence continues be cited by the survivors of crimes perpetrated by the Myanmar military as a key barrier to seeking justice, nationally or internationally.
In the Bangladesh camps, courageous group of Rohingya women, most of whom are survivors of brutal violence perpetrated during the 2016 and 2017 “clearance operations”, created ‘Shanti Mohila’ – a network of Survivor Advocates who continue to play a leading role in the fight for justice. Through community-based counselling and knowledge-sharing, Shanti Mohila empowered the Rohingya community members to speak out and take the first steps in seeking justice, supporting national and international justice initiatives. Shanti Mohila offers a clear example of how legal support can empower victims to become advocates for justice and bring hope to their communities.
In absence of domestic justice options, survivors of crimes perpetrated by consecutive regimes in Myanmar are increasingly turning to international and foreign courts in search of justice for their communities and an end to decades of military impunity. International investigations, such as that by the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, should be escalated and strengthened, with a view to ensuring justice for survivors of SGBV and accountability for its perpetrators. States must effectively utilise universal and extraterritorial jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute conflict related sexual violence and other atrocity crimes that take place in Myanmar, removing legislative and policy barriers to doing so.
As an increasing number of survivors face displacement from Myanmar into third countries, we urge the international community and neighbouring states to ensure adequate survivor support measures including access to healthcare and psychosocial support for survivors, as well as relevant witness protection for those who wish to share their experience with international courts and justice mechanisms.
Sexual and gender-based violence has consistently been used by the Myanmar military to terrorise communities – to destroy populations by shattering lives and corroding familial and social ties. Survivors and their communities are vulnerable to illicit criminal enterprises including human trafficking, sexual exploitation, and external displacement that have deeply destabilising effect within Myanmar and broader ASEAN region. Longstanding impunity for these acts must end now..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Sexual orientation - Discrimination based on, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Women's rights
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Description:
"JAKARTA – Thailand Deputy Prime Minister Don Pramudwinai’s decision to push through with “informal” meetings with the illegal Myanmar military junta despite widespread criticism and condemnation is a betrayal of the Myanmar people and an affront to ASEAN unity, Southeast Asian lawmakers said today.
“The Thai government’s determination to hold these meetings, despite receiving rejections from the ASEAN chair, Indonesia, as well as Singapore and Malaysia, demonstrates its arrogant disregard for the unity of ASEAN, the human rights of the people of Myanmar, and even the will of its own citizens,” ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) Co-chair Charles Santiago said today. “The current Thai government was overwhelmingly defeated in the recent general election and no longer has a mandate from the people; initiating such talks in spite of this is a slap in the face of the Thai voters.”
According to leaked documents, Pramudwinai sent a letter on 14 June inviting other ASEAN foreign ministers to an “informal discussion” on 18-19 June, with the aim of “fully [re-engaging] with Myanmar at the leaders’ level”. Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi replied to the letter rejecting the invitation on 15 June, while the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a statement to the same effect on 18 June. Singapore Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan said in a press conference during his visit to the United States on 17 June that it was “premature to re-engage with the junta at a summit level or even at a foreign minister level.” The Philippines has yet to release an official statement but reportedly will not attend.
Despite this, Pramudiwinai has insisted that the talks will go ahead on 19 June and the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs has said that high-level representatives from Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia, India, China, Brunei and Vietnam have confirmed their attendance. This meeting follows a previous “track 1.5 meeting” that was held in Thailand in March and was attended by Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam along with China, India, Bangladesh and Japan.
“We are dismayed that Thailand and other countries are still willing to engage with the murderous Myanmar junta without any attempt to hold it accountable, despite the military’s continued atrocities that have already resulted in the deaths of thousands of its own people. The ‘Track 1.5’ meetings also weaken ASEAN’s credibility on their ability to resolve the many crises unfolding in Myanmar,” said Santiago.
“Indonesia as ASEAN chair, as well as the other ASEAN member states, must not let this meeting go unanswered: there must be an inquiry into Thailand’s blatant disregard and disrespect of the current Chair. While we appreciate their rejection of this ill-conceived meeting, it cannot stop there. ASEAN must work together to hold the military junta accountable, including by reforming the failed Five-Point Consensus which has yet to yield any results since its adoption in April 2021,” said Santiago..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Announcement:
Please join the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission for a hearing on human rights in Burma in the aftermath of the February 2021 coup d’état.
On February 1, 2021, in response to the November 2020 election in which Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s political party, the National League for Democracy, won a parliamentary majority, the Burmese military undertook a coup d’état, installed a junta and arrested Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD leaders. Burma’s multiethnic population reacted with protests and general strikes that were violently suppressed, generating widespread political and armed resistance that has drawn on the decades-long fight for greater autonomy in ethnic regions. The military has repeatedly used lethal force against peaceful protestors, waged offensives, including with airstrikes, against ethnic minority militias, and allegedly committed a wide range of other human rights violations and infractions of international humanitarian law, including targeted killings, burning of villages, and sexual violence. According to the State Department, since the coup nearly 3,000 people have been killed, nearly 17,000 detained, and more than 1.5 million displaced. Steps taken by the United States, the UN, ASEAN and other international actors with the goal of restoring democracy in Burma, including imposing sanctions, have not succeeded to date. The junta has announced that it intends to hold nationwide elections at some point in 2023, but the State Department has said the elections “cannot be free and fair” under current conditions. Meanwhile, 900,000 forcibly displaced Rohingya, victims and survivors of crimes against humanity and genocide, remain in Bangladesh with no solution to their crisis on the horizon.
Witnesses will review the human rights situation in Burma in the aftermath of the coup; discuss the response of the United States and the international community, including implementation of Executive Order 14014 and BURMA Act provisions as well as accountability initiatives; and offer recommendations for policymakers.
This hearing will be open to Members of Congress, congressional staff, the interested public, and the media. The hearing will be livestreamed via the Commission website and will also be available for viewing on the House Digital Channel service. For any questions, please contact Kimberly Stanton (for Co-Chair McGovern) or Mark Milosch (for Co-Chair Smith)..."
Source/publisher:
Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Yangon, 13 June 2023: UNDP, UN Women and UN-Habitat yesterday brought together representatives from local communities, NGOs, development partners and the private sector to discuss research on urban poverty and the innovative strategies being used in a new project building resilience in low-income urban communities.
The event took place in Myanmar’s commercial capital, Yangon, where the compounded crises of the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic and political upheaval resulting from the February 2021 coup have had a devastating impact on Yangon’s urban poor.
“When confronted with turmoil across the country, the breakdown in the rule of law, the human rights abuses, the alarming numbers of people displaced by conflict and disasters, it is easy to overlook what is happening right here in Yangon. Life has always been hard for the urban poor, but now it is so much harder. Poor people are much poorer, and their numbers have grown significantly,” Titon Mitra, UNDP Myanmar’s Resident Representative, said in his opening remarks.
“If we do not turn our attention to the urban poor and vulnerable, we may enable the conditions for a rapid deepening of intergenerational poverty.”
The Urban Resilience Project (URP) aims to support those made most vulnerable by urban poverty in Yangon, including women and people living in informal settlements. It is a joint project between UNDP, UN Women and UN-Habitat, working in eight townships, five of which are under martial law, identified as the most socially and economically marginalized. It aims to strengthen residents’ resilience by supporting community-led groups to improve basic services and facilities; upgrade the physical environment of informal settlements; address gender-based violence; and promote livelihoods, skills and job creation.
UNDP’s Myanmar Development Observatory presented the findings from the recently published report Helping communities weather the socio-economic downturn: Building urban resilience.
The study shows people living in Yangon’s eight poorest townships earn 30 percent less than those in the rest of Yangon and that almost a quarter of the residents of these townships had often gone without a cash income in the past 12 months.
Compared to the rest of Yangon, households in the eight URP townships are:
more likely to live in an informal settlement (14.2% of URP households compared to 1.2% of households in the rest of Yangon);
more like to have noticed violence against women by family members in their neighbourhood, (14.7% compared to 11.4%);
less likely to have access to drinkable water in the dry season (88.9% of households compared to 97.3%);
more likely to be unable to eat nutritious food (27.5% of households compared to 23%); and
1.8 times more likely to take their children out of school to earn money.
During the panel discussion, Catarina Camarinhas, Country Programme Manager a.i. of UN-Habitat, highlighted that only 30 percent of Myanmar’s population resides in urban areas, which presents many opportunities for sustainable urbanization and poverty reduction.
“Building resilience and promoting sustainable urbanization in Myanmar requires comprehensive initiatives and collaboration. By engaging multiple stakeholders and implementing effective local-level strategies, we are working towards sustainable development and climate change adaptation. Together with our partners, we aim to implement gender-responsive climate action in Myanmar,” she said.
Jackie Appel, CEO and founder of the Step-in Step-up Academy, explained how her NGO has been providing vocational training to young people to meet specific job needs in Yangon’s workforce, including in healthcare, office work and hospitality. One young woman explained to the audience at the event how she took part in training to be a cashier and immediately was employed by Yoma Bank after graduating.
Shihab Uddin Ahamad, WaterAid Myanmar’s Country Director, meanwhile discussed how the organization is bringing affordable clean water to low-income areas of Yangon through establishing bottling plants, and helping garment factory workers, who are almost all women, subsidize their incomes through food and hygiene product packages.
Women and girls in Yangon’s urban areas are particularly vulnerable. Over 80 percent of women in the baseline study said rising food prices and loss of employment or revenues were their major challenges. And in a 2021 UN Women study in Yangon, two out of three women reported being extremely worried about becoming a victim of a violent crime.
“We know 80 percent of women are working in informal employment in Yangon, that makes them vulnerable to economic downturn and provides hardly any social protection. On top of that, a lack of safe shelter and housing conditions increases the risk of sexual and gender-based violence,” said Karin Fueg, Country Representative a.i. of UN Women.
“Under the URP, UN Women is leading a gender-responsive incubator and business accelerator to help women access business skills and finance, and to address gender norms through life skills, help accessing business networks and referrals to support services like legal aid, psycho-social support or gender-based violence services,” Ms Fueg said.
The Urban Resilience Project’s community-based approach will create opportunities for resilience building, economic growth, poverty reduction, and sustainable development. By addressing the needs of the most vulnerable and fostering a sense of ownership, the project lays a foundation for long-term success and positive change.
-ENDS-
Find out more!
Read the report: https://www.undp.org/publications/helping-communities-weather-socio-economic-downturn-building-urban-resilience
Explore the Myanmar Development Observatory: https://www.undp.org/myanmar/projects/myanmar-development-observatory
The Urban Resilience Project
The Urban Resilience Project aims to address urban poverty in eight of Yangon’s poorest peri-urban townships. It focuses on providing access to sustainable sources of safe drinking water, improving health and sanitation services, supporting climate-resilient basic urban infrastructure, including drainage and access roads, and supporting micro and small enterprise development and work opportunities to more than 450,000 people.
UN Women
UN Women is the United Nations entity dedicated to gender equality and the empowerment of women. A global champion for women and girls, UN Women was established to accelerate progress on meeting their needs worldwide.
UNDP
UNDP works in 170 countries and territories to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality. It helps countries to develop policies, leadership skills, partnering abilities, institutional capabilities, and to build resilience to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Its work is concentrated in three focus areas: sustainable development, democratic governance and peacebuilding, and climate and disaster resilience.
UN-Habitat
The United Nations Human Settlements Programme, UN-Habitat, is the agency of the United Nations dedicated to promoting socially and environmentally sustainable development of human settlements in an urbanizing world, with the goal of providing safer and inclusive human settlements..."
Source/publisher:
UN Development Programme, UN Human Settlements Program, UN Women
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNDP - Burma/Myanmar, HABITAT - Burma/Myanmar, UN Women, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
pdf
Size:
1.07 MB
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Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from June 8 to 14, 2023
Military Junta troops arrested over 100 local civilians from Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, Mabein Township, Shan State and Sataung from Sagaing Region and used them as human shields from June 8th to 14th. Junta soldiers raped and killed 2 women from Mobye Township, Shan State and one woman from Ledo, Kayin State. The Military’s Head of the Prison tortured and investigated over 80 political prisoners from Myingyan Prison, Mandalay Region, moreover did not allow the permission of medical treatment and blocked the family visit for 3 months.
Military Junta troops occupied 5 civilian houses and a rice mill within a week. Military Junta threatened in the announcement on June 12th that if the PDFs are arrested they will seal the house where the PDF rented. Military Junta soldiers are also raiding civilian places and still committing that they are burning civilian buildings, arresting, torturing and killing..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"FOOD SECURITY SNAPSHOT
Below‑average 2022 cereal production forecast
Cereal exports forecast to increase
Prices of rice at record high in May
Critical food security situation due to multiple shocks
Below‑average 2022 cereal output forecast
The 2022 cropping season will finalize in late June following the completion of the secondary crop harvests. The aggregate 2022 paddy production is forecast at 24.7 million tonnes, about 8 percent below the five‑year average. Despite a near‑average area planted, the poor performance is attributed to low yields as farmers faced challenges in accessing agricultural inputs, particularly agrochemicals, due to reduced availability and high prices. The aggregate 2022 maize production is estimated at a near‑average level of 2.1 million tonnes, 12 percent less the previous year. The area planted reached an above‑average level driven by robust export demand and remunerative domestic prices. However, constrained access to agricultural inputs and below‑average precipitation amounts in the key maize‑producing northern areas resulted in the lowest average yields since 2015.
Cereal production prospects for 2023 main crops, currently being planted and for harvest at the end of the year, are uncertain. Although the high cereal prices may encourage farmers to cultivate an above‑average area, shortages and elevated prices of agricultural inputs are likely to persist, potentially curtailing crop yields..."
Source/publisher:
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (Rome) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
604.43 KB
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Description:
"Highlights:
According to recent monitoring of landmine and explosive remnants of war (ERW) incidents during the first four months of 2023, a total of 388 casualties have been reported nationwide. This figure already represents 99% of the total casualties reported in 2022 (390 reported).
Breaking down the figures by region, Sagaing Region had the highest number of casualties, accounting for 38% of the total. Bago and Shan followed with 15% and 7% of the total, respectively. The remaining regions, including Ayeyarwady, Chin, Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Magway, Mandalay, Mon, Rakhine, Tanintharyi and Yangon, contributed to 41% of the total casualties.
Children make up 22% of the total casualties from landmine and ERW explosions across the country. It is important to note that these figures only reflect civilian casualties..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
306.65 KB
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Description:
"On 14 May 2023, Cyclone Mocha slammed into western Myanmar and hit other parts of Myanmar and Bangladesh with wind speeds of up to 250 kilometres per hour – making it one of the strongest cyclones to ever make landfall in Myanmar. Cyclone Mocha destroyed homes and infrastructure in affected regions, most severely in the Rakhine State townships of Rathedaung and in Sittwe. While the death toll is difficult to verify independently due to lack of access, at least one hundred Rohingya people living in internment camps in Sittwe were said to be killed by the cyclone, with the number likely to be much higher. Many were also injured..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"JAKARTA – The Myanmar junta’s inadequate and discriminatory response to Cyclone Mocha must prompt ASEAN, ASEAN member states, and the wider international community to bypass the junta and provide more aid and support through local ethnic and civil society organizations, parliamentarians from Southeast Asia said today.
One month has passed since Cyclone Mocha landed and caused devastation in western Myanmar on 14 June 2023. Since then, at least 145 people and likely hundreds more have been killed with many more injured and suffering from a lack of food, clean water and shelter. At least 1.6 million people were affected by the hurricane in Chin, Sagaing, Magway, Kachin, and Rakhine, which has a large Rohingya Muslim community that has long been the target of discrimination and persecution.
“We are deeply concerned about the welfare of Cyclone Mocha survivors, especially those located in ethnic minority regions,” APHR Chairperson and member of the Indonesian House of Representatives Mercy Barends said today. “Vulnerable communities such as the Rohingya are once again the victims of the junta’s incompetence and callous disregard for human life.”
The Myanmar junta’s failure to respond promptly and effectively to the cyclone has left the lives of thousands in limbo. Their negligence has been compounded by the absurd decision to block access to Rakhine state for aid workers and humanitarian groups, including the United Nations, in clear violation of humanitarian norms and international human rights laws. The junta has made their bad faith clear by the use of racist language in state-run media, calling the Rohingya in Rakhine state ‘Bengalis.’
Meanwhile Chin, Sagaing, and Magway have all been the target of a devastating campaign of airstrikes, raids, and arson by the Myanmar junta in recent months, and residents have even alleged that the military conducted attacks while the cyclone was happening.
Myanmar’s past history with natural disasters and health crises show that this type of ineffective and at times malicious response is unfortunately nothing new.
During the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the Myanmar military largely rejected the assistance of international relief efforts. It prolonged response times by “delaying the issuance of visas to aid workers, prohibiting foreign helicopters and boats from making deliveries to support the relief operation, obstructing travel by aid agencies to affected areas, and preventing local and international media.”
In the same vein, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the military weaponized the virus by attempting to control the population, attacking medics and first responders while also prioritizing their own access to personal protective equipment and other key COVID-19 supplies.
In stark contrast, ethnic revolutionary organizations (EROs) and humanitarian responders have proven integral to the disaster response so far. Days after the cyclone hit, the Arakan Army and the United League of Arakan formed the Cyclone Mocha Emergency Rescue and Rehabilitation Committee for Arakan. The Arakan Army also assisted with relocation efforts for approximately 100,000 civilians before the storm hit. Other EROs and the National Unity Government (NUG) have also donated significant funds to the relief effort.
“Past experience has shown that the Myanmar military’s response to any crisis is inept at best and inhumane at worst. The junta clearly cannot be trusted to facilitate any form of aid, and certainly not in regions where it has only weeks ago conducted brutal airstrikes,” said Barends. “Donor countries and institutions should urgently divert their aid to local ethnic and civil society organizations that have a proven track record of helping those most in need. Failure to do so would be a grave disservice to the thousands of people that have fallen victim not only to a deadly disaster, but also to a murderous authoritarian regime.”..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Executive Summary
This study finds that at least 6,337 civilians were reported as killed and 2,614 as wounded for political reasons in Myanmar in the twenty months between the military coup of February 1, 2021, and September 30, 2022. This is a larger number than is normally cited in the media, and yet it is only an estimate, based on reported killings gathered from reliable media reports. The actual total is surely higher since many killings have likely gone unreported.
Our research indicates that even establishing an accurate total for just the reported civilian killings from any single available dataset is essentially impossible, due to selection bias with respect to sources. This is true of the Township-based Conflict Monitoring System (TCMS) dataset, which is maintained by the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security (MIPS) and provides the main basis for this study. We have thus combined several datasets to arrive at an approximate total figure.
This report defines civilians as individuals who are neither combatants nor members of armed organizations, and who do not take part directly in hostile actions. The report does not join the debate over what kinds of violence constitute a violation of international humanitarian law. Our study aims to demonstrate that the total reported number of conflict-driven civilian fatalities is higher than the figures cited in reports compiled by various international actors, including the United Nations. The study briefly discusses the reported killings of individuals alleged to have been members of a Pyu Saw Htee or militia force associated with the Myanmar military. Since we have been unable to ascertain the veracity of these allegations, we have taken them at face value and have not counted these particular individuals as civilians.
The escalation of violence against civilians in Myanmar began shortly after the February 2021 coup, when the new military regime suppressed non-violent protests by means of brutal crackdowns, arrests, torture, and killings. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) identified 884 protest-related killings by the security forces. After the initial phase of repression of the anti-junta protest, political violence continued at a lower level, which then escalated and reached a monthly peak of 492 registered killings in December 2021.
The repression of the non-violent protests led to the formation of local resistance groups, such as Local Defense Forces (LDF) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), which acquired arms and training from Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). These groups launched attacks against military units, police targets, and civil servants who allegedly supported the arrest of protesters by actively supporting the military. The media reports also showed that resistance groups themselves killed some civil servants who did not join the Civil Disobedience Movement. The military responded with raids against villages suspected of harboring PDFs. The retaliatory violence triggered a wave of politically motivated murders by both sides, with the military targeting suspected PDF fighters and supporters, and the PDFs targeting alleged informers and collaborators. The military then responded by arming local militias. Given this dynamic, political violence is likely to escalate further, and perhaps reach catastrophic proportions. The epicenter of the escalated violence has been the Sagaing and Magway regions, which are mainly populated by Myanmar’s ethnic Burman majority population, and which had not experienced armed struggle in decades prior to the coup.
This study finds that politically motivated murders, and not collateral killings in connection with armed clashes, constituted the dominant form of violence against civilians in both urban and rural areas in the 20-month period after the coup. This was especially true in regions populated by the ethnic Burman majority and in the two major cities of Yangon and Mandalay. Sixty-seven percent of the reported civilian fatalities were politically motivated murders. The four regions—Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay, and Yangon—have seen the highest number of civilian deaths due both to the repression in the first six months after the coup and to politically motivated murders in the subsequent months. In contrast to the aftermath of the 1988 military crackdown against the protestors in Yangon and other places, when the main fighting took place in ethnic minority areas, in the period from 2021–2022, the Burman majority population suffered the most from political violence.
A key purpose of this study is to demonstrate that ample multimedia evidence is available to systematically track the number of civilian killings in Myanmar. Much evidence may be found in the social media, where perpetrators often post images, videos, and accounts of their actions. Additionally, traditional media and local news sources have reported a great number of killings, often with a high degree of accuracy. These reports, compiled by local journalists, are available on Facebook, Telegram, and other social media platforms.
While we emphasize that the Myanmar military holds sole responsibility for instigating the trend of violence when it repressed the non-violent protests, our study calls for more research both to understand the large number of politically motivated murders of civilians that occurred afterward and to identify the perpetrators. The study calculates that the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw), police, and affiliated militia were responsible for 3,003 reported civilian deaths (including protestors), between February 1, 2021, and September 30, 2022. In the same 20-month period, anti-coup resistance groups or EAOs killed 2,152 civilians, and unspecified perpetrators killed at least 1,170 civilians. Our study also shows that determining the category to which some of the unspecified perpetrators belong is possible by identifying their victims. (For categories of perpetrators, see Table 8 below.) One objective of this study is to lay a groundwork for investigating each and every incident.
The military regime plans to hold a sham election in August 2023, which the opposition has vowed to disrupt. Even though the election is likely to be delayed, the risk of election-related violence remains high. There have been media reports of election-related violence and explicit threats against the political parties that decided to register their parties with the Union Election Commission (UEC) and civil servants working on behalf of the UEC. The scale, trend, and acceptance of violence against civilians by supporters of both the military regime and the resistance groups are worrying. There is potential for politicide, with large-scale retaliatory killings should the violence escalate.
On the basis of our research, we would like to suggest that the United Nations (UN) create a system to observe and document the murder of civilians in Myanmar, in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2669. This resolution demands the cessation of all violence and encourages restraint and the reduction of tensions. The proposed system should maintain a current tally of civilian deaths, modelled on the one that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) uses to track civilian deaths in Ukraine. Furthermore, our study urges all participants in the conflict to begin a conversation about safeguarding civilians and halting the continuous killing of civilians in conflict zones and major cities..."
Source/publisher:
Peace Research Institute Oslo
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.91 MB (56 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 9 June, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. Response figures are based on self-reporting by organizations to clusters. The next humanitarian update will be issued in early July 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
• The devastating impact of Cyclone Mocha, which landed on 14 May on Myanmar’s coastal area, and the ongoing armed conflict have compounded the suffering of people across the country. Needs are enormous especially with the monsoon season well underway.
• Nationwide, more than 1.8 million people are currently displaced in Myanmar, with 1.5 million already displaced due to the conflict and insecurity since the 2021 military takeover.
• Humanitarians continue providing critical life-saving assistance to the most vulnerable people despite access challenges and limited funding. During the first quarter of 2023, 1.4 million people were reached with humanitarian assistance (31 per cent of the 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan target).
• In the cyclone-affected zone especially in Rakhine, Northwest and Kachin, humanitarian organizations have been delivering assistance where they have stocks and approval. However, more supplies, wider access and increased funding are urgently needed to deliver at-scale and meet needs across all communities.
• Restrictions on humanitarian operations and bureaucratic hurdles are impeding assistance efforts, also on the cyclone response. Of concern is the recent decision to suspend humanitarian access in Rakhine. In a press release of 12 June, the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator urged the de facto authorities to reconsider this decision and prioritize the well-being of the people including of the cyclone-affected communities.
• Generous funding is vital to alleviate human suffering and support the humanitarian response in Myanmar. The US$764 million Humanitarian Response Plan, plus an additional $122 million for new activities outlined in Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal, is crucial for recovery and relief efforts..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
544.75 KB
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Description:
"A report released today by the Peace Research Institute Oslo finds that at least 6,000 civilians were killed in the first 20 months following Myanmar’s military coup in 2021. This is significantly higher than reported by international bodies, including the United Nations.
“Our data shows that the human toll of the conflict is higher than previously reported, and while the junta is clearly the main killer, anti-junta forces also have large amounts of blood on their hands,” said Stein Tønnesson, Research Professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) and the co-author of the study.
The report, ‘Counting Myanmar’s Dead - Reported Civilian Casualties since the 2021 Military Coup,’ uses the Township-based Conflict Monitoring System maintained by Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security, and two other datasets as the main sources for compiling figures.
It found that the Myanmar military, police and affiliated militia were responsible for over 3,000 reported civilian deaths between 1 February 2021 and 30 September 2022. In the same 20-month period, anti-coup resistance groups killed over 2,000 civilians, and unspecified perpetrators killed at least 1,000 civilians. The actual totals are no doubt higher since many killings have likely gone unreported.
In addition, the study found that politically motivated murders, and not collateral killings in connection with armed clashes, constituted the main form of violence against civilians in both urban and rural areas in the 20-month period after the coup. This was especially true in regions populated by the ethnic Burman majority, including the two major cities of Yangon and Mandalay.
At least 67 percent of reported civilian fatalities were politically motivated murders. Four regions – Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay and Yangon – have seen the highest number of civilian deaths due both to the repression in the first six months after the coup and to targeted political murders in subsequent months.
The military regime plans to hold a general election in the second half of 2023, where the National League for Democracy, which won the elections by a landslide in 2015 and 2020, and other important opposition parties will not be able to partake. The risk of election-related violence is high. There have already been reports of conflict incidents, and of threats against civil servants working on behalf of the regime’s election.
“Civilians in Myanmar are bracing themselves for a steep escalation in violence. There is huge potential for politicide, with large-scale retaliatory killings, if the civil war escalates to a next level. This report should set off alarm bells to world bodies like the UN and ASEAN,” warned Dr. Min Zaw Oo, a Global Fellow at PRIO and director of the Myanmar Institute of Peace and Security, the lead author of the report.
The study recommends that the UN improve its system to observe and document the murder of civilians in Myanmar, in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2669, regardless of the perpetrators’ political affiliation. This resolution demands the cessation of all violence and encourages restraint and the reduction of tensions. The report also urges all sides to the conflict to begin a dialogue on protecting civilians.
For more information or to arrange an interview:
Contact Michelle Delaney, Communication Director at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) | [email protected] | mobile 0047 941 65 579.
Click here to download the whole report, ‘Counting Myanmar’s dead - Reported Civilian Casualties since the 2021 Military Coup.’
Click here to access the Township-based Conflict Monitoring System and two other datasets used for the report..."
Source/publisher:
Norwegian Refugee Council via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"(Myanmar, 12 June 2023) – One month after Cyclone Mocha hit western Myanmar with brutal force, the State Administration Council has suspended humanitarian access in Rakhine State, crippling life-saving aid distributions to affected communities.
“Four weeks into this disaster response and with the monsoon season well underway, it is unfathomable that humanitarians are being denied access to support people in need,” UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i Ramanathan Balakrishnan said.
Since the cyclone hit on 14 May, humanitarians have been reaching a growing number of people with aid using limited travel authorizations granted to organizations with long-standing operations in Rakhine. More than 110,000 people across the affected areas have received shelter and other relief items, while food assistance has reached almost 300,000 people in Rakhine alone. This new access decision suspends that assistance, paralyzing the humanitarian response.
“This decision is yet another devastating setback for more than a million people whom humanitarians had planned to reach with life-saving assistance in cyclone-hit Rakhine state over the weeks and months ahead. Just when vulnerable communities need our help the most, we have been forced to stop distributions of food, drinking water, and shelter supplies,” Mr. Balakrishnan said.
Since the cyclone, humanitarians have had extensive discussions to scale up assistance in Rakhine and other cyclone-affected areas. After significant engagement at both Nay Pyi Taw and regional level, initial approval for distribution and transportation plans and additional travel authorization was received for wider distributions in June. This has since been rescinded, pending further clearances. Similar plans for distribution and transportation in Chin also remain pending.
“This denial of access unnecessarily prolongs the suffering of those without food to eat or a roof over their head. It increases the risk of food insecurity and water-borne disease,” Mr. Balakrishnan said. “On behalf of humanitarian actors, I urge the State Administration Council to urgently reconsider this decision and re-instate the initial approval that was granted for distributions which will allow aid that is ready and waiting to flow to people who desperately need it.”
On 23 May, humanitarians launched a US$333 million Flash Appeal for donor support to reach 1.6 million people affected by Cyclone Mocha in Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway and Kachin. To date, just $10.3m has been received..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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180.68 KB 237.88 KB
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"This report examines why digital infrastructures are crucial to the work and survival of independent media, particularly in Majority World countries, and why the current infrastructures are a serious threat to press freedom, access to information and democracy.
It also presents inspiration, examples and recommendations to what a broad range of factors can do to create alternative public interest infrastructure and explains why media is a crucial actor to include in these processes.
First, a timeline introduces the key shifts in media and information distribution throughout time.
The first chapter, Digital infrastructure that serves the public interest, outlines basic elements of what public interest infrastructure is and why the scale of our current problems in the digital space forces us to focus more on locally anchored alternatives. It is based on a range of interviews and public events over the past year and a half with leading journalists and tech experts, including IMS partners, from around the world.
Moving closer to the local context, Online risks and social resilience in Myanmar analyses the advantages and dangers of current digital infrastructures in Myanmar, particularly regarding social media and messaging tools. The analysis looks into how digital platforms have increased trust levels and direct communication, but also concludes that the price of these developments has been very high, and that the services posed a threat to the public’s safety after the military coup on 1 February 2021.
Building on leading academic research, Who controls the internet in Myanmar presents a mapping and analysis of the ownership and control of Myanmar’s digital infrastructure, from cell towers and undersea cables to apps, and its consequences for local media and the public. The researchers conclude that the military is in a prime position to turn the country into a digital dictatorship.
The last chapter, How to get there: reimagine, build and scale in the public interest, analyses and proposes what steps independent media, the media development community, global and local communities, governments and donors can take towards creating digital infrastructures that better serve the public interest locally and globally, while introducing solutions that excites us – like local, slow-moving social media platforms and a tool to measure the public interest value of an organisation’s current and future tech procurements.
Finally, the report rounds off with a list of recommendations to catalyse the ambitious work towards the vision of public interest infrastructure. These reflect that we need to join, form and support coalitions with diverse skills and a shared vision at local, regional and global levels..."
Source/publisher:
International Media Support (Denmark)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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pdf
Size:
9.05 MB (52 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"This report provides insights into the media habits of the population of Myanmar following the 2021-military coup as well as people’s news concepts, trust levels and media literacy levels.
This publication presents the findings from an audience study carried out by IMS and Nyan Corridor in June-August 2022. Due to difficulties with data collection in the current situation, the conclusions of the study apply mainly to the subset of the population that can be said to be in opposition of the military coup.
The study found that the 2021 military coup has significantly altered the media environment of the country, causing audiences to change their habits and understandings of both media and news. The military’s crackdown on independent media has made it far more difficult for people to access independent news and information and many struggle to navigate in the polarised society that is also reflected in the media landscape. The conflict is on everyone’s mind and people actively seek out information to stay updated and make informed decisions for themselves and their families. Mainstream media outlets such as Mizzima and DVB are seen as trusted sources of information where content is produced based on ethical principles, but they are unfortunately not always able of providing needed information from a hyperlocal level. In these cases, audiences rely on local media or online community media (eg. Facebook groups for specific local areas) for information.
There is no doubt that social media plays a vital role in Myanmar. Compared to the findings from an audience research study IMS conducted in 2018, where television was the preferred medium for news and information, most Burmese today rely on social media. Facebook is by far the most used platform, but people are beginning to be more vary as to how they use Facebook and leave traces of their whereabouts and political opinions. People may fear that liking, commenting or sharing news from non-military media can have consequences for their safety and security. People are in general far more conscious about their media usage and digital habits and take extra measures to protect themselves and their online identity. For instance, by using VPN servers when accessing social media and news sites or leaving their smart phones at home when leaving the house to avoid it being scrutinized by authorities. Media literacy levels also appear to have been elevated with people checking sources and fact-checking information they encounter online. This is a positive development in a country that until recently saw very low levels of media literacy and understanding of dis/misinformation on social media.
Based on the findings, the report ends with 11 recommendations directed towards both the Myanmar media and the organisations and institutions that supports the media. IMS hopes that these recommendations can serve as inspiration for the continuous support to sustain independent media in a post-coup Myanmar and ensure that the population continue to have access to relevant and reliable news and information..."
Source/publisher:
International Media Support (Denmark)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.08 MB (24 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"Executive Summary:
Burmanisation and Buddhisation: Accelerating the Deterioration of Religious Rights in Myanmar outlines how the 2021 military coup in Myanmar has accelerated the deterioration of rights, especially of religious minorities in the country.
Article 34 of the Myanmar constitution enshrines the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) to ensure that religious freedom is respected for all citizens, regardless of their ethnic and religious background. However, the constitution also contains provisions that prioritise Buddhism, the dominant religion in Myanmar, over other religions.
Additionally, Myanmar’s military has backtracked on the initial engagement by the earlier democratically-elected government in the mid-2010s to sign and ratify international human rights covenants like the ICCPR and ICERD. This further hinders the sustainability of freedom of religion or belief in the country, given its past and present limited or non-observance to international human rights standards.
Successive governments, both military and non-military, since colonial independence, have prioritised and promoted Bamar culture and Buddhism, known as Burmanisation and Buddhisation. However, this has severely limited the religious rights of non-Buddhist and non-Bamar individuals and communities.
Following the 2021 coup, Myanmar’s State Administration Council has intensified pressure on the rights of ethnic and religious minority groups, through aggressive Burmanisation and Buddhisation policies. These policies are pursued through the following three measures: 1) using pre-coup legislation that is oppressive in nature and undermines the rights of ethno-religious minorities, 2) ignoring existing constitutional provisions that ensure the protection of freedom of religion or belief; and 3), refusing to implement the recommendations made via UN human rights mechanisms by member states. As a result, the military has not only stalled the democratisation process but regressed the country into an accelerated deterioration of human rights, including religious rights.
This report presents evidence of four main ways in which religious rights are being deteriorated in Myanmar: 1) targeting of pro-federalism ethno-religious communities; 2) damage, destruction and occupation of religious sites; 3) arbitrary detentions and killings of ethno-religious minorities; 4) persecution of Muslim Rohingya. Although these impacts are primarily felt by members of ethno-religious minorities, Bamar people and Buddhists have also been affected, especially if they support or are suspected of supporting those resisting the junta.
Given the rapidly deteriorating state of rights, especially that of religious minorities and the ongoing conflict that exists between the pro-democracy and pro-military groups, this report recommends the following multi-stakeholder actions: the international community should use its mechanisms to monitor, engage, and denounce FoRB violations and explore diplomatic ways to engage with Myanmar’s leaders to review discriminatory laws and stop the violence. INGOs should collaborate with local groups by receiving first-hand accounts of rights violations for international dissemination and provide technical and financial support to them. Local civil society organisations should safely monitor and raise awareness among the population of their religious rights.
Collectively, these efforts can help improve the state of religious rights in Myanmar, particularly for members of minority groups, ensuring that they can practise their chosen religion without being targeted or harassed..."
Source/publisher:
Asia Centre
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups
Language:
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pdf
Size:
2.4 MB (Original version) - 34 pages
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Description:
"This more comprehensive product now replaces the daily Flash Updates that were previously issued by OCHA Myanmar on Cyclone Mocha. This Sit Rep is produced by OCHA in collaboration with the seven operating humanitarian clusters and their sub-working groups in Myanmar. The humanitarian response section is not necessarily reflective of all humanitarian interventions undertaken on the ground but rather those voluntarily reported by partners. Sit Reps are now being issued weekly.
HIGHLIGHTS
The humanitarian access situation in cyclone-hit Rakhine state has deteriorated with existing travel authorizations (TAs) for humanitarian organizations suspended this week pending new, centralized discussions in Nay Pyi Taw.
Initial approval for humanitarian distribution and transportation plans for cyclone-affected townships in Rakhine have also been rescinded pending further Nay Pyi Taw-level deliberations. Similar plans in Chin are also pending.
Some requests for the replenishment of relief supplies from outside the country have been approved, but with significant conditions. Others remain pending.
The suspension of access in Rakhine brings a stop to activities that have been reaching hundreds of thousands of people.
To date, more than 110,000 affected people have received shelter and other essential relief items.
Food assistance had reached almost 300,000 affected people in Rakhine state alone.
In Rakhine, partners were distributing seeds and organic fertilizers to provide families with food to eat and sell. Further scaled-up distributions of agricultural inputs are critical to combating food insecurity in affected areas over the months ahead and are now also on pause.
Humanitarians have also been prioritizing the wellbeing of children in the response, including through the establishment of hundreds of mobile and temporary child-friendly spaces, and the distribution of critical child safety messaging to nearly 28,000 people across Rakhine and the Northwest.
The suspension of activities in Rakhine could not have come at worse time with the monsoon arriving. An urgent scale-up of the response is needed, expanding activities that had already been underway in the impact zone and adding to assistance being distributed by a range of local authorities and civil society organizations in different areas.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
The monsoon season has arrived in Myanmar, further worsening the living situation facing people whose homes were damaged or destroyed by Cyclone Mocha in mid-May. Heavy rains and some flooding were observed in areas that were already heavily impacted, further hampering the recovery process for people whose coping capacities are already stretched to the limit.
Against this backdrop, access restrictions have escalated. Existing TAs that had been facilitating assistance delivery in Rakhine have been suspended pending centralized discussions in Nay Pyi Taw through the Disaster Management Committee. Using these existing approvals, humanitarians had been reaching a growing number of people in need. More than 113,200 people in the affected areas have received shelter and other relief items, while food assistance has reached more than 293,800 people in Rakhine alone. In addition, humanitarians have been working to ensure cyclone-affected children are looked after with the establishment of 240 mobile and temporary child-friendly spaces in Rakhine and the Northwest. These spaces provide safe environments for children to engage in recreational activities and receive vital psychosocial support after the trauma and disruption they have experienced. Approximately 28,000 people in Rakhine and the Northwest have also received important child safety messages.
Humanitarians had been hoping to scale-up their operations in the coming weeks, but this centralized decision on TAs now puts that on hold. Initial approval for humanitarian distribution and transport plans across 11 townships have also been rescinded pending additional deliberations in Nay Pyi Taw. Similar plans for Chin are also not yet approved.
Some import requests have been approved with conditions. Others remain pending. Flexible imports are critical for the replenishment of supplies. Scaled-up financial support is also urgently required to facilitate the timely procurement of vital supplies. According to the Financial Tracking Service (FTS), as of 6 June, only US$8 million in additional funds has been received against the $333 million Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal. This appeal aims to provide assistance to 1.6 million people most heavily impacted by the cyclone in Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway, and Kachin..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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474.08 KB 593.31 KB
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"At least 139 attacks on Myanmar's health care system have been documented by Insecurity Insight between 01 January-16 May 2023. Explore this interactive map to see where incidents were reported, who the perpetrators were and the weapons used. The map does not yet include incidents reported in this News Brief.
Past incident reports: 03-16 May; 19 April-02 May; 05-18 April; 22 March-04 April; 08-21 March; All.
Past analysis reports: April and September 2022; 1 February 2021 to 10 January 2022; 1 January to 31 March 2022.
Join our Myanmar mailing list for regular updates. Visit our website. Follow us on Twitter. If you have additional information on an incident documented here, or a new incident, please get in touch. Help support the protection of health care by sharing this resource. Please copy and paste this link: bit.ly/17-30May2023MMRHealth
Documented incidents
17 May 2023: In Saw Lon village and village tract, Bawlakhe township and district, Kayah state, a sub-rural health centre was damaged in Myanmar military airstrikes. Staff house buildings of the health centre, six civilian houses, a monastery, a community seed bank building, and public drinking water pond were damaged, a female civilian killed and four male civilians injured.
Sources: Facebook, Kantarawaddy Times and Myanmar Now
17 May 2023: In Pan Nyo village and village tract, Myaung township, Sagaing district and region, the Myanmar military attacked a sub-rural health centre using armed drones. Source: Facebook 18 May 2023: In Saw Lon village, Bawlake township and district, Kayah state, an SAC aerial attack destroyed two rural medical facilities, a monastery, and six private homes. Source: Radio Free Asia
20 May 2022: In Demoso township and district, Kayah state, Myanmar military airstrikes damaged a clinic building and four civilian houses. Source: Twitter As reported on 21 May 2023: In Rakhine state, the restrictions on medicine transport and purchase are still present after the Cyclone Mocha had hit this area. The restrictions were in place from July 2022 due to the armed clashes between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army.
Source: Myanmar Pressphoto Agency
21 May 2023: In Sar Taung village and village tract, Sagaing township, district, and region, the local resistance forces used a hospital building as a bunker in their attack on a police station on the opposite side of the road. Sources: Facebook, Mandalay Free Press and Myanmar Now
21 May 2023: In Hakha town, township, and district, Chin state, the Myanmar military raided Agape Hospital and arrested a female doctor and four female nurses and detained them at the local police station. The reason for arrest is unknown, however it is suspected that it could be for prisoner exchange. Sources: Ayeyarwaddy Times, Global Security, Khonumthung Burmese,
Radio Free Asia and Radio Free Asia
As reported on 21 May 2023: In Yangon town, township and region, a male doctor was among 28 people returning from the United States and arrested at the airport by the Myanmar military and sent to an interrogation centre. Eight of them, including the doctor, were later released. Source:
Facebook
22 May 2023: In Khin-U township, Shwebo district, Sagaing region, a medical student was killed in armed clashes. Sources: Facebook and Facebook II
22 May 2023: Near Hniarlawn village and village tract, Hakha township and district, Chin state, the body of a male medical technician was found burnt along with another female civilian. The medical technician served at Hakha Hospital before being affiliated with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Their burnt bodies were found near the former temporary base camp of the Myanmar military, and their families accused the Myanmar military for the killing. The two victims went missing on 02 May 2023 while travelling from Tedim town to Hakha town. Sources:
Khonumthung Burmese and Mizzima
23 May 2023: On the highway connecting Pauk town and Pakokku town, Magway region, an armed group seized an LNGO ambulance en route from Mandalay town to Pauk town. The ambulance operators, patient, and patient attendants were not harmed. The junta authorities accused the local resistance forces of this attack. Source: Telegram
24 May 2023: In Thea Inn village and village tract, Singu township, Thabeikkyin district, Mandalay region, a station hospital was damaged due to the artillery fires by the Myanmar military during armed clashes between the Myanmar military and local resistance forces. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma
25 May 2023: In Sanchaung town and township, Yangon (West) district, Yangon region, two male doctors were among 16 youths arrested by the Myanmar military. Sources: Mizzima and Myanmar Pressphoto Agency
As reported on 25 May 2023: In Thandaung town and station, Thandaunggyi township and district, Kayin state, and Kyaukkyi township, Nyaunglebin district, Bago region, the junta authorities restricted the transport of medicines and food items. Source: Myanmar Now
25 May 2023: In Tha Bawt Seik village, Kyauk Sin village tract, Launglon township, Dawei district,
Tanintharyi region, a private pharmacy was among the civilians’ properties ransacked by the Myanmar military. Source: Dawei Watch
26 May 2023: In Namtu town and township, Kyaukme district, Shan state (North), the junta authorities inspected the houses of six CDM-affiliated health workers and warned them to stop providing health care. One of them, a female nurse, was asked whether she had a valid nursing licence, and was told to sign a statement that she would no longer provide health care. Source:
Shwe Phee Myay News Agency
As reported on 26 May 2023: In Pakokku town, township, and district, Magway region, some LNGOs were made to obtain travel authorisation (TA) for each ambulance trip. The TA request form requires the details of the LNGOs and patients. This local by-law has to be abided by the ambulances entering or leaving Pakokku town. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma
26 May 2023: In Nwe Ni village and village tract, Yesagyo township, Pakokku district, Magway region, the Myanmar military torched a health centre and 27 civilian houses during a four-day raid of 25 villages in the area. Sources: Facebook, Facebook II and Khit Thit Media
27 May 2023: In Kayah state, two female medics and two male members of the Demoso Medic Unit of the ethnic armed organisation Karenni Revolution Union were killed in armed clashes while providing treatment to the injured. Sources: Democratic Voice of Burma, Facebook and Radio Free Asia
27 May 2023: In Kyaikdon town, Kyain Seikgyi township and district, Kayin state, a rural health centre was damaged due in an armed drone attack. The junta authorities accused the local resistance forces of this attack. Source: Eleven Media Group
As reported on 27 May 2023: In Monywa town, township and district, Sagaing region, the junta authorities inspected private clinics. Source: Mizzima
28 to 30 May 2023: In Monywa town, township and district, Sagaing region, the junta authorities arrested three male civilians from a private clinic of a female obstetrician on 28 May. A private ophthalmologist clinic was made to pay so-called tax for two years on 30 May. The military raided a private laboratory and specialist clinic Ka Ra Mat on 30 May. The pro-military media claimed that the local authorities conducted routine inspections of five private clinics and laboratories including Ka Ra Mat on 30 May. Sources: Facebook, Facebook II, Facebook III and Facebook IV
29 May 2023: In Hlut Taik village and village tract, Kyunhla township, Kanbalu district, Sagaing region, the Myanmar military and militia torched a health centre and seven civilian houses during a two-day raid of four villages in this area. Sources: Khit Thit Media and Myaelattathan
29 May 2023: In Ngwe Taung Ka Lay village, Kywe Hpyu Taung village tract, Thandaunggyi township and district, Kayin state, a local clinic was hit by Myanmar military artillery fire. The clinic was functioning at the time of the attack. There were no casualties since the attack occurred during after-hours. Sources: Facebook, KIC News and Mizzima
29 May 2023: In Nyaung Pin village, War Boe village tract, Yesagyo township, Pakokku district,
Magway region, the Myanmar military torched a health centre and 29 civilian houses during a four-day raid of 25 villages and the burning down 656 civilian houses. Sources: Facebook
As reported on 29 May 2023: In Hpa-An town, township and district, Kayin state, access to health care is limited for civilians due to hospital beds dedicated for junta soldiers, increased security at hospitals, forced discharge of chronic in-patients and shortage of health workers at public hospitals. Civilians have to access health care in the private sector rather than the public sector. At the station hospital in Kyondoe town, Kawkareik township and district, Kayin state, patients and their patients were interrogated about local resistance forces by the Myanmar military. The Myanmar military assigned their troops at public hospitals in Myawaddy, Kawkareik, and Hlaingbwe towns in Kayin state for security reasons. LNGOs were forced to find blood donors for injured Myanmar military soldiers. Source: KIC News..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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486.21 KB
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"UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said there were reports that Bangladeshi authorities were using deceptive and coercive measures to compel Rohingya refugees to return to Myanmar.
“Conditions in Myanmar are anything but conducive for the safe, dignified, sustainable, and voluntary return of Rohingya refugees,” Andrews said. “Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who commanded the forces that launched the genocidal attacks against the Rohingya, now leads a brutal military junta that is attacking civilian populations while denying the Rohingya citizenship and other basic rights,” he said.
Bangladesh officials have stated that an initial group of 1140 Rohingya refugees will be repatriated to Myanmar at an unspecified date and 6000 will be returned by the end of the year. Actions by Bangladesh authorities suggest that the first return could be imminent.
Bangladesh authorities have reportedly threatened arrest, confiscation of documents, and other forms of retaliation for those who resist the government’s plans.
“There are also reports of refugees being promised large sums of money, if they agree to return. These promises are allegedly being made even as food rations are being cut to $.27 per person per day for those in the Bangladesh camps. It remains unclear where the funds for repatriated families will come from,” Andrews said.
Under the pilot project, Rohingya refugees will not be allowed to return to their own villages, many of which were razed to the ground during the genocidal attacks of 2017. The refugees would pass through “reception” and “transit” centers in Maungdaw Township, after which they would be moved to a designated area of 15 newly constructed “villages” – places they will not be allowed to leave freely.
In March, Bangladesh authorities facilitated two visits by Myanmar junta authorities (SAC) to the Bangladesh camps. According to reports, at least some of the refugees were coerced into participating in ‘verification’ interviews with SAC officials. Bangladesh and SAC officials also coordinated a ‘go and see’ visit to Rakhine State for some Rohingya refugees. Bangladeshi officials said the refugees had expressed “general satisfaction” with arrangements made for their return, but these assurances were contradicted by reports that those who participated in the trip had unequivocally rejected the repatriation plans.
“The return of Rohingya refugees under these conditions would likely violate Bangladesh’s obligations under international law and expose Rohingya to gross human rights violations and, potentially, future atrocity crimes,” the Special Rapporteur said.
“I implore Bangladesh to immediately suspend the repatriation pilot programme,” Andrews said.
“I also urge the international community to stand with Rohingya refugees in both word and deed. This must include reversing the failure to provide a humane level of support for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who are unable to pursue livelihoods, continue to face hunger and malnutrition, and whose children have very limited educational opportunities,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Military Junta troops launched an airstrike and dropped bombs in Kachin State, Shan State, and Bago Region from June 1st to 7th. Military junta arrested more than 70 civilians and used them as human shields in Sagaing Region and Mandalay Region. Pro Military’ Junta Pyusawhtee militias tortured and killed 2 women in Htantabin Township, Yangon Region.
Military Junta troops burnt and killed a civilian from Sintgu Township in Mandalay Region. 3 civilians including a child were killed and 16 people including 2 children were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks. Civilians’ properties were burnt and damaged by the Military Junta dropping bombs..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
164.18 KB
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Sub-title:
Junta’s Crackdown on Defense Counsel Reflects Broader Attack on Justice System
Description:
"Lawyers in Myanmar defending anti-coup protesters and critics have faced threats, arrest, and prosecution by the military junta. Those detained have been tortured and mistreated.
The military authorities impose systematic obstacles and restrictions on lawyers, impeding their work. The junta has created closed courts inside prisons that violate fair trial rights to fast-track politically sensitive cases.
Myanmar’s junta should urgently restore civilian democratic rule. Concerned governments should impose targeted sanctions against junta members implicated in abuses, seek referral of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and adopt a global arms embargo.
(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military junta has threatened and harassed lawyers trying to defend the rights of protesters and others arbitrarily detained since the February 1, 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The 39-page report, “‘Our Numbers are Dwindling’: Myanmar’s Post-Coup Crackdown on Lawyers,” examines the junta authorities’ pattern of harassment, surveillance, arrests, and in some cases torture of lawyers since the coup, particularly those taking on political cases. At least 32 lawyers have been arrested and placed in pretrial detention with little evidence supporting the charges against them, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
“At every turn, Myanmar’s lawyers have faced systematic, junta-imposed obstacles and restrictions impeding their work,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The military authorities should immediately release all those arbitrarily detained and stop harassing lawyers.”
Since the coup, the junta has arrested and detained thousands of anti-coup activists and critics and prosecuted many for incitement and terrorism in summary trials that do not meet international fair trial standards. Myanmar’s already tenuous justice system has declined drastically, failing to uphold basic due process rights. The junta has created “special courts,” closed courts inside prisons to fast-track political cases. Military tribunals hold summary trials in townships where martial law has been declared. Despite the systematic impediments imposed by the military authorities, lawyers still try to defend the human rights of those arrested.
Human Rights Watch interviewed 19 defense lawyers and 7 legal advisers to international nongovernmental organizations working inside the Myanmar military junta’s special courts system. All 19 lawyers said they had experienced intimidation and surveillance by junta authorities. In some cases, the junta authorities appear to have targeted lawyers in reprisal for representing activists charged with sedition, incitement, or terrorism.
Lawyers also reported ill treatment or torture of detained colleagues. Several sources familiar with the situation of Tin Win Aung, a high court lawyer from Mandalay Region, said he suffered a broken arm and leg, and had to have a feeding tube inserted into his stomach after beatings by security force personnel during pretrial detention.
One lawyer who spoke to Human Rights Watch shortly after her release from prison said police blindfolded her, placed her in stress positions, and deprived her of food and water during interrogation.
Inside special courts, lawyers and their clients face numerous problems, including being forbidden to privately communicate or discuss their cases prior to hearings. Lawyers said that junta officials frequently obstructed or prevented them from carrying out their professional duties, denying suspects their rights to due process and a fair trial.
In the 47 townships in which the junta has imposed martial law, military tribunals also adjudicate criminal cases involving civilian defendants. The military tribunals also typically operate in prisons. Suspects may not have access to a lawyer, and trials are summary and invariably result in convictions and heavier sentences.
The United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers set out standards that governments should adopt in their national legislation and to ensure that lawyers can exercise their proper role. These principles address access to lawyers and legal services, special criminal justice safeguards, and lawyers’ freedom of expression and association. Myanmar junta authorities have routinely acted contrary to the Basic Principles.
The ability of lawyers to exercise their functions freely and independently is central to the capacity of the justice system to protect fair trial rights. Lawyers need confidential access to their clients to be able to provide prompt, unhindered, and accurate legal advice and ensure the right to a fair trial. Although Myanmar is not a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the right to a fair trial is recognized as customary international law and a responsibility of Myanmar as a UN member state.
Foreign governments and regional organizations concerned about the disastrous human rights situation in Myanmar should adopt a range of measures against the military junta, including targeted sanctions against members implicated in abuses and military-linked companies, referring Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and a global arms embargo.
In pressing for the release of political prisoners, all governments should raise the harassment and jailing of lawyers, and seek to improve their ability to defend those imprisoned, often for years, for peacefully protesting the junta’s abuses.
“The junta authorities are making up the rules as they go, to subjugate and discredit the very people trying to protect the fundamental right to a fair trial,” Maung said. “Concerned governments should act swiftly to ensure that the courageous remaining lawyers trying to protect those rights are not silenced.”
“‘Our Numbers are Dwindling’: Myanmar’s Post-Coup Crackdown on Lawyers” is available at:
https://www.hrw.org/report/2023/06/08/our-numbers-are-dwindling/myanmars-post-coup-crackdown-lawyers
Selected Accounts
Lawyer from Yangon speaking to Human Rights Watch, October 2022:
"We are heavily surveilled; we’re told [by the judges] that we can’t ask witnesses certain questions; we receive threats from prison officials, intelligence units, and random people. They take down our names, take photos of us, come to our houses, and watch from outside. The lawyers who are going into the special courts inside the prisons are harassed the most. They have all our details so there is a constant threat hanging over us."
Lawyer describing to Human Rights Watch the torture and mistreatment of the senior lawyer, Tin Win Aung, during his detention at Mandalay’s Oh-Bo prison, October 2022:
"His legs were stretched and cuffed in a wooden shackle. Then they would roll a heavy stick across his tibia, then they stand on his legs, so his tibia bones were fractured. They kicked his chest and back … There were also injuries like being cut with knives. His leg bones were mostly fractured. From the impact of a kick into his chest and back, his lungs were damaged too."
Lawyer outside Yangon speaking to Human Rights Watch after her release, in April 2023:
"They blindfolded me and took me away, to what I assume was a police station. When we got there, I was ordered to kneel down and raise my head for a photograph – they kept my hands tied behind my back. They kept me at the station for a while, then they came to take me to the interrogation place in blindfold … I was still blindfolded and forced to kneel down with my arms tied behind my back and questioned like that for hours each time."
Lawyer speaking to Human Rights Watch in February 2023 shortly after she went into hiding to escape a junta-issued warrant for her arrest:
"In the courtroom, I now have to worry about not getting myself detained rather than speaking the truth. This is especially true when I have to represent political cases. Everyone at the court knows who I am, and the court has all my credentials and personal information. The junta can detain me at any time, and they can and will make up any reasons they want."..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
37.31 MB (Original version) - 50 pages, 476.91 KB (Original version) - 3 pages, 193.24 KB (Original version) - 14 pages
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Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Nam Neint village (နန်းနိမ့်), Pinlaung Township (ပင်လောင်း), Shan State (ရှမ်း) [19.900822, 96.836592].
Date/Time of Incident: 11 March 2023
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and Involvement:
Myanmar Military
Pa-O National Army (military-allied forces)
Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF)
People’s Defence Forces (PDF)
Summary of Investigation:
Pinlaung township has experienced a number of reported clashes taking place between the military, military-allied forces, and local defence forces in the area.
Eleven days before the incident at Nam Neint village, reports of an airstrike four kilometres away in Tawng Me Thin (တောင်မဲသင်း) village were verified by Myanmar Witness.
Myanmar Witness geolocated user-generated content (UGC) showing Nam Neint village on fire and identified FIRMS data that suggests this fire took place on 11 March 2023. This fire was seen burning between 0715 local time and 1045 local time.
Images of deceased individuals were geolocated by Myanmar Witness to Nam Neint village. The images indicate that the individuals had died very recently, and fires were captured still burning.
Although the capture date of the various pieces of UGC in this investigation cannot be verified, Myanmar Witness determined that the incident almost certainly took place on 11 March 2023, likely between 0715 and 0847 local time.
While the perpetrators cannot be conclusively identified, there is information to suggest that the Myanmar military were present in the area at the time.
Warning: This report contains graphic imagery.
Summary
On 27 February 2023 in Pinlaung Township, Southern Shan State, The Karenni National Defense Force (KNDF) and the People's Defense Forces (PDF) attacked a Pa-O National Organization (PNO) checkpoint near the village of Tawng Me Thin village. At least 10 Myanmar military and PNO personnel were reportedly killed in this incident. The PNO is a military-aligned organisation, with an armed wing: the Pa-O National Army (PNA). They have known ties to the Union and Solidary Development Party (USDP).
Due to the fighting in the region, many villagers from Tawng Me Thin and the surrounding villages were reportedly forced to flee to other villages in Pinlaung (ပင်လောင်း) and Naungtayar sub-Township (နောင်တရားမြို့နယ်ခွဲ).
On 28 February 2023, reports on social media claimed that Tawng Me Thin village was hit by an airstrike. Myanmar Witness identified footage showing a Myanmar Air Force (MAF) K-8 aircraft flying over Tawng Me Thin village. In the footage, the village appears to have been attacked with the aircraft; however, Myanmar Witness could not verify the date this incident took place.
On 11 March 2023, the Myanmar military allegedly raided Nam Neint village, burning homes and killing more than 20 residents - including at least three monks. Civilians allegedly hid inside the monastery compound while the military burned down homes.
Myanmar Witness has verified several images showing at least 22 separate deceased individuals in the monastery compound, as well as evidence of burnt homes. The images of bodies are time stamped to 11 March 2023, but could not be independently chronolocated. However, NASA’s Fire Information for Resource Management System (FIRMS) confirms the presence of fire in Nam Neint village on 11 March 2023. Using Suncalc, Myanmar Witness analysed some of the identified UGC and broadly chronolocated its origin to be between 0715 and 0847 local time.
Location
Pinlaung township in southern Shan State is located within the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone, which is jointly controlled by PNO and the Myanmar military (Figure 1). The township is at the junction of Naypyidaw (နေပြည်တော်), Taunggyi (တောင်ကြီး), and Loikaw (လွိုင်ကော်).
Between 24 February to 1 March 2023, clashes were reported between Myanmar military forces, their allies the PNA, and joint KNDF and PDF forces. A skirmish on 27 February 2023 reportedly left nine individuals from the Myanmar military and PNA joint forces dead. According to a citizen from Pinlaung township, this occurred when joint defence forces (KNDF and PDF) attacked a Myanmar military and PNA joint checkpoint on the road between Long Pyin (လုံးပျဉ်) and Tawng Me Thin village.
An airstrike in Tawng me Thin village on 28 February (analysed within this report) led to the displacement of up to 6000 people from neighbouring villages. This was followed by ground attacks in Nam Neint village which left up to 22 people dead.
The Tawng me Thin village Airstrike - 28 February
On 28 February 2023, Tawng Me Thin village was allegedly attacked with an airstrike. Myanmar Witness was able to geolocate footage showing a MAF aircraft carrying out an airstrike in Tawng Me Thin village (Figure 3). In the footage, at the 0.06 second mark, a fighter jet identified by Myanmar Witness as a K-8, passes over the village and drops ordinance at around 19.888637, 96.872788. This immediately causes a flash and smoke to rise from the affected area (Figure 4)..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.95 MB
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Sub-title:
Since the coup in 2021 the carnage has been unceasing, meanwhile Russia and China continue to send weapons
Description:
"The problem is not that governments around the world are unaware of what is happening in Myanmar. It’s that they are not doing nearly enough to stop it.
Since the military seized power in a coup in early 2021, it has terrorised the country, killed, tortured and imprisoned thousands of citizens, broken countless laws, and made a mockery of the UN.
The carnage is unceasing, yet only occasionally does it hit the international headlines. One such moment came in April when the junta bombed the village of Pazigyi, in Sagaing region. More than 160 people, including children, were killed by what Human Rights Watch said was a thermobaric, fuel-air vacuum bomb, followed by helicopter gunship attacks. “The ordnance detonated with deadly impact, ripping the bodies of men, women and children open, turning their skin to ash, and inflicting critical shrapnel wounds,” a UN report said.
Myanmar’s dictator, General Min Aung Hlaing, is as paranoid as he is brutal. He has banned opposition political parties, silenced the media, and jailed the country’s elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. An estimated 1.38 million people have been displaced. That’s in addition to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees, victims of what investigators say may be genocide. “Systematic, gross human rights violations, amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity, [are] being perpetrated daily on the people of Myanmar,” the UN’s special rapporteur declared..
Wanton destruction of Myanmar’s democracy has produced growing, guerrilla-style popular resistance under the umbrella of the People’s Defence Forces, backed by ethnic militias. About 13,000 regime soldiers and police have defected
The result is de facto civil war. The military has lost control of large areas, as we report. A government in exile – the National Unity Government – is trying to rally international support.
The US, the UK and the EU have imposed several rounds of sanctions on the regime, including an arms embargo, but their efforts are undercut by China, Russia, India and others. While condemning the junta, the Asean regional grouping is split – and has proved ineffectual, too.
China could probably stop the killing if it wanted. But it values Myanmar’s natural resources and ports above human rights and democracy. The UN says Beijing has supplied the junta with $254m in arms since the coup.
Russia, whose $400m in weapons sales include the helicopter gunships used to kill the Pazigyi villagers, joins China at the UN to protect the junta from tougher international action..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Highlights
Extremely severe Cyclone Mocha, one of the strongest cyclones ever recorded in Myanmar, made landfall on 14 May 2023, impacting an estimated 3.4 million people in Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway and Kachin. Multiple injuries and widespread damage to shelters and critical public infrastructure, including water supplies, health facilities, schools and electricity have been reported.
The cyclone exacerbated already severe and deteriorating humanitarian and human rights crises for communities in the affected regions.
Access of children and their families to essential services such as health care, protection, nutrition, water, sanitation and hygiene, and education is severely constrained. It has been critically disrupted in cyclone-affected areas. These interrelated challenges threaten children's survival, development, safety and well-being.
UNICEF requires US$217.9 million, an increase of $48.4 million as a result of the cyclone, in addition to ongoing multisectoral humanitarian needs.
UNICEF's humanitarian strategy focuses on working with all stakeholders, including communities and local and international partners, to deliver life-saving humanitarian assistance and ensure critical services reach children in need.
HUMANITARIAN SITUATION AND NEEDS
One of the strongest cyclones ever recorded in Myanmar, Mocha made landfall in Rakhine State on 14 May 2023.10 The cyclone continued inland, bringing heavy rains and winds, and leaving a trail of destruction through Chin, Sagaing, Magway and Kachin. An estimated 3.4 million people live in the areas most impacted. Significant damage to houses, shelters for internally displaced people, and public infrastructure has been reported.
Around 17.6 million people were already in need of humanitarian assistance before Cyclone Mocha, including 4.5 million in severe conditions, mainly in conflict-affected rural areas. An additional estimated 500,000 in the five states and regions need humanitarian assistance following the cyclone.
The widespread conflict has further deteriorated in 2023. Increased fighting has been occurring nationwide, with notable intensification mainly in the southeast, northwest, and Kachin states. More than 1.8 million people were internally displaced, including 1.5 million newly displaced after February 2021. Of these, over 1.2 million internally displaced people were living in the areas impacted by Cyclone Mocha. Communities in Sagaing Region, hardest hit by the conflict with nearly 763,100 people displaced, suffered additional trauma. Cyclone Mocha has further imperiled nearly 220,000 people living in protracted displacement in Rakhine and the extremely vulnerable non-displaced populations, especially 417,000 stateless Rohingyas and communities affected by conflict, insecurity and rising poverty.
Grave child rights violations, mainly due to the indiscriminate use of heavy weapons, airstrikes, and explosive ordnance, continue to be largely reported. Attacks on schools and hospitals have continued at alarming levels, while all armed actors' recruitment and use of children remain a grave concern. As a result, women and children are at increased risk of violence, exploitation and abuse. Millions of children and adolescents are deprived of the right to education because their safe access to education has been disrupted.
Camp closures, forced return, and relocation remain key protection concerns for displaced people. The security and protection of humanitarian and front-line workers is also a serious concern, as they are increasingly targeted by parties to the conflict and subject to arbitrary arrests and detentions. There has been a notable shrinking of humanitarian space, with access to cyclone and conflict-affected populations constrained by new restrictions on nongovernmental and civil society organizations. In addition, analysis shows that 60 per cent of landmine incidents reported in the first quarter of 2023 were in areas affected by Cyclone Mocha, highlighting the high risks of landmines/unexploded ordinance contamination in cyclone-affected areas - creating an additional potential threat to populations and humanitarian assistance efforts..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.01 MB
Local URL:
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Description:
"Glide No: TC-2023-000069-MMR
A. SITUATION ANALYSIS
Description of the crisis
Cyclone Storm Mocha has caused extensive devastation in the country, affecting regions already facing challenges due to civil unrest, armed clashes, a changing climate and a fragile economy. The cyclone brought about destructive storm surges, heavy rainfall, and flooding, impacting areas such as Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Ayeyarwady, Mandalay, and Sagaing.
The State Administration Council responded by declaring natural disaster areas in Rakhine and Chin states, activating legal provisions which acknowledge the crucial role of the Myanmar Red Cross Society in responding such crises. Initial data from the Myanmar Red Cross Society reveals that over 237,000 households across multiple states and regions have been affected. Water systems, sanitation facilities, public and community infrastructure, including hospitals, clinics, schools, and religious buildings, as well as transportation infrastructure, have suffered severe damage or complete destruction. Livelihoods have been severely disrupted with the loss of livestock and flooding impacting cropland.
Notably, housing has also been significantly affected, with a large number of semi-permanent and temporary shelters damaged or destroyed, leaving over 200,000 houses in need of repair. The cyclone's aftermath has led to increased prices of basic goods, and the situation has taken a toll on the physical and mental health of the affected population. Disrupted access to healthcare, medicine shortages, and the risks posed by landmines in flooded conflict areas further exacerbate the challenges. Urgent measures are required to protect and support unaccompanied children.
Summary of response
Overview of the host National Society and ongoing response
The Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) is an independent humanitarian organization that operates impartially and neutrally. Its role as an auxiliary to the state in the humanitarian field, operating in line with the Red Cross Red Crescent Fundamental Principles, is stated in the Myanmar Red Cross Society Law of 2015. The MRCS has a strong presence with over a thousand trained Emergency Response Team (ERT) volunteers and 44,000 members nationwide, including 7,994 core Red Cross Volunteers (RCV) active at the community level. The organization has 23 warehouses strategically located throughout the country to support preparedness and response efforts. It also has regional and state branches across the country, and a substantial presence in various operational hubs in Rakhine State, under the management of the MRCS Rakhine Operations Management Unit established since several years.
The MRCS has established communication channels and built relationships with local authorities and communities in the affected areas through its local staff, volunteers, and branches. This enables them to reach vulnerable communities and provide immediate humanitarian assistance. Through its community presence, MRCS has access on the ground and has collected data as well as assessed the impact of Cyclone Mocha in Rakhine State and Magway and Ayeyarwady regions in particular.
In anticipation of the cyclone, the MRCS activated its Emergency Operations Centre (EOC) one week before landfall and initiated preparedness measures and early actions well in advance. Prior to landfall, MRCS volunteers in the projected path and impact zone assisted with evacuations, conducted awareness campaigns, and gathered preliminary data. After the cyclone made landfall, on 14 May, MRCS branches mobilized their volunteers to engage in rescue operations, clear roads and debris, provide first aid and psychosocial support, and collect initial observations and data. MRCS also mobilized its existing operational resources to respond to the aftermath, deploying trained expert personnel to directly provide assistance and provide support services such as logistics and supply chain.
MRCS has conducted three Movement tripartite meetings thus far. Additionally, four operational coordination meetings were organized in collaboration with the IFRC, involving in-country partners and the ICRC, to provide technical and planning support to MRCS for the response. This Emergency Appeal is part of a Federation-wide approach, based on the response priorities of the MRCS and in consultation with all IFRC members contributing to the response, requiring regular planning and coordination. To ensure regular risk analysis and security planning, tripartite security cell meetings have been established. Moreover, MRCS and IFRC actively participate in HCT meetings and Cluster coordination as part of their external coordination efforts.
In order to provide ongoing assistance to the MRCS in Rakhine state which is most severely affected by cyclone Mocha, the IFRC Myanmar Delegation has deployed a Senior Service Manager and Senior Operations Officer who are currently stationed in the area. Their presence allows for direct involvement in the coordination structures at Rakhine state level, where they actively participate in collaborative efforts to develop and execute a comprehensive assistance plan.
Apart from assisting the MRCS with the Cyclone Mocha response under the Federation-wide appeal, the Partner National Societies within the country, as well as those actively supporting remotely, expressed their readiness to support a range of programs, including basic needs assistance, protection, and MHPSS. These programs will be implemented in a coordinated manner, aligning with the MRCS Strategic Plan and Unified Plan and operating under shared leadership, since some Partner National Societies have shown interest sharing leadership in specific areas or sectors based on their expertise..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.67 MB
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Description:
"This more comprehensive product now replaces the daily Flash Updates that were previously issued by OCHA Myanmar on Cyclone Mocha. This Sit Rep is produced by OCHA in collaboration with the seven operating humanitarian clusters and their sub-working groups in Myanmar. The humanitarian response section is not necessarily reflective of all humanitarian interventions undertaken on the ground but rather those voluntarily reported by partners. The next Sit Rep will be issued on Wednesday, 7 June 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS
The humanitarian response in cyclone-affected areas continues to expand, however much wider access is still needed to reach the 1.6 million people targeted as part of the Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal across Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Kachin.
More than 95,000 people in areas affected by the cyclone have received shelter and other relief items.
Almost 267,000 people have received food assistance, and approximately 3,380 metric tons of rice and high-energy biscuits have been distributed to cyclone-affected people in Rakhine.
Between 25 and 31 May 2023, health partners conducted more than 7,800 consultations in the most severely affected townships.
With the scale-up in the response, the looming monsoon and a low-pressure area in the Bay of Bengal, the replenishment of humanitarian supplies from Yangon and overseas is becoming increasingly urgent.
The swift approval of transport and importation requests, a detailed two-week distribution plan, and further travel authorizations (TAs) for the cyclone response are imperative to meet immediate shelter needs and prevent waterborne disease outbreaks.
Generous funding is also vital to support the scaling up of humanitarian operations, facilitate procurement, transport, and distribution of supplies, and ensure the well-being of affected communities. As of 2 June, the Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal has received US$4.6 million according to FTS.
Simultaneously, local authorities have been working to support recovery through debris clearance and the restoration of power, water and telecommunication services in Rakhine. In parallel, other actors are also providing support to the recovery effort, including in rural areas.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
Humanitarian response operations continue to expand through organizations with new and existing TAs across the cyclonestricken regions of Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Kachin, with shelter and food assistance particularly gathering pace. More than 95,240 people in areas affected by the cyclone have received shelter and other relief items. More than 266,500 people have received food assistance, and approximately 3,380 metric tons of rice and high-energy biscuits (33 per cent of the total plan) have been distributed to cyclone-affected people in Rakhine. In the Northwest, food distribution for 78,000 people in Magway is pending approval. Between 25 and 31 May 2023, health partners conducted more than 7,800 consultations in the most severely affected townships of Rakhine, the Northwest, and Kachin, ensuring access to essential healthcare services. However, this work is still only meeting a fraction of overall needs and wider access for distributions is desperately required. The clock is ticking with the monsoon looming and another low-pressure area being closely monitored in the Bay of Bengal. Severe damage to agricultural land, loss of livestock and damage to the fishing fleet are also shaping as major food security issues over the weeks ahead.
Approval is pending for the transport of supplies from warehouses inside the country and from outside Myanmar. Approval is also pending for a twoweek distribution and related travel authoritzation for Rakhine and Chin.
Timely approval of these requests will allow partner organizations to provide safe shelter, address immediate needs, avert potential waterborne disease outbreaks, and mitigate against protection risks.
Local authorities have been working on recovery measures in priority areas, particularly in Sittwe and Rathedaung. Debris clearance from Sittwe's streets has improved access to areas that were previously blocked by fallen trees and collapsed electricity poles. Power is gradually being restored to most of the affected regions, and the repair of streetlights along Sittwe town's main thoroughfares has enhanced visibility and safety.
Telecommunication services are also coming back online which is vital to engage with the cyclone affected communities as well as for effective coordination and timely response efforts among partners working across the various townships. Work has also been underway to repair schools and deliver water in Rathedaung, Kyauktaw, and Sittwe townships. A 14 member ASEAN Emergency Response and Assessment Team (ERAT) was deployed to Rakhine to support assessments and response by the Department of Disaster Management (DDM). They have now wrapped up their work.
In parallel, other actors are also providing support to the recovery efforts, including in rural areas. They have also been measuring the impact in affected communities and delivering assistance to the extent of their resources and access. Civil society organizations, private donors and religious networks are working to support affected communities. Communities themselves have also swung into action, clearing debris from blocked roads, and providing shelter to those who have lost their homes.
Funding is critically needed to support the scale-up of humanitarian operations, facilitating urgent procurement, transport, and distribution of vital supplies to support affected communities. According to Financial Tracking System (FTS), as of 2 June, $4.6 million in additional funds has been received for the $333 million Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal, which seeks to support 1.6 million people affected by the cyclone in Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway, and Kachin..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
499.92 KB
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Sub-title:
Statement on the Foreign Minister’s meeting with UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Dr. Noeleen Heyzer
Description:
"Union Minister of Foreign Affairs Daw Zin Mar Aung welcomed her in-person meeting with the
UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar Dr. Noeleen Heyzer on 2 June 2023.
In a broad discussion, the Foreign Minister accepted Dr. Heyzer's decision to conclude her
assignment and expressed the National Unity Government’s appreciation for her commitment to
her mandate.
Dr. Heyzer brought considerable energy and experience to her role and made determined efforts,
particularly in pursuing humanitarian assistance for communities in desperate need and in elevating
Myanmar women’s voices.
Yet, as Dr. Hezyer concedes, the significant obstacles she faced as Special Envoy were made worse
by a lack of international resolve on Myanmar. Consequently, during her term the illegal military
junta escalated its widespread atrocities, ignored UN Security Council and General Assembly
demands, and frustrated efforts to implement ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus.
In recent weeks, the junta has also prevented UN agencies from delivering aid to communities
devastated by Cyclone Mocha including in Rakhine state, with UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights Volker Turk stating that the 'damage and loss of life was both foreseeable and avoidable -
and is clearly linked with the systematic denial of human rights’. This exposes the junta’s ongoing
weaponisation of aid for military gain and its sustained persecution of the Rohingya.
It is therefore time for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to take the lead on Myanmar. The
gravity of the situation and the vacuum created by the Special Envoy’s departure requires the
Secretary-General's use of his own good offices.
Over two years ago, the Secretary-General affirmed the 'unwavering support of the United Nations
to the people of Myanmar in their pursuit of democracy, peace, human rights and the rule of law'.
This must see the Secretary-General personally prioritise the stopping of the slaughter and a
political solution that upholds the Myanmar people’s democratic will..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
35.98 KB
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဒေါက်တာနိုလင်းဟေဇာတို့ တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့မှုဆိုင်ရာ
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဒေါက်တာ နိုလင်းဟေဇာ တို့သည် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂ ရက်နေ့၌ လူချင်း တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့မှု အပေါ် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင် မှ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
ဆွေးနွေးမှုအတွင်း နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးသည် ဒေါက်တာဟေဇာ၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများ အဆုံးသတ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်မှုကို အသိအမှတ်ပြု လက်ခံကြောင်းနှင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ဒေါက်တာ ဟေဇာ၏ နှစ်မြှုပ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့မှုများကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြား ခဲ့သည်။
ဒေါက်တာဟေဇာသည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ တာဝန်များကို ထမ်းဆောင်ရာတွင် မြောက်မြား စွာသော အတွေ့အကြုံ၊ အင်အား စိုက်ထုတ်မှု များဖြင့် စိတ်ပိုင်းဖြတ်မှုခိုင်မာစွာ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် ခဲ့သည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် အကူအညီ အလွန်အမင်း လိုအပ်နေသည့် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများ အတွက် လူသားချင်း စာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများ ရရှိရန်နှင့် မြန်မာ အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ထုတ်ဖော် ဖွင့်ဟမှု အသံများအား မြှင့်တင်ပေးနိုင်ရန်တို့အတွက် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးခဲ့သည်။
သို့သော်လည်း ဒေါက်တာ ဟေဇာ ဝန်ခံ ပြောကြားသည့် အတိုင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်း၏ ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု ကင်းမဲ့ခြင်းသည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် အဖြစ် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ၎င်းရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့ခဲ့ရသည့် အခက်အခဲ အတားအဆီးများကို ပိုမိုခက်ခဲ ဆိုးရွား စေခဲ့သည်။ ရလဒ် အနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် သက်တမ်း အတွင်း တရားမဝင် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ယင်း၏ ကြမ်းကြုတ် ရက်စက် ယုတ်မာမှု များကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် တိုးမြှင့် လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည့် အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေညီလာခံ တို့၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ တောင်းဆိုချက်များကို လျစ်လျူရှုကာ အာဆီယံ အဖွဲ့ကြီးနှင့် သဘောတူညီ ထားသည့် သဘောတူညီချက် (၅)ချက်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကိုလည်း ဟန့်တား နှောင့်ယှက်ခဲ့သည်။
မကြာသေးသော သီတင်းပတ်များအတွင်း စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ် အပါအဝင် ဆိုင်ကလုန်းမိုခါကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရသည့် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများသို့ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ပေးပို့မည့် ကယ်ဆယ်ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ရေး ပစ္စည်းများအား ဟန့်တားခဲ့သည့် အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီး Volker Türkကပင် "အသက်သေဆုံးမှုနှင့် ဆုံးရှုံးပျက်စီးရမှုတို့မှာ ကြိုတင်သိမြင်၍ ရှောင်ရှားနိုင်သည့်ကိစ္စရပ်များ ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို စနစ်တကျ ပိတ်ပင်နေမှုအား ထင်ရှားစွာ တွေ့မြင်နိုင်ကြောင်း" ထုတ်ပြန်ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းလုပ်ရပ်က စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် စစ်ရေးအသာရလိုမှုအတွက် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့မှုများကို လက်နက်သဖွယ် ဆက်လက် အသုံးချနေမှုနှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအား ဆက်လက်ဖိနှိပ်နေမှုကို ဖော်ပြနေခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ရာ ယခုအချိန်သည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အန်တိုနီယို ဂူတားရက်စ်အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ဦးဆောင် လမ်းပြဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့် အချိန်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေကြီးလေးမှုနှင့် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏တာဝန်ရပ်ဆိုင်းမှုမှ ဖြစ်ပေါ် လာမည့် လပ်ဟာမှုတို့ကြောင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား ကောင်းစွာ အသုံးချရန် လိုအပ်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သည့် (၂)နှစ်ကျော်ကာလ၌ "ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တရားဥပဒေ စိုးမိုးမှုဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် မမှိတ်မသုန် အထောက်အကူပေးသွားမည်" ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်က အခိုင်အမာ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးရာ စိတ်ဆန္ဒကို ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်မည့် နိုင်ငံရေး အဖြေတစ်ရပ် ထွက်ပေါ်လာရန် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်ကိုယ်ကျ ဦးစားပေးဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"HIGHLIGHTS
Extremely Severe Cyclone Mocha hit Myanmar’s Rakhine State with force on 14 May 2023, making impact close to its capital, Sittwe. This was one of the strongest cyclones ever recorded in Myanmar, with windspeeds of up to 250 kmph.
IOM launched its Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal on 26 May 2023, requesting USD 11.25 million to target 75,000 people with life-saving humanitarian assistance. IOM’s Flash Appeal is fully aligned with the Inter-Agency Flash Appeal.
IOM Mobile Clinics have so far seen 1,094 patients in Rakhine State, while negotiations for broader access are ongoing.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
It has been almost three weeks since Extremely Severe Cyclone Mocha made landfall near Sittwe, Rakhine State, on 14 May 2023, bringing winds of up to 250 kmph. It was one of the strongest cyclones ever to hit the country. As the monsoon season approaches, humanitarian actors are working to rapidly respond to humanitarian needs. Safe shelter remains a key priority, along with health assistance, clean water, safe and functional sanitation facilities, non-food items (NFIs) and food assistance.
Aid organizations have been working to deliver assistance where possible, as well as to bring stocks of needed items to Rakhine from Yangon, as markets in the affected areas are struggling to meet demand and prices of key commodities have skyrocketed. However, the many political and bureaucratic challenges in Myanmar are limiting the movement of relief items into and around the country, while wider access to transport humanitarian supplies and movement of responders is urgently needed.
There continues to be obstacles to the roll out of comprehensive inter-agency needs assessment, due to bureaucratic impediments, limited access in specific areas due to the ongoing conflict and logistical barriers. With telecommunications and electricity not yet fully restored, information remains limited. However, some sectoral information has started to emerge from partners who were already on the ground, highlighting shelter, NFIs, health, water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) and food as the key priority sectors for the response.
Shelter/NFI: Initial estimates that up to 90 per cent of houses in Rakhine have been unroofed are particularly worrying as wetter and warmer conditions are predicted for affected regions for the next week. Markets are heavily disrupted while large scale shelter and NFI assistance has not been able to reach affected areas yet due to the abovementioned constraints.
Health: Most health facilities in Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Pauktaw, and Sittwe townships in Rakhine, where IOM is implementing health programs, were damaged and most remain non-functional. Teams report that traumatic injury cases remain common but lesser in number compared to the first week. Other common morbidities diagnosed include acute viral infection (AVI), upper respiratory tract infection (URTI), diarrhoea, and non-communicable diseases such as hypertension and diabetes mellitus.
WASH: Cluster partners in Rakhine have reported that over 200 water sources were flooded by seawater, affecting over 100,000 people in seven townships. According to WASH Cluster partners active in the Northwest, around 700 households in Chin, 4,800 households in Magway, and 2,800 households in Sagaing have been affected.
These figures are strictly indicative and are expected to continue to rise, particularly considering the mentioned obstacles to comprehensive assessments.
Food: In Rakhine, initial field observations make clear that seawater has devastated agricultural land and that livestock and food stocks have been destroyed at large scale, affecting both immediate food needs and longerterm food security..."
Source/publisher:
International Organization for Migration ( Switzerland) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
IOM Burma/Myanmar, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
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Description:
"This more comprehensive product now replaces the daily Flash Updates that were previously issued by OCHA Myanmar on Cyclone Mocha. This Sit Rep is produced by OCHA in collaboration with the seven operating humanitarian clusters and their sub-working groups in Myanmar. The humanitarian response section is not necessarily reflective of all humanitarian interventions undertaken on the ground but rather those voluntarily reported by partners. The next Sit Rep will be issued on Wednesday, 7 June 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS
The humanitarian response in cyclone-affected areas continues to expand, however much wider access is still needed to reach the 1.6 million people targeted as part of the Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal across Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Kachin.
More than 95,000 people in areas affected by the cyclone have received shelter and other relief items.
Almost 267,000 people have received food assistance, and approximately 3,380 metric tons of rice and high-energy biscuits have been distributed to cyclone-affected people in Rakhine.
Between 25 and 31 May 2023, health partners conducted more than 7,800 consultations in the most severely affected townships.
With the scale-up in the response, the looming monsoon and a low-pressure area in the Bay of Bengal, the replenishment of humanitarian supplies from Yangon and overseas is becoming increasingly urgent.
The swift approval of transport and importation requests, a detailed two-week distribution plan, and further travel authorizations (TAs) for the cyclone response are imperative to meet immediate shelter needs and prevent waterborne disease outbreaks.
Generous funding is also vital to support the scaling up of humanitarian operations, facilitate procurement, transport, and distribution of supplies, and ensure the well-being of affected communities. As of 2 June, the Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal has received US$4.6 million according to FTS.
Simultaneously, local authorities have been working to support recovery through debris clearance and the restoration of power, water and telecommunication services in Rakhine. In parallel, other actors are also providing support to the recovery effort, including in rural areas.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
Humanitarian response operations continue to expand through organizations with new and existing TAs across the cyclonestricken regions of Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Kachin, with shelter and food assistance particularly gathering pace. More than 95,240 people in areas affected by the cyclone have received shelter and other relief items. More than 266,500 people have received food assistance, and approximately 3,380 metric tons of rice and high-energy biscuits (33 per cent of the total plan) have been distributed to cyclone-affected people in Rakhine. In the Northwest, food distribution for 78,000 people in Magway is pending approval. Between 25 and 31 May 2023, health partners conducted more than 7,800 consultations in the most severely affected townships of Rakhine, the Northwest, and Kachin, ensuring access to essential healthcare services. However, this work is still only meeting a fraction of overall needs and wider access for distributions is desperately required. The clock is ticking with the monsoon looming and another low-pressure area being closely monitored in the Bay of Bengal. Severe damage to agricultural land, loss of livestock and damage to the fishing fleet are also shaping as major food security issues over the weeks ahead.
Approval is pending for the transport of supplies from warehouses inside the country and from outside Myanmar. Approval is also pending for a twoweek distribution and related travel authoritzation for Rakhine and Chin.
Timely approval of these requests will allow partner organizations to provide safe shelter, address immediate needs, avert potential waterborne disease outbreaks, and mitigate against protection risks.
Local authorities have been working on recovery measures in priority areas, particularly in Sittwe and Rathedaung. Debris clearance from Sittwe's streets has improved access to areas that were previously blocked by fallen trees and collapsed electricity poles. Power is gradually being restored to most of the affected regions, and the repair of streetlights along Sittwe town's main thoroughfares has enhanced visibility and safety.
Telecommunication services are also coming back online which is vital to engage with the cyclone affected communities as well as for effective coordination and timely response efforts among partners working across the various townships. Work has also been underway to repair schools and deliver water in Rathedaung, Kyauktaw, and Sittwe townships. A 14 member ASEAN Emergency Response and Assessment Team (ERAT) was deployed to Rakhine to support assessments and response by the Department of Disaster Management (DDM). They have now wrapped up their work.
In parallel, other actors are also providing support to the recovery efforts, including in rural areas. They have also been measuring the impact in affected communities and delivering assistance to the extent of their resources and access. Civil society organizations, private donors and religious networks are working to support affected communities. Communities themselves have also swung into action, clearing debris from blocked roads, and providing shelter to those who have lost their homes.
Funding is critically needed to support the scale-up of humanitarian operations, facilitating urgent procurement, transport, and distribution of vital supplies to support affected communities. According to Financial Tracking System (FTS), as of 2 June, $4.6 million in additional funds has been received for the $333 million Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal, which seeks to support 1.6 million people affected by the cyclone in Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway, and Kachin..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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499.92 KB 631.82 KB
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"MongMao, Andra & Marte Nilsen (2023) Myanmar’s Interrupted Transition: The Democratic Instinct Survives, PRIO Policy Brief, 4. Oslo: PRIO.
Myanmar’s democratic transition was interrupted by the 2021 coup. Ten years of progress and reform were reversed, returning the country to military dictatorship. Yet the transition has not completely failed. Rather, the coup pushed democratic actors, norms and behavior outside Myanmar’s formal political institutions and processes. These actors have been re-constituted in a broad-based resistance to authoritarian governance, aspiring to civilian rule within a new federal constitution. The changes are transformational. They occur as escalating civil conflict, social resistance and international isolation are eroding the military’s traditional sources of power and legitimacy.
Brief Points
Myanmar’s 2020 election results signaled an epistemic shift in Myanmar society, favoring a democratic system and rejecting a political role for the military.
A new multi-ethnic political and military alliance has emerged since the 2021 coup. The alliance poses a credible challenge to the military’s dominance.
As a result, the military’s ability to control Myanmar’s political and economic affairs appears to be declining.
The opposition is developing an alternative democratic governing structure that may provide a pathway out of the cycle of authoritarian rule and conflict.
Unity within the opposition is fragile, and it currently lacks the strength needed to overcome the military’s advantages derived from controlling state institutions and resources.
International support should focus on actions that promote opposition unity while focusing on critical regime vulnerabilities, especially constraining access to arms and economic resources that are critical to the military’s war effort..."
Source/publisher:
Peace Research Institute Oslo
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
176.46 KB
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Sub-title:
Harsh Conditions Could Force Refugees Back to Danger in Myanmar
Description:
"On Thursday, the United Nations World Food Programme dealt Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh a new round of deep cuts in food rations, from US$12 per month several months ago to just $8 a month, building pressure to return to dangerous conditions in Myanmar.
UN special rapporteurs warned that the cuts will have the “devastatingly predictable” consequence of “spiking rates of acute malnutrition, infant mortality, violence, and even death.” Some refugees, they said, might be compelled to “risk their lives at sea, [rather] than to face hunger and even death in the camps.”
These food ration cuts, along with escalating restrictive measures imposed by Bangladesh authorities and violence in the squalid, overcrowded refugee camps, are increasing pressure on the refugees to repatriate.
This is not the first time slashes in food rations have accompanied other pressures on Rohingya refugees to leave.
In 1978, the Bangladesh government weaponized food to force starving Rohingya refugees back to Myanmar, which remained intent on persecuting them. Then, as now, the Rohingya refugees were confined to camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar area and were not allowed to work, so they depended on food rations to survive.
A 1979 report by Alan C. Lindquist, then-head of the UN Refugee Agency’s Sub-office in Cox’s Bazar quoted Bangladesh’s then-secretary of the Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation, Syed All Khasru, as saying, “It is all very well to have fat, well-fed refugees. But …we are not going to make the refugees so comfortable that they won’t go back to Burma [Myanmar].”
The Lindquist report said that by December 1978 between 80 and 85 people were dying daily in Bangladesh’s camps. “More and more showed themselves ready to go back to escape the terrible conditions in the Bangladesh camps,” Lindquist wrote. “From November 15th onwards, at least 2,000 were returning every three days, the maximum rate specified in the July [1978] agreement between the two countries.”
By the end of March 1979, more than 107,000 Rohingya had returned to Myanmar – and more than 11,900 had died.
This time around, the World Food Programme, facing donor shortfalls, is making the cuts. International donors, no less than Bangladesh, have a responsibility not to repeat history. Myanmar is far from safe for Rohingya.
But Bangladesh should also ease restrictions and allow refugees to earn money to buy food and help prevent another horrible death toll..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Highlights
Almost three weeks after Cyclone Mocha hit Myanmar, the response in the Northwest remains constrained for 48,000 affected individuals, particularly for essential WASH needs.
Cases of children and adolescents participating in unsafe reconstruction and income generation to support their families have been reported in some parts of Rakhine.
UNICEF partners are provided essential learning packages to mitigate learning loss due to the delay in restoring learning infrastructure, especially in the Northwest.
UNICEF partners stepped up primary healthcare services with additional fixed and mobile clinics and cold chain equipment to strengthen routine immunization in affected areas in Rakhine..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
145.87 KB
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Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from May 22 to 31, 2023
Military Junta troops launched an airstrike, heavy artillery attacked, and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Kayin State, and Shan State from May 22nd to 31st. Civilian houses and buildings were destroyed by 500lb highly explosive bombs and attacking heavy and light artillery. The head of the Prison who works for the Military Junta beat and tortured the political prisoners from Myingyan Prison from Mandalay Region, Thayarwady Prison from Bago Region, and Kyaiksagaw Prison as a result some died by being held in solitary confinement. 3 civilians were burned and killed within a week by the Military Junta’s soldiers.
8 civilians including an under-age child were tortured and killed under interrogation by the Junta troop in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. 5 youths were shot and killed on the road No, 2 near Economic University, Ywathagyi, and arrested 16 youths in Sanchaung Township, Yangon Region. SNA under the Military Junta command, is threatening the civilians, forcing and recruiting new soldiers in Banmauk Township, Sagaing Region..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"In accordance with the Federal Democratic Charter Part II, Interim Constitutional Arrangements, Chapter (4) Section (25), Subsections (b) and (c), the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar hereby issues this ordinance as follows:
1. After the coercive usurpation of state power by the terrorist armed forces on the 1st of February 2021, it has come to pass that the banking sector, among numerous others, has experienced substantial decline and degradation. Subsequent to February 2021, the financial institutions falling under the purview of the central banking mechanism controlled by the terrorist armed forces, in disregard of their obligations to safeguard the interests of depositors, have been compelled to operate in accordance with the dictates of the aforementioned armed forces, consequently causing severe and intolerable losses on the populace.
2. Furthermore, the foreign exchange reserves belonging rightfully to the people are being appropriated for the procurement and production of weaponry, including but not limited to jet fuel; these resources being subsequently employed in terrorist acts of violence and killing against the populace.
3. Thus, with the intent to alleviate the losses of the people, to regulate and rectify the banking sector, and to forestall and safeguard the foreign exchange reserves belonging to the people from misuse in terrorist endeavours of the military, the Union Government hereby delegates authority to the Ministry of Planning and Finance to establish and constitute an interim central bank with the following functions and duties:
(a) to conduct international and domestic operations as befitting a central banking authority of Myanmar,
(b) to exercise oversight and issue licences to companies and institutions applying to operate as banks and financial institutions, and
(c) in carrying out functions under clauses (a) and (b) above, to issue orders, regulations, rules and notifications subject to the approval of the National Unity Government.
4. –
(a) The interim Central Bank shall be governed by a Board of Directors,
(b) The chairman of the Board of Directors shall be the Governor of the interim Central Bank; the Union Minister of the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment is hereby appointed Governor of the interim Central Bank in addition to his current duties.
5. This ordinance shall come into effect on the 1st day of June, 2023..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
42.82 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS:
Tropical Cyclone Mocha has affected over 3.4 million people in affected areas.
The flash appeal for the cyclone affected is at 333 million USD.
Clearing work has begun in Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Kachin and Sagaing.
ADRA completed its Rapid Needs Assessment in Sittwe and Kyauktaw Townships in the Rakhine State.
ADRA’s Response plan includes provision of Tarpaulins and Food items to most impacted communities in Kyauktaw and Sittwe..."
Source/publisher:
Adventist Development and Relief Agency International
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-31
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.48 MB
more
Description:
"This more comprehensive product now replaces the daily Flash Updates that were previously issued by OCHA Myanmar on Cyclone Mocha. This Sit Rep is produced by OCHA in collaboration with the seven operating humanitarian clusters and their sub-working groups in Myanmar. The humanitarian response section is not necessarily reflective of all humanitarian interventions undertaken on the ground but rather those voluntarily reported by partners. The next Sit Rep will be issued on 2 June 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS
Two weeks after Cyclone Mocha hit western Myanmar safe shelter remains a key priority for cyclone-affected people who have been left without a roof over their head as the monsoon approaches. Cyclone Mocha has exposed significant safety and security challenges for cyclone affected communities.
To date, shelter and other relief items have been distributed to more than 63,000 people.
More than 230,000 people have received food assistance but household food reserves are dwindling, and communities are having difficulty buying food due to price rises and crop damage. Loss of agricultural inputs and livestock is a growing problem.
The cyclone has created an education emergency with approximately 80 per cent of schools and educational infrastructure reportedly sustaining damage ahead of the start of the new school term. Work is underway to reinstate Temporary Learning Spaces (TLSs), disseminate learning kits to children, and restore schools and learning centers to operation.
While humanitarians continue to ramp up support where they have authorizations and supplies, so far it has only been possible to reach a fraction of the 1.6 million people identified for assistance in the $333 million Flash Appeal launched last week.
Wider access for distributions is urgently needed, along with permission to transport humanitarian supplies from in-country warehouses and into Myanmar from other countries. Detailed plans for the transport and distribution of supplies have been shared and are pending approval.
Pledges of additional funding from generous donors have started arriving, but much more is needed to adequately support vulnerable people and ensure prompt distributions of critical supplies.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
Two weeks have passed since Cyclone Mocha struck Myanmar the humanitarian response is gathering pace but aid agencies still require more supplies, expanded access and additional funds to distribute assistance at-scale. Needs are enormous across all communities. The consequences of the cyclone reach far beyond the physical destruction of houses and public infrastructure, with a range of safety risks now also threatening the well-being of the affected population. These risks include the movement of unexploded ordnance (UXOs) in flooded areas, instances of sexual and gender-based violence, loss of civil documentation, looting, extortion, and robbery. Such risks pose a direct threat to affected communities, potentially exacerbating negative coping mechanisms such as high interest borrowing and children begging due to the lack of job opportunities of their parents. This situation increases the likelihood of child labor, exploitation, and abuse.
The cyclone's impact has eroded community support systems among affected populations. Reports from partners on the ground indicate that parents are struggling to adequately care for their children while they are rebuilding their damaged homes or are seeking employment to sustain their families. Of particular concern is the situation faced by displaced communities, that are currently enduring overcrowded living conditions that lack privacy, sanitation, and proper lighting in many areas. These conditions pose the risk of sexual abuse and harassment, particularly targeting women and adolescent girls. Adding to the gravity of the situation is the destruction or damage to most of the Women and Girls’ Centers in the affected areas.
Despite ongoing access challenges, humanitarian partners are ensuring that field observations continue in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the cyclone's impact, especially among vulnerable groups. Simultaneously, those who have access are intensifying their response efforts, delivering critical and lifesaving assistance to affected communities in the Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Kachin..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-31
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
504.49 KB
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK is writing to 40 of the biggest and highest profile jewellery retailers in the UK asking them to demonstrate that the gems they sell are not sourced from Burma/Myanmar in ways which help fund the Burmese military.
Following the attempted military coup, which began in February 2021, the Burmese military now dominates Burma’s gems industry, which is potentially worth $2bn per year. Through its own private companies, control of the state-owned enterprises and government ministries, control of trade routes into areas not under its control, legal and illegal trade, and the business interests of military family members, the Burmese military extracts revenue from the gems industry in numerous ways.
This revenue can be used by the Burmese military to buy arms and equipment and so funds the human rights violations they commit.
Research by Burma Campaign UK shows that most retailers do not specify the origin country of gems, such as rubies, which they sell.
“Some retailers may not be aware of the risks of funding the Burmese military when they sell gems from Burma. We want to draw these risks to their attention and give them the opportunity to do the right thing,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK.
In the United States, a ‘Genocide Gems’ campaign run by the International Campaign for the Rohingya has persuaded Cartier, Harry Winston and Tiffany to stop sourcing gems from Burma.
The Burmese military stands accused of genocide at the International Court of Justice and is being investigated for crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court. Numerous United Nations and human rights organisations have documented war crimes by the Burmese military.
The Burmese military is currently unleashing an unprecedented wave of atrocities and repression across the entire country as it desperately seeks to consolidate the coup.
Weapons designed for fighting armies have been unleashed against the civilian population. Airstrikes and long-range artillery are used on a daily basis, creating a human rights and humanitarian crisis. Schools, hospitals and religious buildings are deliberately targeted, forcing more than 2 million people to flee their homes.
More than 22,000 people have been arrested, with political prisoners subjected to torture and sexual violence after arrest. Executions are taking place again for the first time in decades. There is no freedom of speech, media organisations are banned or heavily censored, and internet access restricted or completely blocked.
Burma’s democracy movement is calling on the international community to do everything it can to help cut the economic lifeline of the Burmese military. Gems are a major potential source of revenue.
Any international company engaging in the trade or retail sale of gems from Burma needs to be able to provide evidence that the gems it is selling have not helped to fund the Burmese military and the human rights violations they commit. If they cannot do so, they must commit to ending sales.
We will be publishing a report based on the responses we receive from companies. Companies which are selling gems from Burma and cannot demonstrate that the gems they sell do not fund the Burmese military will be named and shamed in the report and face public campaigns, including boycotts.
We will then consider high profile campaigns against these companies, including placing them on our ‘Dirty List’ of companies helping to fund the Burmese military, and consumer boycott campaigns.
“People don’t want to wear jewellery which has helped pay for soldiers who rape children and bomb schools,” said Mark Farmaner. “Companies have a responsibility to ensure they are not funding human rights violations and those which don’t act responsibly face significant reputational damage.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Genocide
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"UNHCR and its partners continue to respond to the devastating impact of Cyclone Mocha, which affected millions of people in Myanmar and Bangladesh, destroying homes and infrastructures. UNHCR declared an internal Level-2 emergency on 29 May for Myanmar and Bangladesh to mobilize further internal capacity to respond to this new emergency.
In Myanmar, UNHCR is supporting response and coordination efforts as part of the United Nations Humanitarian Country Team. Latest reports indicate that an estimated 7.9 million people were in the path of over 90km per hour winds, damaging houses and infrastructure. 3.4 million are estimated to be need of humanitarian assistance. Rakhine State bore the brunt of the cyclone.
In Bangladesh, some 2.3 million people were residing in areas affected by the cyclone. UNHCR is supporting the government-led response and is working closely with the humanitarian community via the Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), displaced and host communities, as well as community leaders and volunteers.
Inter-agency Flash appeals were issued for both Myanmar and Bangladesh on 23 May, building on the existing Humanitarian Response Plan for Myanmar and the Joint Response Plan for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
769.6 KB
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Description:
"Highlights
• Cases of child neglect are reported, as caregivers are preoccupied with survival and suffering from psychosocial distress, increasing child protection risks, including physical risks of playing in debris or water unsupervised, as well as exposure of children to trafficking, violence or exploitation.
• 1,113 primary health care consultations have been provided in Rakhine through mobile health clinics from May 22 to date.
• UNICEF and partners continued to provide mental health and psychosocial support, including psychosocial first aid, to 1,432 people (653 girls, 623 boys, 88 women, 68 men) through safe spaces and mobile child-friendly spaces in both Rakhine and Northwest.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
The humanitarian situation in regions and states affected by Cyclone Mocha continues to be a concern, as challenges in a number of affected sectors will have an impact on children’s survival, wellbeing and development.
Telecommunication remains the major constraint for collecting and sharing information in both Rakhine and the Northwest. Electricity resumed with limited hours (4-8 hours) in almost all areas of the Northwest while Rakhine State remains with no electricity. Humanitarian access to the affected population continues to be a challenge due to bureaucratic impediments, ongoing conflict and restrictions on movement and supply transportation. Affected people, including children and women, are at risk of explosive ordnance, mainly in conflict-affected areas. UNICEF’s Rakhine field office is replenishing stocks to scale up or continue assistance to affected children and populations. Transport takes longer than usual and there are delays in the arrival of supplies due to administrative process and several checkpoints.
According to WASH Cluster partners, about 700 households in Chin State, 4,800 households in Magway, and 2,800 households in Sagaing Region have been affected. These numbers may increase, as partners are still collecting information in some areas. To date, approximately 41,500 people have been identified as having suffered impacts from the cyclone, with WASH assistance - especially safe drinking water, emergency latrines, and hygiene supplies - the priority needs.
WASH Cluster partners reported that 208 ponds/ wells were flooded by salty water, affecting 101,378 people from 9,152 households in seven townships of Rakhine State affected by the cyclone. 193 open wells’ roofing sheets and wooden structures were damaged by storm winds in 46 villages in six townships (Sittwe, Ponnagyun, Mrauk U, Minbya, Maungdaw, and Man Aung). Two LifeStraw buildings were damaged in two villages in Minbya Township. Over 2,800 latrines were damaged in protracted camps and displacement sites in eight townships.
Among 14 static nutrition treatment out-patient therapeutic programme and supplementary feeding program (OTP/SFP) centres in Rakhine, four centres were totally destroyed by the cyclone and need new buildings/ reconstruction, while an additional 10 centres need minor repairs.
Partners reported that children are roaming around without clothes, often unsupervised, increasing child protection risks, including physical risks of playing in debris or water unsupervised, as well as exposure to trafficking, violence or exploitation. There is a need for support to caregivers, who require mental health and psychosocial support, as distress is impacting their capacity to care for their children. Cases of child neglect are reported, as caregivers are preoccupied with survival and suffering from psychosocial distress. Children and caregivers with disabilities need additional support.
Adolescent girls are exposed to risks of sexual abuse, as they report travelling long distances to fetch household water..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
155.16 KB
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Description:
"CRISIS IMPACT OVERVIEW
• On 14 May 2023, the extremely severe cyclonic storm Mocha made landfall between Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh and Kyaukpyu township in Myanmar. The cyclone caused significant damage to critical infrastructure, houses, and shelters in western and northern Myanmar, including Chin, Kachin, Magway, Rakhine, and Sagaing states, and in Bangladesh’s southeastern Chattogram division (ECHO 17/05/2023; OCHA 17/05/2023 a).
• In Myanmar, initial estimations suggest that the cyclone has affected approximately 5.4 million people in Chin, Magway, Rakhine, and Sagaing states, with 3.2 million potentially in need of humanitarian assistance (OCHA 16/05/2023). As at 17 May, 41 people had died and around 700 were injured. The cyclone has resulted in the evacuation of approximately 100,000 people. Among the worst-affected areas is western Rakhine, where the cyclone has extensively damaged numerous IDP camps for Rohingya people. Severe flooding has also affected more than 100,000 people in villages located in Magway and Sagaing (ECHO 17/05/2023).
• In Bangladesh, as at 19 May, the cyclone had affected approximately 2.3 million people, destroyed over 2,000 houses, and damaged more than 10,000 houses in Chattogram division (in Chattogram, Cox’s Bazar, Feni, and Noakhali districts) (ISCG et al. 17/05/2023; UNHCR 19/05/2023). A pre-existing high needs level meant that Rohingya refugees living in the camps were the most affected (ECHO 17/05/2023; OCHA 17/05/2023 a).
• The main needs reported for those affected in Myanmar are shelter, drinking water, latrine reconstruction or repair, health assistance, relief items, and food. The subsequent flood poses a high risk of spreading waterborne disease in the affected areas (OCHA 16/05/2023). Need assessments are underway but access constraints create more security risks and access obstacles in the cyclone-affected areas (OCHA 19/05/2023; The Guardian 19/05/2023). In Bangladesh, rapid needs assessments are underway (ISCG et al. 17/05/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
ACAPS via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
886.44 KB
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Description:
"Glide No.: TC-2023-000069-MMR
TIMELINE
10 May 2023: a Tropical Depression turned into Cyclonic Storm Mocha over the Southeast Bay of Bengal and the adjoining South Andaman Sea. On 13 May, Cyclone Mocha moved further north-eastwards over the Bay of Bengal and intensified to an Extremely Severe Cyclone.
14 May 2023: Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Rakhine State, Myanmar, as an Extremely Severe Cyclonic Storm with winds gusting up to 230-250 km/h. On the same day at local time 6:30 pm. Mocha reached Haka Township in Chin State.
15 May: Cyclone Mocha reached Sagaing region as a deep land depression with a wind speed of 78 km/h.
15-16 May: The State Administration Council declared all 17 townships of Rakhine state and four townships in Chin State (Tiddim, Matupi, Paletwa and Hakha) as disaster affected areas under section 11 of the Natural Disaster Management Law.
16 May: The MRCS requested that the IFRC launch an Emergency Appeal to support its response plan to Cyclone Mocha and began relief and immediate assistance activities.
DESCRIPTION OF THE EVENT
Extremely Severe Cyclone Storm Mocha1 is one of the strongest cyclones to hit the country in decades, and the most affected areas present an extraordinarily complex and insecure context due to civic disorders, armed clashes, and an extremely fragile economic situation.
Mocha caused storm surges in excess of two metres, strong winds and very heavy rainfall with heavy inundation reported in the low-lying areas of Rakhine, particularly in and around the state capital Sittwe, and in Chin state, Magway, Ayeyarwady and Mandalay regions as well as the lower Sagaing region.
On 15 May, the State Administration Council declared all 17 townships of Rakhine state as disaster affected areas under section 11 of the Natural Disaster Management Law, which recognises the special role of the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) in disaster management. On 16 May, a similar announcement was made for four townships in Chin state (Tiddim, Matupi, Paletwa and Hakha).
Severity of humanitarian conditions
1. Impact on the accessibility, availability, quality, use, and awareness of goods and services.
According to preliminary data collected during the identification of impact and needs carried out by MRCS branches through over 900 volunteers active on the ground, over 237,000 households across more than five states and regions have been affected by the strong winds, intense rainfall, flooding, and landslides which have accompanied the landfall of Cyclone Mocha.
In Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Ayeyarwady, complete destruction or severe damage was reported to water supplies and sanitation facilities, public infrastructure (for example, some sources identify dozens of hospitals and clinics, hundreds of schools, and hundreds of religious buildings as being damaged), transport infrastructure, such as bridges and roads damaged and the airports of Sittwe and Thandwe in Rakhine State also partially damaged. Telecommunications infrastructure was also heavily affected with several telecoms towers damaged. Countrywide, some sources identify damage to about 2,500 religious buildings, over 2,000 schools, over 300 hospitals/clinics, and over 800 ships/boats.
While over 32,000 livestock are estimated as having been lost, the overall cropland area estimated to have been flooded is 1,400 km2, with disruptive consequences, especially for subsistence farmers.
More than 90% of houses in Rakhine and Chin are semi-permanent (semi-pacca6, wooden houses) and temporary shelters (bamboo/huts), and similarly in in the Ayeyarwady region, more than 55% of the houses are estimated to have light roof/walls. As a result, most of these shelters have been totally or partially damaged (in many cases, losing the roof), with preliminary data collected by MRCS volunteers indicating that more than 200,000 houses in the worst affected areas are in need of complete or partial repair. Significant damage to camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Rakhine have also been identified by the MRCS, with initial observations noting that tens of thousands of households were affected in 14 camps. A market analysis is still ongoing though steep price increases in basic goods, such as rice and eggs have already been reported.
2. Impact on physical and mental well-being
The devastating impact of the cyclone has serious consequences for the physical and mental health and psychosocial well-being of the affected population. Disruptions to water systems are limiting access to clean drinking water and increase the risks of waterborne diseases and large-scale disease outbreaks. Clinics and hospitals have been damaged or totally destroyed, resulting in a shortage of medicines, medical supplies in addition to limiting the capacities to admit and treat patients. Many laboratories and operating rooms are not functional. Mobile clinics have resumed the provision of primary healthcare services in some areas but continue to face constraints in terms of transportation and distribution of medical supplies and access to cover all affected areas. Disrupted or limited access to medicines and healthcare services is increasing the risk of preventable complications and deaths. In conflict affected areas, people are increasingly exposed to risks from the movement of landmines due to flooding. The disaster is also taking a toll on people’s immediate and long-term mental health and psychosocial well-being, given their exposure to traumatic and distressing events. The cyclone has led to an increase in the number of unaccompanied children, highlighting urgent needs for child protection and appropriate support services.
3. Risks and vulnerabilities
Myanmar has a very fragile economy, with almost half the population estimated to be living in poverty. In Rakhine, over half a million households had preexisting multidimensional vulnerabilities with an estimated six million people in need of humanitarian assistance and 1.2 million people internally displaced even prior to the cyclone. In the Ayeyarwady and Sagaing regions, and Chin state, between 50 and 60 per cent of the population was already living in vulnerable conditions, totalling over three million households, and the impact of the cyclone is expected to exacerbate these pre-existing conditions. The estimated number of households with pre-existing vulnerabilities in the Magway region is over 50,000.
Pre-existing and intersectional vulnerabilities should be taken into account, especially in prioritising the needs of displaced people, and of women, children, and people with disabilities within each target group..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.44 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"This more comprehensive product now replaces the daily Flash Updates which were previously being issued by OCHA Myanmar on Cyclone Mocha. This Sit Rep is produced by OCHA in collaboration with the seven operating clusters and their sub-working groups in Myanmar. The humanitarian response section is not necessarily reflective of all humanitarian interventions undertaken on the ground but rather those voluntarily reported by partners. The next Sit Rep will be issued on or around 30 May 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS
• With the monsoon looming, the humanitarian community is in a race against time to respond to a shelter, water, sanitation and food emergency in areas most heavily affected by Cyclone Mocha that smashed Myanmar on 14 May.
• Aid organizations have been delivering assistance where they have stocks and approval, but more supplies, wider access and increased funding are urgently needed to deliver an operation at-scale and meet needs across all communities.
• Based on discussions in Nay Pyi Taw, a detailed two-week distribution plan has been submitted for approval, along with transportation plans for the movement of stocks within Myanmar and from outside the country.
• The humanitarian community has launched a Flash Appeal seeking $333 million to provide assistance to 1.6 million people affected by Cyclone Mocha. Immediate funding is crucial to support vulnerable populations in the hardest-hit zones across Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Kachin.
• Shelter and other relief items are being distributed where access is possible with 7,700 households reached so far across 8 townships in Rakhine, while cash assistance for shelter repairs has been distributed in the Northwest.
• Distribution of drinking water and hygiene kits has also continued. More than 30,000 litres of drinking water have been distributed to affected villages and displacement camps and sites in Rakhine over the past few days, while more than 4,500 affected households in at least six townships in Chin and Magway are already being provided with hygiene kits. Increased cases of Acute Watery Diarrhoea (AWD) have already been recorded.
• Immediate assistance is needed to provide food to vulnerable populations. So far since the cyclone, at least 107,000 people have been reached with food support by WFP across all communities in Rakhine alone. In Rakhine in total, more than 2,000 metric tons of rice and mixed food commodities and 111 metric tons of high energy biscuits have been distributed to food insecure people since the cyclone.
• Distributions have also been underway in the Northwest. The agriculture and fishery sectors have been badly hit, causing a severe loss of assets crucial for livelihoods and posing a longer-term threat to food security.
• Health services are being provided, but damaged infrastructure poses challenges. Many township hospital buildings, IDP camp clinics, and rural health centers have been impacted, Mobile health teams are operating where they can.
• Explosive ordnance (EO), loss of civil documentation, mental health, overcrowding, and separation of children from caregivers are significant protection issues. Partners are delivering EO safety messages, conducting reunifications, establishing child-friendly spaces, providing awareness-raising messages, and offering psychosocial support wherever possible. Continued efforts are needed to address these protection immediate safety and wellbeing concerns.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
Extremely Severe Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Myanmar’s Rakhine state on 14 May packing winds of 250 kmph as it approached the coast, making it one of the strongest cyclones on record to hit the country. The cyclone has devastated coastal areas, leaving hundreds of thousands of already vulnerable people without a roof over their heads with the monsoon just weeks away. The cyclone also brough heavy damage as it advanced inland bringing strong wind, heavy rain and flooding across areas in Chin, Sagaing, Magway and Kachin.
An estimated 7.9 million people experienced winds in excess of 90km/h, with 3.4 million facing destructive winds over 120 km/h. The strength of shelters and pre-existing vulnerabilities are emerging as the key determining factors in the severity of impact and needs. Barely a home has escaped damage in the state capital Sittwe and in Rathedaung where the impact of the cyclone was strongest. An estimated 85 per cent of the shelters in IDP camps and sites are thought to have been destroyed. Many of those most severely affected are now living in temporary sites, in monasteries or in the open. A massive debris clearance and rebuilding effort has been underway across the impact zone since the cyclone with local authorities working to gradually reconnect telecommunications and electricity services particularly in the state capital Sittwe. Schools have been heavily affected, and efforts are underway to have learning facilities available for the start of the school term in June. Health facilities have also been badly damaged.
In the Northwest, severe flooding affected more than 120,000 people across Chin, Sagaing, and Magway, with an estimated 150 villages and wards across 20 townships impacted. Infrastructure has been damaged and destroyed while floods have washed away animals, crops and personal belongings. Over 300 community learning centers were partially or totally damaged, with roofs ripped off and walls broken.
Cyclone Mocha also significantly impacted the agriculture and fishery sectors across all affected areas and communities, causing a severe loss of assets crucial for livelihoods. Furthermore, the cyclone exacerbated pre-existing humanitarian needs arising from years of conflict, displacement, statelessness, the COVID-19 pandemic, and economic instability. Post-cyclone, markets have reopened but with surging prices for basic shelter materials and food, straining the already impoverished population. Local communities have begun clearing debris and cleaning up, and telecommunications are gradually stabilizing.
Despite access issues, ongoing conflict, and communications difficulties, humanitarian partners with access have scaled-up their support, providing critical and lifesaving assistance to affected communities in Rakhine, Chin, Magway and Sagaing, as well as Kachin..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
359.91 KB
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Description:
"Highlights
Rehabilitation and cleaning up debris from schools and learning centres is a high priority to ensure readiness for school re-opening, planned for early June, as it is reported that 1,380 basic education schools across 17 townships of Rakhine have been affected.
Cyclone Mocha badly damaged Rakhine markets, resulting in significant increases in the price of essential food, non-food items, and services.
UNICEF and partners reached 31,725 affected population through distribution of family hygiene kits, soaps, buckets, jerry cans, and water purification sachets and water trucking for most affected villages in Rakhine.
The catastrophic Cyclone Mocha had a devastating impact in Chin State, affecting 1813 households, 18 religious’ structures, and 9 educational institutions in Matupi, Hakha, Kanpalet, Palettwa, Mindat,
Falam, Thantlang and Tedim.
In the Northwest, UNICEF is working with implementing partners on the distribution of essential learning package kits (5,440 sets) and short-term home-based learning materials (2,472 sets) to IDP camps affected by the cyclone and armed conflicts.
Situation in Numbers
3.4 million
people in affected areas (OCHA)
1.6 million
people targeted for humanitarian assistance (OCHA)
500,000
new additional caseload (OCHA)
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
The humanitarian situation in regions and states affected by Cyclone Mocha continues to be a concern, as a number of affected sectors will have an impact on children’s survival, wellbeing and development.
The latest assessments from the Market Analysis Unit (MAU) indicate that Cyclone Mocha badly damaged Rakhine markets, resulting in significant increases in the price of essential food, non-food items, and services. In Sittwe, electrical outages have impacted water supply and water pumps. Prices for water hand- pumps has doubled, rising from 42,000 MMK (USD 14) prior to the cyclone to 83,000 MMK (USD 28) afterward. The price of distilled water has increased by 17 per cent, rising from 600 MMK/20L (0.2 USD/20L) to 700 MMK/20L (0.24 USD/20L). Many households are struggling to access purified bottled water due to the rising cost.
In Mrauk-U’s main market, vendors interviewed reported fewer inventory losses than vendors in Sittwe. Prices for hygiene-related items were fairly stable in Mrauk-U, although soap prices were up 25 per cent.
In Ponnagyun, prices of non-food items, both for shelter and hygiene products, increased sharply. Blanket prices were up 17 per cent, while those for plastic tarps were up 60 per cent and prices for mosquito nets have doubled. Jerry cans were not available. Toothpaste prices were up 19 per cent, while soap was up 50 per cent and sanitary pad prices were stable.
Assessments from the Market Analysis Unit indicate that the implementation of large-scale cash transfer programmes should be undertaken with caution due to supply constraints and potential market impacts. Cash assistance can be effective in Sittwe, Mrauk-U and Ponnagyun, where markets are damaged but still functional. Humanitarian cash assistance will likely grow more important in the coming weeks as regional supply chains recover.
In Rakhine, 1,380 basic education schools across 17 townships of Rakhine have been affected. The number of children estimated in the need of education support stands at about 335,000. In addition, teachers and volunteer teachers have had their homes partially or destroyed and most of the affected population are now living in monasteries and with relatives.
It has been challenging to get safe spaces and shade to deliver preventive and curative nutrition services, especially for Sittwe, Pauktaw and Kyauktaw areas. Temporary tents are urgently needed to deliver nutrition services to vulnerable people in shade and safe spaces.
The catastrophic Cyclone Mocha cyclone had a devastating impact in Chin State, affecting 1,813 households, 18 religious structures, and 9 educational institutions in Matupi, Hakha, Kanpalet, Palettwa, Mindat, Falam, Thantlang and Tedim..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
332.67 KB
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Description:
"According to leaked documents and public sources, the Tokyo-based ASEAN-Japan Centre on Trade, Investment and Tourism provided a grant to the junta’s investment and foreign economic relations ministry for a capacity building program on reforms required to implement international investment agreements.
The grant was awarded for the 2022-23 fiscal year, and financed at least one event held in March 2023, opened by EU-sanctioned junta minister Kan Zaw.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has refused to disclose to Justice For Myanmar the amount of funds provided to the junta, stating that the information is only available to board members.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is an intergovernmental organisation made up of the Japanese government and the governments of each ASEAN member state, including Myanmar.
The Centre is governed by a council, which consists of 11 representatives appointed by each member country.
Myanmar is wrongly represented on the council by Soe Han, the junta’s ambassador to Japan, and this legitimises the junta and facilitates continued support, emboldening the junta’s terror campaign.
Japan is represented on the council by Yutaka Arima, an assistant minister of foreign affairs.
The capacity building grant is one of several ASEAN-Japan Centre initiatives with junta ministries, legitimising the junta, encouraging business engagement and building the capacity of junta staff.
The centre has an active partnership with the junta’s hotels and tourism ministry, supporting the junta’s attempts to promote tourism, which provides it with legitimacy and a source of foreign revenue.
Since late 2021, as the junta’s violent attacks against the people intensified, the junta tourism ministry organised regular trainings and seminars supported by the ASEAN-Japan Centre. These involved the participation of junta minister Htay Aung and Japanese ASEAN-Japan Centre senior members, aimed at promoting Japanese tourism in Myanmar.
In January 2022, the ASEAN-Japan Centre supported the junta to run a Japanese culinary skills training, opened by Htay Aung and ASEAN-Japan Centre Secretary General Kunihiko Hirabayashi.
In late 2022 and early 2023, Htay Aung opened seminars for service providers of Japanese tourists in Bagan and Kalaw with ASEAN-Japan Centre officials, which were featured in junta propaganda.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has also supported the junta to provide Japanese language training for tour guides.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is now promoting tourism to Myanmar as part of the fiftieth anniversary or ASEAN-Japan “friendship and cooperation”, and has launched a website in Japanese. In consultation with the junta, the site includes five ideas for Japanese tourists to visit Myanmar, misleading the Japanese public that it is a safe and ethical destination for a holiday.
That comes despite the clear call from the legitimate National Unity Government (NUG) against tourism to Myanmar. In November 2021, Minister of Planning, Finance and Investment Tin Tun Naing told the Straits Times, “The people of Myanmar are being killed, raped, detained and their houses and possessions seized or destroyed. This is not a time for sightseeing”.
A third junta ministry the ASEAN-Japan Centre works with is commerce, supporting it to promote market access in Japan. Under that program, a workshop was held in January in Naypyidaw and again touted in junta propaganda. The workshop was opened by the permanent secretary of the junta’s commerce ministry, Min Min, and Yuka Kubota, an ASEAN-Japan Centre senior executive.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s actions to include the junta on its council representing Myanmar, to fund junta ministries, to provide capacity building and to promote business links embolden the junta to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
Justice For Myanmar urges the ASEAN-Japan Centre and all other organisations to immediately remove the junta from its council and end all support. As the number of people killed by the junta rises daily, lives literally depend on the international community urgently taking action. Japan has a particular responsibility to end the junta’s killings as a democracy and Asian neighbour with a long historical relationship with the Myanmar military.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN and Japan are now celebrating 50 years of friendship and cooperation.
“Yet this anniversary has so far shown that ASEAN and Japan’s friendship in Myanmar is with the illegitimate military junta, not the people who are being slaughtered in the junta’s relentless attacks.
“The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s activities with the military junta support its illegal and failed attempt to gain control of Myanmar and embolden its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Without an immediate end to ASEAN and Japan’s support for the junta, the fiftieth anniversary of ASEAN-Japan relations will be forever tarnished with the blood of Myanmar people.
“It’s time ASEAN and Japan end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
138.38 KB
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Description:
"SITUATION OVERVIEW
The impact of the cyclone has caused significant infrastructural and shelter damage across Rakine state and the northwest of Myanmar. In Rakhine state, the worst affected areas are believed to be Sittwe and Rathedaung, followed by Buthidaung, Kyauktaw, Maungdaw, Minbya, Mrauk-U, Pauktaw, and Ponnagyun, with coastal areas particularly destroyed. The townships of Kyaukpyu, Ramree, Munaung, Myebon, and Ann also suffered significant damages, though less severe than in other areas of Rakhine. In the northwest, (Chin, Magway and Sagaing) access limitations, ongoing conflict and communication challenges have hindered the ability of humanitarian partners to fully understand the scale of damages. In Chin, the worst affected areas are believed to be Paletwa, Matupi, Mindat, Hakha and Kanpetlet; in Magway, Gangaw, Tilin and Saw; and in Sagaing, Mingin, Pinlebu, Taze, Kyunlha, Kani and Pale..."
Source/publisher:
International Organization for Migration ( Switzerland) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
IOM Burma/Myanmar, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
486.31 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"24 May 2023: PEN International is dismayed at the decision of Myanmar’s military junta to sentence writer, activist, and PEN Myanmar member, Wai Moe Naing to 20 years’ imprisonment for committing high treason. Already serving a 34-year prison sentence following several convictions in retaliation for his peaceful advocacy against the military coup of 1 February 2021, this latest unjust conviction follows rushed legal proceedings that violated fair trial norms. PEN International continues to call for the immediate and unconditional release of all those unjustly detained by the military junta for their peaceful expression in Myanmar, including Wai Moe Naing.
On 19 May 2023, Wai Moe Naing was convicted of high treason for his role as a protest leader and sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment under Article 122 of Myanmar’s Penal Code, narrowly avoiding a potential death sentence. Already serving a sentence of 34 years’ imprisonment, this latest ruling results in a combined total of 54 years in prison.
‘From the military junta's efforts to silence Wai Moe Naing, it is obvious that the regime fears his voice. When he was first assaulted and detained in April 2021, he was engaged in non-violent advocacy, holding peaceful rallies in order to explain how the military's seizure of power violated Myanmar's undemocratic 2008 constitution. It is a cruel injustice that Wai Moe Naing has been convicted of high treason by the same regime that has so brutally betrayed the people of Myanmar. We demand his immediate and unconditional release’, said Ma Thida, Chair of PEN International’s Writers in Prison Committee.
A further trial on a remaining charge of murder remains. The charge is reported to relate to the killing of two police officers in the Monywa district, in central Myanmar but no evidence has emerged that links Wai Moe Naing to the crime. Wai Moe Naing’s friends and family have rejected the accusation of murder on the strongest possible terms.
As reported previously, two of Wai Moe Naing’s legal representatives have been arrested, with many others now unwilling to represent him out of fear of retaliation from the military junta, raising ongoing concerns over Wai Moe Naing’s ability to defend himself according to international fair trial norms.
PEN International considers that Wai Moe Naing’s long-term imprisonment represents a complete disregard of his right to a fair trial and is illustrative of the military junta’s willingness to use Myanmar’s legal system as a means to further its repression of dissenting voices.
Background
Wai Moe Naing is a writer, activist, and member of PEN Myanmar. He began writing as a student, with his first short story being published in Teen Magazine at the age of 13. His writing has since been published in several literary outlets, including Khit Yanantthit Magazine and Pae Tin Tharn Journal.
Prior to the military coup in February 2021, Wai Moe Naing had already developed a reputation as a committed non-violent activist due to his long-standing involvement student unions and youth groups, which included his affiliation with the Peacock Generation, a satirical poetry troupe who had several of its members detained in 2019 for allegedly criticising the military during a performance.
In the immediate aftermath of the military coup, Wai Moe Naing rose to prominence as a leader of the anti-coup protest movement and was among those who popularised the idea of banging pots and pans as a non-violent act of resistance to the military junta’s rule.
Wai Moe Naing was arrested on 15 April 2021 by junta forces after they reportedly used an unmarked vehicle to ram Wai Moe Naing while he was driving on a moped as part of a protest rally in the Monywa district. When he tried to escape on foot, a group of armed men disembarked and attacked him and a female protestor before detaining them both.
On 12 August 2022, Wai Moe Naing was found guilty of multiple counts of incitement under section 505(A) of Myanmar’s Penal Code, which has been routinely used by the military junta to target critics of the regime. Following his conviction, Wai Moe Naing was initially sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment. According to reports, Wai Moe Naing did not appeal the court’s ruling, stating that the allegations were not committed by him, so there was nothing to appeal.
On 20 October 2022, Wai Moe Naing was sentenced to a further four years’ imprisonment on an additional count of incitement and for violating Article 25 of Natural Disaster Management Law, a charge that has been cynically used to clamp down on public rallies following the authorities' classification of COVID-19 as a 'natural disaster'.
On 5 April 2023, Wai Moe Naing was convicted of several charges, including rioting, robbery and incitement, and sentenced to a further 20 years’ imprisonment, resulting in a cumulative total of 34 years in prison.
For more information about PEN International’s work on Myanmar please see Impunity Reigns – Writers resist, PEN International’s 2022 Case List, which documents 115 cases of persecuted writers worldwide, including Wai Moe Naing..."
Source/publisher:
PEN International
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Executive Summary
The chapter one explainsthe importance of community Support Group (CSG) and linkage with primary health care (PHC), universal health coverage (UHC) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and World Health Organization (WHO)set up a vision for PHC in the 21st century: towards UHC and the SDGs in 2018. CSG is the one of the three key essential components of the PHC which provide the foundation and impetus for achievement of UHC and health related SDGs.
PHC is “a whole-of-society approach to health that aims at ensuring the highest possible level of health and well-being and their equitable distribution by focusing on people’s needs and as early as possible along the continuum from health promotion and disease prevention to treatment, rehabilitation and palliative care, and as close as feasible to people’s everyday environment.” (WHO and UNICEF) (2018) UHC means that all individuals and communities receive the health services they need withoutsuffering financial hardship. It includesthe fullspectrum of essential, quality health services, from health promotion to prevention, treatment, rehabilitation, and palliative care across the life course.
The 2023 Agenda of Sustainable Development provides a shared blueprint for peace and prosperity for people and the planet. There are 17 SDGs which can provide impetus to the Alma Ata and Astana principles (PHC) as follows.
end poverty (SDG 1),
equity (SDG 10),
community participation (SDG 16), and
intersectoral collaboration (SDG 17)
There is growing global consensusthat effortsto bridge health system and community through collaboration and partnership will be key contributor to the achievement of SDG and UHC. Basic health staff (BHS) have over-workload to cover many villages and with a lot of tasks. It is hard to reach to all villages regularly. Accessibility of the community to health center is also difficult in some areas because of geographical terrain and other conditions. Even the BHS arrive in the village, they could not meet with caregivers at all visits with many reasons. Therefore, CSG composed of villagers and voluntary health workers is essential to fill up the gap to achieve UHC and SDG.
The chapter two outlines guidance to operationalize the community Support effectively and efficiently. There are 6 Steps for setting up and operationalize the CSG in the village.
SOG 1: Advocate and Communicate
SOG 2: Form CSG
SOG 3: Build Capacity
SOG 4: Select and Implement Appropriate Interventions
SOG 5: Monitor and Provide Supportive Supervision
SOG 6: Ensure Functioning and Sustainability of CSG
There are seven action points from the above SOGs.
UNICEF develops the advocacy messages, and it can be adapted as per local situation.
Project/ Responsible Person conduct advocacy meeting.
Community form CSG by themselves with one month after advocacy meeting.
Project staff visit to village and conduct meeting with CSG ensuring formation is as per set criteria and explain the roles and responsibilities of CSG. The staff discuss with CSG members and set the date for capacity building and prepare and conduct accordingly.
CSG and CBHWs implement all or selected interventions according to the needs.
The respective project staffs provide supportive supervision, support and observe the progress of CSG. They facilitate and serve as a technical advisor and not include in decision making. They have to ensure the establishment of effective community feedback and complaints mechanism.
Project has to provide necessary supports for functioning and sustaining of CSG and ensure that CSG has ability to stand independently in long term.
The chapter three outlines and guides the detail implementation of each intervention. There are 13 interventions and CSG and Community Based Health Workers (CBHW) will implement all or selected interventions based on the needs of the respective community. The interventions are as follow.
Community Mobilization
IYCF counselling
Active Case Finding and Prevention and Treatment of Acute Malnutrition
Establish Referral System
Support Nutrition Promotion Month Campaign and Regular Nutrition Activities such as Group monitoring and Promotion (GMP), Micronutrient Supplementation and Deworming
Anti-Natal Care
Community Based Newborn Care
Community Case Management of pneumonia and diarrhoea
WASH
Early Childhood Development
Income Generation Activities
Data Management and
Others based on local needs..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Children, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.44 MB (146 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"SITUATION AT A GLANCE
4.5 MILLION People Targeted for Humanitarian Assistance in Burma
UN – January 2023
1.4 MILLION IDPs in Burma Displaced Since February 2021
UNHCR – May 2023
5.4 MILLION People Adversely Affected by Tropical Cyclone Mocha in Burma
UNHCR– May 2023
960,539 Estimated Number of Refugees in Bangladesh
UNHCR – March 2023
1.5 MILLION People Targeted by 2023 Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan
UN – March 2023
Tropical Cyclone Mocha made landfall over Burma’s Rakhine State on May 14, adversely affecting approximately 5.4 million people in Burma and an estimated 2.3 million people in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar District.
Access restrictions imposed by military authorities hinder the delivery of aid to cyclone-affected individuals across Burma.
USG partners provide life-saving assistance to thousands of households adversely affected by Tropical Cyclone Mocha in Burma and Bangladesh..."
Source/publisher:
US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Cyclones - regional
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
414.23 KB
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Description:
"Executive Summary:
Myanmar is likely to be in a protracted state of crisis for some time. Consequently, the crisis is also very likely to derail the steady progress the country was making in sustained high GDP growth, poverty reduction, creation of employment including that of women, increasing exports and overall, getting closer to achieving many of the SDGs. Myanmar will be challenged in arresting the rising vulnerabilities of the people from lost jobs and lost or diminished livelihoods, providing widespread access to basic services and social safety nets, creating the necessary fiscal space, and curbing the conflict spreading throughout the country resulting in growing insecurity of civilians.
The crisis is posing a serious, and possibly generational threat to the well-being of the people. With extremely limited domestic and international resources available, and an extremely complex and dynamic operating context, the challenge is to try to understand the nature and pace of the southward slide of all conceivable metrics of progress and determine how best to target interventions for maximum impact.
The main purpose of this empirical analysis is to provide that information base. First from 2005-2017 – a period of high progress at the national level and well-captured by comprehensive datasets – followed by estimates of regression post 2020, due to the crises based on smaller but frequent surveys in the absence of any comprehensive national level datasets..."
Source/publisher:
UN Development Programme (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNDP - Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights Education, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.48 MB (62 pages) - Original version
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Description:
"Highlights
• It is estimated that 3.4 million people live in the areas highly impacted by Cyclone Mocha, hit by >120km/h wind speeds.
• Analysis conducted by the Mine Action Area of Responsibility shows that 60 per cent of landmine incidents reported (first quarter of 2023) were in areas affected by Cyclone Mocha, and 90 per cent of the incidents were in the red zone (where winds of over 120km/h were recorded). This implies high risks of landmines/unexploded ordinance contamination in cyclone-affected areas, creating a potential threat to populations and to relief and recovery efforts.
• UNICEF and partners provided 50 recreational kits and three child protection kits to the cyclone-affected villages of Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Fifty Child Friendly Spaces have been set up, providing psychosocial support to 520 children affected by Cyclone Mocha.
Situation in Numbers
3.4 million people In affected area (OCHA)
1.6 million people targeted for humanitarian assistance (OCHA)
500,000 New additional caseload (OCHA)
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Sittwe and Rathedaung Townships are the most impacted by cyclone. Power lines are severely damaged in both Sittwe and Rathedaung Townships, which is also disrupting the water supply systems. The camps and shelters for people previously displaced by conflict in Maungdaw, Buthidaung Ponnagyun, Kyauktaw townships have also been severely impacted. In Rakhine, more than 100 temporary learning spaces were damaged, including with roofs being blown off, collapsed walls and fallen pillars. It is estimated that about 113 schools in Sittwe Township have been totally or partially destroyed, while around 80 per cent of schools in Buthidaung Township have been affected by the cyclone. An increase in the number of unaccompanied children in Rakhine has been reported. WASH, health, nutrition and child protection are the priority needs of the affected people.
In the Northwest, severe flooding has affected more than 120,000 people in Chin, Sagaing and Magway. An estimated 150 villages and wards in 20 townships were affected, with the damage ranging from partially or fully destroyed infrastructure to floods having swept away animals and personal belongings in agricultural fields. Over 300 community learning centers were partially or totally damaged, with roofs ripped off and walls broken..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
349.22 KB
more
Description:
"FIVE BRITISH INSURERS ADDED TO ‘DIRTY LIST’ FOR AVIATION FUEL DELIVERIES TO BURMA
May 23, 2023
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Burma Campaign UK added five British insurance companies to the ‘Dirty List’ after they failed to give a commitment to stop providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Burma.
The five companies are: UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard and Shipowners’ Club.
They are mutual insurance clubs which have provided insurance cover (protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance) to vessels which have delivered aviation fuel to Burma. Their role in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma was exposed in the Amnesty International Report, Deadly Cargo. The report is available here.
“The Burmese military are using airstrikes indiscriminately against civilians, even against schools and hospitals, and insurance is a vital part of the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK.
Since the Burmese military began its attempted coup on 1 February 2021, it has increasingly used airstrikes to try to gain control over the country.
On 11th April, a Burmese military airstrike in the Sagaing Region in the north of Burma killed around 170 people, including around 40 children.
In February 2022 the British government issued guidance to British companies to avoid involvement in the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. These companies are ignoring the guidance.
“These insurance clubs have clearly taken a decision not to add delivery of aviation fuel to their cover exclusions, despite knowing this means they may insure aviation fuel that reaches the Burmese military and is used to kill civilians,” said Mark Farmaner. “This is the definition of putting profit before principle.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Highlights
• The humanitarian community in Myanmar has launched a $333 million Flash Appeal to assist 1.6 million people affected by Cyclone Mocha, which devastated the country’s west on 14 May.
• Immediate funding is crucial to support vulnerable people in the hardest-hit areas, and coordination efforts are underway to expand access for distributions and facilitate the transportation of essential supplies.
• The cyclone has devastated coastal areas, leaving hundreds of thousands of already vulnerable people without a roof over their heads as the monsoon looms.
• The humanitarian community is in a race against time to provide people with safe shelter in all affected communities and prevent the spread of water-borne disease.
• As feared, community members are starting to report that children are experiencing diarrhea due to unclean water sources. Furthermore, child protection services have been disrupted following the cyclone, leaving vulnerable children in even greater need of support.
• There are growing concerns about the dangers posed by explosive ordnance contamination in the affected areas.
• Humanitarian partners with access to affected people have stepped up support to provide critical and lifesaving assistance, including food aid.
• Field observations in various townships in Rakhine, Northwest, and Kachin regions are informing ongoing response efforts where there is access.
• Based on discussions in Nay Pyi Taw, humanitarians have shared a detailed, two-week distribution plan, for approval, outlining support that is ready to be provided to across all affected communities in Rakhine and Chin.
Situation Overview
In the past week, local communities in Rakhine have been cleaning and clearing debris in the affected areas, with volunteers joining forces in Sittwe. Telecommunications are becoming more stable, but it will take time to fully restore services, particularly in the hardest-hit townships of Sittwe and Rathedaung. In the Northwest (Chin, Magway and Sagaing), access challenges, ongoing conflict, and communication problems have hindered the ability of humanitarian partners on the ground to get a full picture of the destruction.
Despite these challenges, humanitarian partners with access to affected people have scaled-up support by providing critical and lifesaving assistance, including food aid. Many Civil Society Organizations, who themselves were also heavily impacted by the cyclone, are also responding to the most critical emergency needs and conducting field observations, to the extent of their access and resources. Based on discussions in Nay Pyi Taw, humanitarians have shared a detailed, two-week distribution plan, for approval, outlining support that is ready to be provided to across all affected communities in Rakhine and Chin. A number of other requests are in process for the transport of relief items into the country.
A rapid analysis of contamination1 and incident data from Cyclone Mocha’s worst-hit areas has found that 60 per cent of the landmine incidents reported in the first quarter of 20232 were in areas that have now been affected by the cyclone. Of these, 90 per cent are reported from the highest impact area (red zone), where winds exceeding 120kmph were recorded. Nearly half of the villages that have reported contamination with high confidence (evidence of landmines reported) are located within this red zone. Moreover, nearly half of the villages that have reported contamination with lower confidence (suspicion of landmine contamination) are also in the red zone.
The protection needs of children in Rakhine are increasing as the cyclone has disrupted the delivery of critical child protection services, including case management and psychosocial support. Children already affected by conflict, displacement, and poverty are now even more vulnerable and require urgent support to meet their basic needs and protect them from harm. Support from child protection actors is limited due to accessibility challenges and the absence of reliable communication channels.
Awareness-raising messages about the risk of explosive ordnance and landmines, waterborne diseases, as well as mental health and psychosocial support, continue to be disseminated among affected communities to promote safety and precautionary measures..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
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"Situation Overview
This multi-sectoral Flash Appeal targets approximately 1.6 million people affected by cyclone Mocha and its aftermath across five areas of Myanmar – Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway and Kachin. A total of US$333 million is urgently required for this response plan to address needs in areas in all communities affected by the cyclone and its aftermath.
The cyclone and the flooding that followed hit an area of high pre-existing vulnerability, with large numbers of displaced, returned, stateless and crisisaffected people, who were already targeted for support under the existing 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP). Thus, the financial requirement for this Flash Appeal includes some activities originally costed under the 2023 HRP that can now be pivoted to support people affected by the cyclone. It also identifies completely new or scaled-up activities that will support the cyclone response to the existing HRP target populations, as well as costing support to entirely new people with needs as a result of the disaster across all communities.
Communities and humanitarian responders are now in a race against time to implement the response outlined with the monsoon imminent and hundreds of thousands of people either homeless or living in damaged shelters with limited access to clean water.
A dramatic scale-up of funding is imperative to support the activities outlined given the scale of the disaster and the dire existing funding gap for the HRP (10 per cent funded). The day before the cyclone, the Humanitarian Coordinator initiated a $2m Reserve Allocation under the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund to kick-start procurement of supplies and cash responses to affected people. On 18 May, the Emergency Relief Coordinator also approved a $10m allocation under the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) Rapid Response window to support the Humanitarian Country Team to expand operations.
However, much more support is needed to deliver a disaster response at-scale.
This plan outlines immediate responses to be implemented during the initial months after the cyclone. The HCT may decide to revise this appeal once more information becomes available or may choose to fold these activities into a wider HRP revision at a later date.
Context and Needs Overview
Extremely Severe Cyclone Mocha hit Myanmar’s Rakhine with brutal force on 14 May. One of the strongest cyclones ever recorded in Myanmar, the eye made landfall between Cox’s Bazaar and Kyaukpyu township, approaching the coast with maximum sustained winds of around 250 km/h and wind gusts of up to 305 km/h, before continuing inland and impacting communities with heavy rain and winds on 15 May. This appeal addresses needs generated by the cyclone and its aftermath in communities across five states and regions – Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway and Kachin.
An estimated 7.9 million people live in areas that experienced winds in excess of 90kmph during the cyclone. Of these, 3.4 million faced very destructive winds of more than 120 kmph, placing them at very high risk given the poor shelters in these locations and their pre-existing vulnerabilities.
Heavy rainfall, storm surge and strong winds associated with the cyclone caused widespread damage across affected locations, including flooding in low-lying areas of Rakhine, particularly in and around the state capital, Sittwe, as well as the townships of Kyauktaw, Maungdaw, Pauktaw,
Ponnagyun, and Rathedaung. Almost all buildings in Sittwe and Rathedaung have suffered damage, leaving hundreds of thousands of people either homeless or living in damaged houses. Significant damage has been suffered by displacement camps, where long houses were left in splinters and access bridges have been washed away. Extensive areas of farming land and coastal areas have been affected, with severe losses of assets that are crucial for the agriculture and fishery sectors. The destruction of the local fishing fleet and heavy loss of agricultural inputs will have serious implications on livelihoods and are likely to see the adoption of negative coping strategies in the months ahead.
As the weather system moved inland into the country’s Northwest and Northeast, continuous heavy rain caused flooding in townships in Magway where the Ayeyarwady River overflowed. In Chin, houses were reportedly damaged or destroyed. In Magway and Sagaing, floodwaters reportedly damaged infrastructure and agricultural fields and washed away livestock and personal belongings. Later, in Waingmaw Township in Kachin, shelters were damaged in Shanjai, which is home to more than 1,000 displaced people, as well as in the Maga Yang/Sha It Yang, Hka Shau, and Pajau/Janmai displacement camps.
Significant damage has been reported to public infrastructure in all affected areas, including hospitals, health centres, banks, schools, bridges, and religious buildings. Water systems, sanitation facilities, water supply infrastructure and latrines have also been affected, reducing access to safe drinking water and basic hygiene services, and increasing the risk of outbreaks of water-borne disease.
Although most markets have re-opened, the soaring prices of basic shelter materials needed for rebuilding, including tarpaulins, metal sheeting, and nails, has made this task unaffordable for most affected people in these very impoverished parts of the country. Food costs have also spiked in many locations, putting a strain on households that were already living on the edge of survival. For example, the price of one kilogram of rice in Mrauk-U township has increased from MMK 1,300 ($0.62) before the cyclone to MMK 1,500 ($0.71) one week after the disaster.
Even prior to the cyclone, the affected areas were characterized by heavy humanitarian needs resulting from years of conflict, displacement, statelessness,
COVID-19, and economic instability. This new disaster has now added a devastating new dimension to the humanitarian situation facing people in the country’s west.
Preparedness and early response
The Myanmar Humanitarian Emergency Response Preparedness Plan was activated at the national and sub-national levels ahead of the cyclone making landfall. Humanitarian organisations ramped up their preparedness efforts, pre-positioned personnel and supplies wherever possible, and disseminated safety messages to affected areas.
Since the cyclone hit, humanitarian personnel have been working to gauge the full impact of the disaster on affected people through a series of field missions and early support where they had permission to start distributions particularly of food, non-food items (NFIs), shelter and hygiene items. Based on discussions in Nay Pyi Taw, a detailed two-week distribution plan will soon be shared for approval, outlining further support that is ready to be provided to across all affected communities in Rakhine and Chin. Efforts are also underway to move more supplies to the impact zone from both Ya ngon and various locations outside the country.
The national Natural Disaster Management Committee was activated in Nay Pyi Taw before the cyclone and local authorities carried out evacuations in high-risk areas. In areas under the control of the State Administration Council (SAC), local authorities deployed personnel to start initiating debris clearance, restore communications and begin distributions.
The ASEAN Centre for Humanitarian Assistance (AHA) deployed staff to support the Emergency Operations Centre in Nay Pyi Taw before the cyclone hit. A 14 member ASEAN Emergency Response and Assessment Team (ERAT) has been deployed to Rakhine to support the response by the Department of Disaster Management (DDM). The first three plane loads of AHA shelter supplies arrived in Myanmar on 21 May and were handed over to DDM for distribution in affected areas. OCHA continues to coordinate closely with AHA on the response.
In areas outside SAC control, various ethnic and resistance groups have been measuring the impact in affected communities and delivering assistance to the extent of their resources and access.
Civil society organizations and religious networks are working to support affected communities.
Communities themselves have also swung into action, clearing debris from blocked roads, and providing shelter to those who have lost their homes..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
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"Military junta troops launched an airstrike and dropped bombs in Myawaddy, Kayin State and Demoso, Kayah State from May 15th to 21st. Junta troops also launched an airstrike, dropped bombs and cut off the Tele communication and mobile data in Mawlite Township, Sagaing Region.Military Junta troops arrested about 60 civilians including the children from Kani Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region as hostages. The military’s head of the prison in Thayarwady Prison established a terrorist group named Eagle Group in the prison and ordered them to commit human rights abuses against the relocated political prisoners by beating, torturing, and forcing labor in Thayarwady Prison.
Military Junta troops and Pyusawhtee force arrested the locals, threatened and still extorted money in Shwebo Township and Kyunhla Township in Sagaing Region. In the East Bago region, the military troops arrested the civilians who were crossing the 4 miles gate which is part of the Taungoo- Thandaung Road and extorted from them.4 civilians died including a child and 2 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light attacks..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Highlights
• One week after Cyclone Mocha, a clearer picture is emerging of the depth of destruction as humanitarians work to expand assistance across affected areas.
• Sittwe and Rathedaung are the hardest hit areas in Rakhine. Shelter damage there is significant across all communities.
• Destruction of public infrastructure, as well as disruptions to water systems, continue to limit access to clean drinking water in Rakhine, increasing the risk of waterborne diseases especially among the affected population.
• In Rathedaung township, all rural health centers, hospitals and public schools have been destroyed according to partners.
• Coastal villages along the Ah Ngu Maw-Maungdaw Road in Rathedaung and Maungdaw townships have suffered severe damage, including the loss of livestock. Southern Maungdaw reportedly has also faced damage, including to schools in five villages.
• Based on discussions in Nay Pyi Taw, humanitarians will soon be sharing a detailed, two-week distribution plan, for approval, outlining support that is ready to be provided to across all affected communities in Rakhine and Chin.
• In the meantime, partners who already have access are prioritizing the distribution of food and critical relief items where they can. Efforts are also underway to transport additional supplies to address stockpile shortages, pending necessary approvals for movement within and outside the country.
• Humanitarian partners are disseminating messages in local languages to raise awareness around risks of waterborne disease and landmines among affected communities and promote safety precautions.
• The cyclone has led to an increase in the number of unaccompanied children in Rakhine, highlighting the urgent need for child protection and appropriate support services.
Situation Overview
While a massive clean-up effort has been underway in Sittwe over the past week, continued field visits by humanitarian partners are shedding light on the magnitude of the crisis faced by people across the impact zone. Many people have been left without safe shelter and have lost all of their belongings, further exacerbating the already dire living conditions endured by many for the past three years due to the pandemic, ongoing conflict, and economic instability.
Humanitarian partners who have access to the population are already providing critical relief items to the extent possible, including through the distribution of food assistance. Efforts are underway to transport additional humanitarian supplies from Yangon to Sittwe to address stockpile shortages and bolster the response. Humanitarians are also exploring various approaches to facilitate the movement of supplies to impacted areas, both from within and outside the country, pending necessary approvals.
Telecommunications problems persist and access to banking services is being disrupted both by cyclone damage and bureaucratic obstacles. Humanitarian partners continue to disseminate safety messages in local languages focusing on the risk of waterborne disease and the movement of landmines in flooded areas. Venomous snakes are also an increasing threat in flood-affected areas, especially in Magway and Sagaing..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
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Format :
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569.64 KB 484.87 KB
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"The 42nd ASEAN Summit and Related Meetings in Indonesia remain the most critical crossroads for the immediate and long term relevance and fate of ASEAN’s role in the region and beyond.
It exposes the most consequential crossroads with the lingering Myanmar debacle that bears the futility of ASEAN’s approach, unchecked tensions in the South China Sea, futile efforts for conflict prevention mechanisms, growing autocratic trends and disregard for human rights and other structural economic and geopolitical challenges, both cumulatively and further erode ASEAN’s relevance and expose its deep lying systemic weaknesses.
ASEAN was born out of a common fear of communism and external threat, and it remains the same for now. However, the capacity to stand up to external threats from a collective joint deterrence and capacity point of view remains lost.
Indonesia will want to be seen as the ever strong ASEAN leader and will want to take lead in solving the Myanmar issue and in providing a clear platform and guidelines for South China Sea stability through fast tracked Code of Conduct (CoC) and a flurry of backdoor diplomacy for Myanmar.
It races against time and pressure to be seen as the most important regional and ASEAN leader, fresh from its G20 and global diplomatic success, and would want to set the right tone before handing over to Laos, knowing well that by then, momentum might drop due to entrenched affiliation with Beijing and the potential pressure applied, as happened previously.
The Myanmar crisis and the growing tensions in the South China Sea are just two of the main indicators highlighting the failed approach of ASEAN in being limited by its inability to exert credible and solid measures. Jakarta realizes this, and so do other member states. However, decades of stable status quo benefit derivation have created a common reluctance for significant shifts that would alter regime and regional security.
Historical regional cohesiveness in the region is primarily tied by trade and economic relativity and common yearning for security assurances.
The region is primarily shaped by economic and security importance, and openings for value based and normative moral high ground for strong value driven developmental essence are inadequate, unlike the EU.The region remains trapped by its own ignorance and utopian belief of its decades old ASEAN Way approach and de-escalation of conflict through idealistic dependence on non-confrontational approach and conflict prevention mechanisms through its different tiers and channels of dialogues.
Fears and wariness on China’s ambitions for the region, the quest to deny the West’s containment foothold in the region, the agenda in the South China Sea and the fallout of a full blown Taiwan conflict, all create a perfect firestorm for both a declining impact of dialogue building efforts and the efficacy of confidence building measures.
The West sees ASEAN as a lost cause in standing up against China and containment measures, while China wants ASEAN to remain in its status quo of neutrality, which means a freer option for China to expand its grip and reign and a denial of space for the West.
ASEAN has repeatedly yearned for stability and status quo, in fear of a repeat of the Cold War divide and has created a flurry of mechanisms from the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) to the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and SEANWFZ,among others, but has been futile and toothless in getting the required stability in the SCS with a toothless response to Beijing’s coercive tactics.
The desired stability and peace has failed to materialise and the efforts have been threatened by the growing security dilemma and eventual arms race in the scramble for survival.
It cannot shed its trap of its founding principles, and cannot afford to intimidate Beijing, while at the same time cannot solicit greater Western assurances either. It remains trapped in its own worst game.
ASEAN has no capacity in hard or soft power to push for greater deterrence in order to secure its aim of stability in the region, and will need external involvement and support. Ironically, this will also break its own yearning for neutrality.
Years of ASEAN and regional strategic ambiguity and strategic status quo maintenance have only provided a three pronged result. Firstly, it gives ASEAN the weakest returns and makes it even weaker with its trapped dogma and inability to provide credible solutions apart from the futile preventive mechanisms and confidence building measures. Secondly, it denies the full space needed for the West to galvanise collective regional cohesion and unity in creating a more able and credible shield and deterrent effectiveness. Thirdly, it gives Beijing the biggest space and green light to further deepen its hard power postures and build on the increasing pie of influence and dominance in the South China Sea and the region. The divide is apparent and growing as a result, in the continental state grip (Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia) and the archipelago states (Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Philippines)
The region and ASEAN bask in the false sense of security from its avoidance of the hard truth and in refraining from directly challenging the risks in the region, while hoping for tacit Western counterbalancing act especially in direct economic and trade support. While the region has no qualms in being quick to embrace RCEP, the BRI and direct economic overtures from Beijing, it faces a reluctant move to quickly embrace the IPEF. The Indo Pacific Economic Forum (IPEF) is no match for its Chinese counterparts in terms of capital and trade capacity, and it does come with the moral high ground values of labour standards, climate initiatives, normative democratic adherence and human rights. All these are as unappealing to the region as a carrot to a lion.
The SEANWFZ is a futile effort from the start, as none of the big nuclear powers has signed and that China would use this as an opening to state its soft power push by having the narrative that it has the nuclear and global responsibility to sign unlike the West, all the while knowing that it can always have the option to ignore the agreement should push comes to shove, just like what it did in the 2016 arbitration ruling on the SCS.
The same goes for the CoC, the same opening exploited by Beijing to portray its diplomatic clout and to buy support, but knowing full well that it still can dictate the same moves should they be warranted.
Declining deterrence impact will only worsen the depth of the arms race, and further weaken the region’s collective resolve. There is only so much the returns from Track I and II diplomacy can do, if policymakers are reluctant to initiate bold changes to the set-up.
Hypocrisy and self-trap are laid bare, from the chastising of Washington for doing so little for ASEAN financially and economically but continued to yearn for its defensive support, to pushing for deeper Washington trade commitment but boasting of its strict neutrality approach.
ASEAN needed external capacity to effectively enforce binding agreements in the future CoC or to keep UNCLOS adherence, but cannot afford to directly solicit these hard power deterrence and to maintain ASEAN’s concept.
AUKUS is actually serving as the most effective deterrent, and ASEAN knows it will help, but cannot welcome it due to its self limitation.
Direct bilateral defence engagement and overtures and agreements with the West as can be seen now in the Philippines and increasingly others, are meant to secure individual states but also will give the region needed assurance and credible hard power deterrence.
ASEAN needs to change its principles and be bold in calling out law defying behaviours by external parties, especially China, to ensure that it walks the talk of maintaining regional stability. Failure to address the current systemic shortcomings will see it fade into irrelevance.
For it to be relevant in the future, changes in its orientations and non interference stand are a must. It will have to adopt a more EU-like common policy on defence and re-enact movements of the old SEATO concept with the help of the West with a regional NATO like framework. This remains the realistic and needed framework in dealing with both Beijing’s increasing bellicosity and continuous strategy in the region and in ensuring ASEAN’s strength and relevance.
The founding principles of non interference and consensus decision making have what held member states together, forming a platform for the autocrats, monarchs, democracies. These principles assured the regime survival and security from the prying interference and influence by external parties and ASEAN. These also serve as the needed assurance against third party and external influencing factors and the need to cede sovereignty in certain segments to a supranational entity like the EU. However, the negative implications have been proven to serve more towards regional short term interests and individual internal regime security more than future long term collective interests.
Mutual distrusts and mistrusts, economic disparity, intra trade deficiencies, redundancy, internal peer competition – these are some of the many structural deficiencies affecting ASEAN.
The returns from ASEAN affiliation as a grouping are dwindling in the long term, as member states seek external support individually to safeguard their survival.
External moves on individual states including Japan’s OSA, upcoming potential JAPHUS alliance , individual direct bilateral engagement by external powers and others, all reflect the failed efficacy of ASEAN.
It has also given rise to various mini lateral engagements, each with a specific tailor made agenda in upping the survival interests of states.
Erosion of trust and stability in expectations and predictions of behaviours have further pushed member states to seek their own survival and assurances and gave rise to arms race and perpetual security dilemma.
ASEAN remains ill equipped to handle the fallout from South China Sea or the potentiality of a full blown Taiwanese conflict. The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo Pacific offers nothing more than the usual parameters of safe play and continuous dependence on futile past efforts.
By harping on diplomatic moves through quiet and backdoor approaches and expanded dialogue mechanisms, these only provide temporary cooling off measures without tackling the root causes of regional security dilemma, arms race and prisoner’s dilemma.
ASEAN now faces critical crossroads and tough choice to make, it has been trapped between a rock and a hard place for decades, but lack the audacity to implement significant changes.It wanted to remain neutral and hoping that this will prevent the worst outcome and will bring desired stability, but has persistently failed.
ASEAN members will prioritise their own national survival and interests above the interests of the region and the grouping, with little interest to commit more than desired especially regarding the political survival of the ruling regimes and governments. Little incentivisation efforts can be seen in chasing the regional standard of imposing greater rules, criteria and norms in setting the high standards and concepts of regionalism as in the case of the EU. Lacking a rewarding, resilient and sustainable future and returns from the regional grouping in the long term projection, member states find better stature and assurances from the existing external power that provides these lifelines and assurances.
The time is now for ASEAN leaders to be fully committed and open to admitting the mistakes of the past, and for them to chart their own legacy to enact credible changes that will ensure the region’s future sustainability and survival. It will not be their legacy alone, as it will provide lasting assurances and legacies for the nations..."
Source/publisher:
"Eurasia Review"
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"At least 145 people are now known to have been killed in Myanmar (Burma) by a powerful cyclone, the country's military rulers have said.
They say most of the victims of Cyclone Mocha that made landfall last Sunday were from the Rohingya minority.
The junta had earlier put the death toll at 21, but local residents told the BBC that at least 40 had died.
About 800,000 people have been affected by one of the strongest storms to hit the region this century, the UN said.
With winds of up to 209km/h (130mph), Mocha - a category five storm - battered the Rakhine state, in western Myanmar, as well as the regions of Sagaing and Magway.
"Altogether 145 local people were killed during the cyclone," Myanmar's junta said in a statement on Friday, the AFP news agency reported.
According to the statement, among the victims were four soldiers, 24 locals and 117 people from the Rohingya minority.
Before the official statement, there were numerous reports suggesting a much higher death toll than the initial figure of 21, especially in camps where the internally displaced Rohingya live.
Hundreds of homes and shelters have collapsed while communication has been difficult in the country and people are still missing.
In Sittwe, the capital city of Rakhine state, where many people live in low-lying coastal areas, roads have been blocked by uprooted trees and fallen power pylons.
There have also also reports of military attacks on locals following the storm.
Thousands of people fled their homes in the north-western Sagaing region as the army entered villages under cover of the cyclone.
Communities in Sagaing have put up some of the strongest opposition to the military, which seized power in a coup on 2021. The area also houses a large number of anti-government militias, known as the People's Defence Force.
There were no immediate reports of casualties in neighbouring Bangladesh, but the storm c.rushed. thousands of shelters in the world's largest refugee camp at Cox's Bazar. It is home to one million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar.
Mocha came 15 years after one of Asia's deadliest cyclones, Nargis, smashed into Myanmar's Irrawaddy Delta and claimed 140,000 lives.
Cyclones are the equivalent of hurricanes in the Atlantic and typhoons in the Pacific. Scientists say these storms have become stronger and more frequent due to climate change..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Cyclones - regional
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"In response to media queries on the latest report released by United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Tom Andrews, the MFA Spokesperson said:
“UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews noted in his report that the Singapore Government prohibits the transfer of arms to Myanmar. Singapore also does not authorise the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar where there is a serious risk that they may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians. Special Rapporteur Andrews has also noted that “there are no indications the Government of Singapore has approved, or is involved in, the shipment of arms and associated materials to the Myanmar military.”
Singapore has taken a principled position against the Myanmar military’s use of lethal force against unarmed civilians and has worked to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar as called for in United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) resolution A/RES/75/287 “The Situation in Myanmar”.
We appreciate the Special Rapporteur’s efforts to provide information to aid Singapore’s investigations into whether any offences were committed under Singapore law. Singapore will not hesitate to take action against any individual or entity which contravenes our laws.
In the meantime, the Singapore Government remains committed to providing humanitarian assistance to support the people of Myanmar. We will continue to work with our fellow ASEAN Member States and the United Nations to facilitate peace and national reconciliation in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Singapore-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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Local URL:
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Description:
"Jailed anti-junta protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing was found guilty of high treason on Friday and sentenced to an additional 20 years by a junta court on Friday, taking his total sentence to 54 years.
The 28-year-old pro-democracy activist was violently arrested on April 15, 2021, when junta troops rammed him with a car as he led a motorbike protest in Monywa, Sagaing Region.
Ko Wai Moe Naing has faced 10 charges, including sedition, unlawful assembly, abduction with the intent to murder, murder and treason, for his role in Monywa’s protests after the February 1 coup. The junta sentenced him to 34 years in prison under eight charges.
The Monywa Prison court on Friday used Article 122 of the Penal Code to add 20 years to his sentence for high treason.
A source said Ko Wai Moe Naing saw his mother for a few minutes and was in good health.
Monywa People’s Strike Committee denounced the sentence and called for the release of all political prisoners.
“Regime leader Min Aung Hlaing and his fellow junta leaders are the only people to have committed high treason,” the committee said on Friday.
Ko Wai Moe Naing, a former student union leader and committee member, has been held in Monywa Prison since his arrest.
He also faces another murder charge in relation to the killing of two police officers.
Since the 2021 coup, more than 3,500 people have been killed and over 22,400 people have been incarcerated with around 18,000 still behind bars, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Highlights
Humanitarian assistance has begun reaching people affected by cyclone Mocha in Myanmar’s Rakhine State as communities race to rebuild their lives and homes ahead of the monsoon.
On Sunday, cyclone Mocha devastated coastal regions in Rakhine, including Sittwe and Rathedaung, damaging or destroying homes, before moving inland where it brought severe flooding.
Vulnerable people continue to seek shelter in evacuation centers and monasteries in the aftermath of the cyclone.
In the past two days, the World Food Programme has delivered emergency food assistance to some 6,000 IDPs and people sheltering in cyclone shelters in the Rakhine capital Sittwe. Shelter support has also been delivered to communities in need and mobile health teams have been treating people in the field.
Humanitarians have been working to gauge the full
impact of the cyclone in areas where they have access
while partners await approval for coordinated field missions that would allow for the wider-scale distribution of assistance based on observed need.
The limited availability and soaring prices for essential items, especially shelter materials, are presenting significant challenges for those trying to reconstruct their damaged homes and shelters with the monsoon looming.
Although fuel supplies have arrived in some areas, a shortage of crucial public services, such as health facilities and water treatment, persists.
Awareness-raising messages are being disseminated in a bid to prevent waterborne diseases and casualties from landmines in flooded areas.
Urgent funding is required to meet the significant needs arising from Cyclone Mocha. Currently, the existing US$764 million Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) is only 10 per cent funded.
On 18 May, the Emergency Relief Coordinator has approved an allocation of $10m from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) to support the response to cyclone Mocha in Myanmar.
Situation Overview
Five days have passed since Cyclone Mocha struck Myanmar’s west, causing extensive damage and significantly affecting millions of people across Rakhine and the Northwest. Some parts of Kachin and northern Shan also experienced heavy rains and strong winds associated with the cyclone as the weather system moved inland. Electricity and telecommunication services are still unreliable in the affected townships.
Vulnerable people, including women, expectant mothers, children and the elderly, many of whom have not previously experienced displacement, are seeking shelter in evacuation centers and monasteries after being left homeless by the cyclone. Those who have returned home are facing the daunting task of rebuilding their damaged houses with limited available resources. Although some markets have re-opened, the soaring prices of basic shelter materials, such as tarpaulins, aluminum sheets, and nails, has made this task unaffordable for most people in these very impoverished parts of the country. For instance, the cost of a tarpaulin sheet has more than doubled, increasing from MMK 40,000 ($19) before the cyclone to MMK 97,000 ($46). Food costs are also soaring. For example, the price of one bag of rice has also increased from MMK 80,000 ($38) before the cyclone to MMK120,000 ($57). Such a sharp increases cannot be absorbed by most families.
Humanitarian partners have begun reaching people with support based on field observations in various townships where they had previously approved access or where there has been new access approved. On 18 May, the World Food Programme received permission to distribute emergency food in 8 townships: Sittwe, Kyauktaw, Ponngayun, Pauktaw, Rathedaung, Minbya, Meybon and Mrauk-U, as well as approval for assistance in Buthidaung and Maungdaw in northern Rakhine. It has been possible for partners to distribute some shelter assistance as well in locations where they had pre- existing operations and mobile health teams have been operational in affected communities. Humanitarians are seeking access for coordinated field missions to distribute wider assistance based on observations of the situation on the ground.
In recent days, initial humanitarian supplies have also been transported via trucks to Sittwe township from Yangon and humanitarians are exploring a range of approaches to try and move supplies to the impact zone from inside and outside the country, pending approval. Additionally, fuel supplies arrived in Sittwe city on 18 May and were distributed to gas stations. As of 19 May, gas stations are operational, and the price of fuel has dropped from MMK 2,700 (more than $1) to MMK 2,200 ($1). However, there is still a shortage of fuel, particularly for essential public services, such as health facilities and water treatment. Other critical needs include shelter, food aid, medical supplies, and healthcare services.
Concerns persist in flooded areas regarding the spread of waterborne disease and the movement of landmines in conflict areas. Humanitarian partners have preemptively developed awareness-raising messages in local languages around these concerns. These messages are being disseminated among affected communities in these areas to raise awareness and promote safety precautions..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
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"Yangon, 19 May, 2023 – Homes ripped apart, power poles blocking roads, and bridges completely washed away are the scenes of destruction caused by Cyclone Mocha, according to Save the Children.
Humanitarian organisations and local communities are working around the clock on clean up and recovery efforts. Still, there are real risks that survivors may face secondary disasters, including waterborne diseases; and damage to food supplies has put thousands at risk of hunger.
Maung Thein*, a resident of a displaced camp near the coastal area of Rakhine State, said:
"A strong wind started to crack our roofs. Rain was pouring in from above. I heard voices shouting from far away through the roaring wind. We all were soaking wet."
The cyclone subsided by 10 pm, but Maung Thein's* home was already destroyed by then.
"With the tarpaulin sheets I kept before the storm, I built a temporary shelter where my whole family is staying now. I have one bag of rice left. No idea after it is all gone. Now, we share food as some households have nothing but only clothes they have on their bodies. The price of basic commodities has become very high at 1,000 kyats (0.5 USD) per egg which used to cost 200 kyats (0.1 USD). However, even with enough money, we can't purchase as much as we want, including medicines. No markets or shops are running at this moment."
All 17 townships in Rakhine state have been declared emergency areas. Meanwhile, in Pauk Taw township and in the northwestern township of Magway, water and sanitation access sustained extensive damage.
Hundreds of latrines and wells are either damaged or destroyed, severely compromising both townships' access to safe drinking water and hygiene practices.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports an urgent need for fuel for essential public services, including health and water treatment. Public infrastructure, including health clinics, food distribution centres and schools, are also damaged or destroyed, mainly caused by heavy rains and strong winds, which reached 250 kilometers per hour (155 mph) at the height of the storm.
Casualties continue to be reported, though the exact numbers still have not been verified, as communications remain limited across the affected areas.
Hassan Noor, Asia Regional Director at Save the Children, said:
"This is one of the most powerful cyclones to hit Myanmar in decades, and the situation for children is likely to be chaotic and stressful. In addition to shelter, clean water, and food assistance, it is imperative we support children's health and wellbeing as part of our humanitarian response."
"Currently, many roads are still inaccessible, but it is becoming clear that an enormous amount of support will be required in the coming days, and we must act quickly to limit the devastating impact caused to millions of families.”
Save the Children and partners in Myanmar are delivering life-saving supplies, including food, clean water, health services, hygiene, and education kits as well as providing psychosocial support to children.
ENDS
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Save the Children has been working in Myanmar since 1995, providing life-saving healthcare, food and nutrition, education and child protection programmes.
For further enquiries please contact:
Our media out of hours (BST) contact, [email protected] / +44(0)7831 650409
Diana Oberoi, Regional Media Manager for Asia (Bangkok): [email protected];
Emily Wight, Global Media Manager (London): [email protected]
Please also check our Twitter account @Save_GlobalNews for news alerts, quotes, statements and location Vlogs..."
Source/publisher:
Save the Children (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
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Title: Open Letter to G7 on the worrying state of human rights and democracy in Myanmar and Cambodia
Description:
"To: G7 Leaders
H.E. Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada
H.E. Emmanuel Macron, President of France
H.E. Olaf Scholz, Chancellor of Germany
H.E. Giorgio Meloni, Prime Minister of Italy
H.E. Fumio Kushida, Prime Minister of Japan
H.E. Rishi Sunak, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
H.E. Joseph R. Biden, President of the United States of America
19 May 2023
Your Excellencies,
We, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, are writing to express our grave concerns about the state of human rights and democracy in Southeast Asia, particularly with regard to Myanmar and Cambodia.
We are monitoring the increasing authoritarian tendencies in the region, with continued human rights violations and attacks on political opponents and activists by authoritarian governments in Brunei, Viet Nam, and Lao PDR, as well as a trend of shrinking civic space, even in nominally democratic countries such as Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. We are deeply troubled by these developments, and we believe that if the situations in Myanmar and Cambodia are allowed to go on without a serious response from the international community, repressive and undemocratic regimes will be further emboldened, endangering the progress in democracy and human rights that has been achieved in the region in the past few decades.
Since the coup d’etat led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in February 2021, the political and humanitarian situation in the country has continued to deteriorate and has reached alarming levels. In the past two years, the Myanmar military has waged an all-out war on its own people, through he arbitrary arrests of thousands of anti-junta activists and their family members; the routine use of torture of detainees, often with lethal consequences; the shooting of unarmed protesters, air strikes against civilians in Myanmar’s ethnic areas, the burning of whole villagers, and extrajudicial killings.
Last year, the junta also executed four political prisoners, including former lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw and prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’. These death sentences were the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988 and show the increasing brutality of Min Aung Hlaing’s regime.
Most recently, air strikes in the Sagaing Region have killed more than 160 civilians, including children. According to an investigation by Human Rights Watch, the Myanmar military used “thermobaric” munitions during the air strikes, a violation of international human rights law and an apparent war crime.
Throughout all these atrocities, the junta has largely gone unchecked. While ASEAN leaders agreed on a Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar with Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021, the junta leader has since clearly demonstrated that he has no intention to abide by the agreement, and ASEAN leaders have displayed little desire to pressure him to do so. The latest statement from the regional bloc following the 42nd ASEAN Summit earlier this month shows an utter lack of urgency and gives little hope that ASEAN will change its approach to Myanmar.
The International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response to the Myanmar coup (IPI), which was organized by APHR, wrote in its final report last year that the international community has largely failed to support the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar. It is more crucial than ever to correct this failure and make sure that the junta faces consequences for its actions and put an end to their ability to bring further death and destruction upon the people of Myanmar.
We therefore urge the G7 to take swift and firm measures against the illegal military junta led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and provide real assistance to the pro-democracy forces in Myanmar. Those measures should include targeted economic sanctions against the military junta, a comprehensive arms embargo including on aviation fuel, and referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal.
Another worrying situation is the one in Cambodia, whose continuing descent into authoritarianism is of great concern and does not bode well for the region. The situation related to human rights and democracy has drastically deteriorated in Cambodia in recent years, notably since Prime Minister Hun Sen used the country’s courts to dissolve the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) in 2017, shortly after it had run his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) close in successive nationwide elections.
This year alone, Hun Sen has openly threatened opposition supporters with legal and physical violence, while his regime has shut down one of the country’s last remaining independent media outlets Voice of Democracy (VOD) and sentenced former CNRP leader Kem Sokha to 27 years of house arrest on trumped-up treason charges.
Earlier this week, the Cambodian National Election Commission (NEC) rejected the registration of the main opposition Candlelight Party for the upcoming July elections on administrative grounds, in what was clearly a manufactured bureaucratic obstacle designed to block the Candlelight Party from competing in the elections by any means possible.
The government of Hun Sen appears determined to drive the final nail into the coffin of Cambodia’s democracy, which is guaranteed by the Paris Peace Agreements of 1991. Any elections held under the present circumstances cannot possibly be free and fair.
We therefore urge the G7 to pressure the Cambodian government to unconditionally release all political prisoners, halt the constant harassment and prosecution of political opponents, and allow for the will of the people to prevail through a free and fair electoral process, first by creating an environment that allows for opposition parties to register for and compete in the upcoming elections.
If the Hun Sen regime persists in trying to hamstring the opposition, then the G7 must refuse to accord legitimacy to July elections as it is becoming increasingly clear that Hun Sen is intent on using the elections as just another tool to consolidate his power.
Unless the international community takes some form of action now, nothing will prevent Hun Sen from further solidifying his decades-long dictatorship by eliminating any semblance of a democratic system.
Your Excellencies, as you yourselves have come to power in democratically-held elections in countries with strong human rights protections, we are sure that you recognize and understand the importance of human rights and democracy to the prosperity and well-being of a nation. We have confidence in your commitment to these principles and hope that you will demonstrate that commitment by coming to the aid of the people of Myanmar and Cambodia.
Recognizing the powerful role you play as leaders of the largest advanced economies in the world, we urge you to take immediate and decisive action to change the course in both countries. Doing so will have a significant impact on neighboring countries in Southeast Asia and will pave the way for a more politically stable region where lasting peace becomes attainable and where economic development can take place with the people’s best interests at the center.
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
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The rotation will bring in new commanders showing even less restraint in targeting civilians to please the junta.
Description:
"Holed up in his palace in Naypyitaw, Myanmar Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, must be apoplectic.
Over two years since seizing power in the Feb. 1, 2021 coup, the military has still not consolidated power. Despite vowing to crush the opposition, the junta leader had to acknowledge recently that 132 of Myanmar’s 330 townships–42 percent–were not under government control.
The shadow opposition National Unity Government, their People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), and allied ethnic resistance organizations, have held their own and enjoy overwhelming popular legitimacy.
The military’s supply lines, through the once safe ethnic majority Bamar heartland, are increasingly vulnerable and casualties are mounting.
The exasperation of the leadership is palpable and manifest in several key ways.
First, the military has increased its attacks on civilians in an attempt to terrorize them into submission through collective punishments and reprisals. The military is waging a scorched earth campaign and has arsoned over 65,000 homes, 48,000 in Sagaing alone.
The regime has stepped up their use of air assaults, a glaring admission that they are unable to deploy troops on the ground. And when they do, they will often dragoon civilians to serve as human shields.
Second, the regime has increased their reliance on pro-military militias and death squads.
Third, so desperate to defeat the NUG this year, the military increased its own budget by 51 percent, despite the moribund economy and diminished revenue streams.
Fourth, the regime has increased its cash rewards for members of the PDFs to surrender with their weapons. These offers are clearly caveated and do not amount to blanket immunity, but the expenditures do factor in the soaring rates of poverty caused by the junta’s mismanagement.
Fifth, when things are going badly, the military leadership tends to micromanage.
In February, Min Aung Hlaing met with the leadership of the Western Command in Rakhine. The following month, he made an inspection tour of the headquarters of the Northwest Command that is overseeing the campaigns in Sagaing and Chin States.
The previous month, the junta placed 14 townships in Sagaing, five in the Magway region, and four in Chin state under martial law.
These trips outside of Naypyitaw are all the more notable because Min Aung Hlaing rarely leaves the fortress capital, and he travels with a small army of bodyguards..
That’s no profile in courage compared to the NUG’s acting president, Duwa Lashi La, who has made multiple trips to visit front line troops.
Light Infantry Divisions
But an unappreciated sign of frustration is the rotation of commanders in the face of battlefield losses and failed offensives.
Myanmar’s military is divided into 14 different Regional Commands and six Bureaus of Special Operations.
Myanmar’s military is smaller than often reported, roughly 150,000 soldiers, with the air force and navy adding 50-60,000 more personnel. Yet only 70,000 are frontline troops.
The majority of kinetic operations are conducted by 10 Light Infantry Divisions (LIDs), which should be about 20,000 men in total, divided into roughly 100 battalions.
The Light Infantry Battalions are the shock and awe troops. They are the best armed and equipped, the most mobile, and by far the most lethal. They are operating at a decreased levels. According to Ye Myo Hein, the majority of these are under 150 men each, well below the already lowered 200-man floor.
They are the troops that the regime has relied on to achieve its strategic goals, including the 2017-2018 ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. Today the 99th LID’s such as the “Ogre Column” in Sagaing do the bulk of the scorched earth operations against civilians.
The majority of forces are territorial, and deployed in static and defensive positions, where they are increasingly surrounded and harassed by PDFs and EROs. Their resupply of food, munitions, and fuel is increasingly perilous and sporadic.
Estimates of the current strength of LIDs, given a conservative casualty rate of 15 percent, is around 16-17,000 men. Recruitment has slowed and the operational tempo for the troops is unsustainable.
All of this compounds poor battlefield performance and the frustration of the leadership.
Even fewer restraints in targeting
One of the most important indicators of the regime’s frustration is rotation of operational commanders.
Between February 2021 and July 2022, only two of the 14 regional military commanders were rotated. In August 2022, five were replaced. Since then, four more others were rotated out, including Major General Myat Thet Oo, the Southeastern Commander in March 2023. Two other lieutenant generals, Khin Hlaing and Thant Hlaing who oversaw operations in Karen and Sagaing States were sacked in February-March 2022.
Since October 2022, three commanders of the six Bureaus of Special Operations, all lieutenant generals, have likewise been rotated out.
At the operational level, there have been fewer rotations in the past six months than expected. The 11th LID commander was promoted to be the commander of the Southeast Regional Military Command. But the heads of the 44th and 77th were transferred to non-operational billets. The commander of the 88th LID had a horizontal transfer to the 77th.
Part of this is the annual reshuffle, though the tempo has increased in the past six months.
Almost all of these officers moved on to non-operational positions including at the Myanmar Economic Corporation or the Defense Services Technological Academy. The junta is careful to make sure all get soft landings. Issues around the rotation of operational level leaders are compounded by battlefield losses, which are not insignificant. Between January 2023 and mid-May, 20 mid-level officers were killed, including four colonels, six lieutenant colonels, and 10 majors, based on open source reporting.
While a sign of frustration, the rotation of commanders is bad news for Myanmar’s people. The replacements will be even more sycophantic and slavish to the State Administrative Council leadership. Zealotry and a desire to prove themselves will lead to even fewer restraints in targeting.
While the NUG has outperformed militarily, it’s incumbent that the regime’s colonels and one-star generals–the people who actually have to execute the war and who are not getting their cut of the windfall of plundered wealth that the leaders of the SAC are taking for themselves–realize that the war cannot be won.
The rotation of commanders should be a further reminder, not just a sign of the leadership’s exasperation..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
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"Myanmar’s ruling military junta has imported at least $1 billion in weapons and military-related equipment since its bloody coup, according to a new United Nations report which said much of the equipment was coming from individuals and businesses in Russia, China and Singapore.
Army general Min Aung Hlaing seized power in February 2021, ending Myanmar’s brief experiment with democracy, jailing former leader Aung San Suu Kyi and plunging the impoverished Southeast Asian nation into a raging civil conflict that continues to this day.
Battles between the military and resistance groups unfold daily across the country.
Airstrikes and ground attacks on what the military calls “terrorist” targets occur regularly and have killed thousands of civilians, often including children, according to monitoring group.
Whole villages have been burned down by junta soldiers and schools, clinics and hospitals destroyed as a result of the attacks, according to local monitoring groups.
Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, published a new report on Wednesday that detailed transfers of arms and raw materials and identified “254 unique suppliers” to the Myanmar military since the coup.
“Since the coup, the Myanmar military has imported at least $1 billion worth of arms and dual use goods to support the military’s domestic arms manufacturing,” Andrews wrote.
In 94% of the transactions Myanmar’s military was listed as the ultimate receiver “eliminating any doubt of who the end recipient would be,” Andrews added.
The report, which used trade data and spanned more than 50 pages, listed $406 million in sales from Russian entities and $267 million from China, including some state-owned companies.
The report also found $254 million in imports originating from Singapore.
Andrews said he received no informatio indicating that the government of Singapore had approved military sales or transferred arms to Myanmar’s military – unlike with Russia and China.
In response to a request for comment from CNN, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused the special rapporteur of going “beyond his own authorization to smear normal military trade of sovereign countries without warrant, distorting facts and confusing the public.”
The comments did not address the specific allegations or transactions detailed in Andrews’ report.
CNN has also approached authorities in Russia and Singapore for a response on the report’s findings.
Citing a recent deadly attack carried out last month by the Myanmar Air Force on a village in the northwestern Sagaing region, the UN report listed several weapons which were used that included Yak-130 aircraft and Mi-35 helicopters supplied by Russia and raw materials from “private entities in Singapore, China and Thailand.”
“Bombs were released over Pazigyi village in the Kanbalu township, Sagaing region… hitting their intended target: a ceremony attended by approximately 300 people, including dozens of children, marking the opening of a (local) administrativae office,” the report said.
“The ordinance detonated with deadly impact – ripping the bodies of men, women and children open, turning their skin to ash and inflicting critical shrapnel wounds.”
“The attack is yet another example of the Myanmar junta’s probable crimes against humanity and war crimes… and also how (it) is using internationally supplied arms and associated materials to commit atrocities,” the UN said.
Andrews said sanctions against Myanmar’s generals were “easily circumvented” and ineffective.
“Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement,” Andrews said.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member states now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms.”
He called on the international community to stop more arms from going to the Myanmar military.
Singapore has previously addressed the topic of arms sales to Myanmar since the coup.
Speaking during a parliamentary session in February, Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan addressed allegations from experts at the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) who claimed that Singapore was “functioning as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items” contributing toward military production by the Myanmar military.
“Singapore complies strictly with our international obligations on international arms sales and transfers, as well as UN sanctions and embargoes against any country,” Balakrishnan said.
“Singapore submits regular reports to the UN Register of Conventional Arms… the government of Singapore decided to prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar and also decided not to authorize the transfer of dual-use items assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
“We will not hesitate to take action against those who contravene our laws.”...ဓ
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), Human Rights and international relations
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"Highlights
Advocacy for humanitarian access to affected populations continues and this remains a critical constraint in assessing the extent of humanitarian needs and in providing lifesaving assistance to the most vulnerable populations.
Incoming reports indicate that across all affected areas, access to safe drinking water is a critical priority due to the damage caused to water supply infrastructure. In Rakhine, at least 32 nutrition infrastructure and nutrition-related spaces are severely damaged. In the Northwest, around 30 schools are reported to be damaged,
Life-saving nutrition supplies, including Ready-to-Use Therapeutic Food (RUTF), has been provided to 77 children with severe acute malnutrition.
The UNICEF funding situation is critical: to date the Myanmar 2023 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal for USD 169.6 million is only 11.8 per cent funded.
Situation in Numbers
3.2 million people within the areas impacted by the cyclone are most vulnerable and likely to have humanitarian needs (OCHA)
This includes an estimated: 1.12 million children 0-17 years
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
There is no significant change in the access situation as no Travel Authorisation approvals have been granted in Rakhine State and in the Northwest of the country affected by Cyclone Mocha.
In Rakhine, deaths have been reported, including of children and pregnant women. IDP communities in northern Rakhine state have been relocated to schools as temporary shelters. There is an urgent need for latrines due to the increased number of people relocated. Access to safe drinking water is an urgent priority, along with roofing for shelters, health services and WASH facilities. Mobile medical assistance has been initiated in some central Rakhine State townships, but harder-to-reach villages have yet to receive support. As many as 32 nutrition infrastructure and nutrition- related spaces (including breast-feeding spaces, antenatal support services and treatment centres) are severely damaged. The airport reopened to commercial flights today. The Yangon – Sittwe road has been re-opened to trucks today and passenger buses from Yangon have also resumed.
Many reports indicate damage to WASH infrastructure. The latrine superstructures in Rakhine camps have been substantially damaged and, in several locations, flooding is reported to have rendered the facilities dysfunctional. Similarly, heavy damage to water supply infrastructure has been reported, and the storm surge flooded water supply ponds, making the water saline.
In the Northwest, shelter and water supply are the first priority needs, followed by food security. Electricity has been recovered in most of the urban areas of Sagaing and Chin. Telecommunication remains a major challenge for collecting information. It was reported that 30 schools have been damaged in Chin State.
A total of 21 townships (17 townships in Rakhine State and four townships in Chin State) have been declared as disaster (cyclone) affected areas by the authorities..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-19
[field_licence]
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Sub-title:
Returnees to Myanmar Would Face Junta’s Crimes of Apartheid, Persecution
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Bangladesh and Myanmar are organizing returns of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar’s Rakhine State without consulting the community or addressing the grave risks to their lives and liberty, Human Rights Watch said today.
On May 5, 2023, Bangladesh officials, in coordination with Myanmar junta authorities, took 20 Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State to visit resettlement camps as part of renewed efforts to repatriate about 1,100 Rohingya in a pilot project. Donor governments and United Nations experts should call for a halt to any Rohingya repatriation until conditions are in place for safe and sustainable returns.
“Bangladesh authorities shouldn’t forget the reasons why Rohingya became refugees in the first place, and recognize that none of those factors have changed,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Bangladesh is frustrated with its burden as host, but sending refugees back to the control of a ruthless Myanmar junta will just be setting the stage for the next devastating exodus.”
About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, confined to squalid camps and villages that leave them exceptionally vulnerable to extreme weather events such as Cyclone Mocha, compounded by the junta’s severe restrictions on humanitarian aid.
Human Rights Watch spoke with five Rohingya refugees who were part of the go-and-see visit. They said that the detention-like conditions and lack of full citizenship rights were not conducive to a safe return. “We aren’t at all satisfied seeing the Rakhine situation,” a Rohingya refugee said. “It’s another trap by Myanmar to take us back and then continue the abuses like they have been doing to us for decades.”
Rohingya refugees have consistently said they want to go home, but only when their security, access to land and livelihoods, freedom of movement, and citizenship rights can be ensured.
The Rohingya delegation visited the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp and Kyein Chaung resettlement camp in Rakhine State’s Maungdaw township. The camps were built by Myanmar authorities on Rohingya land that Myanmar security forces burned and bulldozed in 2017 and 2018. The transit camp is surrounded by barbed-wire perimeter fencing and security outposts, similar to the confinement in the Rohingya detention camps in Sittwe and other townships in central Rakhine State.
“I could see my village,” a Rohingya refugee said of the visit. “The Hla Poe Kaung transit camp land used to be my home. My house was destroyed, my school is now a health center. Three whole Rohingya villages used to be where the transit camp is now. Myanmar authorities are trying to confine us in camps like in Sittwe.”
Myanmar authorities have held about 140,000 Rohingya arbitrarily and indefinitely in camps for more than 10 years. Recent measures to ostensibly close the camps appear designed to make the Rohingya’s segregation and confinement permanent. The camps, which have been in constant disrepair due to Myanmar authorities’ restrictions, were severely damaged by Cyclone Mocha on May 14.
“We asked the Myanmar authorities why our villages were turned into displacement camps,” one Rohingya refugee said. “They said they didn’t have any other options. They didn’t answer our questions about whether we would ever be given back our land. If these camps are temporary, then why haven’t the Rohingya living in the central Rakhine camps been able to return to their original villages?”
Conditions in Rakhine State have not been conducive to voluntary, safe, or dignified returns of Rohingya refugees since 2017, when more than 730,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. The prospect of safe returns has decreased since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, carried out by the same generals who orchestrated the 2017 mass atrocities.
Myanmar junta officials provided the visiting Rohingya with booklets titled, “Facts on the Arrangement of the Myanmar Government for Reception and Resettlement of Displaced Persons on their Return under the Pilot Project,” dated April 2023. The booklet, written in Burmese, English, and Bangla, states that returnees will be housed at the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp for up to two months, then relocated to one of two resettlement camps with prefabricated houses or a land plot in one of 15 “designated villages,” where they can build a home through a cash-for-work program.
The booklet states that security personnel will be deployed “to ensure the rule of law and security in the areas where the returnees reside or pass through.” Myanmar authorities have long invoked “security concerns” as the rationale for violating the rights of Rohingya to travel outside of their camps and villages in Rakhine State.
The junta claims in the booklet that the UN Development Programme, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will be involved in the pilot project. The UNHCR said in a recent statement that “visits are an important part of voluntary refugee returns, providing a chance for people to observe conditions in their home country first-hand ahead of return and contributing to the making of an informed decision on return.” However, the agency reported in March that it is not involved in the pilot repatriation discussions and that “conditions in Myanmar’s Rakhine State are currently not conducive to the sustainable return of Rohingya refugees.”
The junta’s systematic abuses against the Rohingya amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. Since the 2021 coup, security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya men, women, and children for “unauthorized travel.” The junta has imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages on Rohingya camps and villages, increasing water scarcity and food shortages.
A major concern among Rohingya on the trip was the booklet’s reference to National Verification Cards (NVCs), documentation that does not grant Myanmar citizenship. Rohingya have widely rejected the NVC process, seeing it as marking them as foreigners in their own country. NVC-holders have not been granted meaningful freedom of movement, while threats and coercion to force Rohingya to accept the card have been hallmarks of the process.
“Why do we have to apply for NVCs when we’re born there and have proof of being from Myanmar,” a Rohingya refugee on the visit said. “Rohingya who have NVCs are still not granted freedoms like the other ethnicities. They are linking every right like freedom of movement, access to livelihoods, education, health care, with accepting the NVC. But that would make us aliens in our own land. They should grant us full citizenship and accept us as Rohingya.”
Rohingya are effectively denied citizenship under Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law, leaving them stateless.
In March, a delegation of Myanmar junta officials visited the Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh, which house about one million Rohingya refugees, to interview Rohingya for “verification” for the “pilot repatriation” process. Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that they were deceived or coerced by Bangladesh administrators into meeting with the delegation. Another visit by junta officials reportedly scheduled for mid-May was postponed due to Cyclone Mocha.
In April, China held tripartite talks in Kunming with Bangladesh government and Myanmar junta officials on restarting repatriation ahead of the monsoon season.
Some refugees said Bangladesh authorities coerced them to join the go-and-see visit and told them to speak positively to the media about the conditions in Rakhine State. Bangladesh intelligence officers have harassed at least two refugees who publicly criticized the Maungdaw camps. Security forces have increased surveillance of Rohingya on the pilot repatriation list, with officers informing them to prepare for returns.
Mohammed Mizanur Rahman, Bangladesh’s refugee relief and repatriation commissioner in Cox’s Bazar, told BenarNews that they plan to start repatriations in May, but will not force any refugees to return.
Junta officials have also been visiting Rakhine State in preparation for their submission to the International Court of Justice in the Genocide Convention case brought by Gambia, initially due April 24. In March, the junta requested a 10-month extension, claiming, among other reasons, that it “needed more time in order to take statements from witnesses who were presently living in camps in Bangladesh or would soon be repatriated to Myanmar.” The court extended the deadline only one month, to May 24. The timing of the pilot repatriation project appears to be part of the junta’s broader efforts to feign progress in its treatment of the Rohingya to the court, Human Rights Watch said.
Since 2017, the Bangladesh government has respected the international principle of nonrefoulement, the right of refugees not to be returned to a country where their lives or freedom would be threatened. But Bangladesh authorities have also been intensifying restrictions on livelihoods, movement, and education, creating a coercive environment designed to force people to consider premature returns.
“Bangladesh should continue to uphold its policy of not forcing Rohingya refugees to return to Myanmar under current conditions,” Bauchner said. “Donor governments should help ease this difficult situation by supporting Bangladesh to create opportunities for Rohingya to learn and work so that they’re better prepared to go home when that day comes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations, Crimes Against Humanity
Language:
Local URL:
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Sub-title:
‘Apartheid’ Camps Left Tens of Thousands Trapped, Exposed
Description:
"Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Myanmar’s Rakhine State on Sunday, its 250 kilometer per hour winds tearing through low-lying shelters along the Bay of Bengal. One of the strongest cyclones to ever hit the region, Mocha brought flooding and damage to millions of people in its path.
The state capital, Sittwe, bore the worst of the destruction, with almost no home left intact. Verifying tallies of the dead and missing, currently estimated in the hundreds, has been hindered by lingering communication blackouts. Humanitarian workers are reporting extensive cyclone damage across central Rakhine, where about 140,000 of Myanmar’s 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have been confined to camps for more than 10 years, with some camps near fully destroyed.
What we know about these camps tells us that the damage and loss of life incurred was both foreseeable and avoidable.
For decades, Myanmar authorities have deprived the Rohingya of their rights and freedoms and eroded their capacity to survive. The camps in Rakhine State were set up in 2012, ostensibly for those displaced by communal violence, but in effect serving the government’s oppressive regime of apartheid, persecution, and imprisonment. Families were confined to bamboo longhouses, designed to last just two years. The authorities denied aid agencies’ requests for adequate land and resources to make safer the flood-prone former paddy fields and low-lying coastal areas where the camps sit.
The resulting living conditions are, by design, squalid, contributing to a growing tally of preventable deaths and annual threats from extreme weather. With new blockages on aid imposed since the 2021 military coup, fewer than half of camp shelters had received any repair over the past two years.
Initial reports say that Myanmar’s military junta has impeded the disaster response to all affected areas this week, with bureaucratic constraints hindering aid agencies’ travel authorizations and customs clearances.
“No government, no organization has come to our village,” a Rohingya man told AFP. “We haven’t eaten for two days.… No one has even come to ask.”
Brad Hazlett of the relief organization Partners reported that they were witnessing “a large-scale loss of life in the camps.”
In the critical days ahead, as Rohingya and others clear debris and search for missing relatives, foreign governments should demand the junta lift all blocks on lifesaving aid delivery. In the longer term, they should be charting a path toward holding Myanmar’s military to account for the oppressive conditions that left Rohingya trapped and exposed in the eye of the storm..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Highlights
A massive clean-up effort is continuing in the aftermath of Cyclone Mocha that hit western Myanmar with brutal force on Sunday.
Millions of people live in the cyclone’s path, mostly in wooden shelters that were not built to ensure winds in excess of 200 kilometres per hour.
Coastal areas of Rakhine State bore the brunt of the cyclone, however partners now estimate almost 150,000 people in the country’s Northwest were also heavily affected, as well as a smaller number in Kachin. A total of 21 townships in Rakhine and Chin states have been declared affected by the cyclone, according to local authorities.
Electricity and telecommunication services remain interrupted in numerous townships in Rakhine and the Northwest.
Fuel is urgently needed for essential public services, particularly for health and water treatment. Clean water supplies are also getting low. Other pressing needs include shelter, food, and medicine, medical supplies and healthcare services.
There are ongoing negotiations for humanitarian access to people in need with all relevant stakeholders, while partners continue their field observations across Rakhine and prepare to begin coordinated field missions once granted approval.
Humanitarian actors have provided some initial support to affected communities across various townships in Rakhine where they had pre-existing approvals and operations. These efforts are directed towards both the affected Rakhine and Rohingya populations. Mobile health clinics have also begun operations.
As of 18 May, Sittwe Airport has re-opened, allowing commercial flights to arrive in Rakhine.
Resource mobilization efforts are underway, as more funding is crucial to address the huge needs emerging from the cyclone. The pre-existing US$764M Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) is only 10 per cent funded which does not yet include the cost of responding to cyclone Mocha.
Situation Overview
Millions of people live in the path of the cyclone and a massive effort is now underway to clear debris and provide shelter to those whose homes have been damaged or destroyed. Coastal Rakhine took the heaviest hit from the cyclone with severe impacts across the northwest and some damage in Kachin also reported. As of 16 May, authorities declared 21 townships across Rakhine (17) and Chin (4) to be impacted by the cyclone. Many areas in Rakhine are still deprived of electricity and reliable telecommunication services, more than four days after the cyclone hit.
Partners have conducted field observations in multiple areas, including Sittwe and other townships to get a better sense of the impact in different locations. Once access is granted, the humanitarian actors are prepared to undertake coordinated field missions to gain a more comprehensive view of the situation. Humanitarian organizations have also been able to provide some preliminary support to communities affected by the cyclone where they had prior operations and approved access.
In Sittwe, the first signs of recovery are visible with the reopening of markets, shops, and restaurants. Urgent repairs to bridges connecting IDP camps in Sittwe are needed for the movement of the population and humanitarian access. Options for these repairs are being explored.
Various sources continue to document casualties and people who are missing, including some IDPs. It is crucial to ensure people who died in the cyclone are laid to rest with dignity. Partners highlight an urgent need for fuel to ensure the running of key public services, notably health and water treatment. Clean water supplies are a concern. Other critical needs include shelter, food aid, medical supplies, and healthcare services. In flooded areas, concerns persist about the spread of waterborne disease and the movement of landmines.
Rakhine
According to the Health Cluster, mobile clinics have begun operating in some of the affected townships, and rapid response teams have been deployed to Thet Kae Pyin, Thae Chaung, and Dar Paing IDP camps.
Most health facilities were affected, resulting in a shortage of medicines, medical supplies and health staff. Many laboratories and operating theatres in Sittwe township are non-functional. Urgent fuel supply is needed.
Healthcare for expectant mothers has suffered across all townships due to damaged hospitals and clinics, highlighting an urgent need for sexual and reproductive health services.
An estimated 80 per cent of the public schools in Ponnagyun township were damaged.
Seven nutrition centers located in Sittwe and inside IDP camps have been damaged.
The destruction of shelters and latrines, combined with a lack of electricity, heightens the risk of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), especially in IDP camps.
Most GBV centers within the IDP camps in Sittwe have also been impacted. Temporary solutions are being explored to maintain case management services and referrals.
Pre-existing activities by humanitarian partners are being refocused to assist those impacted by the cyclone, including the distribution of drinking water, relief items, and child protection and hygiene kits in collaboration with local partners. Water trucking efforts by humanitarian partners will begin once approved.
Northwest
Partners report that in Chin, approximately 1,800 houses, 19 churches, 30 schools, and 5 hospitals were either completely or partially destroyed across Falam, Hakha, Kanpetlet, Matupi, Mindat, Paletwa, Tedim, Thantlang, and Tonzang townships due to the cyclone. Consequently, approximately 500 people were displaced and 50,000 people were otherwise affected.
In Sagaing, the impact of strong winds has reportedly affected approximately 85,000 people across Kale, Khin-U, Pale, Wetlet, and Yinmarbin townships, according to partners. The already challenging situation has been exacerbated by ongoing conflict and the presence of troops in the region, making it even more difficult for affected people to find safe shelter.
In Magway, approximately 11,000 households from 8 townships were affected; local partners have provided food, tarpaulins, and clothes to some 1,000 households so far.
In Mandalay, more than 200 people have been affected as their houses were swept away by strong winds and flooding.
There are urgent needs for food, shelter materials, clothing, WASH items, and medicines reported among the affected population in the Northwest. However, the response from partners is constrained by limited access, roadblocks, and ongoing conflict..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Public Health, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
463.98 KB
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Description:
"Highlights:
• Four days after Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Myanmar it is still extremely challenging to get information on the magnitude of the disaster and the number of children and women affected by the crisis.
• Reports of damaged critical infrastructure, including roads, houses, schools and hospitals are reported, as well as intermittent or total power outages. Telecommunications and internet connectivity continue to be major challenges.
• There are concerns about contamination of water sources as a result of storm surges, landslides and flooding in some of the impacted locations.
• Drinking water, shelter, health and food have been consistently identified as priorities by communities consulted.
• The UNICEF funding situation is critical: to date the Myanmar 2023 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal for USD 169.6 million is only 11.8 per cent funded.
Situation in Numbers
5.4 million people are estimated to have been in the path of the cyclone across Rakhine and the Northwest (OCHA)
3.2 million people are most vulnerable and likely to have humanitarian needs (OCHA)
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
The humanitarian community continues to face challenges in accessing information and in getting approval for travel authorisation to conduct needs assessments and reach affected populations with emergency relief. Network connection and intermittent electricity continue to be major challenges to communicating with partners across the affected areas.
In Northwest, humanitarian access and information availability are main challenges to reach to beneficiaries. Major power lines have been damaged in the west and northeast townships of Magway (Pakokku, Seikphyu, Salin, Yaesagyo, Pauk, Myaing, Saw and Kantkaw) areas. As a result, electricity is not expected to be restored before 19 May 2023.
In Rakhine, many infrastructures are reportedly damaged including public services – electricity, telecommunications, schools, hospitals and connectivity continues to be a major challenge. The latest information identified serious damage to at least 13 camps (out of 21) in Rakhine. It is estimated that 80% of school infrastructure is partially/totally damaged with roofs ripped off and damaged/collapsed walls. Schools reopening in Rakhine in June is therefore in question. Many teachers and volunteer teachers are also directly impacted and have had their homes partially or destroyed.
Concerns have also been raised over the possibility that the destruction caused by the cyclone in the camps for displaced populations (displaced prior to the cyclone) may lead authorities to push individuals to return to their places of origin as part of an effort to close down camps.
In term of the response, recommendations for in-kind assistance seems to be more relevant than cash, according to the community voices, as commodity prices are rapidly rising..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Cyclones - regional, Natural Disasters - General
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
161.93 KB
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Description:
"Highlights
Information on the impact of the cyclone in Myanmar is gradually becoming available, confirming significant levels of destruction in the locations where the cyclone has passed.
In Rakhine, initial reports indicate major damage to shelters, latrines (structures, flooding in some camps) and contamination of water sources (though hand pumps are functioning). Health services are reported to be non-functioning and the hospital which serves the camps has been badly damaged. Taing Nyo IDP site in Mrauk-U, one of the largest, is reported to be seriously affected.
In the Northwest, heavy damage has been reported in Magway and Sagaing, as well as in Chin, Bago and Ayeyarwaddy
UNICEF, in coordination with OCHA and other humanitarian organisations, is still working to assess the situation and needs on the ground. Clearance for rapid needs assessments in the field is still pending approval of Travel authorisation.
The UNICEF funding situation is critical: to date the Myanmar 2023 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal for USD 169.6 million is only 11.8 per cent funded.
Situation in Numbers
16 million people potentially exposed to Cyclone Mocha, including over 1.2 million already internally displaced (UNOSAT/UNITAR, 13 May 2023)
5.6 million children potentially exposed to Cyclone Mocha
8 States/Regions potentially cyclone-affected: Rakhine, Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay, Ayeyarwady, Chin, Bago and Naypyitaw (UNOSAT/UNITAR, 13 May 2023)
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
As information is beginning to reach the humanitarian community, emerging priority needs are for shelter, drinking water, latrine reconstruction / repair, and food due to the limited functionality of markets.
In the Northwest, an estimated 22,209 people from 34 villages in 2 townships of Sagaing, and 2,462 people from 2 townships of Magway have been evacuated /relocated.
Massive damages are reported in Magway and Sagaing, as well as in Chin, Bago and Ayeyarwaddy. In the northern areas of Magway and Sagaing, electricity has been intermittent since Monday 14 May and around 3,676 houses partially or fully damaged in 98 villages in Magway region due to flash flooding and heavy rains. Drinking water is reported as a critical issue in downtown Sittwe, as due to the electricity cuts the municipal water supply is not operating. The roofs of 724 houses, 9 schools and 10 churches were reported to have blown off and be partially or fully damaged due to strong winds in Chin state.
In northern Rakhine state, Maungdaw, electricity and telecommunication are not yet restored. A number of causalities were reported due to damage/collapse of temporary buildings. Some initial reports indicate that significant damage has been incurred in all the Sittwe camps, with shelters and latrines damaged . UNICEF Field Office team has been communicating with partners and collecting information on the areas and numbers of people affected by the cyclone. Passenger ferries / boats began arriving in Sittwe this morning from Mrauk U. Telecommunication across Rakhine remains a challenge due to the severe damage to the main telecoms tower during the cyclone. UNICEF partner reported that: in Mrauk-U 25-40% building were damaged; one whole village – Nge Swal destroyed with no place for people to take shelter.
Sittwe airport remains closed for commercial flights. The road between Mrauk U and Sittwe is operational for vehicles but not trucks (according to UNDSS). Opening the road from Yangon to Sittwe is being prioritized by authorities. The status of road conditions from Yangon to Mrauk U are still to be confirmed. The jetty area in Sittwe has some damage, but the is partially open and movement by boat is possible.
The UNICEF office in Sittwe suffered some additional rain damage overnight due to broken windows. UNICEF staff will work from the OCHA office as an interim measure while a temporary office is being identified. Cleaning and moving of supplies from the damaged should be completed on 17 May. UNICEF stocks in the Maungdaw warehouse are in good condition..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
263.81 KB
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Description:
"Highlights
• Damage to structures and many roads initially blocked as a result of fallen trees and power lines when Cyclone Mocha made landfall on the Rakhine coast on Sunday, 14 May around midday. Cleanup crews were out on Sunday evening and Monday, with very heavy winds and rain lasting until around 15.30. Heavy rains and winds continued into late evening.
• The storm moved further north-northeast towards Myanmar’s Chin State and Sagaing Region, which are at high risk of landslides and localized flooding.
• Information on the full picture and impact on communities is not yet available due to downed telecommunications and intermittent availability of internet, and inaccessibility of some roads due to trees falling and debris.
• UNICEF, in coordination with OCHA and other humanitarian organisations, is still working to assess the situation and needs on the ground.
• The UNICEF funding situation is critical: to date the Myanmar 2023 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal for USD 169.6 million is only 11.8 per cent funded.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Over 16 million people are in the path of Cyclone Mocha, including 1,751,284 people living in areas that will be affected by sustained wind speeds of >120km/h.1 The humanitarian situation in the anticipated affected areas is already of grave concern, particularly for the 232,100 people displaced across Rakhine and over 1 million internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Northwest.
Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Myanmar on 14 May, with heavy rain, storm surges and strong winds reported in Rakhine, particularly in the state capital Sittwe. Telecommunications with these areas have been cut since the afternoon of 14 May, making it impossible to have a more accurate update on the extent of damage. Flooding was less than predicted but did reach West Sanpiya ward, Sittwe Hotel and the UNICEF office.
There was damage to structures and many roads were initially blocked as a result of fallen trees and power lines. Cleanup crews were out on Sunday evening and Monday, and some roads have now been cleared. However, efforts are likely to take some time, due to the extent of damage.
Sittwe Airport, which was closed last week, seems to have reopened, likely for military flights, as four flights were reportedly observed overhead in one-hour period. No information is available so far regarding if or when domestic flights will resume.
In the Northwestern States, there has been severe damage due to heavy rains and wind and floods are reported in Magway and Sagaing, where heavy rains and limited capacity for shelters are reported for all IDPs. Armed attacks have also been reported in Kani, Khin U and Monywa.
The UNICEF office in Sittwe suffered substantial damage and will likely be out of service for a substantial period. A temporary office space will be identified while assessment of office viability and next steps are undertaken.
Initial estimates by the Inter Cluster Coordination Group (ICCG) indicate that 200,000 people will need humanitarian assistance in Rakhine and a further 500,000 people in the Northwest. Humanitarian teams are trying to attempt assessment of camps and wards around Sittwe..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Natural Disasters - General, Cyclones - regional
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
231.34 KB
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Sub-title:
A series of violent events in Sagaing
Description:
"WARNING: GRAPHIC - This report contains extremely graphic imagery and links to graphic imagery shared online. While efforts have been made to blur details, the report contains information which some readers may find distressing.
To read the full report, download the PDF.
Key Event Details
Location of Incidents:
Ma Le Thar village (မလဲသာ) (22.115030, 95.455742) in Ayadaw township
Pa Dat Taing village (ပဒတ္တိုင်း) (22.074770, 95.448303) in Myinmu township
Kan Taw village (ကန်တော်) (22.027901,95.569941) in Myinmu township
Tar Taing village (တာတိုင်) (21.933220, 95.644867) in Sagaing township
Let Ka Pin village (လက္ကပင်) (21.87949944, 95.48097992) in Myinmu township
Swea Lwe Oh village (ဆွဲလွဲအို) (21.79330063, 95.3681488) in Myaung township
Than Bo village (သံဘို) (22.72942924, 95.67418671) in Khin-U township
Ta Ga Nan village (တဂဏန်း) (22.53455925, 95.68533325) in Shwebo township
Date/Time of Incident:
Multiple events between 23 February and 2 April 2023
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Light Infantry Division (LID) 99, based in Meikhtila
LID Commander: Major General Than Htike
No. 8 Military Training School, Shwebo township
Summary of Investigation:
Myanmar Witness has investigated allegations related to 8 incidents of violence in Sagaing. 6 of these incidents involved the beheading of at least one individual.
One mass killing in Tar Taing led to the deaths of 17 individuals, including one beheading.
Myanmar Witness has found that at least 33 people were killed in the 8 incidents investigated, 12 of whom were beheaded.
Myanmar Witness identified, and where possible verified, imagery and video footage associated with these events, including images showing dismembered and beheaded bodies. Myanmar Witness also identified and geolocated footage of a beheading near Myaung.
Many sources claim that the Light Infantry Division (LID) 99, under the command of Major General Than Htike, is responsible for six of the incidents.
Locals report that the beheadings in Than Bo (incident 7) was carried out by the Security Administrative Council (SAC) No. 8 Military Training School from Shwebo township.
Images showing SAC soldiers were identified but not verified in association with events in Let Ka Pin.
The SAC released a statement admitting that SAC soldiers were responsible for a clash in Tar Taing.
Executive Summary
Between 23 February and 2 April 2023, a Myanmar military column reportedly traversed through part of the Sagaing region, conducting mass killings, fires, rapes, and raids in several villages. Myanmar Witness has identified, and where possible verified, imagery and video footage associated with a number of these events, which show bodies that were tortured, beheaded and dismembered. Myanmar Witness has found that at least 33 people were killed in the 8 incidents investigated, 12 of whom were beheaded.
This report investigates claims related to the following events:
Airstrike and ground troop incursion: Ma Le Thar
Myanmar military raid: Pa Dat Taing
Beheadings: Kan Taw
Mass killing and beheading: Tar Taing
Detention, mass killing and beheadings: Let Ka Pin
Beheading: Swea Lwe Oh
Beheadings: Than Bo
Beheading, dismembering and rape: Ta Ga Nan
Sagaing has been a focal point of resistance since the Coup. These 8 incidents identified, and where possible verified, by Myanmar Witness, show a pattern of excessive violence by the perpetrators. In a number of these cases the individuals were killed and then beheaded. As the beheadings serve no functional purpose, they represent a dramatic and horrific warning to those resisting military rule..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Military History, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.99 MB
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Title: Bangladesh: Rising violence, insecurity, and protection concerns in Cox’s Bazar refugee camps
Description:
"CRISIS IMPACT OVERVIEW
There are about 931,000 registered Rohingya refugees living in the refugee camps of Ukhia and Teknaf upazilas in Cox’s Bazar, the world’s largest refugee settlement (UNHCR 11/04/2023 and 08/04/2021). The Kutupalong Balukhali refugee campsite in Ukhia is the largest and most dense refugee camp in the world, housing more than 630,000 Rohingya refugees (UNHCR 11/04/2023; Better Shelter 18/04/2022). Nearly 30,000 registered Rohingya refugees have been relocated and are living in houses in Bhasan Char, an island off the Bangladeshi coast (UNHCR 11/04/2023; TBS 30/12/2019). All Rohingya refugees living in Cox’s Bazar camps and in Bhasan Char rely on humanitarian assistance to meet their basic needs (ISCG et al. 07/03/2023).
Violence and security incidents inside the Cox’s Bazar Rohingya refugee camps have risen since the beginning of 2022 (ACLED accessed 31/04/2023; The Daily Star 13/12/2022). This has raised protection concerns for Rohingya refugees, including exposure to general and physical insecurity, child-related protection concerns, and gender-based violence. A lack of livelihood and educational opportunities compound these protection issues, as do funding cuts that drive concerns over food insecurity, making the situation for the Rohingya refugees dire. This has led many refugees to undertake dangerous maritime journeys to reach Malaysia or Indonesia. As at early May 2023, Bhasan Char did not report armed group or gang activity or a rise in crime.
Around 60% of the violence and security incidents since 2017 had taken place from 2022 until 20 April 2023. Since 2021, the number of clashes between armed groups and gangs and between armed groups or gangs and Bangladeshi security forces have increased, peaking within less than four months in 2023. ACLED data also revealed a similar but still increasing trend for violence against civilians (ACLED accessed 31/04/2023). Crimes such as murder, kidnapping, rape, robbery, human trafficking, arson, and illicit drug trade have soared in the Rohingya refugee camps in recent years (Reuters 24/01/2023; The Daily Star 13/12/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
ACAPS via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
731.49 KB
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the passing of a European Parliament Resolution on Thursday, which called on the European Union to impose sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. The calls were made in a new Resolution condemning the back-door ban on 40 political parties in Burma.
The Resolution is available here.
Almost daily airstrikes by the Burmese military over the past two years have killed and injured thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands of people, creating a humanitarian crisis. As Burmese military jets use commercial aviation fuel and have taken fuel intended for civilian use, only a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma will help reduce airstrikes.
Reports by Amnesty International and Global Witness have exposed the role of European companies in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma.
The European Parliament Resolution also calls for targeted sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military, including No2 Mining Enterprise and the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank.
Other demands include supporting a referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court, and for the EU and member states to increase funding for Rohingya refugees.
The European Parliament also condemns Russia and China “for their political, economic and military backing of Myanmar’s junta”.
The European Parliament Resolution is not binding but increases pressure on the European Union to impose sanctions on the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma, and to speed up the slow pace of the implementation of sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military.
“The European Parliament has called on the European Union to do more to stop the flow of aviation fuel and revenue to the Burmese military, and the European Union must now listen and act”, said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There is much more the European Union can do to reduce the capacity of the Burmese military to keep bombing and killing the people of Burma.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-12
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"Tropical cyclone MOCHA is moving towards western Myanmar and south-eastern Bangladesh. On 12 May at 0.00 UTC, its centre was located over the sea approximately 520 km west of Diglipur Town (North Andaman Island, eastern India), with maximum sustained winds of 120 km/h. MOCHA is expected to strengthen and continue northwest over the next three days, possibly making landfall between Cox’s Bazar (Bangladesh) and Kyaukphyu, Rakhine State (Myanmar) on 14-15 May.
The exposed of population of Myanmar is approximately 3 million people, with Rakhine State anticipated to be the most affected (200,000 people). The exposed of population of Bangladesh is 784,540 people. Myanmar’s Rakhine State is host to large numbers of Internally Displaced People (IDPs), while Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh is home to 1 million Rohingya refugees.
In Myanmar, the national Disaster Management Centre has been activated and people living in low lying areas in Rakhine State have been advised to evacuate, though only limited evacuations are reported from IDP camps. In Bangladesh, the government-led Disaster Management Committee has been activated and preparations in refugee camps ongoing with local authorities and the Bangladesh Army, including pre-positioning of resources and evacuation plans. On the island of Bhasan Char, over Rohingya 28,000 refugees are being prepared to evacuate to 53 cyclone shelters..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-12
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"Situation in Numbers
5,600,000 children in need of humanitarian assistance
17,600,000 people in need (HRP 2023)
1,493,100 Internally displaced people after 1 February 2021 (UNHCR)
53,200 People displaced to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
328,000 people living in protracted displacement before February 2021
Highlights
UNICEF joined an inter-agency mission to Pinlaung township, Shan State,distributing WASH supplies to more than 4,000 displaced people (1,200 households). 4,100 clean delivery kits and 676 community newborn kits were also distributed to assist the safe delivery and care of babies.
UNICEF efforts to support health care service programmes continue to be severely affected by long delays in obtaining official customs clearance of medical supplies and commodities.
302 casualties of landmines and other explosive remnants of war, of which were 21% children, have been reported as of the end of the first quarter of 2023.
UNICEF has secured US $19.83 million to date, representing 11.8 per cent of its 2023 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal.
Funding Overview and Partnerships
UNICEF Myanmar is appealing for US $169.6 million in 2023 to address the needs of 2.8 million people, including an estimated 1.9 million children. During the reporting period, UNICEF secured $19.83 million, or 11.8 per cent of its 2023 HAC appeal. UNICEF has received this generous support from the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the United States Fund for UNICEF, the Humanitarian Aid Department of the European Commission (ECHO), the Government of Japan, the Japan International Cooperation Agency, the Government of Norway, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), the World Health Organization (WHO), Gavi the vaccine alliance and through UNICEF’s Global Humanitarian Thematic Funding. UNICEF and its partners continue to deliver much-needed services covering nutrition, health, HIV/AIDS, water sanitation and hygiene (WASH), education, child protection, gender-based violence in emergencies, protection against sexual exploitation and abuse, social protection and cash-based programming, social behaviour change (SBC), accountability to affected populations (AAP), humanitarian leadership and cluster coordination. Although UNICE secured almost 12 per cent of HAC appeal, the funding gap of 88 per cent is severely affecting the capacity to respond.
Without these resources, targeted populations, especially children, who need basic social services will not be able to receive assistance. UNICEF continues resource mobilization to have more support and expresses its sincere appreciation to all private and public sector donors for their contributions to supporting the children of Myanmar.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Conflict intensified mainly in the southeast, northwest and Kachin states and the total number of people displaced internally is over 1.8 million, including 1.5 million newly displaced after February 2021. More than 50 per cent of new displacements are in the northwest with an estimated 760,300 people displaced in Sagaing region and 200,000 in Magway region where there were reports of frequent and intensified clashes, airstrikes, destruction of property and people being arrested and detained by Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF). The number of children on the move continues to increase, especially in the southeast and northwest. On 11 April, air attacks by the MAF in Kanbulu Township, Sagaing, reportedly killed more than 170 people, including women and children.The security situation remains fragile in the southeast with indiscriminate attacks, escalating armed clashes using heavy artillery and airstrikes. A total of 450,000 are estimated to be displaced across Kayin, Kayah, Mon, Tanintharyi, Bago East and Shan South.
In early April, UNICEF joined the inter-agency Mission to Pinlaung township, Shan State and distributed WASH supplies to more than 4,000 people from 1,200 displaced households in 20 camps. In Kachin, increased fighting was reported in Hpakant, Shwegu, Bhamo and Waing Maw townships, where there have been 15,300 newly displaced people since February 2021 and as well as 90,000 long-term displaced people. The basic level of public services provision has been disrupted, with unmet humanitarian needs. In Rakhine, water scarcity and delays in obtaining travel authorizations are the major issues.
According to the recent monitoring of landmine and explosive remnants of war (ERW) incidents during the first quarter of 2023, a total of 302 causalities with of which 21 per cent were children have been reported nationwide. This figure represents 77 per cent of total causalities reported in 2022 (390 reported).
Humanitarian access continues to deteriorate because of bureaucracy, multiple checkpoints, movement restrictions, conflicts and roadblocks due to armed clashes.
The supply chain management in the country continues to face barriers and unprecedented upheavals, mainly for imported supplies earmarked for health and nutrition programmes which are critically important. The Country Office is facing prolonged delays in obtaining Customs clearance for those supplies and shipments have been detained at the border and the airport for two years. There are 77 cases, with a total value of US$4.4 million, pending approval for tax exemption certificates to facilitate Customs clearance. Most of these supplies are medicines/pharmaceuticals, hospital equipment and food supplements for malnourished children. The office is expected to pay heavy charges for their storage, and the use-by dates for some items are expected to expire before the end of the year.
In-country logistics are another problem. The increased restrictions to travel are causing delays in distributing supplies to some parts of the country which, in turn, are piling more pressure on the supply chain. The restrictions hinge on the demands from the authorities to be given full control of the supplies. The Country Office sees several risks in complying with this and is yet to solicit the views/feedback from the donors..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-12
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"HIGHLIGHTS
According to the UN, an estimated 1,827,000 people were reported internally displaced within Myanmar as of 1 May, including 1,499,000 people newly displaced since 1 February 2021.
In the North-West, the situation remains highly volatile, notably in Magway and Sagaing Regions. The use of heavy weapons, airstrikes, and widespread torching of homes and villages continue to cause civilian injury, casualties, and large-scale displacement. Landmine incidents were reported, impeding movement and livelihoods. Frequent telecommunication and internet disruptions across multiple locations posed additional operational barriers and weakened communication between affected communities and humanitarian actors.
In Rakhine and Chin (South) States, the informal November 2022 ceasefire between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Tatmadaw remains. Heavy access constraints contributed to escalating needs and impacted humanitarian organizations’ ability to conduct needs assessments and deliver assistance. Plans to close sites hosting internally displaced people (IDPs) affected by the AA/Tatmadaw conflict have been reported – a move which could impact their safety and access to basic services. The relocation of IDPs in Kyauk Ta Lone camp in Kyaukphyu Township, continues to raise concerns because of the flood risks and limited access to services in the relocation site.
In the South-East, heavy fighting, airstrikes, forced recruitment and access restrictions across all States and Regions, particularly in Myawaddy Township, Kayin State, near the ThailandMyanmar border, were reported. Recurrent cycles of displacements within the affected area as well as to Thailand continued.
In Kachin and Shan (North), frequent airstrikes, indiscriminate shelling of villages, and arson attacks put civilians at risk. Humanitarian operations also faced barriers reaching IDPs due to limited access and safety concerns..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
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"11 May 2023: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Leaders must identify the military junta as the primary source of violence in Myanmar and actively support international justice efforts if they are genuine about wanting to end the crisis and see perpetrators of alleged violations of international law in Myanmar held to account, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
In a statement issued on 10 May 2023, ASEAN Leaders condemned an attack on a humanitarian and diplomatic convoy in Myanmar and underlined that the perpetrators must be held accountable.
The Leaders were referring to an attack on a convoy of vehicles transporting officials from the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) and ASEAN Monitoring Team, including diplomats from Indonesia and Singapore. The team came under fire while under military escort on 7 May 2023 in Taunggyi District, Shan State, eastern Myanmar.
Accountability and an end to impunity are essential to resolving the crisis in Myanmar. The military is alleged to have committed the most serious crimes under international law in Myanmar over many decades, including possible genocide against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017, and crimes against humanity and war crimes following its attempted coup of February 2021, including the Pazigyi massacre of 11 April 2023. All signs indicate that the military junta itself is responsible for the attack on the ASEAN convoy this week.
The ASEAN Leaders’ words are no more than empty rhetoric if they fail to identify the junta as the cause of violence and suffering in Myanmar and are not backed-up by action from ASEAN Member States to pursue justice through international mechanisms, as accountability in Myanmar is not possible under the current conditions.
Myanmar’s courts are under the control of the military and as such are not independent, and justice and the rule of law are non-existent. Courts in areas of Myanmar controlled by the National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Resistance Organisations and other resistance authorities are under-resourced and face capacity and other constraints due to the military’s constant attacks against the population.
ASEAN Member States should provide diplomatic support to the NUG and its efforts to advance international justice including through the International Criminal Court (ICC). They should urge the United Nations (UN) Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the ICC, or, if the Security Council fails to act, then pursue the establishment of a special court for Myanmar.
The military junta’s atrocities against the people of Myanmar escalated throughout 2022 and have escalated further still in the first half of 2023. International leaders are failing in their responsibilities to the Myanmar people if they continue to hide behind meaningless words. It is long past time they act against the military junta to end its violence and protect the Myanmar people..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
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"While the defence strategic review shows Australia is focused on building capability through AUKUS, its declassified version fails to note a significant threat to regional security—Myanmar.
Myanmar’s junta is a threat to regional stability that could cause problems for Australia for years to come.
Australia has enjoyed relative stability across its northern outlook for decades, partly due to the peace and economic prosperity offered by ASEAN. While many commentators speculate about threats to ASEAN, such as China’s illegal behaviour in the South China Sea, ASEAN’s failure of unity in responding to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and even the impact of AUKUS, none of these are as serious as its response to the situation in Myanmar.
The international community has relied on ASEAN leadership to address the crisis in Myanmar, yet the bloc has failed to generate meaningful progress.
Non-interference in the affairs of fellow member states is a thread running through ASEAN’s six fundamental principles, but the list is silent on what it should do in cases of genocide or other serious human rights violations. Attempts to influence Myanmar via soft diplomacy have so far failed to end the junta’s rule or its war crimes. ASEAN’s five-point consensus has been utterly ignored by the junta.
In February 2023, it was reported that a Japanese businessman negotiated a ceasefire between Myanmar’s military and an ethnic group in Rakhine state. The Myanmar military has waged war against many ethnic armed organisations like this since independence in 1948, arguably creating the world’s longest civil war.
Since the February 2021 coup in which the military ceased its power-sharing arrangement with Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, state-initiated violence has massively increased, with an estimated 3,400 political prisoners killed and many more imprisoned.
ASEAN’s non-interference principle has left the bloc dithering on what to do about its wayward member, even as its chair, Indonesia, asserts the need to resolve the crisis. Yet it was a Japanese businessman, not ASEAN, who held sufficient influence to broker a ceasefire.
Investment by China has muted the effect of divestment from Myanmar, meaning the junta hasn’t suffered much in terms of drawbacks. There is even talk of China’s using Myanmar to bypass the ‘Malacca dilemma’ of transporting its goods through Southeast Asia to and from the Middle East and Europe. China’s opportunism in Myanmar is at the direct expense of ASEAN and Australian interests.
The lack of consequences for the Myanmar military only serves to encourage other disgruntled actors in the region to act out—consider, for example, Thailand’s various military coups and Cambodia’s crackdown on independent media—and could be a hint of things to come.
ASEAN needs to draw a line in the sand. If a brutal civil war in which the army murders civilians and arrests Australian economic advisers for doing their jobs isn’t enough for ASEAN to take more drastic action, what is? As the situation forces foreign investors into expensive divestment from a once-burgeoning democracy, can they trust that other regional investments won’t go the same way?
Serious sanctions must be on the table. If other member states see the junta as getting away with murder for the sake of maintaining power, it may degrade norms across the region.
If ASEAN’s centrality wanes to the point of regional instability, China will step in, and Australia will be in for a panic much worse than it experienced over Solomon Islands. Decaying norms within ASEAN display a weakness of values at a time when values-based investments are as important to its stability as ever.
ASEAN must choose whether to let this decay continue or to find ways to side with the civilian population of Myanmar and create enduring peace in the region. This decision must occur before Myanmar is scheduled to become ASEAN chair in 2026.
Thirty years from now, we may find that ASEAN’s management of Myanmar over these next few years had a greater influence on Australia’s strategic interests than we appreciated at the time..."
Source/publisher:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
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"NEW DELHI, 11 May 2023 – The Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer today reinforced that a unified regional approach supporting Myanmar-led solutions, in accordance with the will and needs of the people, can make tangible progress on the ground, urgently address the suffering of the people and prevent a catastrophe in the heart of Asia.
In her first visit to New Delhi as UN Special Envoy from 9 to 10 May, the Special Envoy held discussions with Minister of External Affairs of India H.E. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Foreign Secretary Vinay Mohan Kwatra and Joint Secretary (Bangladesh-Myanmar) Smita Pant.
Underlining that India as a neighbouring country has been particularly impacted by the situation in Myanmar, Indian officials emphasized the need for immediate cessation of violence by all sides and fostering dialogue for return of peace, stability and democracy in Myanmar. Indian officials also reiterated their support to the efforts of the UN and ASEAN.
Special Envoy Heyzer highlighted India’s key role in the United Nations and as a leader of the Global South holding the current presidency of the G20. She appreciated India’s constructive efforts towards peaceful resolution of the situation in Myanmar and also expressed the United Nations’ gratitude to the Government and people of India for generously hosting over 53,000 people from Myanmar, acknowledging the major challenges facing Myanmar’s neighbouring countries affected by the escalating conflict and violence.
In this context, the Special Envoy reinforced the need for concrete steps to resolve the crisis and build the foundation for sustainable peace and a return to civilian rule based on the will of the people, such as cessation of violence, immediate release of all political prisoners, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, and unimpeded humanitarian assistance through all available channels reaching the most vulnerable in areas of active conflict.
Guided by both the UN General Assembly and UN Security Council, Special Envoy Heyzer continues to closely cooperate with the ASEAN Special Envoy to create a conducive environment for inclusive dialogue and a political solution to the Myanmar crisis..."
Source/publisher:
UN Secretary-General
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
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"The United Nations (UN) Special Envoy for Myanmar said a unified regional approach guided by the will of Myanmar people can make progress in solving the country’s crisis during her Tuesday meeting with government officials in India.
UN envoy Noeleen Heyzer met with India’s Minister for External Affairs Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Foreign Secretary Vinay Mohan Kwatra and Joint Secretary (Bangladesh-Myanmar) Smita Pant in New Delhi.
Myanmar has been wracked by violence since the military’s 2021 coup. The putsch met with nationwide public opposition which the military regime responded to with deadly force, triggering armed resistance across the country.
Along with China, India is Myanmar’s most powerful neighbor and has been impacted by the crisis in Myanmar, with over 53,000 refugees from Myanmar currently sheltering in border regions in India, according to the Office of the UN Special Envoy to Myanmar.
During the meeting, the Indian officials told Noeleen Heyzer that there is a need for an immediate cessation of violence by all sides and the fostering of dialogue for the return of peace, stability and democracy in Myanmar.
Heyzer said a unified regional approach supporting Myanmar-led solutions, in accordance with
the will and needs of the people, can make tangible progress on the ground.
“The Special Envoy reinforced the need for concrete steps to resolve the crisis and a return to civilian rule based on the will of the people, such as cessation of violence, immediate release of all political prisoners, including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, and unimpeded humanitarian assistance through all available channels,” said the Office of the UN Special Envoy in a statement.
Prior to her meeting with India’s external affairs minister, Noeleen Heyzer met with China’s foreign minister Qin Gang, and was told that the international community should support all parties in Myanmar and restart the political transition process through political dialogue in order to bring peace to the country.
“We need to act prudently and pragmatically to prevent escalating tensions and a spillover of the crisis,” said Qin.
Currently, both India and China have engaged with the junta in Myanmar. Along with Myanmar’s other neighbors, they participated in the Thailand-initiated Track 1.5 roundtable as a way of opening additional channels for dialogue among stakeholders affected by the Myanmar crisis.
The roundtable — its second meeting was lately hosted by India — came after the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Five-Point Consensus peace plan stalled, after the military regime failed to honor its commitments.
Noeleen Heyzer visited Myanmar last year and met with junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, but no progress was made on breaking the political deadlock in the country..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-11
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"Past incident reports: 22 March-04 April; 22 March-04 April; 08-21 March; 22 February-07 March; 08-21 February; All.
Past analysis reports: April and September 2022; 1 February 2021 to 10 January 2022; 1 January to 31 March 2022.
Join our Myanmar mailing list for regular updates. Visit our website. Follow us on Twitter. If you have additional information on an incident documented here, or a new incident, please get in touch. Help support the protection of health care by sharing this resource. Please copy and paste this link: bit.ly/19Apr-02May2023MMRHealth
Documented incidents
19-22 April 2023: In Mabein town and township, Mongmit district, Shan state, a joint force of local resistance forces and the Kachin Independence Army warned health care workers of the township hospital to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). It was reported on 22 April that some health workers had been relocated to the district administration office in Mongmit town for security reasons. Sources: Telegram and Telegram II
20 April 2023: In Madaya town and township, Kyaukse district, Mandalay region, a bomb exploded between the operation theatre and staff residence buildings of the township hospital during an armed drone attack by the local resistance forces targeting the township administration council office and police station which were on either side of the hospital. Sources: Facebook, Mandalay Free Press and Telegram
21 April 2023: Near Zimte village, Zimpi village tract, Tedim township and district, Chin state, the Myanmar military conducted an airstrike at a Chin National Army (CAN) base camp killing a female medic, who was the sergeant of CNA medical corps. Sources: Chin Human Rights Organisation, Khonumthung Burmese and The Chin Journal
22 April 2023: In Me Ka Nai village tract, Myawaddy township and district, Kayin state, the Myanmar military destroyed the medical base camp of local resistance forces and the Karen National Union (KNU). Source: Telegram
22 & 29 April 2023: In Lay Twin Zin village, Pa Zi Gyi village tract, Kanbalu township and district, Sagaing region, the Myanmar military torched a sub-rural health centre and 75 civilian houses. Sources: Facebook and Radio Free Asia
24 April 2023: In Rathedaung town and township, Sittwe district, Rakhine state, Arakan Army (AA) stormed the township hospital compound in search of and to arrest two deserters and a AA prisoner. The raid involved around 100 AA armed personnel and the use of small arms and rocket-propelled grenades. Sources: Democratic Voice of Burma and Radio Free Asia
As reported on 24 April 2023: In Leik Tho town, Thandaunggyi township and district, Kayin state, the junta authorities restricted the transport of medicines to IDPs in the town. Source: Karen Information Centre
25 April 2023: In Saung Hpway village, Yi Nwet village tract, Pekon township, Taunggyi district, Shan state, a fully-functioning local hospital was damaged in the airstrikes by the Myanmar military, injuring one nurse-aid, a patient and three civilians. Two ambulances and other vehicles were also damaged. IDPs sheltering near the hospital were further displaced. The hospital was managed by the Karenni National Health Committee and served the community in Pekon and Moebye townships in Shan state and Demoso township in Kayah state. The junta claimed that the attacks targeted the local resistance forces and the ethnic armed organisation ‘Karenni National Progressive Party’ based at the hospital. Sources: Facebook, Khit Thit Media, Myanmar Now, Shan News, Telegram and Than Lwin Times
As reported on 25 April 2023: In Kyondoe town and township, Kawkariek district, Kayin state, the Myanmar military forces and Border Guard Forces occupied a hospital, police station, administration office, and pagoda. Source: Karen Information Centre
26 April 2023: In Sin Hpyu Seik village and village tract, Tigyaing township, Katha district, Sagaing region, the Myanmar military torched the sub-rural health centre and 41 civilian houses, and killed two civilians. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma Reported on 28 April 2023: In Kayah state, a male nurse was shot while rescuing a wounded armed personnel during armed clashes between the local resistance forces/ ethnic armed groups and the Myanmar military army. Source: Facebook
29 April 2023: On the highway connecting Yangon town and Mawlamyine town, near Shwe Yaung Pya village and village tract, Bilin township, Kyaikto district, Mon state, joint forces of local resistance forces and the Karen National Liberation Army attacked ambulances transporting wounded Myanmar military personnel. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-10
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"I heard a knock while I was sleeping in my apartment; I thought it was too early and I wasn’t expecting any guests. I opened the door and saw my friend’s face, shocked. He said to me: ‘They arrested Aung San Su Kyi.’ I replied, laughing: ‘Is it a prank?’ He showed me a screenshot of a news article and told me it wasn’t a joke. I just looked at him, confused. He kept telling me to pack some things, that they are arresting other activists too. ‘They may also have your profile and it’s safer for you to go back to your hometown.’
I am May and I am a citizen of Myanmar. Just over two years ago, on the night of 31 January, I had gone to bed without any worries for the future I was facing. The night before, I was joking with my friends about a coup. Even though I got some information from the international community about a coup the week before, I didn’t believe it. But then it happened.
I didn’t encounter the 88 uprisings, so I didn’t prepare for anything. I randomly packed some clothes and followed him. When I was out on the main road, Yangon was quiet, like a ghost town. No cars, no buses, just a few people walking the streets in fear. When people saw me with a bag, they suggested that I better stay home, it isn’t safe to travel anymore. I tried to call my mom, but I couldn’t reach her. I was scared and worried about what would happen to us. There was no internet or phone service.
As I was walking to the bus station, I saw people overcrowding the grocery stores. I couldn’t get a bus and there was no taxi willing to take me home. My friend came with me the whole way to the bus station and said I could stay with his family for few days instead.
On the 3rd of February, the labor union started the peaceful protest in Yangon, and I was able to go back home.
My hometown, Bago, started a peaceful protest against the coup the next day. A friend from the Student Union led the protest and I was supporting behind the scenes. The civil disobedience movement got stronger; people were joining the peaceful protest in the hope of getting the democracy back.
I still remember the chanting we shouted in hope:
‘We are youth, give our future back!’ ‘We are youth, we have dreams!’
Sorrowful days
On the 8th of February, a car rammed into the protest group and a civilian, Nyi Nyi Oo was killed in Mandalay. The next day, 19 year old Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing was shot by police and died ten days later. With each passing day, the death toll grew higher. People were arrested arbitrarily. The days were filled with sorrows, and the nights with fear that someone would knock on our door and drag us out.
By the 9th of April, my usually peaceful hometown Bago was facing an inconceivable situation. At 4am I heard the sound of bombing in the area the protest was based in. I tried to support the protestors by offering food, clothes and pepper spray, but I couldn’t reach my friends in the protest camp. The police barricaded those areas, and no one could enter: no ambulance, no cars, no doctors. We heard gunshots and bombing non-stop from 4am until 4pm, but we couldn’t even get close enough to document what was happening.
I reported the situation in Bago to several embassies, asking for help, but all I got back was: “we’re really sorry and hope you are safe”. I was safe, but my friends weren’t. One day saw the killing of at least 82 people. My friend, who was one of the protest leaders, had their house destroyed. The next day, I received strange phone calls – I was somehow being tracked by the junta. For my family’s safety, I left my hometown at great risk. I reached out to a friend from Thailand, who sent me an invitation letter to apply for a visa. I left the country.
When the plane wheels took off, I felt relieved on one hand and guilty on the other.
One day I heard that someone I worked closely with had been arrested. On another I heard that some young people had been killed. On another: the military had set fire to and destroyed an entire village, killing the villagers and children. I heard these stories repeatedly. I am numb to the feelings, though sometimes I know it would be better to cry. I see photos of people being killed and houses being destroyed without even knowing my feelings anymore. I feel hopeless and powerless to help.
Like me, many civilians in Myanmar are in a hopeless situation. Some had to cross the border to Thailand and India, some are stuck in villages without basic supplies. 13,088 people are currently in detention. 121 people have been sentenced in absentia. 139 people have been sentenced to death.Many have lost their jobs, and many became refugees. Yet the citizens of Myanmar haven’t received any protection from United Nations organizations and international governments. The military junta has merely been condemned.
The coup affected everyone, but minorities face more struggles in detention and are targeted more often. In April 2021 a Muslim muezzin was found hanging in a mosque within Yangon Region – he was more likely killed by the military than by suicide. Soldiers opened fire inside the Sule Mosque in Mandalay, killing a person sleeping after fasting. Several churches were bombed by the military in Kayah region. Those who look Indian face more torture in detention and sometimes end up being killed, like Ko Lin Paing Soe, a Gurkha student killed in custody.
Still I hope
Before the coup, I was working for minority rights in Myanmar, based in Yangon and advocating for the citizenship rights of minorities.
Since the day of the coup, we citizens of Myanmar don’t feel safe for our lives and our future.
Things are getting worse day by day. We hope that if we can resist it, we will get our democracy back. We protested peacefully, but the military junta can do everything to hold power. The junta doesn’t care if people live or die.
Myanmar was not a peaceful country before the coup. Yet, we still hoped to build a better community. We worked so hard to raise awareness about religious freedoms and advocate for peaceful communities. But today, everything we had dreamed for minorities has been lost.
The government we voted for was taken away, the democracy we longed for, for years, is gone and the whole country turned into a slaughter field.
I hope to get democracy back. The junta took the future from the youth while our country was moving forward. I hope international governments will deny the military junta as the government of Myanmar and accept the legitimacy of the National Unity Government. I hope the National Unity Government works for the safety and equality of all citizens, including Rohingya and all minorities.
I hope I can return to my family and spend time with them without fear of arrest.
I hope I can see my friends and colleagues again.
I hope that everyone in Myanmar can heal from these nightmares..."
Source/publisher:
Minority Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"A recent and damning report from Human Rights Watch has highlighted the Myanmar military's use of a "thermobaric" munition in an attack on a Sagaing Region opposition building on April 11, 2023, which resulted in the death of over 160 individuals, including children.
The advanced "enhanced-blast" munition utilised in the assault on the village of Pa Zi Gyi in upper Myanmar has been implicated in the severe and indiscriminate civilian casualties -- a clear breach of international humanitarian law. This reprehensible act appears to be a war crime, demonstrating the Myanmar military's continued and unchecked serious abuses.
The military's employment of a weapon devised for maximum devastation in an area teeming with civilians is a blatant display of their disregard for human life. This has prompted urgent calls for international governments to sever the junta's financial, arms, and aviation fuel supply to discourage further atrocities.
In the build-up to the Buddhist new year on April 11, around 300 residents from Kantbalu township convened to inaugurate an opposition-led administrative office in Pa Zi Gyi. Eyewitness accounts relay a chilling narrative of a military jet that dropped at least one munition, which detonated amidst the crowd, followed shortly after by a helicopter gunship that unleashed a barrage of cannons, grenades, and rockets on the fleeing civilians.
The office was designed for civilian activities such as tax filing, township meetings, and judicial processes, although it was also used to store goods, funds, medicines, and some ammunition by the People's Defense Forces (PDF), an anti-junta militia.
Human Rights Watch's investigation into photos of the victims and the aftermath of the attacks suggest that the initial assault was carried out with a potent, air-dropped "enhanced-blast" munition. This type of weapon, known as "thermobaric" or a "vapor-cloud explosive," can cause extensive damage over a wide area and is particularly devastating when used in populated regions.
The Myanmar military, through state media, admitted to the airstrikes on the evening of April 11, claiming that they were targeting PDF members and that the casualties were a result of the strikes hitting PDF explosive and landmine storage units, which subsequently exploded.
Nonetheless, the National Unity Government reports that those who perished were primarily civilian residents of Pa Zi Gyi, including 40 children, with the youngest victim being just 6 months old and the eldest 76. They reported that the total death toll from the attack was 168, although Human Rights Watch has not been able to confirm these figures.
International humanitarian law compels all parties in non-international armed conflicts, such as those in Myanmar, to differentiate between combatants and civilians, to ensure that targets are military objectives rather than civilians or civilian objects, and to avoid and minimise civilian loss of life and property.
Since the military coup in February 2021, AOAV has recorded 2,091 civilian casualties in Myanmar, 793 of whom were killed and 1,298 injured. Among the civilian casualties, AOAV has recorded at least 328 children, 249 women, and 365 men.
80% (1,674) of civilian casualties were reportedly killed and injured by the military government, who carried out 85% (323) of their attacks in areas reported as populated.
Overall, AOAV has recorded 577 incidents of explosive weapon use in populated areas in Myanmar, or 55% of all 1,042 recorded incidents. 60% (1,974) of casualties in populated areas were reported as civilians.
Villages are by far the worst affected locations, accouting for both the majority of incidents, 32% (332), and the majority of civilian casualties, 55% (1,153). 263 civilians have been killed and injured at public gatherings, and 109 in places of worship.
Dr Iain Overton, Executive Director of AOAV, strongly condemned the April 11 air strike. "The utilization of such devastating weapons in areas heavily populated by civilians is not only a flagrant violation of international law but a profound betrayal of our shared human values. The loss of innocent lives, including children, is utterly tragic and unacceptable. It's a stark reminder that the international community must take robust measures to prevent further atrocities," he said. "We stand with Human Rights Watch in calling for a global halt to funding, arms, and fuel supplies to Myanmar's military, and for a strong international response to these grave abuses."..."
Source/publisher:
Action on Armed Violence (London)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Military History
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Description:
"We were deeply concerned with ongoing violence in Myanmar and urged the immediate cessation of all forms of violence and the use of force to create a conducive environment for the safe and timely delivery of humanitarian assistance and inclusive national dialogues.
We supported the statement of the President of the Republic of Indonesia as the Chair of ASEAN on 8 May 2023 in response to the recent attack on a convoy of the AHA Center and the ASEAN Monitoring Team in Myanmar. We condemned the attack and underlined that the perpetrators must be held accountable.
We supported the efforts of the Chair of ASEAN, including its continued engagements with all stakeholders in Myanmar, to encourage progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus..."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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"Mr Christopher de Souza: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs what is the ASEAN leadership intending to do in light of continued and increasing violence and human rights violations in Myanmar.
REPLY
ASEAN Chair Indonesia has strongly condemned the recent airstrikes by the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, in Sagaing Region, Myanmar on 11 April 2023. Singapore supports this statement. Any attack on civilians is reprehensible and cannot be condoned. Such acts of violence contradict the Five-Point Consensus formulated by the ASEAN Leaders and accepted by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at their meeting on 24 April 2021 in Jakarta. Given the limited progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, the Leaders, at the ASEAN Summits in November 2022, agreed on a series of steps to send a clear signal to the Tatmadaw.
Indonesia has been engaging stakeholders to encourage inclusive dialogue in Myanmar. It has called for the cessation of violence and taken steps to facilitate humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar. Myanmar’s neighbours outside of ASEAN and our external partners, including the UN, also have important roles to play in working with ASEAN to address the crisis and facilitate national reconciliation in Myanmar. Nevertheless, the rate limiting factor for progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus is not ASEAN or our external partners, but the stakeholders within Myanmar, especially the Tatmadaw. We should continue to press the Tatmadaw to cease violence and implement the Five-Point Consensus swiftly and fully..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
‘Thermobaric’ Strike in Sagaing Region Killed More than 160
Description:
"(Sydney) – The Myanmar military used a “thermobaric” munition for an attack on an opposition building in Sagaing Region on April 11, 2023, that killed more than 160 people, including children, Human Rights Watch said today.
The airstrike using an “enhanced-blast” type munition on the village of Pa Zi Gyi in upper Myanmar caused indiscriminate and disproportionate civilian casualties in violation of international humanitarian law, and was an apparent war crime. Foreign governments should prevent funding, arms, and aviation fuel from going to Myanmar’s military, which continues to commit serous abuses with impunity.
“The Myanmar military’s use of a weapon designed to cause maximum deaths on an area crowded with civilians shows flagrant disregard for human life,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Foreign governments need to cut off the junta’s funding, arms and jet fuel to deter further atrocities.”
About 300 residents from Kantbalu township gathered on April 11, ahead of the Buddhist new year to open an opposition-controlled administrative office in Pa Zi Gyi. Two witnesses told Human Rights Watch that at about 7:30 a.m., a military jet flew overhead and dropped at least one munition, which exploded amid the crowd gathering around the building. Within minutes, a witness said, a helicopter gunship followed and fired cannons, grenades, and rockets into the crowd as people tried to flee.
A resident of Pa Zi Gyi said that members of the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), an anti-junta militia, were at the opening. The office was intended for civilian uses such as filing taxes, township meetings, and judicial processes. The witness said the PDF stored goods, funds, and medicines in the office, but also some ammunition.
“The event agenda had meetings, entertainment, and awards ceremonies,” the witness said. “There were many scouts and guards for security, but they were mainly concerned about possible junta military convoys on the road and not so much about airstrikes, so were taken by surprise.” He said some of his family members including a child were killed in the attack.
A second witness said, “I got there early, and I was standing outside the building when the attack started so I had a chance to run for cover.” He said he jumped into a trench just as a munition detonated near the building. “The first strike was by [a jet plane] that killed everyone inside and destroyed the building. But the subsequent strafing by [a helicopter] that came afterward … attack[ed] and kill[ed] the survivors who were running for their lives into the nearby forest.”
Human Rights Watch reviewed 59 photos of the victims’ bodies and a video of the site following the attacks, and concluded that the initial strike was conducted with a large, air-dropped “enhanced-blast” type munition. This type of weapon is often called “thermobaric” or a “vapor-cloud explosive.” Although enhanced-blast weapons can be used in several ways, they generally function on the same principle: an explosive material is dispersed as a vapor cloud that uses atmospheric oxygen as a fuel when it is detonated. The scale of the blast and thermal damage to the building, as well as the profound nature of the burns and evident soft-tissue and crushing injuries suffered by the victims, are distinctive.
Enhanced-blast weapons are more powerful than conventional high-explosive munitions of comparable size and inflict extensive damage over a wide area, and thus are prone to indiscriminate use when used in populated areas, Human Rights Watch said.
Human Rights Watch also reviewed eight photographs and two videos of the remnants of the weapons posted online and that the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) presented during a news conference on April 14. Human Rights Watch could not positively identify all of the remnants. However, some were consistent with the types of weapons and munitions used by the type of helicopter gunship, an Mi-35, deployed by Myanmar’s military.
On state media on the evening of April 11, the Myanmar military claimed responsibility for the airstrikes. A military spokesman, Zaw Min Tun, said that they targeted People’s Defense Force members and that the casualties were a result of the strikes hitting PDF storage units for explosives and landmines, which then exploded.
The National Unity Government said those killed were mainly civilian residents of Pa Zi Gyi, including 40 children. The youngest victim was 6 months old and the oldest was 76. As of May 5, the NUG said a total 168 people had been killed in the attack. Human Rights Watch was not able to confirm those figures.
International humanitarian law applicable to the non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar obligates all warring forces to distinguish between combatants and civilians and to ensure that the targets of attacks are military objectives and not civilians or civilian objects. Both sides are required to take all feasible precautions to avoid and minimize civilian loss of life and property, and, where circumstance permit, provide effective advance warnings of attacks.
The laws of war prohibit indiscriminate attacks, which include using methods or means of combat that cannot be limited in ways that minimize incidental loss of civilian life and damage to civilian objects. Attacks that can be expected to cause disproportionate civilian harm in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated in the attack are also prohibited.
The presence of opposition combatants and ammunition would make the building a legitimate military objective subject to attack. Even so, the use of an enhanced-blast weapon for the attack was unlawfully indiscriminate because its use in a crowded civilian area could not minimize the loss of civilian life. In addition, the initial strike and ensuing attacks on hundreds of fleeing civilians was almost certainly an unlawfully disproportionate attack, and possibly a deliberate attack on civilians.
Serious violations of international humanitarian law that are committed with criminal intent – that is, deliberately or recklessly – are war crimes. War crimes include deliberate, indiscriminate, and disproportionate attacks against civilians, and a wide array of other crimes. Individuals also may be held criminally liable for attempting to commit a war crime, as well as assisting in, facilitating, aiding, or abetting a war crime. Commanders who knew or should have known about abuses by their forces and failed to take appropriate action may be held liable as a matter of command responsibility.
Recent attacks in which Myanmar’s military may be responsible for laws-of-war violations include airstrikes on April 10 in Chin State that killed nine civilians and in Bago Region on May 2 that killed three civilians. An air and ground assault in Magway Region on April 21 burned a Japan-funded hospital. And in March, after the military captured a town in Shan State, 22 people were summarily executed, with many of the victims bearing marks of torture.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should at its next meeting in Indonesia from May 9-11 signal its support for stronger measures to cut off the military’s cash flow and press the junta for reform.
The United Nations Security Council should follow up on its December resolution on Myanmar and its March follow-up briefing by urgently considering a new resolution to deter the military from committing further abuses, including adopting an arms embargo, referring Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and imposing targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies.
“The Myanmar junta’s abusive military operations depend on its ability to purchase weapons and materiel,” Pearson said. “ASEAN and the UN Security Council both need to reconsider their toothless approaches to Myanmar’s junta and take stronger measures.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Crimes Against Humanity, Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, Human Rights and international relations
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160.33 KB
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"We are deeply concerned by reports that unknown assailants in Burma shot at an ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) convoy under military escort. Just ahead of the ASEAN Leaders’ Summit, these attacks in Shan State come as the regime’s violence and disregard for the rule of law have led to greater instability on the ground, all while the regime has continued to neglect its commitments under the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, including ceasing its violence and enabling unhindered humanitarian access.
The United States calls on Burma’s military regime to meaningfully implement the Five-Point Consensus and respect the democratic aspirations of the people who have demonstrated they do not want to live another day under the military’s tyranny. The military regime must abide by its obligations under international humanitarian law, including rules on the protection of diplomatic personnel and civilians. The United States will continue to work with ASEAN and our allies and partners across the international community to support Burma on the path to long-term inclusive, democratic governance..."
Source/publisher:
U.S. Department of State
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
An excerpt from Advox research on digital authoritarianism in Myanmar
Description:
"Authoritarian regimes have long had a complicated relationship with media and communications technologies. The Unfreedom Monitor is a Global Voices Advox research initiative examining the growing phenomenon of networked or digital authoritarianism. This extract is of the executive summary of the report on Myanmar, from the series of reports to come out of the research under the Unfreedom Monitor. Read the full report here.
The classic debate about whether technology is neutral or not has continued to be widely discussed in the 21st century. Alongside the rise of authoritarianism in general, digital authoritarianism has become a phenomenon of note throughout the world. This report is going to explore characteristics of digital authoritarianism in Myanmar. First, in order to provide the political context of Myanmar, a brief history of democratisation of the country is discussed. After that, the political aggressions that came along with the military coup in 2021 are explained in detail.
Then, the report analyses the situation of digital authoritarianism in Myanmar, discussing the oppressive behaviour of the government in cyberspace at length. There are five categories of digital repression of the Myanmar military: internet shutdowns, online censorship, surveillance, targeted persecution of online users, and social media manipulation and disinformation. Against this backdrop comes the digital resistance to the dictatorship by the people of Myanmar through circumvention, migration to and from platforms, and innovative crowdfunding initiatives by the resistance, among others.
The intent of this report is to provide a general understanding of digital authoritarianism in Myanmar amid the political unrest as well as a sense of technology’s role in repression by and resistance to a dictatorship.
***
By learning about both the repression and resistance sides of Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is evident that digital technology is playing a critical role in this revolution. The military is using every possible technology to repress people, inject fear into society and manipulate it. The revolutionists are also employing digital technology to circumvent the restrictions of the military and to employ innovative ways to build the state. The digital resilience of its society will be one of the determining factors of the revolution of Myanmar. This scenario of digital repression is one of the many manifestations that indicate that cyberspace has become a new sovereign territory different from land, sea and air. Information freedom, internet freedom, digital literacy, and media literacy cannot be taken for granted anymore as they now have an impact on people’s physical and digital survival. Therefore, Myanmar’s ongoing revolution to fight against the military’s dictatorship is not just physical anymore — the fact is that whoever harnesses the power of technology in the right way will become the game changer of the revolution..."
Source/publisher:
Global Voices
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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2.78 MB (Original version) - 19 pages
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"It was hard not to feel a sense of déjà vu when the military stepped in to assume absolute power in February two years ago. It was like 1988 all over again. Demonstrators staged initially peaceful protests in the streets of cities and towns all over the country and were met with bullets from the military. Many were killed, and activists of various kinds fled to the border areas where they linked up with the ethnic rebel armies, which have been resisting central government control for decades. A government truly representing the people was set up and became active mostly in exile. A broader front including some of the ethnic armed groups was formed. And the struggle to topple an immensely unpopular military regime continued without anyone seeming to win the war. Those are the most common superficial observations—because there are fundamental differences between what happened after 1988 and now. As a journalist who has covered Myanmar affairs for more than 40 years—including the 1988 uprising and its aftermath—I have been approached by some close friends who have asked me to explain why the current uprising is not just a repeat of what happened in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
First of all, mobile phones and the internet, with their associated digital media and email, did not exist in the 1980s. I was banned from visiting the country at that time, but managed with extreme difficulty to get news through a confidential network of raspy telephone lines and occasional letters, which were hand-delivered to me in Bangkok by trusted contacts. I would not have been able to write my articles for the now defunct Far Eastern Economic Review without the help of those contacts inside the country, and I am forever grateful to them for providing me with up-to-date information, often at great risk to themselves. Photos had to be taken by cumbersome cameras with film, and the rolls smuggled out of the country and developed in Thailand or elsewhere. Some grainy video recordings also made it to safety outside Myanmar, as did printed material ranging from flyers and posters to independently produced newspapers and journals. What has been preserved constitutes important historical material, but it is limited and cannot be compared with what is available online today. Now, nothing happens inside Myanmar—a protest, a gun battle, an assassination or an atrocity—without the outside world getting to know about it within a day or two, or even hours. Young people in Myanmar are very cyber savvy and continue to outsmart the military, which is much less adept at using online technology.
At the same time, it is important to remember that the brutality the military unleashed on the protests in the cities and towns in 1988 was far worse than what was witnessed after the 2021 coup. When people took to the streets on Aug. 8, soldiers sprayed automatic rifle fire into crowds of unarmed people not only in Yangon, where even armored vehicles equipped with Bren machine guns were used to crush the demonstrations, but also in Bago, Sagaing, Taunggyi and many other places. An especially bloody and virtually unpublicized event took place in Sagaing on Aug. 11 when troops and policemen commanded by Kyaw Zwa, an army veteran and the local head of the ruling Burma Socialist Program Party as well as chairman of the Sagaing Division’s People’s Council, gunned down at least 100 demonstrators, among them many Buddhist monks. According to estimates by local medical personnel, thousands of civilians—not hundreds as often mentioned in later writings about the uprising—were gunned down by the military in 1988. It would have been 3,000 countrywide in August, and another 1,000 when the military stepped in to reassert their grip on power on Sept. 18, which was also when a new junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), was formed.
The carnage prompted about 10,000 mostly young, urban activists to leave their homes and trek through the jungle and over the mountains to remote border areas controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU), the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Karenni Army, and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Only a handful made it to areas in northeastern Shan State where the Communist Party of Burma had its strongholds, and no one went to the area on the Thai border controlled by the drug lord Khun Sa because they knew that he had a tacit business arrangement with the Myanmar military. In January 1996, Khun Sa also surrendered, dissolved his army and moved with his closest business associates to Yangon.
The flight to the border led to the formation of a number of alliances and fronts. On Nov. 5, 1988, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) was set up at a meeting in Kawmorrah, a KNU camp on the Thai border (which now, incidentally, is called Shwe Kokko, a new town under the control of a junta-allied Border Guard Force—and where many of the newly built casinos are located). Two weeks later, the ethnic Burman resistance and several ethnic armed groups formed the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB). Then came the May 18, 1990 election, which resulted in a resounding victory for the National League for Democracy (NLD). But the assembly that was elected was never convened. Instead, the SLORC began arresting elected MPs—and more pro-democracy activists fled to the border. On Dec. 18 that year, they formed the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), which in turn led to the formation of a broader front including NLD exiles, members of the NCGUB and the ethnic armed groups called the National Council of the Union of Burma, or NCUB. After the NCGUB was formed, I wrote a then-much-criticized article for the Far Eastern Economic Review titled “Cry of Desperation”. I stressed that no foreign country was likely to recognize the border-based “cabinet” and it was unlikely that it would have any impact on the situation inside Myanmar. The resistance was holed up in camps along Myanmar’s borders and the plethora of groups and acronyms also made sympathizers outside the country confused; who should they listen to and cooperate with? Who was who in the alphabet soup of armies and fronts?
I visited the resistance camps on the Myanmar side of the border with Thailand several times and also went to Mangshi and Ruili in Yunnan, China, where I met activists based in Kachin State. It was, to be absolutely frank, not an encouraging sight. I had no reason to doubt the sincerity of the young ABSDF activists who had given up everything to fight for what they believed in. But the way in which they bore uniforms adorned with flashes and insignia, and had their organization structured into numbered military units, made them no different from other armed groups fighting in the jungle-clad frontier areas. And it did not last long. The ABSDF soon split into competing factions and, for a while, there were even two ABSDFs. The activists in Kachin State even turned against each other; one group accused another of being government agents and killed them in a grisly massacre. The DAB collapsed when several of the ethnic armed groups entered into ceasefire agreements with the military. The NCGUB never became more than an acronym.
In the mid-1990s, I visited Dr. Cynthia Maung, an ethnic Karen doctor who ran—and still runs—a clinic in the Thai border town of Mae Sot. I asked her what kind of patients from the ABSDF she had received over the years, and she summed it up succinctly: “Well, the first year, it was mostly malaria cases. Then came those with gunshot wounds. Now it’s mostly deliveries.” The activists were young people from urban areas who were not used to the hard life in the jungle, and became sick from malaria and other diseases. Those who were determined to fight and still had some strength left ventured out onto the battlefield, and were often wounded. In the end, many settled down in Mae Sot and other border towns, had children and raised families. Many former activists also ended up in exile, primarily in Europe, Australia, Canada and the United States.
What remained of the ABSDF finally gave up the armed struggle and decided to focus on disseminating information about the dictatorship and networking with international NGOs. But that, curiously, did not prevent the ABSDF from being one of eight “armed groups” which signed a so-called “Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement” (NCA) with the military in October 2015. Needless to say, of the signatories, only two—the KNU and the Restoration Council of Shan State—had armies worth the name. On Feb. 18, 2018, the government proudly announced that two more groups, the Lahu Democratic Union and the NMSP, had signed the NCA. But the Lahu outfit is little more than an NGO based in Thailand, and today’s Mon army is tiny compared to what it once was. The NMSP had, in any event, entered into a ceasefire agreement with the military in June 1995, so it was unclear what difference it would make. Although the NCA is a signed agreement and those struck in the late 1980s and 1990s were not (the sole exception being the ceasefire with the KIA, which insisted on having it formalized in writing), there is no reason—and there never was one—to believe that the military would be seriously interested in finding a peaceful, political solution to Myanmar’s civil wars. The KIA came under attack in June 2011 and fighting broke out between the military and the KNU as well as the Chin National Front, another NCA signatory, shortly after the February 2021 coup.
It is true that there are some striking similarities between the situation after the 1988 uprising and today. The National Unity Government (NUG), set up by elected MPs and others in April 2021, seems to mirror the NCGUB, and the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), which combines Burman and ethnic armies, looks like a contemporary version of the NCUB. But a closer look at today’s resistance reveals that the most obvious difference between then and now, access to the internet, is not the only one.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the activists actually believed that some foreign “uncles” would come and support them. After all, the US Congress had issued statements condemning the dictatorship, and so had the European Union, Australia, and other democracies around the world. Today’s fighters for democracy seem to have no such illusions. They know that Myanmar is not Ukraine and no weapons or other material support will come from abroad. Relying on their own resources, they are fighting with home-made guns and weapons captured from the military and the police, and they have also brought the war to the Myanmar heartland. Although many of the resistance fighters were trained by the Karen or Kachin armies and did get some weapons from them as well, it’s no longer a jungle-based insurgency. Financial support for the struggle comes from the many Myanmar nationals living in exile, including through some imaginative methods like a popular online video game, which also serves as a propaganda tool. It’s now or never.
The resistance in the heartland is often lumped together as the “People’s Defense Forces”, or PDFs, but that doesn’t mean that they are under any effective central command. Nor do they necessarily take orders from the NUG. But that also makes them harder to crush, because the military can’t find out who the leaders are, and how and where they operate. There are dozens of local resistance armies that depend on popular support in their respective areas and given the nationwide, deep-rooted hatred of the military, it is not difficult for the activists to mingle with crowds anywhere. It is obvious that the generals messed with the wrong generation when they staged their ill-fated coup.
Another important difference is that the economy was in a shambles after the 1988 uprising but, to the surprise of many, the SLORC (renamed the State Peace and Development Council in 1997) managed to not only rebuild but, by attracting foreign investment, also create a fledgling capitalist system to replace the old “socialism” that had prevailed from 1962 to 1988. The economic fallout of the 2021 coup is a severe crisis. Foreign investors are leaving and those who remain are reeling under the effects of boycotts and sanctions. In this area, digital media have made a decisive impact. The true extent of the 1988 massacres was little known outside the country, and although some sanctions were imposed even then, they were limited and had little or no effect. Today, the viciousness of the military is well documented, and anyone doing business with them is named and shamed on the internet.
The adversary the pro-democracy forces are facing is also not the same as before. Junta leader and self-appointed prime minister Senior General Min Aung Hlaing lacks the capabilities and military skills of his predecessors. Moreover, he is uncharismatic and every time he appears in public or on the TV, he appears nervous and unsure of himself. But if he is replaced, it would most likely be by someone who is more hardline than he is, such as Vice Senior General Soe Win, who often oversees operations, including devastating air strikes, against any identifiable resistance stronghold; more often than not, these turn out to be villages and entire towns. The military may be more isolated from the public at large than ever before and it has become the country’s most hated institution. There is also little doubt that the various resistance forces continue to enjoy popular support, and two years after the coup they have not given up. Rather, fighting across the country is intensifying.
But there is a huge problem facing the resistance forces: They do not today have the weaponry that is needed to defeat the well-armed military with all the firepower it has at its disposal, the most devastating being air power. The military may not win the war, but they also cannot lose. And mediation efforts by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have failed and even backfired on the bloc as it has exposed its weaknesses. Guided by two cardinal principles, noninterference and consensus, there is actually nothing it can do when there is a crisis in a member country. International peacemakers and conflict-resolutionists have time and again shown that their efforts have been a waste of time and money; the generals simply won’t listen and, even if they pretend to, they won’t take any advice from such outsiders. That brings us to the sad reality: the military has been in power under different guises since General Ne Win’s coup in 1962, and nothing is likely to change unless and until there is a split at the top or a mutiny within the ranks. That was true in the late 1980s and remains so today. But such a development could also lead to an even bloodier civil war, a potentially devastating scenario for which the outside world and all those involved in Myanmar must be prepared. Nevertheless, if the military remains united, the decades-long civil wars will continue to bleed the country for years to come—and the main victims will be the people of Myanmar, who are suffering under the brutal rule of a power-obsessed clique of men in green..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations, Political History
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"On 5 May, 20 Rohingya refugees, accompanied by Bangladesh officials, travelled from camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, to Maungdaw township in Myanmar, to view facilities built by Myanmar authorities and assess preparations ahead of a pilot repatriation reportedly planned for later this month.
After the visit, Bangladesh officials shared overall positive impressions, while refugees expressed unwillingness to return to camp-like conditions in Myanmar and reiterated their demand to be granted citizenship rights ahead of any return. Myanmar continues to deny the Rohingya people citizenship, rendering them stateless and curtailing access to basic rights such as freedom of movement and education.
Almost 1 million Rohingya refugees live in camps in Cox’s Bazar, the majority of whom fled Rakhine State following a brutal campaign by Myanmar’s security forces in 2017..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 30 April, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. Response figures are based on self-reporting by organizations to clusters. The next humanitarian update will be issued at the end of May 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
• Ongoing hostilities across Myanmar continue to endanger civilians, increase humanitarian needs and drive new displacement.
• More than 1.8 million remain displaced across the country. In the Northwest, the number of internally displaced people (IDPs) has exceeded 1 million.
• New displacement was triggered after an airstrike in Sagaing on 11 April in which more than 170 people, including children, were killed.
• Humanitarian operations continue to be hampered by physical and administrative obstacles.
• Camp closure and encouragement to return have continued despite protection concerns from displaced people. In Rakhine, the de facto authorities started relocating families from Kyauk Ta Lone camp to the new relocation site and aim to close the camp by mid-May.
• Acute Watery Diarrhoea (AWD) outbreaks were reported in IDP camps in Demoso and Hpruso townships in Kayah and in southern Shan in March. The risk for AWD outbreaks remains high ahead of the monsoon season.
• Therapeutic nutrition and micronutrient supplies are at risk of running out in September due to a combination of import taxation issues and underfunding.
• Four months into 2023, the US$764m Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan is less than ten per cent funded. Some clusters have received no funding so far this year and are operating only using carryover funding from the end of 2022 which will soon run out. Generous funding is imperative to meet the needs across Myanmar.
KEY FIGURES
1.8M
Total people currently internally displaced across Myanmar
1.5M
People currently displaced by clashes and insecurity since February 2021
328K
People internally displaced due to conflict prior to February 2021, mainly in Rakhine, Kachin, Chin, and Shan
60K
Civilian properties estimated burnt or destroyed since February 2021.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
The security and humanitarian situations in Myanmar have continued to worsen amid ongoing fighting across multiple states, particularly in Kachin, the Northwest and Southeast. There are now more than 1.8 million displaced people across the country, as of 1 May, according to UN figures. IDPs are in urgent need of critical and lifesaving assistance. Humanitarian partners on the ground are responding to their needs, using various modalities in the face of mounting restrictions and risks.
Moves continue by the de facto authorities to close IDP camps and encourage returns continue in various parts of the country, including Kachin, Shan, Chin and Rakhine. Many IDPs report that they do not feel safe returning to their places of origin due to ongoing fighting, explosive ordnance risks, interruptions to services and lack of livelihoods. The movement of IDPs out of the Kyauk Ta Lone (KTL) Camp in Kyaukpyu township in Rakhine has begun with plans to have the camp closed by mid-May. In northern Shan, the closure of 15 IDP camps in Kutkai, Namhkan and Namtu townships is underway, and in southern Shan, displaced families from Kayah who were displaced in Nyaungshwe township had to move to other sites in April.
Humanitarian partners continue to provide critical and lifesaving assistance to affected and displaced people across the country, prioritizing 4.5 million out of the 17.6 million people in need in 2023. Simultaneously, the UN and its humanitarian partners continue to advocate for the end of violence, unimpeded and predictable access to people in need, and safe and voluntary return of IDPs. Generous funding of the humanitarian response, as outlined in the US$764m Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan is urgently required..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.05 MB
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Description:
"Executive Summary:
Since the 1 February 2021 coup, Rohingya communities in Rakhine State have endured tightening movement restrictions, a lack of job opportunities, rising living costs, and even greater precariousness in terms of their legal status. The nearly 1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have not fared much better, facing such a sharp deterioration in conditions that some told this analytical unit they suspect authorities to be deliberately destroying any prospect for a dignified life in order to force Rohingya to leave Bangladesh by whatever means possible. Rohingya people in both countries — especially youth — resort to high risk, illegal travel to third countries like Malaysia, where they reportedly believe that increased access to education and opportunities will result in a more secure and fulfilling future. Respondents in Bangladesh and northern Rakhine State still report significant numbers of individuals in their communities undertaking dangerous journeys abroad; however, it is difficult to verify whether the number of Rohingya doing so has increased, because exhaustive data on successful arrivals at intended destinations is not available.
While large-scale Rohingya movement away from Myanmar and Bangladesh and on to Malaysia and elsewhere has been ongoing for at least the last 10 years, several significant shifts have taken place recently. Checkpoints have proliferated across Myanmar as the State Administration Council (SAC) struggles to secure control over the country, increasing the risk that Rohingya people will be caught if they violate movement restrictions by travelling beyond their state or township boundaries. Indeed, there are regularly 20–30 arrests per week.[1] Despite this, crackdowns on maritime trafficking and disastrous, high-profile pushback incidents involving boats carrying desperate Rohingya people[2] have led overland routes to become more prevalent relative to the sea routes favoured in the past. Those facilitating these journeys are reported to include, at a minimum, members of the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military–affiliated Border Guard Police (BGP). Women and girls are the most likely members of the Rohingya community to undertake the journey abroad by any route, and they are also at the highest risk of experiencing a range of abuses en route and upon arrival, including rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Moreover, research by this analytical unit has found that, due to their dire circumstances in Bangladesh and Myanmar, many — if not most — Rohingya people likely lack the agency, options, and information to make a fully volitional, informed choice with respect to high-risk migration to Malaysia or beyond. With conditions likely to deteriorate further in the near term across Rohingya communities in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, the pressure and push factors that render Rohingya individuals prime targets for exploitative migration schemes will only continue to intensify over time. Acutely vulnerable on both sides of the border, Rohingya people will be at critical risk of further victimisation by transnational criminal networks for the foreseeable future.
Upon examination of the facts and circumstances pertaining to Rohingya movement as conveyed to this analytical unit in over 160 interviews in 2022, it appears that the experience of many — perhaps most — Rohingya individuals seeking to reach Malaysia and other countries fits one basic fact pattern. First, these individuals are coerced or otherwise deceived into making the journey; second, they are clandestinely harboured and transported along perilous routes over a period of several months; third, they are subjected to exploitation upon arrival to their destination, in line with the apparent intentions of those facilitating their movement.[3] These steps appear to fulfil each of the three elements of the crime of trafficking in persons as defined and proscribed under international law.[4] In instances where various actors facilitate Rohingya persons’ unlawful crossing of one or more international borders simply in exchange for financial or material benefit — in other words, where movement is facilitated for purposes other than exploitation — the fact pattern would fulfil the criteria of migrant smuggling, rather than trafficking.[5]
In prosecuting any crime that is defined, in part, by a specific intent on the part of the perpetrator, that intent element is often the most difficult to establish. Trafficking is no different; as regards ongoing Rohingya movement, establishing the intent of the actors facilitating that movement — in order to determine whether it is facilitated for the purpose of exploitation — is a challenge.[6] A definitive account of the facts and circumstances surrounding each journey is unavailable; although this analytical unit has conducted over 160 interviews with Rohingya community members with varying degrees of knowledge and direct experience of exploitative migration schemes, this analytical unit has not undertaken a broader investigation to identify the specific intent of those facilitating Rohingya movement or to establish their potential criminal liability. Such an investigation lies beyond the scope of this research and beyond the expertise of this analytical unit. However, consistent statements shared with this analytical unit by Rohingya community members suggest intention to exploit travellers is, in many if not most cases, contributing to the trend in Rohingya outflows from Myanmar and Bangladesh. Based on these statements, it would seem the movement of Rohingya individuals from these countries to Malaysia and elsewhere is best generally categorised as ‘trafficking’ rather than ‘smuggling.’[7]
Wherever trafficking is suspected to occur, identifying the criminal activity as ‘trafficking’ rather than ‘smuggling’ can help enable the recognition and protection of the rights of victims. In part, this is because the most widely ratified international protocol that defines and prohibits human trafficking outlines a broad range of support to be provided to victims,[8] while the protocol outlawing migrant smuggling merely affords victims protection from prosecution.[9] Regardless of which criminal definition is most pertinent in the case of those facilitating Rohingya people’s movement, interviews indicate that Rohingya individuals transferred to Malaysia and elsewhere experience a range of serious abuse over the course of their journeys. International human rights law stipulates that all victims of such abuse be provided with appropriate assistance, protection, and remedies.[10] Rohingya individuals who have been subjected to abusive migration schemes should thus be afforded a far higher level of support than they are now receiving.
This paper aims to contribute to a clearer understanding of the experiences of Rohingya individuals who have attempted perilous international journeys, as well as the pressures facing Rohingya individuals remaining in Myanmar and Bangladesh, in order to help to inform a stronger, better coordinated, and more comprehensive response to the crisis of exploitative migration schemes targeting Rohingya people..."
Source/publisher:
Center for Operational Analysis and Research, Danish Refugee Council, Durable Solutions Platform
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.08 MB (26 pages - Original version)
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Description:
"Myanmar: Deadliest military airstrike since the coup carried out in Sagaing region April was the deadliest month in Myanmar for military airstrikes targeting civilians since the military coup. On 11 April, around 170 people, including dozens of women and children, were reportedly killed in a military airstrike in Kanbalu township in Sagaing region. The airstrike targeted villagers as they gathered to mark the opening of a new office of the People's Administration Team (Pa Ah Pha) under the National Unity Government (NUG) in Pa Zi Gyi village.1 The military reportedly dropped two bombs on the area from a fighter jet before opening fire on the crowd using a Mi-35 helicopter gunship.2 Over a week after the initial attack, the military dropped six bombs on the village from a fighter jet. No villagers were injured as most were still in hiding after the previous attack.3 The military claimed that the airstrikes targeted the People's Defense Force, which it claimed was present.4 The military has increasingly resorted to airstrikes targeting civilians as it fails to consolidate control over the country amid ongoing anti-coup resistance..."
Source/publisher:
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.64 MB
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Description:
"CRISIS OVERVIEW
It has been just over two years since Myanmar’s military staged a coup in February 2021 and established itself as the military junta in power, officially known as the State Administrative Council (SAC). Since then, the country has been in a state of emergency, which was extended for an additional six months on 31 January 2023. The state of emergency has enabled the military to assume all government functions and gives the head of the military junta, Min Aung Hlaing, legislative, judicial, and executive powers (AP 01/02/2023).
Mass protests against the military junta started immediately after the coup and became part of a wider peaceful civil disobedience movement, which included strikes and road blockages across the country (BBC 22/02/2021 and 17/02/2021). The opposition to the junta eventually grew into organised armed resistance, as several local ethnic armed groups separately fought the junta in a multifront conflict, partnering to different extents with the People’s Defence Force (PDF) (UK Parliament 17/04/2023).
As at 14 April 2023, the country had reported more than 34,400 casualties and 18,300 incidents of political violence since the February 2021 coup. Of the incidents of political violence, 4,200 involved violence against civilians, and 7,100 involved explosions and remote violence, such as air strikes (ACLED accessed 20/04/2023 a). Between February 2021 and January 2023, there were at least 600 reported incidents of air strikes (ACLED accessed 20/04/2023 a; BBC 31/01/2023; IISS 15/11/2022). The air strikes and clashes have damaged schools, medical facilities, sites of religious significance, civilians’ homes, and other infrastructure (Fairplanet 23/03/2023; The Guardian 21/09/2022; BNI 05/10/2022).
Countrywide, an estimated 17.6 million people are in humanitarian need, including 4.5 million with severe needs, mainly in rural conflict-affected areas (OCHA 06/04/2023). Compared to other regions, Sagaing has had the highest increase in the number of people with humanitarian needs in 2023, with the number reaching 2.6 million as at January 2023. This is already a 35% increase from the 900,000 people in need reported in 2022 (OCHA 15/01/2023 Myanmar ranks the highest for hazard and exposure in the INFORM Risk Index, scoring 9.2/10. The country scores 10/10 for hazards and exposure to human conflict and has a vulnerability score of 5.5/10, with development, deprivation, and inequality being the highest concerns. It has a 6.1/10 lack of coping capacity, which is largely institutional. The country ranks 16th on the INFORM risk list because of high hazard and exposure, vulnerability, and a lack of coping capacity (INFORM accessed 14/04/2023).
Myanmar ranks the highest for hazard and exposure in the INFORM Risk Index, scoring 9.2/10. The country scores 10/10 for hazards and exposure to human conflict and has a vulnerability score of 5.5/10, with development, deprivation, and inequality being the highest concerns. It has a 6.1/10 lack of coping capacity, which is largely institutional. The country ranks 16th on the INFORM risk list because of high hazard and exposure, vulnerability, and a lack of coping capacity (INFORM accessed 14/04/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
ACAPS
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.2 MB
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Description:
"In late-February / early-March the MAU conducted a third-round survey of displaced households in Sagaing Region to understand challenges they face. The study is based on a probability sample representing 2700 households currently or previously enrolled in cash assistance programs. MAU reports are available online at www.themimu.info/market-analysis-unit.
KEY FINDINGS
Ninety-five percent of households were still displaced in early-March—up from 85% in December—and most still lived in temporary makeshift shelters;
Nearly half of households surveyed were redisplaced again since December;
More households described security as "poor" in March, rising from 38% in December to 53% in March;
Fewer households struggled to access shelter goods in March, but access to other goods was unchanged;
The portion of households without work doubled since December, with 54% saying access to work was "poor" and 39% saying no one in their home had work;
Fewer households bought food with cash transfers or work income, while the use of credit remained high;
Some food insecurity indicators improved slightly, but nutrition in households with small children and pregnant / breastfeeding women remained poor for many.
The number of internally displaced persons in Sagaing Region continued to grow in early-2023. According to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Project (ACLED), the monthly count of conflict-related events in Sagaing Region jumped between December 2022 and March 2023, following several months of lower counts (see Figure 1). The United Nations estimated that the total number of IDPs in Sagaing Region grew by 15% during this period, increasing from 616,500 at the start of December to 707,200 at the start of March, with a particularly sharp increase in January.1 As of early-March, basic safety and access to shelter remained major concerns for many IDPs, many of whom also continued to struggle with limited freedom of movement and poor access to work. As armed conflict continues to disrupt critical market systems, more data is needed on the ability of IDPs to meet these and other basic needs.
In early-March the MAU surveyed current and former IDP households from eight Sagaing Region townships about their living conditions and market access. The survey of roughly 400 households represents a population of more than 2700 currently- or previously-displaced households enrolled in one or more cash assistance programs. The study focussed on displacement status, household living conditions, financial resources, access to markets and goods and food security. The study is not intended to represent all IDPs in Sagaing Region, nor is it intended as an evaluation of the effectiveness of cash programs. This report is based on a third-round survey of the same population contacted in September and December 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.18 MB
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Description:
"BEIJING – During her first visit to Beijing as Special Envoy this week, the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer reinforced the key role of regional countries in addressing the multidimensional crisis in Myanmar.
During the visit from 1 to 2 May, Special Envoy Heyzer held discussions with State Councillor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China Qin Gang and Special Envoy for Asian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China Deng Xijun.
The State Councillor underscored the international community must act prudently and pragmatically to prevent the intensification of the Myanmar conflict and its spillover in the region. He stressed appreciation for the Special Envoy's effective implementation of her mandate and China’s strong support to her role.
The Special Envoy emphasized China’s important role in the United Nations including as a permanent member of the UN Security Council and its continued support for ASEAN’s centrality in facilitating a peaceful resolution in the interests of the people of Myanmar, constructive dialogue among all parties as well as the provision of humanitarian assistance.
Special Envoy Heyzer stressed that a robust international response to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar required a unified regional effort involving neighbouring countries that can leverage influence towards cessation of violence, civilian protection and stability in Myanmar.
In line with the Security Council resolution 2669 (2022) on Myanmar, the Special Envoy continues to closely cooperate with the ASEAN Special Envoy to seek a peaceful and inclusive process towards de-escalating the violence and reaching a sustainable political solution guided by the will and needs of the people..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Responding to news that Myanmar’s military authorities have pardoned 2,153 prisoners jailed under a law that makes it illegal to encourage dissent against the military, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns Ming Yu Hah said:
“This long overdue release should mark the first step towards the immediate release of all individuals who have been arbitrarily detained for exercising their basic rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly or other human rights. Amnesty International remains deeply concerned about the further thousands of individuals who are still unjustly languishing in prisons across the country where they face torture and other ill-treatment.
“Anyone imprisoned for peacefully opposing the military coup in Myanmar should never have been jailed in the first place. Upon release they should be provided with the necessary medical, psychological and social support to help them recover from their ordeal. Peaceful dissent is not a crime, it is a human right.
“Prisoners released today were charged and sentenced under a law specifically used by the military to smother dissent after the coup. However, the military warned it would detain them again if they are deemed to have committed the same ‘crime’ in the future, which effectively places a chilling effect on many people wanting to exercise their basic rights and freedoms.”
Background:
Myanmar’s military authorities on Wednesday pardoned 2,153 prisoners serving sentences under the 505(a) section of the criminal code. The law makes it illegal to promote dissent against the military and has been widely enforced since the military coup on 1 February 2021.
The military said in a statement it was pardoning the prisoners on “humanitarian” grounds to mark a Buddhist holiday, but that those who reoffended would be jailed again. It did not provide names of those released.
Myanmar’s military has arrested more than 21,000 people since the coup and more than 17,000 are still detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The detainees include many senior leaders of the ousted civilian government as well as journalists, human rights defenders and medical workers.
Since the coup on 1 February 2021, Amnesty International has documented widespread human rights violations, including war crimes and possible crimes against humanity as part of the military’s crackdown on the opposition across the country.
Amnesty International’s 2022 report “15 Days Felt like 15 Years” documented the situation after the coup inside prisons and interrogation facilities. It showed that torture and other ill-treatment was routinely used to punish dissent..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Brave journalists in Myanmar are risking their lives every day to expose the genocidal military’s crimes against humanity in Myanmar. All independent media have been targeted and closed down by the brutal military junta for reporting the facts about atrocities, crimes, and in particular, crimes against humanity committed by the junta. Media freedom is absolutely essential, and is the cornerstone of democracy and human rights. We salute and express our heartfelt thanks to all journalists and independent media organisations working tirelessly for the cause of freedom, federal democracy, and human rights in Myanmar. It is vitally important that the international community support and promote independent media, especially those journalists who are taking on great personal risk to uncover and report the truth. The protection of freedom of speech is critical, and the people of Myanmar must be allowed their fundamental rights to freedom of expression. The brutal military is desperate to hide their crimes and massacres of which there have been well over 70 since attempted coup, and over 600 aerial bombardments.The most recent massacre in the Village of Pazigyi, Sagaing was a clear example of the brutal dictatorship’s blatant violations of human rights in their campaign of terror, and a typical attempt to incinerate the victims and village to hide their crime from international eyes. We have seen the same pattern of behaviour against the Rohingya minority where the brutal military in their genocidal operation would repeatedly and brutally assault Rohingya villages, killing thousands and driving hundreds of thousands to flee, then attempt to cover up their crimes by incinerating the victims’ bodies, homes, civilian properties and subsequently attempt to dupe the international media and community by falsifying reports and staging crime scenes.
Since the first of February 2021, this same genocidal military has killed nearly 4,000 innocent civilians, arrested more than 21,000 innocent people, and burned and destroyed more than 65,000 buildings, including homes, churches, schools, and monasteries. The only crimes their victims committed were yearning to be free, and demanding the right to free speech and expression to protest a murderous and corrupt military generals. The brutal junta have largely done this with impunity as they have implemented their infamous “four cuts policy” which begins with cutting off communication. Before committing their heinous crimes, the military will sever telephone and internet services in the target area so that victims cannot call for help or broadcast their plight to the world.
Despite the actions of the genocidal military, through the brave professional- and citizen-journalists of Myanmar, we have collected recorded evidence of over 10,000 attacks by the brutal military against the innocent people of Myanmar. These attacks have displaced more than 1.7 million people and driven ten times that number to hunger and starvation. In a country of 54 million people, nearly one third do not have sufficient food. Worse still, these attacks have claimed the lives of nearly 4,000 civilians so far, many of whom were killed by Russian and Chinese-made heavy weapons and jet fighters.
When rapportage on the Myanmar crisis dies, with it will die our hopes for humanity, democracy, and freedom. So today, we reiterate our sincerest appreciation to the brave journalists and brave citizens of Myanmar for continuing to record and report on the genocidal military's war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar. Our solidarity with independent media in Myanmar is steadfast. Our commitment to democracy, human rights, press freedom, and freedom of speech is unwavering. Our resolve to protect our brave journalists and citizens is unshakeable..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
44.22 KB
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