Human Rights and international relations
Individual Documents
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"YANGON, Myanmar – “I applied for a job at a local sewing shop. When they saw my physical impairment, they rejected my application without any other reason,” said Myo Myo, a 19-year-old woman living in Yangon, Myanmar.
“I was really sad – why didn’t they want to give me a chance?”
According to a 2019 survey, nearly six million people in the country are persons with disabilities. As is the case worldwide, members of this community in Myanmar face unequal access to health care, education, opportunities and employment – discrimination that has only got worse amid the country’s political crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. In recent years, persons with disabilities (aged 15 and up) were more than twice as likely to be unemployed.
For the nearly 3.5 million Myanmar women and girls with disabilities, gender inequality compounds these challenges. They may face double prejudice when accessing reproductive health information and services, for instance, as stigma due to gender norms combines with biased attitudes regarding their ability to exercise bodily autonomy.
“There is no equal opportunity and equal rights for women in our society – but it’s even worse for women and girls with disabilities,” Myo Myo said.
Enabling full participation
Overlapping and intersectional challenges heighten vulnerabilities for women and girls with disabilities worldwide. In some countries, the share of persons with disabilities living under the poverty line is double that of the wider population, and UNFPA research shows women with disabilities are up to ten times more likely to experience gender-based violence.
Denials of sexual and reproductive health information and services for this community are all too common. More than half of women with intellectual disabilities have been told they should not have a child.
“People think that we cannot do anything,” said 20-year-old Sabai, who lives in Yangon. “We want to show them our capacity – that we can do things like other people.”
On the ground in Myanmar, UNFPA works with local organizations to empower women and youth with disabilities to fully participate in public life. Supported initiatives include those that promote awareness of sexual and reproductive health and rights and gender-based violence, and that build business skills, among others.
Both Myo Myo and Sabai have attended UNFPA-backed training sessions on developing vocational skills, and received seed money to help them start their own businesses.
“Together with international and local organizations, we can promote awareness to change community perceptions and end discrimination against persons with disabilities,” Myo Myo said.
What it means to be “able”
The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) reaffirms that all persons with disabilities must be guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. Myanmar ratified the CRPD on 7 December 2011. Despite this, rights violations continue to happen to persons with disabilities in the country, as they do to people around the world.
Globally, activists and advocates are working to change that. “Our interventions significantly contribute to initiating and promoting a disability-inclusive society in Myanmar,” said UNFPA Myanmar Acting Deputy Representative Eri Taniguchi.
Among the women with disabilities those interventions have made an impact on are Myo Myo and Sabai, who today both run small businesses. Myo Myo sews, knits and crochets from home, and Sabai sells rice rolls and grilled fish at a shop she opened, delivering orders on her e-bike.
“Like everyone else, I have a dream to achieve. I want to show the world that we are ‘able’, meaning we have the ability to contribute to our community,” Sabai said..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Population Fund
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
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"This regular update, covering non-violent movements, conflict trends, human rights violations, and humanitarian developments up to 31 December is produced by Southern Monitor, a local research group. The next monthly situation update will be issued in January 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
● In December 2022, a total of 46 armed clashes erupted across all districts in Tanintharyi Region, showing an increasing trend in armed conflict.
● A total of 31 casualties (18 deaths and 13 injured) due to attacks targeting civilians were reported in December 2022.
● More than 60 civilians’ houses were burned down by junta forces following the armed clashes in Palaw Township.
● More than 17,000 people displaced in Tanintharyi Region: Increased displacement figures were reported in Palaw township; and new displacement in Bokpyin town.
● Humanitarian assistance has been largely impeded due to access constraints, and a widespread ban on transport of dry rations and medicines.
Displaced populations are in dire need of adequate shelter and warm clothing.
● The junta forces conducted an increasing number of violent household inspections, arrests, arbitrary detentions, as well as increased troop deployments across all districts in the region..."
Source/publisher:
Southern Monitor (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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"How providing cash, piglets, and business training is helping Rohingya survivors of gender-based violence, and those at risk, in Myanmar’s Rakhine state.
Rakhine State, Myanmar – Daw Mya Mya Aye, 60, could not hide her joy as she joined fellow villagers in sharing how the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) breathed hope into their vulnerable families.
Speaking at the launch of this year’s International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women on 25 November in Matkalar village in Rakhine state, Daw Mya Mya Aye and her fellow beneficiaries explained how through the assistance from CERF they are now slowly rebuilding their lives after the COVID-19 pandemic and the escalation of the armed conflict following the military takeover in February 2021.
“I am happy that the programme gave my life back,” said Daw Mya Mya Aye, a single mother of two. “I received business training, cash, 17 piglets and stock feed to revive my pig business, which had collapsed. The training has improved my pig rearing skills, and the animals are healthier than my previous stock.”
After the armed conflict intensified, risks of gender-based violence increased, including child, forced and early marriages, and human trafficking. Daw Mya Mya Aye said she had seriously considered leaving her country out of desperation. “But I decided to stay here because I could not bear the thought of staying in a refugee camp with my small children.” The military takeover has seen more than 1.4 million people, 200,000 in Rakhine state alone, internally displaced in Myanmar, while more than 950,000 have sought refuge in nearby Bangladesh, Thailand and India.
However, after some weeks of sleepless nights pondering her next move to survive the effects of the conflict, she said a representative of one local women-led organization informed her about a new programme that intended to support vulnerable women. “That was my turning point.”
It is the plight of many women such as Daw Mya Mya Aye that required UN Women and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) to join hands in the CERF-funded global multi-country programme to provide essential services to gender-based violence survivors and enhance their protection from exploitation and abuse. The programme also aimed to help women build back their small businesses for economic independence.
The initiative targets 7,192 women and girls in Rakhine and Kachin states, focusing particularly on survivors of, or those at risk of, gender-based violence.
Through this joint programme, UNFPA is also improving communities’ access to quality and comprehensive prevention and response services for gender-based violence. On the other hand, UN Women is complementing these efforts through provision of cash, business trainings and livelihood support to prevent women from opting for negative coping mechanisms such as selling family livelihood assets, exhausting savings for children’s education and other necessities, transactional sex and forced and child marriages. Support will ensure that women do not respond to difficulties using strategies that may provide a temporary means of survival, but seriously undermine their long-term wellbeing.
The cutting edge of this programme is that UN Women and UNFPA are not working alone. To further promote the localization agenda and expand the reach and access of services, the programme is partnering with 15 local women-led organizations and women’s rights organizations. This partnership is facilitating the capacity development of the women’s organizations for better engagement in humanitarian action, for them to promote reporting of gender-based violence incidents and increase accessibility of essential services such as mental health and psychosocial support and legal aid for delivery of justice.
Working in the camps for internally displaced persons and resettlement sites, the women’s organizations are engaging with various groups of people including community and religious leaders, men and boys to raise awareness on the negative effects of GBV and to improve local capacities to influence behaviour change and address social norms and gender stereotypes that fuel gender-based violence. In Rakhine state, where Daw Mya Mya Aye stays with her family, the programme is supporting 227 women, including 50 female-headed households.
The women were provided with business trainings to help improve their livestock production capacity for economic resilience, as well as in-kind support, namely piglets, chicks, stock feed and cash.
The acting interim UN Women representative in Myanmar, Karin Fueg, emphasized the importance of investing in multi-sectoral gender-based violence services and livelihood opportunities that can strengthen the protection of women and girls in conflict. She said expanding activities that can create opportunities for people to challenge gender norms and address unequal power relations between women and men can help prevent gender-based violence.
Humanitarian actors, she said, should work as a collective and put survivors and women and girls at risk of gender-based violence at the centre of protection efforts, while ensuring that life-saving services are delivered in a timely manner through different mechanisms, such as partnering with local women’s civil society organizations to ease access..."
Source/publisher:
UN Women (New York) via United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Women, Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
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"The New Year tide is upon us, for Myanmar, far too many of our brothers and sisters lie dead by the genocidal military's hand, and many more languish in prisons and torture camps. We cannot celebrate this new year as we would wish. We cannot give gifts because we have nothing left to give but our lives. We cannot gather with our communities as hundreds of thousands of our people are being displaced regularly, our communities and peoples scattered and vulnerable. We cannot rejoice and share the New Year celebration with family as nearly every family in Myanmar has suffered terrible losses as a result of the genocidal military's failed coup and their war of terror.
In this New year, on one hand we brace ourselves for the genocidal military's nonstop crimes and atrocities upon the entire population of 54 million people of Myanmar, on the other hand we reflect the last year on what we have lost and what the genocidal military have taken from us and from our homeland. But after all, we are taking heart and keeping the light hope. In the darkness, even a small light shines brightly. In an empty home even a whispered word echoes.
Therefore, let us all take heart then from our many victories, from the erosion of the genocidal military in Myanmar, from the increasing pressure of the international community, from the strength of our resolve and from the bright federal democratic future we will build for our country for ALL the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, culture, language, gender, background and ethnicity.
As this New Year is, like last year's, marred by the genocidal military's heinous crimes, we may not be able to celebrate as we should, and as we would, but we can celebrate the progress which we have made in the last year such as the inclusion of BURMA Act in the National Defence Authorisation Act ( NDAA) of the USA , the UN Security Council Resolution on Myanmar for the first time in 75 years, the legitimate credential approval of the people’s representative of Myanmar to the UN etc and many other, and we can celebrate the turning of the tide in this horrific conflict and crisis created by the genocidal military in Myanmar. The genocidal military's days are numbered, and our deliverance from their cruelty, inhumanity, brutality is all but assured..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"၁။ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့တွင် ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံအသီးသီးရှိ ပြည်သူများ သာမက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူသွေးချင်းမောင်နှမများအားလုံး ကံကောင်းခြင်း၊ ပျော်ရွှင်ခြင်း၊ ကျန်းမာခြင်းအဖြာဖြာ ရရှိပိုင်ဆိုင်နိုင်ကြကာ နှစ်ဟောင်း၏ အတွေ့အကြုံများအား နှစ်သစ်တွင် အားအင်တစ်ရပ်အဖြစ် အသုံးပြုလျက် ရည်မှန်းသော အောင်မြင်မှုပန်းတိုင်အသီးသီးသို့ လှမ်းလျှောက်နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် နှစ်သစ် ဆုမွန်ကောင်း တောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။နိုင်ငံတကာနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့ အခါကာလများတွင် အခမ်းအနားများ၊ အထိမ်းအမှတ် ပျော်ပွဲ ရွှင်ပွဲများ ပြုလုပ်ကျင်းပ၍ ကြိုဆိုကြသော်လည်း မိမိတို့မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်နက်အားကိုး အာဏာသိမ်းယူခြင်းကို ခံထားကြရသည့်အပြင် နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ဝင်များ အပါအဝင် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများနှင့်ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချ ထားကာ နေ့စဥ် ပြည်သူလူထုသည် စိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့်မှုများစွာဖြင့် နေရာဒေသအသီးသီးတွင် ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများအား ခိုးယူချိတ်ပိတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးမီးရှို့ခံရခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ဘေး စစ်ဒဏ်သင့်ကာ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရခြင်းတို့ ကြုံတွေ့နေကြရသည်မှာ လပေါင်း (၂၂)လ ကြာမြင့်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။လွတ်လပ်၍တရားမျှတသော ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ် အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် မဲဆန္ဒရှင် ပြည်သူလူထုက ယုံကြည်စွာ မဲပေးရွေးချယ်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ဆန္ဒမဲရလဒ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ တရားဝင် အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုရရှိထားသည်သာမက ပြည်သူကိုယ်စားပြု မိမိတို့လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ အနေဖြင့်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်အတူ တသားတည်းရပ်တည်ကာ ရှေ့သို့ ချီတက်လျှောက်လှမ်း လျက်ရှိရာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လက်နက်အားကိုး အင်အားပြကာ ပြုလုပ်မည့် အတုအယောင် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲသည် မည်သည့်နည်းလမ်းဖြင့်မျှ အကောင်အထည်ပေါ်လာနိုင်မည် မဟုတ်သည်ကို ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူ့အင်အားသည် ပြည်သူများ၏ လက်ထဲတွင်သာ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာ ပိုင်ဆိုင် ထားရှိပြီး မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်အုပ်စုများက ဝင်ရောက်သွေးခွဲဖြိုဖျက်ပါစေ ပျောက်ဆုံးပျက်သုဥ်း သွားနိုင်မည် မဟုတ်သည်ကို သွေးချွေးအသက်များ ရင်းနှီးပေးဆပ်ထားသည့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး သမိုင်းက သက်သေပင်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များ၊ မတရားဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်ခြင်းတို့အပေါ် တွန်းလှန်ဆန့်ကျင်ရင်း အမှန်တရားအတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအနေဖြင့် ရရာလက်နက်ကိုင်စွဲ၍ ယခုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုဖြစ်စဥ်သည် မည်သည့်နိုင်ငံတွင်မှ တွေ့ကြုံဖူးခြင်းမရှိသေးသည့် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားများ၏ စည်းလုံးမှုအင်အား ပြယုဂ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်ကို လေးစားဂုဏ်ယူစွာ ဖော်ညွှန်း လိုပါသည်။
၅။မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အခက်အခဲများ၊ စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ၊ အကြပ်အတည်းများစွာဖြင့် ကြုံတွေ့ နေကြရသော်လည်း ဒီမိုကရေစီအား မြတ်နိုးတန်ဖိုးထားကြသော အာဏာရှင်အမြစ်ပြတ်ရေး နွေဦး တော်လှန်ရေးခရီးကြမ်းတွင် အတူပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်၍ အကောင်းဆုံးကြိုးပမ်းထမ်းဆောင်နေသူ ပြည်သူ ပြည်သားတစ်ဦးချင်းစီ၏ လူသားအခွင့်အရေးပြည့်ဝစွာ ရရှိခံစားနိုင်စေရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများ၊ လွှတ်တော်များ၊ အာဆီယံအသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် အရပ်ဖက်မိတ်ဖက် လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအပါအဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် လျစ်လျူရှုခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ပြတ်သားစွာ ရပ်တည်နိုင်ကြစေရန်နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများအား ပိုမိုအားစိုက်လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးနိုင်ပါရန် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် နိုင်ငံတကာနှစ်ကူးနေ့တွင် တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆို အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 26 December, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. Response figures are based on self-reporting by organizations to clusters. The next humanitarian update will be issued at the end of January 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
• Almost two years since the 2021 military takeover, the people of Myanmar continue to suffer amid hostilities and a crippling economic crisis that is being compounded by inflation.
• More than 1.5 million people remain displaced across the country due to insecurity and violence. This is more than double the number a year ago with displaced people now living in undignified conditions and in desperate need in hardto-reach locations.
• Conflict, contamination with landmines and explosive hazards, tight security, access restrictions, and threats against aid workers, particularly in the Northwest and Southeast, are on the rise, endangering lives and hampering humanitarian operations.
• The informal ceasefire between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) in Rakhine and southern Chin continues to hold but remains very fragile.
• Humanitarian and protection needs are mounting, forcing people to adopt negative coping mechanisms to survive.
Women and girls are disproportionately being disproportionately affected.
• The humanitarian community is deeply concerned about the impact of new administrative rules around NGO registration which will further shrink operating space.
• Humanitarians continue to address the emerging needs of affected and displaced people where access is possible, reaching almost four million people in need with critical lifesaving assistance in the year to September.
• As 2022 draws to a close, the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) remains drastically underfunded with only 35 per cent, leaving a gap of US$536 million (FTS). A dramatic increase in funding and an expansion of access will be critical for the humanitarian community to reach the 4.5 million people prioritized for life-saving assistance in 2023.
KEY FIGURES*
1.5M People internally displaced across Myanmar
1.1M People currently displaced by clashes and insecurity since February 2021
330K People internally displaced due to conflict prior to February 2021, mainly in Rakhine, Kachin, Chin, and Shan
34K Civilian properties estimated burnt or destroyed since February 2021.
*Displacement figures fluctuate during any given month. These figures represent the number of people currently displaced. Cumulative numbers for returns and displacement are not always available.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
As 2022 draws to an end, humanitarian needs and protection concerns continue to grow across Myanmar, exposing many men, women, boys and girls to constant risks that threaten their physical safety and mental well-being. Almost two years after the military takeover, armed clashes, including the use of heavy weaponry, between the MAF and various Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) in multiple states and regions are now a regular feature of daily life. Internal displacement and destruction of civilian properties have continued unabated, depriving more than 1.5 million people of safe shelter and dignified living conditions.
The economic situation remains fragile and has been further undermined by inflation that has dramatically driven up the cost of basic food items and fuel. According to the Food Security Cluster, 15.2 million people are severely and moderately food insecure heading into 2023, up from 13.2 million people at the same time last year. To survive this multi-dimensional crisis, affected and displaced people have resorted negative coping mechanisms, including lowering food intake, selling their assets, dropping out of school, engaging in risky migration and marrying their children off early.
Despite the dire humanitarian situation, access to humanitarian assistance continues to be undermined by the imposition of various administrative and physical constraints on the movement of people and goods. The humanitarian community is deeply concerned about new administrative requirements outlined on 28 October 2022 which establish a mandatory registration system for international and national non-government organizations (NGOs) and civil society organizations (CSOs). These new rules have the serious potential to reduce timely and effective delivery of humanitarian assistance to people in need in Myanmar and would severely impede the work of NGOs and CSOs who are the backbone of the humanitarian operation.
With rising needs, ensuring programme continuity and engagement of the NGO and CSO community is critical to ensuring no one is left behind as we move into 2023. The humanitarian community remains committed to staying and delivering for the people of Myanmar, but as they stand, the new requirements are likely to mean that many people in need will miss out on the support they require to survive in 2023. Given the consequences for millions of people in need, and the reality that the implementation infrastructure is not yet fully in place to facilitate the administrative steps outlined, the humanitarian community is proposing a six-month moratorium on any implementation of these new rules.
Such a pause would allow an opportunity for discussions at national and sub-national level and would allow space to discuss how to ensure that vital support to people in need is not interrupted.
Heading into 2023, conflict dynamics are expected to remain at the same level or worsen, especially in the Northwest and Southeast. It is estimated that 17.6 million people will be in need next year of whom 4.5 million have been prioritized for urgent assistance.2 Humanitarians are committed to meeting humanitarian needs of the population, providing food, shelter, health, water and sanitation, education and protection services to crisis-affected and displaced people across the country. However, both a lack of sustained access and of funding remain key obstacles. As of 28 December, the 2022 HRP is only 35 per cent funded, which amounts to only $290 million out of a total of $826 million required, leaving significant unmet needs which will flow on into 2023.3 A repeat of this level of funding in 2023 would have dire consequences and donors are urged to give generously in support of people affected by crisis in Myanmar next year..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
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"Highlights
The number of people displaced nationally, including those in protracted situations, has continued to rise, exceeding 1.5 million as of 26 December 2022.
UNICEF reached over 2.7 million children aged 6–59 months with support to the vitamin A supplementation campaign.
UNICEF and its partners helped 62,583 children access formal and non-formal education, despite the continuing conflict.
During the reporting period, UNICEF and its partners provided lifesaving child protection services to 41,410 people (16,135 girls, 14,803 boys, 7,358 women and 3,114 men).
UNICEF and its partners reached a total of 10,887 children aged 6– 59 months (5,446 boys and 5,441 girls) and 1,649 pregnant and lactating women with preventive nutrition services in December.
56,708 affected people were provided with life-saving WASH supplies by UNICEF and partners during the period.
By the end of the year, UNICEF Myanmar had received only 20 per cent of its appeal (US$30.32 million), earmarked to provide humanitarian assistance to the targeted population.
Situation in Numbers
5,000,000 children in need of humanitarian assistance (HRP 2022)
14,400,000 people in need (HRP 2022)
1,175,300 Internally displaced people after 1 February 2021 (UNHCR, 26 Dec 2022)
49,800 People displaced to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021 (UNHCR, 26 Dec 2022)
330,400 people living in protracted displacement before February 2021 (UNHCR,269 Dec 2022)
Funding Overview and Partnerships
UNICEF Myanmar Country Office is appealing for US$151.4 million to deliver humanitarian assistance to displaced people and host communities across the country. The Myanmar Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) estimates that, in 2022, 14.4 million people, including 5 million children, have needed assistance. Up to December 2022, UNICEF has received generous contributions from the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance (USAID/BHA), the European Commission’s Humanitarian Office, the German Federal Foreign Office, the Global Thematic Fund, Denmark, Japan, Norway, the Korean Committee for UNICEF, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) and the World Health Organization (WHO). The funds received contribute to delivering much needed assistance through UNICEF programmes covering Nutrition, Health, HIV/AIDS, Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH), Education, Child protection, Gender-based violence in emergencies, Prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse (PSEA), Social protection and cash-based programming, Accountability to affected populations (AAP), and Humanitarian leadership and Cluster coordination. UNICEF Myanmar has so far received US$30.32 million, representing 20 per cent of the amount appealed for. In 2023, UNICEF will continue responding according to its Humanitarian Action for Children appeal. The programmes hope to scale up services to the targeted populations, especially children in need, with continued support from the donors. UNICEF expresses its sincere appreciation to all private and public sector donors for their contributions to supporting the children of Myanmar.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Displacement due to conflict rose again in December, reaching a total of 1,505,7001 people. This figure includes those displaced by conflict prior to 2021. The ongoing conflict is constraining the movement of assistance, supplies and people. In Rakhine, the ceasefire between the Myanmar Armed Forces and the Arakan Army has resulted in the easing of some transportation restrictions. Nevertheless access, as elsewhere in the country, remains severely constrained. Heightened security measures, checkpoints and denial of travel authorizations are compounding humanitarian workers’ inability to reach children and their families, who are increasingly vulnerable to protection issues, malnutrition and disease. According to UNOCHA’s latest figures2 , approximately 20,800 people have been affected by the resurgence of conflict in the region since August 2022 and remain displaced in Rakhine State and Paletwa township in Chin.
In the northwest, comprising Chin, Sagaing and Magway, 795,6001 displaced children, woman and men are located in these regions, representing 68 per cent of all people displaced nationally since February 2021. Severe access constraints continue to hinder timely and principled deliveries of aid. In the southeast, armed clashes are forcing people to search for safety in nearby forests or host communities and informal displacement sites. Humanitarian organizations face challenges in providing life-saving services for the numerous displaced people in remote rural areas due to security concerns and restricted access to urban zones. Despite this, UNICEF is coordinating with local partners to provide necessary assistance for the displaced population, notably with health, nutrition, WASH, child protection and education services.
Throughout the country, landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW) continue to pose a threat to the life of children and their communities. Based on UNICEF’s most recent monitoring report of landmines and ERW3 , the number of casualties nationwide from January to October 2022 has already exceeded the total number of cases for 2021 (117 per cent). Some 333 people have so far been impacted with 86 people killed and 247 injured. Children account for 32 per cent of cases. Giving the ongoing reporting constraints, the actual numbers are anticipated to be much higher. UNICEF is working with partners to provide explosive ordnance risk education (EORE) to prevent such incidents and to protect children and communities against the physical injury and psychological trauma caused by landmines and ERW..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
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"1. Executive Summary
This report provides analysis of the indiscriminate aerial bombardments launched by the
Tatmadaw1 throughout the country—especially after the 2021 military coup—with a special focus on
the recent bombardments in A Nang Pa, Hpakant township, Kachin State. Despite the stated
bombardments seeming like a harbinger of death for civilian victims, they have, in turn, become the case
for the senior military commanders, led by Min Aung Hlaing, who have been providing orders from their
high command headquarters located in Nay Pyi Taw, the capital of Burma. How can it be a reality? In
that regard, this report elaborates in detail.
For over 70 years, the civil war in Burma has proved that, if the Tatmadaw continues to exist as
a major state institution, serious human rights violations amounting to the gravest crimes of international
concern will never be deterred. Continued Tatmadaw rule would also mean no genuine peace—nor
justice, freedom, or development for all ethnic nationalities—can ever be achieved. Lessons learnt from
the roughly 60 years of ostensible peace-seeking processes starting in 1963 following the 1962 military
coup vividly indicate that all so-called peace-related dialogues, including various types of ceasefires with
the Tatmadaw, have unequivocally failed due to the lack of the rule of law. As far as Burma is concerned,
the concept of institutional reform no longer suffices. This report therefore urges all stakeholders to exert
efforts that support the emergence of a new Federal Union Army to replace the position of the Tatmadaw
and ultimately uphold the rule of law.
Chapter 2 provides a general background of the country before and after the coup, focusing on
aerial attacks against civilians. Then, chapter 3 details some of the worst aerial attacks launched by the
Tatmadaw in other states/provinces and regions that have resulted in high civilian casualties. A brief
case summary of the A Nang Pa airstrike, a contextual description of the situation of the site, and the
nature of the object of the attack, which is the central focus of this report, are laid out in chapter 4.
Subsequently, chapter 5 addresses the legal issues that arose from the aerial bombings of A Nang
Pa from the three perspectives: 1) whether the geographic feature of the site effectively contributed to
military objectives, 2) whether the Tatmadaw had knowledge of the civilian presence in the vicinity, and
3) the systematic and widespread nature of the airstrike constituting crimes against humanity. While the first legal question argues the legitimacy of the site as a military object by invoking the Geneva
Conventions and customary rules of International Humanitarian Laws, the second question deals with
the mental element, the perpetrators’ behavior, and the means and methods used to carry out the
airstrikes. The last legal question deals with the prerequisite elements of the crimes against humanity
provided for in the Rome Statue of the ICC. Moreover, this chapter highlights notable previous decisions
and judgements of the international courts potentially relevant to the case of Burma.
Under the title of a common plan to keep Min Aung Hlaing in power, chapter 6 contrasts the case
of Laurent Gbagbo, the President of Ivory Coast, and the case of Min Aung Hlaing, the military coup
maker in Burma. The former was acquitted by the ICC, while the latter is currently enmeshed in the
process that leads to an ICC trial. In the case of Ivory Coast, the ICC prosecutor might have failed to
prove that President Laurent Gbagbo committed such crimes.
Chapter 7 offers a conclusive analysis of all related societal, political, and legal factors that have
influenced Burma, focusing on impunity and immunity issues from the perspective of international law.
In addition, the rationale behind Min Aung Hlaing orchestrating the illegal coup and desperately trying
to retain power to avoid criminal accountability is somewhat covered. The chapter indicates too that, to
achieve stability and long-term peace, Burma must still carefully address people’s rights to selfdetermination. Such actions will lead to the emergence of a federalism suited to Burma with the
underpinning of the rule of law. In addition, responsibility of states to comply with international law,
transitional justice related issue and national defense authorization act – NDAA, 2022, (USA) are also
scrutinized.
Chapter 8 covers the major recommendations of our LAN, inter alia, that, despite maintaining
ethnic nationalism leading to the emergence of a federalism suited to Burma, the protection of human
rights with the underpinning of the rule of law must be a prime priority. Such protection of rights must be
undertaken, at a minimum, in line with the Geneva Convention, also known as the law of war, even in a
non-international armed conflict. To this end, in connection with the 2020 election results,
constitutionalism that focuses on limited government concepts must be activated. Finally, a strong
national legal order – which is essential for a just, peaceful and prosperous society – is recommended
highlighting the core and distinguishing feature of law..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Aid Network
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"London, 25 December, 2022: Myanmar’s failed coup leaders have escalated their attempts to evict the Myanmar Ambassador from his residence in London by posting eviction notices on the gates of Myanmar House, the ambassadorial residence in London.
Junta representatives have been attempting to seize the property in violation of English property law but the Ambassador has refused to move.
The Myanmar Accountability Project, a UK-based human rights organization that has been campaigning against the illegal junta condemned the move.
“Any attempt to evict the Ambassador is doubly unlawful. Firstly, the junta itself is illegal as it attempted to seize power through a coup which violated their own constitution, so anything it does or says lacks legitimacy,” said MAP Director, Chris Gunness. “Secondly, the English property register lists the Union of Myanmar as the rightful owner of the ambassadorial residence in London and as the junta’s agents in London do not represent the Union of Myanmar, they have no legal claims to the property.”
Just last week, the United Nations General Assembly voted unanimously not to recognize the junta and the UN Security Council also adopted a resolution sponsored by Britain, condemning the junta’s violent suppression of the population.
According to conservative estimates, since the failed coup last year, over 2,500 have been killed and over 16,000 have been arrested or forcibly disappeared.
“The illegal junta continues to violate the laws of Myanmar and the human rights of the people. Any attempts by their agents in London to bring their thuggish and illegal behaviour to the UK will be robustly opposed,” Gunness insisted..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Accountability Project
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-25
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"On 22 December 2022, His Excellency PRAK Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister,
Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia attended a
ministerial Informal Consultation on the situation in Myanmar hosted by His
Excellency Don Pramudwinai, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Thailand. The Meeting was also attended by Foreign Minister of Laos PDR, and
Deputy Foreign Minister of Vietnam. Also present from Myanmar were Union
Ministers responsible for Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation, and Investment
and Foreign Economic Relations.
The Consultation was very much in line with Point 14 of the ASEAN Leaders' Review
and Decision on the Implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, that underlines
the importance of exploring other approaches that could support ASEAN's collective
efforts to help Myanmar bring about a peaceful solution to the current crisis.
The open-ended Informal Consultation provided a good opportunity for Ministers and
representative to have an open, frank and meaningful discussion, and receive
updates from Myanmar on its efforts to implement the Five-Point Consensus.
Importantly, they also exchanged views on practical approaches that could expedite
the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus including an exit strategy that could
help return normalcy and peace to Myanmar the soonest possible.
The Meeting also commended Cambodia's efforts and the works of the Special Envoy
of the ASEAN Chair in facilitating the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, in
particular the provision of humanitarian assistance to those most in need. Cambodia
will render full support to Indonesia, as the incoming ASEAN Chair, and its Special
Envoy in helping Myanmar find a peaceful political settlement and return to a democratic path for the interests of its people and ASEAN as a whole.
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-23
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"Myanmar endured a second year under the military dictatorship of Min Aung Hlaing in 2022, a year marked by worsening atrocities by the junta, but also by an increasingly organized and successful resistance against it, as the civilian National Unity Government and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force, went on the diplomatic and military offensive, with help on the battlefield from of a number of the country’s oldest ethnic armed organizations. The people of Myanmar continued to draw inspiration from the courage displayed by the country’s thousands of striking civil servants and political prisoners—including four martyred activists hanged by the regime—as well as detained elected leaders U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the latter having been moved by the regime to solitary confinement in prison in June. While the last month of the year offered a few rays of hope in the international arena with stepped up action by the US and UN, for the most part, in 2022 the international community continued to do little more than pay lip service to the need for a return to democracy in Myanmar, as the regime continued to thumb its nose at regional bloc ASEAN while drawing practical support from India, China and, in particular, Russia.
Here, The Irrawaddy looks at some of the individuals and groups who shaped the events of 2022.....Immortal heroes who gave their flesh, bones and lives...
The events of July 23, 2022 are a dark mystery. Many Myanmar people wonder how the country’s respected and devoted democracy fighters Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw reacted as they were led up to the gallows at Insein Prison, how they responded when the ropes were placed around their necks, and what their last words were before they were hanged. The next day, two more anti-regime protesters, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, faced the same fate on the same gallows.
They were killed. But they will never die. General Aung San is still alive; the 32-year-old independence leader’s assassination in 1947 ensured that he will be remembered always. Win Maw Oo is also alive, though the 16-year-old girl was shot dead by military troops during the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Salai Tin Maung Oo lives on, though the 25-year-old ethnic Chin student leader was hanged in 1976. They are just a few of a long list of heroes who put their flesh, bones and lives in the hands of successive regimes in the interest of their country and compatriots.
Such stories of sacrifice are not new in Myanmar. Successive military regimes have openly or secretly killed countless people since their first coup in 1962. Before and after the second coup in 1988, about 3,000 pro-democracy protesters and students were killed. Since the latest putsch last year, the regime has killed more than 2,600 people, including young students, politicians and members of various professions, to date, on streets, in schools, in their own homes, in torture chambers and also in prisons. They are all national heroes, as they died great deaths.
Among these great deaths, those of veteran 88 Generation pro-democracy activist Ko Jimmy (Kyaw Min Yu), 53, former National League for Democracy lawmaker and hip-hop star Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41, and anti-coup protesters Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw stand out, as they were killed by hanging in the first such executions in more than 30 years. The hangings showed once and for all that coup leader Min Aung Hlaing is even more evil than his predecessors—they, at least, refrained from hanging political activists after the execution of Salai Tin Maung Oo in 1976.
Min Aung Hlaing’s decision to execute the four activists was intended to extinguish the flame of the people’s democracy. But the act was counterproductive; their deaths have emboldened the spirit and strength of the Myanmar people to fight the military dictatorship, and those he killed have become heroes of the country. No one really died at the hands of the most evil man. They gave their flesh, bones and spirits to help build a beautiful, peaceful and prosperous country. They are all immortal......Min Aung Hlaing: The face of evil...If you want to know what evil looks like, look closely at Myanmar military junta chief Min Aung Hlaing. Since his coup last year, he has commissioned his troops to kill thousands of his countrymen simply because they reject his rule. As of December this year, troops acting on his orders have killed more than 2,600 civilians, including schoolchildren and elderly people, in artillery and air strikes. His subordinates enjoy immunity to commit extrajudicial killings of dissidents in torture chambers while locking up thousands of others. It is not just that his regime does nothing good for the country; Min Aung Hlaing is the most devious and bloodthirsty man in Myanmar today.
Under his rule, Myanmar, whose return to prosperity had been gaining momentum in the years before he seized power, has made a dramatic U-turn and is now on its way to becoming a failed state. Young people have joined the country’s established ethnic armed groups in droves to topple his regime, while others have left Myanmar in search of greener pastures. The country is now backsliding socially and economically into the sorry state it endured in the late 1990s, when people had electricity for a few hours a day. Lawlessness is rampant, even in the major cities including commercial hub Yangon.
Internationally—his increasingly cozy relations with Russia notwithstanding—Min Aung Hlaing is mostly an outcast. Even the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, refuses to invite him to its summits due to his failure to cooperate with the bloc’s efforts to mediate the crisis. Under his rule, several Western democracies including the US and UK have downgraded their diplomatic relations with Myanmar.
In the coming years, historians of Myanmar will unanimously depict him as the leader of a failed coup, one whose brutality is matched only by his stupidity. He is clearly the most inept dictator the country has ever known, having failed to assert control nearly two years after the takeover, unable to contain an unwavering and unprecedented popular armed resistance against him. In desperation he has resorted to air strikes and a scorched earth policy against civilians, especially in resistance strongholds, hoping to rule through fear. Rather than forcing Myanmar’s people into submission, however, his atrocities have only turned them into more committed revolutionaries, who are dying to see him hang at any cost. In their view, there can be no sympathy for a man as devious as Min Aung Hlaing. He deserves only the worst!.....People’s Defense Force: Myanmar’s ‘People’s Army’ evolves....There has been little or no progress in people’s lives after 21 months of military rule in Myanmar, but the People’s Defense Force (PDF) offers a rare ray of light. The young and energetic folks who traded their comfortable lives to join the armed struggle against the regime have proven themselves on the battlefield—in stark contrast to their pre-coup image as a generation largely obsessed with online video games and Korean dramas—successfully engaging the Myanmar military while fighting alongside the country’s seasoned ethnic armies.
In contrast to the homemade hunting rifles they wielded in the summer of 2021, many but not all are now properly equipped with automatic assault rifles thanks to the Myanmar people’s crowdfunding support. It’s encouraging for the people to see the young PDF members, whom they affectionately call “our boys and girls,” cradling M-16s—though some are dressed in their favorite football team jersey and dusty sandals to supplement their insufficient uniforms.
One thing that hasn’t changed is their steely determination to topple the regime and fight for democracy—a quality that moved the country’s detained democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to express her pride in them.
Furthermore, they have earned respect from international observers who initially thought the PDF’s armed struggle against the regime, with its superior firepower, wouldn’t last long. The PDF groups across the country are now more organized, united under the command of the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), and using more creative tactics, such as the deployment of commercial drones for combat purposes. They are now inflicting heavy losses on junta forces daily.
As there are now over 300 PDF battalions nationwide, supplemented by township-level defense forces in 250 of the 330 townships across the country, the PDF groups in 2022 took on a more offensive role, increasingly raiding and occupying—sometimes in collaboration with ethnic armed groups—army outposts and police stations in resistance strongholds.
But this has required considerable sacrifice on the PDFs’ side. Some fighters have lost their lives in action, and others have been maimed by explosions while testing or producing improvised weapons, too impatient to wait for arms from the NUG, which has been struggling to keep all PDF members supplied.
There have been some missteps. Some PDF groups have admitted involvement in extrajudicial killings when dealing with accused junta informants. Those responsible have been severely criticized by their peers, who associate such actions with the regime. The NUG announced that those found guilty would be punished.....National Unity Government: Progress on multiple fronts despite shortcomings...Heavy blows struck this year by the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) against the brutal military regime of Min Aung Hlaing—including creative and successful fundraising schemes for the revolution; battleground victories of its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force (PDF), and allied ethnic armed groups (EAOs); and increased diplomatic presence, engagement and recognition on the international front—have heartened the people of Myanmar amid the ongoing shocking news stories and images of the junta’s atrocities.
Under its command, PDF groups across the country are becoming more sophisticated and organized, undergoing advanced military training and launching offensives against regime troops. NUG Minister of Planning and Finance U Tin Tun Naing has also developed a reputation as a fundraising genius, introducing innovative projects such as lotteries, bond issuances, online auctions of houses and properties acquired by regime leaders, sales of land plots, and digital payments. While some of his plans didn’t impress some observers at first, he has proven his ability to successfully reach targets within a few days with the help of his teammates across the world. To date, his ministry has raised about US$100 million, around 95 percent of which has been used for the armed struggle.
NUG Foreign Minister Daw Zin Mar Aung has also earned well-deserved praise for her diplomatic victories over the junta. The passage of the Burma Act by the US Congress, the UN Security Council’s adoption of its first-ever resolution on Myanmar, the UN’s retention of NUG-backed U Kyaw Moe Tun as the permanent representative to the world body, the increasing treatment by ASEAN and the international community of the junta as an outcast, and fresh sanctions on the generals and related businesses are among the latest welcome developments in the international arena.
International online news magazine The Diplomat wrote in September that with the NUG increasingly acting as the government of Myanmar and providing a viable plan for Myanmar’s future, the world is fast running out of excuses for not recognizing it. However, it is still not perfect, and challenges abound, as it is still struggling to work with ethnic armed groups and collaborate effectively on building a federal union—something both the NUG and all ethnicities of Myanmar have dreamed of. Its inability to distribute arms to all of its PDF groups has also drawn complaints. Furthermore, reckless comments from some wayward ministers to the effect that victory is just around the corner have given people false hope.
Overall, the revolutionary government led by ethnic Kachin former lawyer and community leader Duwa Lashi La and comprising democratically elected lawmakers, civil society leaders and activists of various ethnicities commands loyalty and support from the vast majority of Myanmar people and international friends, and is trying its best to lead the people’s revolution to uproot the dictatorship, one of the most notorious and ruthless regimes on this planet.....The people of Myanmar...When it comes to democracy, Myanmar people don’t compromise. The nationwide popular demonstrations against military rule that erupted in the wake of the coup last year and the ongoing anti-regime resistance movement are the best examples of this focused determination to wipe out the military dictatorship. The regime has still not been able to crush the movement, and to keep it going Myanmar people contribute whatever they can, from arming the resistance forces to joining silent strikes against the regime to funding the National Unity Government (NUG), which they take as their rightful government. In other words, so far, the revolution against the regime has been sustained solely by the Myanmar people, without outside help.
However, supporting a revolution is not easy, especially when your enemy is as ruthless as the Myanmar military regime. The junta shuts down individual bank accounts of those inside the country who are accused of financing the resistance forces or who are arrested for anti-regime activities. To bypass the restrictions, resistance supporters have turned to crowdfunding with the help of likeminded Myanmar people in other countries. Among other achievements, early this year, a US$2.2-million project to arm resistance forces met its target within a few days, much to organizers’ surprise. When resistance forces continued to launch offensives, Myanmar people at home and abroad were motivated to donate more to purchase ammunition and other necessities for the front lines, and those engaged in fundraising abroad have had little sleep, as they struggle to cope with a surge in transactions.
Clearly viewing the armed struggle as the only means to root out the military dictatorship, Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore have worked extra shifts and taken additional jobs to contribute to the revolution. In resistance strongholds upcountry where the regime’s atrocities are rampant, grandmothers in their 80s have handed their golden earrings and bracelets to resistance members, saying, “Take this and fight till they [the regime] are gone.”
The Myanmar people’s solidarity and self-reliance developed of necessity after their calls for international help to topple the regime were ignored, as all eyes have been on the Ukraine war. Whenever they learn about military assistance from other countries for Ukraine, all Myanmar people can do is look on and murmur, “What we could do with just a fraction of that support!” Rather than dwelling on their disappointment, however, they have kept the revolution moving forward on their own for nearly two years. However, the passage of the so-called Burma Act (a component of the National Defense Authorization Act) by the US Congress to support Myanmar’s anti-regime movement offers some reason to be positive. Hopefully it is the light at the end of the tunnel.....The international community...Since Myanmar people embarked on their fight against the military dictatorship nearly two years ago, they have been on their own, as the international community has been good for nothing except expressing concern as the regime kills its own people, including schoolchildren, despite the people’s repeated calls for tangible assistance.
In December, the passage of the Burma Act by the US Congress to provide non-lethal support to Myanmar regime opponents, and the UN Security Council’s adoption of a resolution on Myanmar calling for an end to the military regime’s escalating repression and violence against civilians, provided some hope. Both actions are just first steps, however, and much work needs to be done if they are to bear fruit.
Regionally, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, has been completely ineffective, including its adoption of a peace plan for Myanmar, which the junta has completely ignored. The bloc has yet to even unanimously condemn the regime, as some members have ties to the junta.
China, India and Russia have consistently engaged with the regime militarily, diplomatically and economically, providing breathing space for the junta, which has been largely shunned by Western democracies. Its warming ties with China and Russia have also enabled the regime to access military assistance to use in crushing anti-regime resistance forces in Myanmar.
All in all, it’s undeniable that Myanmar’s suffering under the military regime has been made worse by the international community’s divided approach to the country, which has emboldened the regime to commit more atrocities. It’s likely that if there had been earlier and more concerted international action taken against the regime, we would be closer to the restoration of democracy in Myanmar and there would have been fewer air strikes on civilians. Such action would also have prevented the junta’s hangings of Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw and two other democracy activists. The hell hound that is the Myanmar regime remains loose in the absence of any genuine international effort to bring it to heel.....International friends of Myanmar...While countries like Russia, China and India have made the most of their ties with Myanmar under military rule and ignored the people’s suffering, some individuals have stood along with the people of Myanmar in their fight against the regime.
The most remarkable is Sean Turnell. When he was released by the regime after 650 days in captvity, mainly for being deposed leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s adviser on economic reform in Myanmar, the Australian economist didn’t complain about having been locked up. Instead, he said bluntly, “It is a tragic and terrible thing that the nicest people I have encountered anywhere are ruled over by such knaves and fools.”
In media interviews, he warned that the coup has severely damaged Myanmar’s economy and that the regime wouldn’t give up power easily. He revealed the inhumane treatment he experienced in prison along with other political detainees such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whom he met during their trial proceedings and who urged him to tell everyone the truth about Myanmar.
Toru Kubota, a Japanese filmmaker who was released after nearly four months of detention by the regime, urged his government to take a strong proactive approach to human rights violations in Myanmar by protecting people who flee authoritarian rule. He warned the world not to be fooled by the junta’s mass amnesty in which he was released, dismissing it as a mere propaganda stunt and pointing out that some 10,000 political prisoners remain locked up.
And there are others, like former US ambassador to Myanmar Scot Maricel and European human rights campaigner Igor Blazevic. With their unique understanding of the complexity of Myanmar’s politics, they have spoken the truth on behalf of the people of Myanmar. Their assessments of the country’s ongoing issues have turned out to be far closer to reality than those of some so-called native Myanmar scholars who blame the people for the country’s instability while kowtowing to the regime.....EAOs: Myanmar’s divided ethnic armed groups...Arguably, one benefit of the military coup for the Myanmar people is that it has allowed them to draw distinctions between the various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in the country.
Some of the oldest EAOs, including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Chin National Front (CNF), have shown their support for the anti-regime movement since the coup. They have not only provided shelter for those fleeing the junta’s persecution, but also provided military training and armed those fighting the regime. The KIA alone has trained more than 4,000 members of the anti-regime People Defense Force.
Furious, the regime has retaliated against the KIA with numerous air strikes, including one on an open-air concert celebrating the Kachin Independence Organization’s anniversary, killing several KIA officials and scores of civilians.
On the other hand, 10 EAOs—seven signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and three non-signatories—declined to join the anti-regime movement and agreed to attend so-called peace talks with the regime in an effort to promote their own interests.
Among the signatories are the Restoration Council of Shan State, the New Mon State Party, the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army-Peace Council, the Arakan Liberation Party, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, the Pa-O National Liberation Organization, and the Lahu Democratic Union.
The three non-signatories that joined the peace talks were the United Wa State Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army (also known as the Mongla Group), and the Shan State Progress Party.
Unlike other EAOs, the 10 groups have no tensions with the Myanmar military.
Min Aung Hlaing invited EAOs to peace talks in April 2022. Observers said he organized the talks to give his regime, which has been overwhelmed by resistance forces in many parts of the country, some breathing space and to sow discord among EAOs.
The KNU, KIA, KNPP and CNF refused to attend the junta-organized peace talks, dismissing them as a sham and not inclusive. The Arakan Army and its allies the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army also stayed away.
Min Aung Hlaing has urged ethnic leaders to stand for election in an already discredited vote he plans to organize in 2023, and to press their demands in the parliament instead of fighting. He suggested EAOs could transform into Border Guard Forces if they want to keep their arms. He also promised separate legislative power for parliaments in ethnic states, to make the so-called election more attractive.
In the 1990s, the previous regime offered incentives to some EAOs to drive a wedge between them and other ethnic armed groups. Certain EAOs exchanged their arms for lucrative concessions to run businesses, legal and otherwise, including logging, drug running and mining.
However, the Myanmar military broke its promises in 2009, reviving the vicious circle of armed conflicts.....Civil Disobedience Movement: Peaceful but strong blow to the junta...Like the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) and the People’s Defense Force groups (PDFs), Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) poses a serious challenge to the regime, which is still reeling from its impact nearly two years on. While the NUG and PDF wage an armed struggle, CDM participants utilize the power of peaceful resistance. Formerly employed in the state’s medical, education, administrative and defense sectors, their refusal to work under military rule had an immediate impact from the moment the movement was launched two days after the coup, bringing the government administration to a halt.
Almost two years on, the CDM is recognized as the longest-running movement of its kind in the world, and was nominated for the 2022 Nobel Peace prize. It has turned out to be one of the pillars of the revolution against the junta, as participants continue to defy the regime while coping with many hardships as the junta targets them with threats and arrests. Some have even been beheaded and had their limbs cut off.
Striking civil servants who try to flee abroad are frequently arrested at airports. CDM teachers have been sentenced to up to 10 years’ imprisonment and a CDM police officer was sentenced to a maximum of 26 years. To evade the junta’s atrocities against them, many CDMers have gone into hiding or fled to border areas, taking jobs completely unrelated to their previous careers. Amid such hardships, they still refuse to go back to work for the government.
While some have gone back to work after facing threats from the regime, others, notably in the health and education sectors, have kept their anti-regime mission alive by joining the relevant operations of the NUG. Some run online classes for students refusing to study under the regime while others now work at community schools operating in resistance stronghold areas.
CDM health workers have also joined resistance groups as medics. When they are not at the front line, they treat internally displaced people and other civilians who need medical assistance, strongly supporting the goal of removing the junta. The same determination keeps their detained comrades, who have been unjustly thrown into jails for their anti-regime activism, alive.....Political prisoners: Jailed but unbowed...Another force that we mustn’t forget to honor for their bravery, sacrifice and commitment to the cause of democracy is Myanmar’s unbowed political prisoners. Myanmar now has the largest number of political prisoners in its history, as the junta has detained more than 16,500 people in less than two years during its harsh crackdowns against those who oppose its rule. Among the junta’s prisoners are elected leaders, state and regional chief ministers, prominent protest leaders, lawmakers, activists, students, doctors, nurses, health workers, teachers, professors, lawyers, engineers, reporters, writers, charity volunteers, company workers, filmmakers, actors and other citizens.
Despite being thrown into the junta’s deadly prisons and facing inhumane conditions, brutal punishments, torture and horrific human rights violations behind bars, brave and resilient political prisoners across the country are unbroken and their revolutionary spirit remains strong.
They continue to stage protests against the junta and maintain their defiance, despite knowing that they will be crushed brutally and face severe punishment in the form of beatings, torture, additional sentences or being put into solitary confinement, being banned from receiving family visits—their only source of food and other supplies from outside—being moved to remote prisons, or even death.
Despite these threats, they never fail to mark important political dates such as the silent strikes, the anniversaries of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising or the start of the ongoing revolution against the regime, and detained leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday, and to show solidarity with fellow anti-junta activists who are still free in denouncing the junta’s execution of political prisoners, handing down death penalties to student activists and other actions. They yell anti-regime slogans and sing revolutionary songs from behind bars, risking their lives. Political prisoners are often referred to as “chickens in the coop” by the generals. But they have proved that while the regime may imprison them physically, it is impossible to lock up their spirit, determination and bravery. And most importantly, that the regime can’t impose its rule at all, even inside prisons.....Tayzar San—‘Tayzar the extraordinary’...Among prominent individuals resisting the regime, one figure comes to mind immediately: Tayzar San—the man who led the first anti-coup protest in Mandalay three days after the coup and has since become a prominent revolutionary—is the face of the Myanmar people’s anti-regime movement and resistance. The skinny, bespectacled doctor and librarian intimidates the ruthless regime like few others. The generals have been hunting him for months for his leading role in anti-regime activities and have even offered a reward of 10 million kyats (nearly US$5,000) for information leading to his arrest.
Despite being in hiding, the physician-turned-democracy activist continues to carry out his mission of eliminating the military dictatorship from Myanmar. He challenges the junta leaders on social media almost daily, organizes protests and encourages citizens to continue the fight against military rule. He has also been traveling extensively to meet resistance groups and civilians on the ground. Last month, he even led a street protest against the military dictatorship in Upper Myanmar, marching at the front of the protest column holding a megaphone—the device has come to symbolize him since the coup—and openly defying the junta and the arrest warrant it has issued for him on an incitement charge.
Tayzar San is also involved in the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), an anti-regime coalition that offers policy guidance to the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), which is leading efforts to lay the groundwork for the creation of a federal democratic union.
His most exquisite characteristic is his friendly and cheerful smile, which never leaves his face, a reflection of his faith in the prospects of the people’s revolution.
In a personal manifesto on his Facebook account, the protest leader declared: “Whatever I need to sacrifice, including my life and body [in the revolution], I believe it is worth it. Because what we get back from this revolution is a new era, new system and new state that we wish for.”.....The people’s legitimate leaders—yet again, prisoners of a regime...They are as immoveable as a rocky mountain when it comes to their dedication to their convictions, their commitment to the mandate entrusted to them by the people, their loyalty to the people of Myanmar, their defiant defense of the truth and their resilience in the face of persecution by the ruling generals.
They are the legitimate leaders—State Counselor and President—of Myanmar. They were democratically elected by a majority of Myanmar voters, twice. The party they have dedicated most of their lives to has won every election it has contested over the past three decades, since 1990. Currently, they are prisoners of the ruthless regime—one in solitary confinement inside a prison, the other held in an unknown location, like a hostage.
The harshness of the conditions in prison and the brutality of their captors would be life threatening for anyone, let alone people of advanced age such as 77-year-old Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and 70-year-old U Win Myint. To date, the former has been sentenced to 26 years’ imprisonment and the latter to five years. The two leaders are the oldest of the 16,500 political prisoners the regime has incarcerated since its coup.
Surviving in prison is tough—physically, mentally, intellectually, even ideologically. They are not first-time prisoners. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was a long-term prisoner of the previous regime, kept under house arrest for 15 years, while U Win Myint spent several years as a political prisoner in the 1990s.
Their strong spirit and resilience in the face of their lengthy imprisonment by the regime since the coup last year shows us yet again who they are, and the strength of their commitment to the country and its citizens—to a genuine democratic federal nation.
Three days after her 77th birthday on June 19, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was transferred from house arrest in Naypyitaw to solitary confinement in a prison in the city. It’s a tougher punishment than she was subjected to in the past; she was mostly kept under house arrest under the previous regime. The new regime is harsher, but she is still the Iron Lady of Myanmar.
The people of Myanmar hailed U Win Myint when they learned of his reaction to his captors on the first day of the coup. After he refused their request that he step down as President, one of the generals asked U Win Myint to reconsider, saying he could be harmed. He said he would rather die than resign.
Recently released Australian economist and adviser to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government Sean Turnell said, “She’s strong; she remains as she always was.” A court source who saw the hostage President recently said that U Win Myint is “as fit as a fiddle.”
The regime’s harsher punishments this year have done nothing at all to diminish their mettle, their principles and their spirit. They may be beaten, but they do not bow; they do not take, but give. These are the virtues of a leader..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-23
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Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"GENEVA (22 December 2022) – Appealing for the immediate rescue of Rohingya refugees in distress on a vessel in the Andaman Sea, UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar Tom Andrews said regional governments in South and Southeast Asia should prioritise safety and human rights and ensure coordinated search and rescue operations. He issued the following statement:
“While many in the world are preparing to enjoy a holiday season and ring in a new year, boats bearing desperate Rohingya men, women and young children, are setting off on perilous journeys in unseaworthy vessels.
One such boat carrying more than 100 Rohingya refugees has been at sea for weeks, and is reportedly now close to Aceh, Indonesia. Its engine has failed and those on board are running out of food and water. It has been reported that 16 passengers have already died, including at least one child. I call on all relevant maritime actors to immediately and urgently coordinate search and rescue for this boat and ensure safe disembarkation of those aboard before any further loss of life occurs.
Too many Rohingya lives have already been lost in maritime crossings. Regional governments should prevent any further loss of life and urgently rescue and provide immediate protection to Rohingya stranded at sea. The duty to rescue persons in distress at sea is a fundamental rule of international law, is a norm of customary international law and is incorporated in international treaties. States must not push back boats out of territorial waters in an attempt to shirk international obligations.
I urge all governments from the region to develop and coordinate a more humane regional response to those fleeing the junta’s brutal violence, including the Rohingya. This requires an absolute moratorium on any deportations or pushbacks to Myanmar, and the need for coordinated search and rescue at sea in line with international human rights standards. The international community must step forward and assist regional actors to provide durable solutions for the Rohingya.
Increasing numbers of Rohingya have been using dangerous sea and land routes in recent weeks, which highlights the sense of desperation and hopelessness experienced by Rohingya in Myanmar and in the region.
While details remain unclear, at least two other boats, each carrying over 100 Rohingya refugees, have also embarked on perilous journeys.
Two weeks ago, a Vietnamese oil company vessel on its way to Myanmar rescued one sinking boat with 154 Rohingya refugees aboard. As they were close to Myanmar waters, they reportedly handed the group over to Myanmar authorities. It has been reported that those aboard were placed in migration detention in Myanmar and may now face criminal charges.
Last weekend, the Sri Lankan Navy rescued a third trawler in distress, carrying 104 Rohingya, including numerous children, some unaccompanied. I wholeheartedly thank the Government of Sri Lanka for this intervention to rescue these vulnerable Rohingya refugees.
Rohingya inside Myanmar who are unable to access sea routes have also been risking their lives by seeking out dangerous overland routes in an attempt to flee the country. Rohingya attempting to flee Myanmar who are detected outside Rakhine State are regularly charged with migration offences and jailed.
On 5 December, I was distressed to learn of credible reports indicating that the bodies of 13 Rohingya men and boys, reportedly aged between 16 and 20 years old, were found in the north of Yangon. Reports indicate they died from lack of oxygen inside a vehicle while trying to reach the border area.
All these tragedies point to unscrupulous smuggling and trafficking networks, some of whom are exploiting their desperation by putting lives at risk.
I also have learned that a court order to stay the deportation of 104 persons who arrived by boat from Myanmar in February 2021 in Malaysia has been lifted by the Malaysian High Court, putting these people at risk of being returned to Myanmar. I reiterate my call that there must be an absolute moratorium on any forced returns of refugees and migrants to Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-22
[field_licence]
Type:
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Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
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"GENEVA (22 December 2022) – While noting that the UN Security Council has adopted a resolution on Myanmar for the first time since a military coup nearly two years ago, Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, responded by stating that the crisis in Myanmar will worsen unless and until Member States of the UN respond with action. The UN expert released the following statement:
“It is notable that the UN Security Council has passed a resolution on Myanmar for the first time since the military unleashed a brutal crackdown on the people of Myanmar nearly two years ago. I appreciate the efforts made by the United Kingdom and other Security Council Members to craft and advance a resolution that managed to avoid a veto.
With all due respect to the Security Council, however, ‘expressing deep concern’ and demanding that certain actions be taken without any use of the Security Council’s Chapter VII authority, will not stop the illegal Myanmar junta from attacking and destroying the lives of the 54 million people being held hostage in Myanmar. What is required is action.
The systematic gross human rights violations -- amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity -- being perpetrated daily on the people of Myanmar by an illegal military junta requires strong, coordinated action by UN Member States. The demands put forward in the resolution -- including ‘an immediate end to all forms of violence,’ the release of political prisoners, the need for unimpeded humanitarian access, and the need to respect the rights of women and children -- are critically important but what is missing are consequences for the failure to meet them and the imposition of sanctions and accountability for crimes the military has committed to date. I wholeheartedly agree with Security Council members Norway, the United Arab Emirates, the United States, Iceland, and Mexico that the language of the resolution should have been stronger.
“What the content of this resolution makes clear is that the action that is required to end this crisis will not come from the Security Council. It is therefore imperative that those nations with the political will to support the people of Myanmar take coordinated action immediately to end the carnage. The Security Council resolution should not become a dead-end that is followed by more international inaction. It should be a wake-up call for those nations who support a people under siege.
It is clearly time for the creation of a working coalition of nations who are willing to stand with the people of Myanmar by providing what they need most -- action.
UN Secretary-General Guterres was correct when last month he declared that, with respect to Myanmar, the international community has failed. This failure cannot be rectified by resolutions that have no consequences. It can only be responsibly addressed with targeted, coordinated action. There are viable options for Member States who are prepared to address this failure, including coordinating sanctions, cutting off the flow of revenue that is financing the junta’s military assaults, an embargo on weapons and dual-use technology and robust humanitarian aid that can reach those most in need, among other measures. What is required is the political will to seize them.”
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Human Rights Council (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"22 December 2022: The United Nations (UN) Security Council has finally spoken on Myanmar but action is needed, not merely words. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) welcomes the long-overdue adoption of a Resolution on Myanmar but expresses deep disappointment at the failure of the resolution to mandate urgently needed action against the Myanmar military to protect the Myanmar people.
The UN Security Council in New York voted yesterday to adopt a resolution on Myanmar, Resolution 2669 (2022). It has finally responded to the overwhelming international rejection of the Myanmar military junta and support for the democratic will of the Myanmar people. But the resolution fails to attribute responsibility to the junta for its persistent commission of human rights atrocities and includes no reference to further measures to be taken by the Security Council should the junta continue its attack on the population of Myanmar.
“We welcome the fact that, at long last, the Security Council has taken action and finally adopted a resolution on Myanmar,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “But the resolution itself remains far too weak and should have included unequivocal condemnation of the military for its assault on the Myanmar people along with measures to end human rights atrocities and secure justice and peace, through an arms embargo, sanctions and referral to the International Criminal Court.”
The Resolution requests that the UN Secretary-General report orally to the Security Council by 15 March 2023 on UN support on implementation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus (5PC). ASEAN called on the UN to support its efforts in implementing the 5PC last month.
“The Myanmar military is destabilising the region with the brutal campaign of terror that it continues to inflict on the people of Myanmar,” said Yanghee Lee. “Despite the efforts of several Security Council members, the resolution fails to properly address the gravity of the crisis and depth of suffering caused by Min Aung Hlaing and his military; crisis and suffering that continue to grow every day.”
Stronger action by the Security Council was obstructed by permanent members Russia and China, both of which continue to sell arms to the military junta that it uses to commit grave violations of international law.
“Fear of the veto, which is fundamentally at odds with the whole purpose and principles of the UN when it comes to gross atrocities, rendered the result of this timid action by the Security Council hollow,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The adoption of such a text is therefore no more than ineffective rhetoric. Those who brought about this outcome, that falls far short of expectations, are complicit in the suffering and death of Myanmar people.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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UN Security Council, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government,
welcomes the adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution on the situation in Myanmar.
Myanmar offers its deep gratitude to the United Kingdom for its leadership in the process of drafting
and adopting the resolution and to all others who support the resolution.
The NUG supports the resolution and accordingly urges the member states and all relevant
stakeholders to timely implement the resolution as taking a step towards restoration of democracy in
Myanmar.
The resolution demonstrates the Security Council’s progress in taking action on the serious crisis
in Myanmar and the junta’s threats to international peace and stability. This resolution highlights the
need to respect human rights and to uphold rule of law. It urges the "military to immediately release of
all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu
Kyi,” whom the National Unity Government notes continue to serve in those roles within Myanmar’s
government. Furthermore, the resolution emphasizes respect for “democratic institutions and processes,
in accordance with the will and interests of the people Myanmar.”
The resolution also highlights the need for “full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access” as
well as “scaled up humanitarian assistance to all people in need.” It emphasizes creating “conditions
1
necessary for voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally
displaced persons." In addition, the resolution calls for concrete and immediate actions for
implementation of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus and for an oral report to the Security Council on
UN support for that implementation.
Despite these positive elements and the challenges to adoption, we would have liked to see a
stronger text. However, we are clear this is only a first step. As such, on behalf of the people of
Myanmar, the National Unity Government calls on the UN Security Council, building on this resolution,
to take further and stronger action to ensure the swift end of the military junta and its crimes. We call for
additional international support for the collective efforts of the National Unity Government, allied
stakeholders, and the people of Myanmar to build the Federal Democratic Union, pave a way to create a
conducive environment for the repatriation of the Rohingya, deliver life-saving humanitarian assistance
to all people in need, and ensure accountability for all violations of international criminal law.
The will and interests of the people are clear and continue to be expressed each day by millions
of brave individuals protesting, maintaining a general strike, and defending their villages and families
against the military’s atrocities. This resolution is a welcome step towards supporting them. The
Security Council’s work only begins with this resolution. It should remain more regularly seized of the
matter as a priority, including by receiving formal updates directly from representatives of Myanmar and
its people. Decisive action by the Security Council is needed to save lives of the people of Myanmar and
prevent further destabilization of the region..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"After the UN Security Council today adopted a long-overdue resolution demanding an end to the violence and immediate release of all arbitrarily detained persons, Amnesty International Secretary-General Agnes Callamard said:
“With the adoption of this resolution, the Security Council has finally taken a small but important step to acknowledge the dire situation in Myanmar. The Council must now follow up with regular open meetings and enforce its demands with additional resolutions under Chapter VII.”
The resolution failed to include other measures urgently needed to address the situation in the country, including a comprehensive arms embargo, targeted sanctions against military leaders responsible for grave human rights violations, and a referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court.
“The military authorities must abide by the resolution, immediately end the violence and release arbitrarily detained prisoners. The Council should further proceed to impose a comprehensive arms embargo, including on aviation fuel, and targeted sanctions against military leaders,” said Callamard.
“This resolution should be a message to the Myanmar military that they cannot continue their grave human rights violations and attacks against civilians. The Council is watching.”
Background:
Amnesty International continues to call on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) as soon as possible, in order to begin to address the impunity which has prevailed for both the atrocities against the Rohingya and crimes committed since the February 2021 coup. The Council has only twice used its power to refer atrocity situations to the ICC (Sudan & Libya), and must now urgently refer the grievous situation in Myanmar.
Almost two years after the February 2021 military coup, over 1.4 million people are displaced inside Myanmar, more than 13,000 people are detained in inhumane conditions, at least 73 people remain on death row, and 7.8 million children are out of school.
The Myanmar military has killed more than 2,600 people since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The victims include peaceful protesters, pro-democracy activists and other civilians. The Myanmar military has flagrantly ignored calls to respect human rights, including the ASEAN five-point consensus which they agreed to implement in April 2021.
The atrocities since last year’s coup follow the brutal military campaign of crimes against humanity in 2017 that drove out more than 740,000 Rohingya from Rakhine State into Bangladesh by extrajudicial executions, arson and sexual assault. An estimated one million Rohingya refugees now live in Bangladesh, and many of their villages back in Rakhine State have been wiped from the map..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Security Council today called for the immediate end to all forms of violence in Myanmar and urged restraint, the de-escalation of tensions and the release of all prisoners.
Adopting resolution 2669 (2022) (to be issued as document S/RES/2669(2022)) by a vote of 12 in favour to none against, with 3 abstentions (China, India, Russian Federation), the 15-member organ demanded an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country and urged restraint and the de-escalation of tensions. It also urged the Myanmar military to immediately release all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
By its terms, the Council reiterated its call to uphold democratic institutions and processes and pursue constructive dialogue and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of Myanmar’s people. All parties must respect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, it urged while acknowledging the central role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in finding a peaceful solution to the crisis and encouraging the international community to support the ASEAN-led mechanism and process in this regard. It called for concrete and immediate actions to effectively and fully implement ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus — which called for an immediate cessation of violence and constructive dialogue among all parties, among other things — and requested that the Secretary-General or his Special Envoy on Myanmar provide an oral report to the organ by 15 March 2023 on the Organization’s support to that end.
Also by the text, the Council reiterated its support for the ASEAN Special Envoy’s efforts to engage intensively with all relevant parties in Myanmar with a focus on promoting fully inclusive and representative dialogue, encouraged close cooperation with the United Nations Special Envoy and urged all parties in Myanmar to work constructively with both Envoys to commence dialogue to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of that country’s people.
In reiterating the necessity for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access, the Council underlined the need for scaled-up humanitarian assistance to all people in need in Myanmar and to ensure the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel.
The Council also underscored the need to address the root causes of the crisis in Rakhine State and create the conditions necessary for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons. It encouraged diplomatic efforts between the parties concerned to help address the issues facing the Rohingya, further stressed the importance of providing continued protection and assistance to refugees and displaced persons, and decided to remain seized of the matter.
Following the adoption of the resolution, many Council members voiced their support for ASEAN with several commending the organ for its action as others voiced their concerns over the text’s nature and content.
Through this first resolution on the situation in Myanmar, the Council has responded to the calls of ASEAN leaders for support and sent a firm message to the military, the representative of the United Kingdom commended. It also sent a message to the people of Myanmar that it seeks progress in line with their rights, wishes and interests.
The Council must use this opportunity to seek additional ways to support the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus and promote accountability for the regime’s actions, the United States’ speaker encouraged. Despite being a strong next step in addressing the military regime’s egregious behaviour, the Council did not go far enough and should have directly addressed the severe violations of the freedom of religion and belief. It could have also recognized and condemned the continued sale and transfer of arms to Myanmar, widespread sexual and gender-based violence and the importance of accountability mechanisms, his colleague from Ireland added.
The representative of the Russian Federation then spotlighted proposals which were ignored by the penholders to demonstrate the counterproductiveness of unilateral restrictive measures. Council members must not destabilize the situation on the ground and undermine ASEAN’s mediation efforts, he cautioned before turning his attention to the text’s lack of balance. Given the main focus on the human rights situation in Myanmar, the Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) would have been a better discussion forum, he suggested while noting that his country did not block the resolution.
Agreeing with his fellow Council member over the text’s imbalance, China’s speaker said it would have been more appropriate to adopt a presidential statement as he explained his country’s abstention.
The complex situation in Myanmar calls for quiet, patient diplomacy, the representative of India stressed in explanation of her country’s abstention. Any other course will not help resolve outstanding issues and may even entrench the parties in inflexible positions. The Council must carefully weigh its action and consider the interests of neighbouring countries most affected by instability in Myanmar, she urged.
Also speaking today were the representatives of France, Norway, United Arab Emirates, Ghana, Ireland, Brazil, Albania, Mexico and Gabon.
The meeting began at 3:03 p.m. and ended at 3:39 p.m.
Statements
BARBARA WOODWARD (United Kingdom) pointed out that the Council resolution — the first on the situation in Myanmar — is the result of many weeks of careful consultation with that organ’s members, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other key regional partners. In February 2021, she recalled, the military overturned the results of a democratic election, seized power and plunged that country into a series of cascading humanitarian, economic and political crises. The coup has also had negative consequences for the region and its stability including by exacerbating the challenges facing the Rohingya. Through its adoption, the Council has responded to the calls of ASEAN’s leaders for the Organization to support its efforts. As the Secretary-General’s mandated briefing next March will be an important opportunity to assess developments on the ground, her Government stands ready to take further action as necessary. Today, the Council sent a firm message to the military that it expects the full implementation of this resolution and to Myanmar’s people that it seeks progress in line with their rights, wishes and interests, she said.
NATHALIE BROADHURST ESTIVAL (France), welcoming the adoption of the resolution, stressed that it was essential for the Council to express its concerns and demands towards the junta in support of Myanmar’s people and in light of the situation’s continued deterioration. The gravity of this situation requires unanimity, she said, regretting the abstentions of other members while recalling the resolution’s four main messages. Civilians, especially women and children, must stop suffering violence by that country’s security forces. France, she continued, denounces the serious violations committed by the junta against the civilian population who have been severely affected by repression. On the situation of the Rohingya, she spotlighted her country’s response and support, which included voluntary contributions to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in 2022. ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus must be a central part of the conflict’s resolution, she emphasized.
ZHANG JUN (China) pointed out that it would be more appropriate for the Council to adopt a presidential statement, noting that the tone of the text lacks balance. Therefore, China abstained, he said, stressing that there is no quick fix for the Myanmar issue and the solution to the conflict depends on Myanmar itself. The large-scale prisoner release in November by the Myanmar authorities should be recognized and encouraged, he noted, underscoring that ASEAN has a unique advantage in dealing with Myanmar-related issues. He thus encouraged the international community to listen to ASEAN’s views, support its leadership and allow the organization time and space to build consensus. Recalling that the Council unanimously issued 10 outcome documents on Myanmar in 2021, he spotlighted China’s participation and consensus. Reiterating China’s policy of friendship towards Myanmar, he expressed full support for ASEAN and the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus.
TRINE SKARBOEVIK HEIMERBACK (Norway) saying that her country voted in favour of the resolution, condemned the military coup in 2021, emphasizing that the people of Myanmar deserve sustained attention and support. She encouraged a closer collaboration between the United Nations and ASEAN in implementing the Five-Point Consensus. Commending the adoption of the resolution, she expressed regret that it was not possible to agree on a more substantial draft and recalled that Norway advocated for stronger language on the protection of children and education in armed conflict; combating sexual and gender-based violence; ending impunity; and preventing the flow of arms and financial assets of the military.
AMIERA ALHEFEITI (United Arab Emirates), welcoming today’s adoption, said that the resolution conveys an important message regarding the need to address the challenges facing the Rohingya and the crisis in Rakhine State. This is important for the whole region, especially at a time when international interest in the Rohingya is regressing. She noted, however, that the language of the resolution — despite the importance of the crisis — is insufficient, stating that her delegation hoped for stronger language that would address the scope of the challenges in Myanmar. She called for further international efforts to solve the Rohingya crisis, respond to the deteriorating humanitarian situation and create an enabling environment for the voluntary, safe, sustainable and dignified return of refugees and internally displaced persons. For its part, the United Arab Emirates will continue assisting refugees — especially women and children — and act to reduce their suffering, including through support to Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) efforts to address the conflict. She went on to welcome that the Council supported ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus, which is the most effective way to end the crisis. Underlining the importance of regional efforts, she called on the international community to support the same to achieve peace in the region.
ROBERT A. WOOD (United States) welcomed the adoption of the resolution, noting that it is a strong next step in the Council’s efforts to address the Myanmar military regime’s egregious behaviour. However, it does not go far enough, he said, adding that the Council should directly address the regime’s severe violations of freedom of religion and belief and call directly for the regime to face justice for the crimes it has reportedly committed. Moreover, the Council should not overlook the General Assembly’s resolution in support of an arms embargo and pursue a mechanism to prevent the flow of financial resources to the regime. Those measures are critical to ending the bloodshed, he added. Given those realities, the adoption of the resolution is an important start forward in the conversation within the Council on Myanmar, he said, noting that the Council must use this opportunity to seek additional ways to support implementation of the Five-Point Consensus and promote accountability for the regime’s actions.
HAROLD ADLAI AGYEMAN (Ghana) said the Council has responded to ASEAN’s call for the United Nations and other external partners to support its efforts in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. There should be no doubt that the international community expects the military junta to reverse its repressive policies and commence actions which show respect for the rule of law and the fundamental human rights of all of Myanmar’s people. Not surprisingly, the persistent overruling of the will of Myanmar’s people by the military authorities since February 2021 has only worsened the plight of that country, he pointed out. Only through dialogue can this unsustainable governance situation — which has created insecurity in the country and beyond with widespread humanitarian consequences — be resolved. As such, State authorities should embrace the efforts of ASEAN, the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy and other stakeholders to bring this crisis to an end, he encouraged.
FERGAL TOMAS MYTHEN (Ireland) reiterating that the Council’s actions in response to the violence in Myanmar have been inadequate, suggested that the Council should have convened an open briefing. Noting that Ireland voted in favour of the resolutions to combat the cycle of violence, he outlined that the Council could have recognized and condemned the continued sale and transfer of arms to Myanmar, the widespread sexual and gender violence and violations against children, and the importance of the accountability mechanisms, such as the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Further, it could have directly called on the military to stop its assault on the people of Myanmar. Spotlighting that the resolution is a pivotal moment in the Council’s response, he urged it to maintain a dedicated focus on the situation.
RONALDO COSTA FILHO (Brazil), spotlighting the difficulty in achieving a Council reaction to ongoing developments in Myanmar, welcomed the positive engagement of all Council members that has finally allowed the organ to speak on the situation in that country. Further, he welcomed the inclusive, transparent manner with which the United Kingdom conducted negotiations and allowed the Council to arrive at the text adopted today. Adding that Brazil has always stressed the need for the international response to the situation in Myanmar to take its lead from ASEAN, he welcomed that the Association was involved and consulted throughout the process.
FERIT HOXHA (Albania) said the milestone text should go a long way to support the basic aspirations of the Myanmar people denied by the brutal military coup. “It was about time that the Council did its part,” he underscored, noting that the decision shows the Council’s ability to respond to the growing calls for support in Myanmar in finding a peaceful solution to the deep crisis in the country. With today’s result, the Council has responded to ASEAN leaders and has made the right choice to stand with the Myanmar people. He welcomed the focus on the plight of the Rohyinga, emphasizing that they must not be forgotten. He commended the work of the United Kingdom as file sponsor for producing a balanced, yet important text. He called on all relevant parties to support the full implementation of the Five-Point Consensus from ASEAN and ensure accountability for crimes committed.
LUIS GERARDO ELIZONDO BELDEN (Mexico), noting that his delegation voted in favour of the resolution, highlighted its focus on cessation of violence, respect for human rights and the need for an inclusive dialogue. The text calls for safe and unhindered humanitarian access, he said, adding that it also underscores the need to protect the civilian population, in particular women, children and minorities. It also stresses the need to establish the right conditions for the voluntary and dignified return to Myanmar of refugees. However, he noted that his delegation would have preferred that the text also include references to the importance of preventing the flow of weapons.
MICHEL XAVIER BIANG (Gabon) stressed that his country’s vote was a message of solidarity with Myanmar’s people against violence targeting that country’s civilian population and an appeal to resolve the Rohingya crisis. It is also a message in support of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus and the humanitarian response. Gabon, he pledged, will continue to support the search for a solution based on dialogue and encourage the preference for a regional approach with ASEAN taking on a leading role.
VASSILY A. NEBENZIA (Russian Federation) saying that his country abstained from voting, noted that the situation in Myanmar does not represent a threat to international peace and security. Pointing out that the text mainly focused on the human rights situation, he suggested that the Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) would be a better discussion forum. Expressing dissatisfaction with the work of the penholders, who did not strive to agree on a balanced text, he pointed to proposals that were ignored as an indication of the counter productiveness of unilateral restrictive matters. While recognizing that States can have different opinions about the policies of the military Government, he stressed that Council members should not destabilize the situation on the ground and undermine ASEAN’s mediation efforts. Urging all Myanmar political forces to show restraint, he pointed out that the Myanmar military has confirmed its commitment to the Constitutional provisions that establish the timeframe for the state of emergency, with a view towards holding parliamentary elections in 2023. Noting that the resolution is not consensus-based, he said that the Russian Federation decided not to block it, recalling that the only topic on the Council’s agenda on Myanmar should be the situation in Rakhine State.
RUCHIRA KAMBOJ (India), Council President for December, spoke in her national capacity to point out that her country shares a long border with Myanmar, along with historic and cultural links with its people. Therefore, any instability in that country directly impacts India, and resolving the current crisis is matter of national security. The welfare of Myanmar’s people remains India’s priority, and she said that the complex situation in Myanmar calls for quiet, patient diplomacy. Any other course will not help resolve outstanding issues and, under the current circumstances, a Council resolution may entrench the parties in inflexible positions — rather than encourage them to pursue inclusive political dialogue. She called on all parties to immediately cease hostilities, abandon extreme positions and initiate an inclusive political dialogue to restore democracy. On that point, she stressed that political leaders should be released and allowed to resume political activities. Adding that it is important to carefully weigh Council action, she urged the organ to consider the interests of neighbouring countries, who will be most affected by instability in Myanmar. In view of these concerns, her delegation abstained from the vote, she said..."
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"Bi-lateral pressure needed on India and Pakistan over arms sales.
Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the passing of the first ever UN Security Council Resolution on Burma as a significant moment symbolically, but warned that as it fails to deliver any practical action, it will have no practical impact.
The Resolution passed with 12 countries in favour and Russia, China and India abstaining.
Democracy and human rights activists from Burma have been calling for a UN Security Council Resolution on Burma for more than 17 years. However, the Resolution has been watered down to the point where it will have absolutely no practical impact on the ground. Instead, it must be seen as a stepping-stone towards further practical action by the UN Security Council.
“The imposition of a global arms embargo should have been a no-brainer first step by the UN Security Council, but the supply of arms doesn’t even get a mention in the Resolution,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Russia, China and India are using their seats on the Security Council to protect their profitable dodgy arms deals with the Burmese military.”
UN Security Council Members which support a global arms embargo but failed to get it passed by the UN Security Council must now step up and coordinate pressure on countries supplying arms, starting with India and Pakistan.
The new Resolution calls for the release of political prisoners, implementation of the weak and already failed ASEAN five-point consensus, and an end to violence.
Three UN Security Council members, Russia, India and China are actively arming the Burmese military while the USA, which voted in favour of the Resolution, is still allowing American companies to fund and work for the Burmese military and their businesses, including Chevron, Apple, and Google. Chevron is linked to gas revenue payments to the military and the delivery of aviation fuel.
The Resolution also takes no action to address numerous violations of international law by the Burmese military, including genocide of the Rohingya.
“As the lead country on Burma at the UN Security Council the British government must urgently convene a meeting on Burma’s non-compliance with provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice to prevent ongoing genocide of the Rohingya,” said Mark Farmaner. “The ICJ is a UN Court and it’s the responsibility of the UN Security Council to ensures its rulings are followed. The Security Council failed to act to prevent genocide of the Rohingya, failed to make a referral to the International Criminal Court and is now failing to ensure measures to prevent ongoing genocide are implemented.”
The campaign for UN Security Council action on Burma was launched in September 2005 with the publication of a report, Threat to the Peace, commissioned from DLA Piper by former Czech President Vaclav Havel and Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The legal study found that the situation in Burma met the definition of a threat to international peace and security and that the UN Security Council has an obligation to intervene.
In September 2006 the UN Security Council voted to place Burma on its agenda. Veto power does not apply to placing items on the agenda, instead nine votes are required. Ten countries voted in favour with Russia, China, Qatar and Democratic Republic of Conger (DRC) voting against.
In January 2007 Russia and China vetoed a non-binding resolution calling for dialogue and reconciliation. South Africa also voted against the resolution.
The British government, as the lead country (penholder) on Burma at the UN Security Council, ensured that Burma remained on the UN Security Council agenda since then. Whilst there have been various statements over the years, they have been watered down so significantly to achieve consensus that they bore very little reality to the serious crisis situation on the ground and had no practical impact.
For decades the UN Security Council has completely failed in its legal mandated responsibilities towards Burma, allowing ongoing violations of international law, including ongoing genocide, violations of Burma’s treaty obligations, and conflict and violations of international humanitarian law, leading to ongoing regional instability. The new Resolution continues that record of failure.
“When people in Burma look at this Resolution, they will wonder why the UN Security Council bothered,” said Mark Farmaner. “At the United Nations it might be seen as a diplomatic coup to get this resolution passed but in Burma it will have no impact for people living under a military coup.”..."
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First Such Resolution Recognizes People’s Brave Calls for Democracy
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"(New York) – The United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution on December 21, 2022, denouncing the Myanmar military’s rights violations since the February 1, 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said today. The landmark resolution, passed with 12 yes votes and 3 abstentions, reflects the Myanmar junta’s growing isolation generated by security force abuses amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
It is the first Security Council resolution on Myanmar since the country, formerly known as Burma, acquired independence from Britain in 1948.
“The Security Council resolution is a momentous step on behalf of the people of Myanmar, opening the door toward holding Myanmar’s brutal generals to account,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The resolution should bring renewed scrutiny to the junta’s daily atrocities and recognition of the Myanmar people’s brave efforts toward democracy and freedom.”
The resolution, which the United Kingdom drafted under the UN Charter’s Chapter VI concerning “pacific settlement of disputes,” expresses deep concern at the “ongoing state of emergency imposed by the military in Myanmar on 1 February 2021 and its grave impact on the people of Myanmar.” It condemns the military’s execution of pro-democracy activists, urges the military to “immediately release all arbitrarily detained prisoners,” and demands an “immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country.”
The resolution includes numerous references to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which adopted a “five-point consensus” in April 2021 in response to the Myanmar coup. Junta chief Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has since defied each point of the consensus while exploiting the international community’s deference to the regional bloc, Human Rights Watch said. The secretary-general or his special envoy on Myanmar is tasked with reporting orally by March 15, 2023, to the Security Council on UN support for implementation of the five-point consensus.
All Security Council members voted for the resolution, except for China, India, and Russia, which abstained.
The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses since the coup – including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians – amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. Security forces have killed over 2,600 people and arbitrarily arrested over 16,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
The military has expanded abusive operations in ethnic minority areas, displacing more than one million people, and deliberately blocked humanitarian assistance from reaching populations in need as a form of collective punishment. The resolution calls for “full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access,” expressing deep concern at the “increasingly large numbers of internally displaced persons and dramatic increase in humanitarian need.”
Activists in Myanmar have pressed for a Security Council resolution on the country for decades. China and Russia vetoed a 2007 draft condemning the then-military government’s attacks on civilians and detention of political prisoners. Calls for a resolution by UN experts, human rights groups, and others in response to the atrocities against the Rohingya in 2017 went unanswered. This was largely due to China and Russia’s resistance, but also concerns on the part of Western governments of alienating the now-ousted civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in military custody since the coup.
The Security Council has issued statements of condemnation on Myanmar in the past and received numerous briefings from UN experts and the secretary-general. Under resolutions of the Security Council Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict, the council has debated reports on abuses against children in Myanmar. This resolution represents a significant escalation of the council’s engagement on Myanmar and offers a basis for sustained future monitoring of the situation in the country, Human Rights Watch said.
This first-step resolution should be followed by close monitoring and reporting on the junta’s compliance and further action by the council. Human Rights Watch has long called on the Security Council to impose a global arms embargo, refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court, and impose targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies. The initial draft of the resolution called for an immediate end to arms sales to Myanmar, which was later removed.
“China and Russia’s abstentions signal that even the junta’s few friends have lost interest in sticking out their necks to defend its atrocities,” said Louis Charbonneau, UN director at Human Rights Watch. “The building blocks put in place with this resolution offer a starting point for reinvigorating pressure on the junta among Security Council members and governments across the globe.”..."
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"Please see below statement from Refugees International Deputy Director for Africa, Asia, and the Middle East Daniel P. Sullivan:
“An alarming number of Rohingya refugees have been marooned at sea in recent weeks. Urgent action is needed to address the drivers behind these dangerous voyages and to save those still adrift.
This month, at least three boats, each carrying more than 100 Rohingya from Myanmar or the refugee camps in Bangladesh, have spent weeks abandoned at sea. At least one boat remains at adrift. Yet regional governments have been slow to respond, and, even when saved, the refugees have been faced with detention or return to the genocidal regime that caused them to flee their homeland in the first place.
The recent surge of dangerous sea voyages evokes memories of the May 2015 Andaman Sea crisis, during which some 3,000 Rohingya and Bangladeshis were abandoned by human smugglers. That crisis resulted in several pledges and proposals that could have avoided the current crisis, including setting up a regional task force and trust fund for mixed movements of refugees and migrants and agreeing to predetermined safe disembarkation points. Yet, the current response has largely only repeated the past.
The drivers behind these desperate voyages must be addressed, both through enhanced coordinated global pressure on Myanmar’s military junta and through measures to empower Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh through improved protection and access to education and livelihood opportunities.
But the most immediate need is for regional governments, including India, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand to live up to their obligations to save those stranded at sea and to avoid moves like repatriation or detention that will only place vulnerable people in further danger.”
Refugees International recently released a report covering the dire conditions in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh and recommending solutions. An earlier report following the May 2015 boat crisis highlighted the dangerous sea journeys and included recommendations for addressing them.
For more information or to schedule an interview, please contact Refugees International’s Vice President for Strategic Outreach Sarah Sheffer at [email protected]..."
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2022-12-20
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"The Myanmar military has started its preparations for conducting the next general election in 2023. A pertinent question for the current political crisis is what will be the future of Myanmar’s political system in 2023 and thereafter? Since the military takeover, the opposition forces under the National United Government (NUG) view themselves as an alternative to military rule. Even the EAOs have felt alienated from the political process and have stepped up their efforts at expanding administrative and judicial control. The lack of requisite representation in the political system dominated by the Bamar majority and the slow progress of peace conferences have dwindled EAO’s faith in the National League for Democracy (the ruling party since 2015) and the military. While, on the one hand, the EAOs are demanding a federal structure, the military is for a strong centre. On the other hand, the Arakan Army in the Rakhine State is demanding a confederation.
Questions are being raised about the legitimacy and authority of the National Unity Government and the military. While NUG is being questioned for its acceptability and recognition in the current situation, the military is being questioned for its violent repression and its legitimacy for governance. The third alternative to this is the rise of EAOs, which might eventually lead to a scenario of Myanmar’s Balkanisation.
The country is facing severe economic crises, compounded by COVID-19 and the military coup. The currency has depreciated, and the foreign investments are at their lowest. Unemployment has risen in the country and there are supply-demand mismatches of goods and services. Refugees from Myanmar have increased in neighbouring countries, especially in Thailand and India, and the number of people displaced internally has reached around 1.5 million. The issue of drug trafficking and money laundering has also intensified in these unstable times.
The international sanctions imposed immediately after the military take-over has somehow failed to change the course of the military. The sanction regimes have never really been effective in Myanmar. However, China and Russia continue to deal with the military, and China has gone to the extent of calling the military the legitimate government and the coup as a mere “cabinet reshuffle”. ASEAN, since April 2021, with its Five-Point Consensus, has tried to resolve the issue through negotiations and also appointed a Special Envoy for the purpose. Cambodia has held the chair of ASEAN for 2022, and the Special Envoy visited the country twice to further negotiate with the military and ensure the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. For 2023, Indonesia will be the chair, and there are renewed hopes for a settlement between all stakeholders. However, the change in the policy of calling a non-political representative of Myanmar to ASEAN meetings has created a rift between ASEAN and the military. On the other hand, India is watching the situation as it does not want to sever ties with either the military or the civilian representatives. The situation in Myanmar is vital for India’s economic and security needs, and therefore the visits by the Foreign Secretary in 2021 and 2022 were significant for addressing India’s border management and security concerns.
In this background, the possible scenario for 2023 is that Myanmar could be heading towards either a fractured democracy or eventually towards Balkanisation. The key drivers shaping this scenario in the following years are military’s capabilities to sustain itself, NUG’s effectiveness and functionality, continuous protests and demonstrations along with increasing attacks on both sides, alienation among Ethnic minorities and the Bamar majority and finally, a worsening economic crisis. However, there are key uncertainties to watch out for in 2023. The military’s repressive and violent tactics like air strikes and executing a number of protestors could lead to its eventual decline as there are increasing defections in the military ranks. Further many countries, especially ASEAN members, are raising their concerns for Myanmar military’s non-conformity to the Five-Point Consensus. There are also fears about whether NUG will stay united in these turbulent times and gain increased legitimacy despite suppression by the military. On the other hand, the strengthening of EAOs could lead to a fractured democracy as many are expanding their administrative and judicial presence in their regions. And finally, there is also uncertainty with regard to the effectiveness of sanctions as countries like the United States, Europe, and Canada which have imposed fresh round of sanctions.
The key indicators to look out for in the year 2023 are the upcoming elections promised by the military, the continued casualties and human rights violations, cases against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other important political prisoners, economic and social implications and finally, the international reactions. Here, important partners especially bordering countries, China, Thailand and India, will likely play key roles. In addition, Russia, with its closer ties with Myanmar since the military coup, will be an important area of interest in 2023. The upcoming scenario will have implications for India, as a neighbouring country, as any instability or fractured democracy in the country will impact the northeast region. There is likely to be a further rise in the incidences of the cross-border supply of arms and drugs and influx of refugees to India.
However, one can also predict that the military might eventually postpone the elections to further cement their control. This extended time will also give space for the NUG and the other opposition forces, such as EAOs, to expand their presence. As the NUG is reaching out to international powers and setting up representative offices in some countries, the latest one being in Washington DC, its recognition and presence worldwide will have implications on its legitimacy and acceptability. There is also a possibility that the elections could take place without the participation of either NUG or many EAOs, and the military could take over the governance via its proxy party, USDP. While the military in Myanmar continues to be an important stakeholder, it is also vital that the military takes on board all the other stakeholders to work towards a stable democracy in Myanmar. The year 2023, therefore, will be a very significant due to likely scenarios that might unfold in Myanmar and their impact on South Asia as well as Southeast Asia.
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Vivekananda International Foundation
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2022-12-16
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"15 December 2022: The International Criminal Court (ICC) can and must end the Myanmar military’s impunity urgently, said the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Human rights atrocities in Myanmar, which have continued to escalate throughout 2022, will persist until and unless the military is held accountable. A new briefing paper on Myanmar and the ICC was published today by SAC-M.
“The human rights situation in Myanmar deteriorated even further this year,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Min Aung Hlaing and his generals will continue inflicting atrocities on the people of Myanmar until they are stopped. The international community must do everything possible to bring them to justice at the ICC.”
The briefing paper, Myanmar and the International Criminal Court, published by SAC-M, gives a short explanation of the ICC, the ways in which the ICC gains jurisdiction over crimes in different countries, and how the ICC investigates crimes and prosecutes individuals.
The paper concludes that the ICC has jurisdiction in relation to Myanmar as a whole, dating back to 2002, and that the international community has a responsibility to ensure that the leaders of the Myanmar military are prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes without further delay.
“We have been calling for Min Aung Hlaing and his generals to be prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes since 2018, when the UN Fact-Finding Mission completed its examination of the military’s violations in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan States,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Because of a legal declaration by Myanmar’s National Unity Government, the ICC has jurisdiction over genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Myanmar. The international system, including the ICC, cannot let another year slip by without justice for Myanmar.”
In 2019, the ICC opened an investigation into crimes relating to the forced deportation of the Rohingya from Myanmar’s Rakhine State. However, the investigation is limited to only those crimes with a cross-border element. So, it does not cover the full extent of the alleged crimes perpetrated against the Rohingya, including genocide.
SAC-M’s briefing paper explains the legal grounds for the ICC’s investigation to extend to all crimes perpetrated by the military against the Rohingya, and also to all crimes in the Rome Statute perpetrated against civilians throughout Myanmar since 2002. They include crimes perpetrated for many years against ethnic minorities throughout the country, and crimes perpetrated against civilians more broadly and particularly following the attempted coup of February 2021.
“Why are the victims of Myanmar’s barbaric military being forced to wait when there are routes to justice available now?” Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M asked. “The ICC was established to hold to account those individuals accused of the gravest crimes. If the ICC cannot act now to hold the leaders of the Myanmar military to account, then it has lost its way.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
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2022-12-15
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Myanmar Now asked American scholar Dr Zachary Abuza whether the BURMA Act can finally begin to provide the help that Myanmar’s people need
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"New legislation passed by the US House of Representatives (US House) last week—known as the BURMA (Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability) Act—could compel significant changes in US policy towards Myanmar. The legislation, in the form of amendments to the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), is expected to become law within weeks after passing by a floor vote in the US Senate.
Although US lawmakers have referred to the NDAA amendments discussed in this interview as the “BURMA Act,” they differ in some respects from a 2021 bill introduced in the US House under the same name. The earlier bill passed in the lower legislative chamber but was never brought to a vote in the upper chamber—the US Senate—and did not become law.
The newly passed and amended BURMA Act within the NDAA purportedly serves as a green light for the US government to impose sanctions against Myanmar’s coup regime and the individuals or entities that abet its atrocities. It also authorises “non-lethal assistance” to the publicly mandated, civilian National Unity Government (NUG) and other opposition and resistance groups in Myanmar. This assistance does not include arms.
Myanmar Now recently discussed this legislation with Dr Zachary Abuza, a Southeast Asian politics and security issues expert at the National War College in Washington, DC.
While acknowledging the bill’s importance, Prof Abuza criticised the delayed response of the US and other democratic governments to Myanmar’s urgent humanitarian crisis following the 2021 coup. He outlined further international action he deemed necessary to deter atrocities in the country and support resistance groups in Myanmar, and offered an explanation for the US government’s ongoing refusal to supply weapons to the junta’s opponents.
Myanmar Now: The BURMA Act of 2022 has been added to the NDAA and was passed by the US House on December 8. Could you please explain its significance for US policy towards Myanmar/Burma?
Prof. Zachary Abuza: The BURMA Act of 2022 was included in the FY23 [Fiscal Year 2023] National Defense Authorization Act that the House of Representatives passed on December 6. Often these large spending bills have other pieces of legislation tacked on, especially if they are meant to pressure the executive branch to take some action that Congress wants. This year’s NDAA also included the Taiwan Enhanced Resilience Act.
In the 2022 NDAA, Congress expressed their displeasure with the Biden Administration’s policies on the Myanmar junta, considering them insufficient. The 2022 legislation called on the administration to step up their contact and relations with the NUG. We saw clear evidence of that. The NUG was represented on the sidelines of the US–ASEAN Summit; there were several high-level engagements between the National Security Council and Department of State with the NUG. In late 2022, the US allowed the NUG to open a representative office in Washington, DC to support their lobbying and coordination efforts. Perhaps the administration would have done those things on its own, but when Congress puts it into the one spending bill that is passed without exception every year, it does force the administration’s hands.
Let me be clear, even if the Biden administration does everything Congress calls on it to do in this year’s NDAA, it is insufficient to bring about the downfall of the [junta]. There is much more the US government can and should do to support the NUG, which Washington acknowledges is the lawful and legitimate government representing the people of Myanmar.
MN: The BURMA Act explicitly states that the US will provide technical support and non-lethal assistance to ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), and pro-democracy organisations ‘to strengthen communication and command and control’ as well as the coordination of international relief. Do you think that this constitutes a major US policy change? Could you unpack the term ‘non-lethal assistance’ and how that assistance could affect the armed resistance?
ZA: This is an important development. While I have long argued that the US government should be supplying lethal assistance to the NUG, it is not going to happen for four key reasons: First, Myanmar is not a national security priority for the US and you find no senior leader justifying our policy in terms of US national interests. Second, there is concern over who and what components would get the weapons, especially considering that many EAOs are involved in the burgeoning illicit narcotics market. The US government is terrified of the scandal should US weapons find their way into the hands of EAOs who are deeply involved in the production and sale of synthetic drugs. Third, the US stockpiles of arms and ammunition are being depleted by Ukraine, which the US has deemed in its national interest to support. Fourth, the actual issue of logistics of providing weapons is a challenge given that Thailand, China, India, and Bangladesh would not support it.
In sum, while I believe the NUG deserves lethal assistance, there are no strong advocates of providing them with arms within the administration. Thus, I have strongly advocated for the provision of non-lethal assistance, including encrypted communications devices, battlefield medicine, intelligence support including provision of commercially available (though expensive) satellite imagery, intelligence sharing, and training. Most importantly, the US could step up their support for the NUG’s civil administration, including public health, education and rule of law/policing. Finally, the US government could provide monetary assistance to the NGOs that facilitate the defection of military forces and provide them with subsistence funds.
“While I believe the NUG deserves lethal assistance, there are no strong advocates of providing them with arms within the administration. ”
All of this is possible, and some is even in the works. But again, there are logistical challenges to this. America’s treaty ally Thailand continues to support the [junta] and prevent large scale humanitarian access to the border. The US, itself, needs a permanent representative to the NUG. This would be all the more important because the US has announced that it is downgrading diplomatic ties with the [junta], by not replacing the prematurely departing US ambassador. But Washington really needs a point person to be a liaison with the NUG and coordinate the delivery of non-lethal assistance.
MN: Given the untold atrocities the people of Myanmar have been subjected to for almost two years, do you think that the US’s BURMA Act has come too late? The people of the country have long hoped for decisive assistance from the US to deter the reckless atrocities of the junta: do you think that the BURMA Act can fulfil that hope?
ZA: Yes, the US BURMA Act is way too little, too late, given the atrocities and human rights abuses suffered by the people of Myanmar across the country on a daily basis. The military intentionally uses war crimes as part of their military doctrine. The Four Cuts strategy is designed to terrorise the population into submission. Their reliance on indiscriminate artillery and air assaults are designed to target civilian populations. The military’s arson attacks have burnt down nearly 40,000 homes since the coup. Four people have been executed and 138 have been sentenced to death; nearly 150 have died in [junta] custody, tortured to death. Meanwhile the regime has driven the economy into the ground with their sheer incompetence, eviscerating over a decade of sustained economic growth.
The people of Myanmar deserve so much more from the US, the European Union and other democratic countries such as Japan, South Korea and Australia. There is much more that these countries can do to step up concerted economic pressure on the military regime. The sanctions regime right now is simply too piecemeal, and states like China, Russia, and India are able to violate them. While the BURMA Act spells out what the next round of sanctions should be, the act does not compel the [Biden] administration to begin sanctioning the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. The decisions to impose sanctions remain the prerogative of the Administration.
“Despite all odds, every day the people of Myanmar protest the junta, make donations to the NUG, or pick up arms to fight in PDFs, all to restore their democracy. That sustained courage and commitment should be supported.”
When Ko Jimmy, Phyo Zeya Thaw, and two others were executed [in July], it was the perfect opportunity for the international community to step up sanctions. They failed dismally. If the Biden administration is serious about advancing democracy and standing up to China’s authoritarian system that it seeks to expand throughout the world, then there is no better place for Washington to start than in Myanmar. Despite all odds, every day the people of Myanmar protest the junta, make donations to the NUG, or pick up arms to fight in PDFs, all to restore their democracy. That sustained courage and commitment should be supported.
MN: While the BURMA Act states support for amending Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution—codifying a requirement that the military exist under a civilian government and no longer hold 25 percent of parliamentary seats—the Act did not mention the Federal Charter adopted by National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC). What are your thoughts on this? Are the US lawmakers’ expectations for amendments to the 2008 Constitution still realistic? How could this materialise, given the drastically altered political landscape?
ZA: The BURMA Act stated its desire for the amendment of the 2008 Constitution, unequivocally stating that the military has to be under the civilian government and it would no longer control 25 percent of seats in all parliaments. This is a well-meaning statement, but simplistic, as facts have changed on the ground. There will be no amendment to the 2008 constitution. It needs to be scrapped.
At the same time, the BURMA Act didn’t reference the NUCC’s Federal Charter. This was a mistake, but also an understandable one. The situation in Myanmar is very complex, there are a multitude of actors and processes. Myanmar is a very low priority for Congress, despite some interest on the part of some members. It is unrealistic to expect them to have a deep and nuanced understanding. Again, having an official liaison with the NUG who regularly briefed Congress would help. Now to be fair, I don’t think that the NUG has done a great job in educating their foreign interlocutors about the Federal Charter, and, from my vantage point, there has been insufficient progress in the constitutional convention. This is another area where the US and other western countries could provide significant legal expertise and support..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-15
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun discusses the UN’s response to his country’s crisis.
Description:
"Kyaw Moe Tun, Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, will continue to serve as his country’s permanent representative to the international body in New York for another year, a position he has held since 2020. The United Nations General Assembly Credentials Committee decided to uphold his status at a meeting on Monday, though a formal announcement has yet to be made.
Myanmar’s military junta, which seized power from the elected government in a February 2021 coup, opposes the move. Its information team said in a comment on the instant-messaging software app Viber on Wednesday that Kyaw Moe Tun had been fired from his position because of his treason against the government. The junta also said he represented “terrorist groups,” such as Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, its armed wing the People’s Defense Force, and the Burmese legislative body in exile.
Kyaw Moe Tun, who does not represent the military regime, has spoken out against the junta for its attacks on and arrests of anti-regime protesters and ordinary citizens. The Burmese diplomat spoke with reporter Khin Ei Ei of Radio Free Asia’s Burmese service about his reappointment and the U.N.’s response to the violence and rights violations in Myanmar. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
RFA: If you are appointed to the same position as the permanent representative for another year, do you see more opportunities for you to work on trying to resolve the crisis in Myanmar?
Kyaw Moe Tun: I believe that I will be able to continue striving for the good of our people and our country within the boundary of a permanent representative as usual. I do believe that I will be able to educate the international community more about the problems and issues that Myanmar people are facing and do as much as I can for them in any possible way. Like I said earlier, I am going to work for the good of the people in accordance with the values in the charter, and I believe that since I am working for the righteous desire of Myanmar people, I will be able to do more and achieve more for them.
RFA: There has been criticism that the U.N. merely issues statements expressing concern about the crisis in Myanmar without taking any effective action to help the people there. Do you see any possibility that the U.N. could give more help and assistance to the citizens of Myanmar?
Kyaw Moe Tun: The Myanmar people are suffering, physically and mentally. Over 2,500 or nearly 2,600 innocent civilians have been lawlessly tortured and killed by the military junta, and a large number of people have been detained and imprisoned. Over 16,000 people have been arrested. The number of civilians who had to flee their homes for safety has been constantly rising, up to over 1.4 million so far. About 14 million Myanmar people have been facing the problem of scarcity of food according to U.N. data. That’s why, we, the Myanmar people, both local and foreign, the National Unity Government, and other organizations have been vocal about everyday challenges such as losing lives, insufficient food and various problems.
In the same way, on the New York front, we are telling the international community about the situation in Myanmar in many different ways. However, as the Myanmar people are saying, the international community, including the United Nations have not taken decisive action, as we have called for, so far. But in the way of multilateralism, some decisions can be made within a day, but others take days or longer.
In November, the Third Committee of the U.N. General Assembly submitted a draft resolution on Myanmar titled “Human Rights Situation of Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar.” In that draft resolution, there are expressions that reflect the current happenings in Myanmar, although it does not cover the entire picture. The resolution was agreed to among the member countries. Also, the members of the United Nations Security Council, especially the U.K., have been working on a draft proposal for Myanmar since August, and it is close to being passed. We hear that the member countries are discussing the resolution. These are the progress.
If a resolution for Myanmar is passed in the U.N. Security Council, it is going to highlight the atrocities that the military junta is committing against innocent Myanmar people and put new pressure on the junta in some ways. That’s why I would like to request that the members of the Security Council listen carefully to the voice of the Myanmar people, to take their true aspirations and their troubles into consideration, and make decisions that will enable decisive and effective actions for their vulnerable situation.
RFA: The U.N.’s office in Yangon has suggested that the U.N. should cooperate with the military junta to help the people? What do you think of this?
Kyaw Moe Tun: The U.N. agencies in Myanmar are trying in many different ways to carry out their tasks, especially to provide effective humanitarian help to the people. What we always point out is that although we support them in giving humanitarian assistance to our people, the help should get to the actual people who are in desperate need of it. But we do not support the help that goes to those who are close to the military junta. Humanitarian help should indiscriminately reach all unfortunate people who are in need of it.
That’s why we have always suggested that the U.N. needs to connect and work with all parties involved in order to provide humanitarian assistance directly to the people who actually need it. All parties means all organizations, including the National Unity Government, ethnic revolutionary organizations, NGOs and social help groups and those on the front lines of the incidents. We always point out that these groups need to be helped indifferently and fairly with complete transparency. That’s why we continue to urge the U.N. agencies in Myanmar to listen to our suggestions and help the people only in the ways we have suggested and to reach out to those really in need and provide humanitarian assistance as soon as possible.
RFA: What can you say about the degree of recognition that the shadow National Unity Government has achieved from the international community, including the United Nations, and their relations?
Kyaw Moe Tun: If we look back on the NUG and our revolution, we started building from the ground up and after 22 months [following the military coup], the role of the NUG, ethnic revolutionary organizations, and those who are shaping the people’s revolution has become more and more crucial. This is an undeniable fact. That’s why we can’t look at the United Nations alone, which can have some delays in its decisions and actions as it is a multilateral organization that needs to take every member into account.
As Thomas Andrew, the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said, actions like coordinated and targeted sanctions are necessary because it takes a long time and effort for the U.N. to reach a common decision. Similarly, member countries have not yet come to a common decision on the crisis in Myanmar because of different opinions. It will take a certain length of time. Although some countries have not been publicly recognized, we have seen many of them connecting and working with the NUG and urging other members to do the same. That’s why, we can see the progress in the role of the NUG in the last 20 months and now. With this progress, I would like to request all members to continue and extend help together for the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-14
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Neither the EU nor ASEAN can deal with the crisis in Myanmar alone, but together they can make a difference.
Description:
"On December 14, leaders of European Union member states are meeting in Brussels with leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) – with one exception. Myanmar is unrepresented. Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, who heads the junta put in power in Myanmar after a February 2021 military coup against a democratically elected government, was not invited.
Min Aung Hlaing and his junta security forces are responsible for countless atrocities against the opposition and ethnic minority groups amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes. The authorities have executed political prisoners, unlawfully killed hundreds of protesters and bystanders, and detained more than 13,000 people. The military has bombed and shelled civilians and their villages and sharply increased the use of banned antipersonnel landmines. Since the coup, the junta has effectively been at war with its own people.
The EU has imposed several rounds of sanctions on both Min Aung Hlaing and his leadership, as well as on lucrative military-controlled conglomerates and companies that provide the military with revenues it needs to maintain its rule and carry out abuses.
But so far, the impacts of EU sanctions have been limited.
Why? Because other governments, notably the U.S. and U.K., haven’t coordinated closely enough or matched the EU’s stronger sanctions – in particular, on the military’s natural gas revenues and banks that process foreign payments for the extractive sector. Absent better coordination with the U.S. and other governments, EU sanctions simply cannot impose enough economic pain on the junta to compel the military to change its conduct.
The EU’s foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, acknowledged in July that “bolder and stronger attitudes” were needed and that the international community “must continue to put all its economic and political forces under pressure on this junta…we must continue to apply pressure. It is the only possible way out of this conflict.”
EU leaders have been supportive of tougher action. The EU imposed a new round of sanctions in November. The U.S. imposed a small sanctions package at the same time, but has still not matched stronger and far more important sanctions the EU imposed in February.
Regrettably, however, some EU leaders – including most recently French President Emmanuel Macron – are still placing primary responsibility on ASEAN to take the diplomatic lead on actually negotiating with the military and resolving the crisis.
But neither the EU nor ASEAN can deal with the crisis in Myanmar alone.
In April 2021, ASEAN did manage to negotiate a five-point consensus with the Myanmar military, meant to lead to dialogue and de-escalation. But the military repudiated it within days and the abuses only increased. ASEAN leaders later barred Myanmar military leaders from ASEAN meetings and in 2022 began to criticize the junta more.
After the junta executed four pro-democracy activists in July, Malaysia’s foreign minister called the executions a “mockery” of promises to ASEAN, and in September its prime minister told the U.N. General Assembly that “the ASEAN ‘Five-Point Consensus’ cannot continue any longer.”
An October European Parliament resolution reflected a similar conclusion and called on ASEAN to take new approaches. It also urged the EU to adopt tougher sanctions and redouble coordination with ASEAN and other concerned governments on pressuring the military.
EU and ASEAN leaders should work to reach a new agreement for stronger cooperation on the Myanmar crisis. And ASEAN leaders should show support for sanctions – even if it must be privately – and urge the EU to press the U.S. to match EU sanctions.
For its part, the EU should urge ASEAN members to cooperate in enforcing sanctions in ASEAN jurisdictions. While U.S. and EU law obviously do not apply in ASEAN countries, it does apply to U.S. dollar and euro transactions in the international banking system, which utilize correspondent banks in the U.S. and EU. Sanctions, if they’re properly enforced, could apply to hundreds of millions of dollars the junta regularly receives for natural gas and other extractives, much of which comes from or is deposited into banks in ASEAN countries.
The EU – and any and all ASEAN governments that are willing – should in particular urge Thailand, an ASEAN member that purchases gas from Myanmar, and Singapore, where the military has bank accounts used to receive these funds, to agree to help enforce sanctions.
The EU should also urge ASEAN to consider suspending Myanmar from ASEAN.
The EU and ASEAN leaders should signal agreement on the need for a U.N. Security Council resolution imposing a global arms embargo on Myanmar, which purchases weapons from both China and Russia. Even if a resolution cannot overcome a Security Council veto, debate on the subject will further isolate the junta and help inspire tighter embargoes by individual governments and regional blocs.
New actions by the EU, ASEAN, the U.S., and other concerned governments need to be smart, strong, sustained, and coordinated. Myanmar’s generals are not going to change their conduct unless the cumulative cost of their refusal to do so grows too great to bear..."
Source/publisher:
The Diplomat (Tokyo) via Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-13
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"Decision to overturn stay on deportation of 114 people to Myanmar risks their safety
Return people to violent situations violates Malaysia’s human rights commitments
‘We strongly urge the Government to reconsider its plan and halt any decision to send people back to a violent and dangerous situation’ - Katrina Jorene Maliamauv and Tham Hui Ying
In response to today’s decision by the Kuala Lumpur High Court, Malaysia to lift the stay of deportation of 114 people to Myanmar, Katrina Jorene Maliamauv, Executive Director of Amnesty International Malaysia and Tham Hui Ying, Executive Director of Asylum Access Malaysia, said:
“This court decision demonstrates how despite an international outcry, calls to halt the forcible return of people from Myanmar continue to be ignored. The Government is determined to deport people instead of finding solutions that safeguard the rights and security of people from Myanmar.
“Despite today’s lifting of the stay of deportation, we strongly urge the Government to reconsider its plan and halt any decision to send people back to a violent and dangerous situation. Violating this most fundamental principle of non-refoulement would reflect poorly on the new Government’s respect for human rights.
“People from Myanmar should be allowed to remain safely in Malaysia while their status is regularised and not be detained or forcibly returned to Myanmar in any way while it remains in a state of unrest.
“With a new Cabinet in place, the Government should end its dishonest approach of criticising the Myanmar military authorities while continuing quietly subjecting people to their forcible return to a country where they will be subjected to persecution.”
Judicial review
In February 2021, Amnesty Malaysia and Asylum Access Malaysia filed a judicial review to challenge the deportation of 1,200 people from Myanmar back to the country. Despite a court order and stay of deportation, 1086 of them were deported to Myanmar; at least 114 were not deported because they tested positive for Covid-19.
The Kuala Lumpur High Court granted 114 people a stay of deportation pending the judicial review’s outcome. In May this year, the Government filed an application to lift the stay.
In October, there was international outcry against the continued deportation of people back to Myanmar, including from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and UN High Commission for Refugees..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-13
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"Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun is the permanent representative of Myanmar to the United Nations; however, the diplomat does not represent the country's ruling military junta.
Kyaw Moe Tun was appointed to his position in 2020, months before the military overthrew the elected civilian government in February 2021. The military junta tried to fire him from his post, but he refused to leave, and so far, the United Nations General Assembly Credentials Committee has refused to recognize the military's appointee. He is also backed by Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), established by the country's elected and now-removed legislators.
On Monday, a U.N. diplomat told VOA that the U.N. credentials committee had agreed to uphold his status as Myanmar's ambassador. The diplomat declined to speak on the record before the committee formally announces its decision.
Last week, VOA's Ingyin Naing interviewed Kyaw Moe Tun at his office in New York to discuss what it is like representing a government that rejects him and how he sees his role as diplomat.
This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.
VOA: What do you think about the upcoming decision on Myanmar U.N. representations this year?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: Since last year, two countries, namely Afghanistan and Myanmar, had competing credentials with regard to the respective delegations. So, last year, the credentials committee decided to defer the decisions on the credentials of Afghanistan and Myanmar.
How they will decide depends, of course, on the members of the Credentials Committee. Russia, China and the United States are the three members who are elected every year. [[This year the credentials committee members also include Angola, Austria, Guyana, Maldives, Uruguay and Zambia.]]
VOA: You also voted this year to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine and to suspend Russia's membership at the U.N. Human Rights Council. Do you think that your stance on those issues affects Russia's decision on the matter of who should represent Myanmar and that they might prefer the Myanmar junta's representative?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: We not only voted yes but also co-sponsored the resolutions because the reason is very simple and very clear: We the people of Myanmar need to stand firm with the people of Ukraine, who are suffering like the people of Myanmar. By co-sponsoring the resolution, by voting yes on the resolution, we stand firm with the people of Ukraine. Russia will not be happy with that. So, whatever they decided regarding the representation of Myanmar here in the U.N., they will not be in favor of the permanent representative, who is appointed by the elected civilian government, who is speaking for the people of Myanmar.
VOA: What do you think about China also publicly backing the Myanmar junta?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: You can compare China and Russia. But what I know is that the high-level visit from China is what we don't see during this time. But of course, the last time Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Myanmar [in July], that was only for the subregional meeting, not for the bilateral meeting.
China was making it clear that the visit was not for a bilateral visit and was for the subregional group meetings, the Lancang-Mekong meetings. So, it is clear the position of China is different from the position of Russia because Russia's foreign minister visited Myanmar on bilateral bases.
China is also our neighboring country and a permanent member of the Security Council. That is why we always value the role of China. Of course, there are other neighboring countries whose roles we value — not only China but also India, Bangladesh, Laos and Thailand.
The role of the neighboring countries is very important. The neighboring countries of Ukraine open their borders, open their arms and extend warm hospitality to the Ukrainians, who escaped from the aggression and who take refuge in the neighboring countries. We wish our neighboring countries would be like those of Ukraine.
Back to the question about the position of China, of course, it is different from the position of Russia. That is my personal point of view.
VOA: According to some news agencies, Ukraine sold weapons to the Myanmar military. Did you ask Ukraine's diplomats about selling weapons to the Myanmar military when you met them?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: To be very frank, I haven't brought this issue to the Ukrainian ambassador here. But I do understand that the selling of weapons was before the military coup. I do understand that after the military coup, the government of Ukraine was not selling any kind of weapons to the military, who use these weapons to kill innocent civilians. So according to my knowledge, Ukraine as a government is not selling any kind of weapons to the Myanmar military.
VOA: You have spoken frequently in your speeches at the U.N. committee meetings about the U.N.'s failure to protect the Myanmar people who are being oppressed by the military junta. Do you have any hope for concrete action from the U.N.?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: Our people are really helpless, and even they were holding the placards carrying the R2P — "responsibility to protect." Since then, in my statements at the U.N., I tried to convey the people's voices — like asking the U.N. to apply the principles of R2P to save the lives of the people of Myanmar. Even though, of course, it is very frustrating because no one ever will make the statement whenever we made the appeal. Whenever we meet, that demand does not really come out in practical terms. But on the other hand, sometimes in multilateralism, the result takes time.
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-13
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"Past editions: 02-15 November. Analysis reports: May 2022 Update; SHCC 2021 Myanmar Factsheet Join our Myanmar mailing list for regular updates. Visit our website. Follow us on Twitter.
If you have additional information on an incident documented here, or a new incident, please get in touch. Help support the protection of health care by sharing this resource. Please copy and paste this link: bit.ly/MMRHealth16-29Nov2022
Explore our Attacked and Threatened: Health Care at Risk interactive global map to see documented incidents in Myanmar since 2016. Includes details on who the perpetrators were and the weapons used. Access the dataset on HDX. Registered HDX user? Follow us for the latest dataset updates. The dataset does not yet include incidents reported in this report.
Documented incidents
16 November 2022: In Sat Thwar village, Sar Lin Kone village tract, Yesagyo township, Pakokku district, Magway region, a clinic/ sub-rural health centre and seven civilian houses were torched by the Myanmar military. Sources: Facebook and Khit Thit Media
Reported on 16 November 2022: In Mon state, people living with HIV in remote areas are reportedly missing follow-up attendance in the city. Outreach workers from INGOs have struggled to assist with medicine deliveries to remote areas due to security concerns with armed conflicts. Source: Mon News Agency
17 November 2022: In Ta Laing village and village tract, Sagaing township, district and region, medicine was stolen from the rural health centre by the Myanmar military. Source: Facebook
18 November 2022: In Maha Aung Myay town, township and district, Mandalay region, a private dental clinic along with two shops and a car were damaged and one civilian killed in an explosion of unidentified origin. Source: BBC Burmese 19 November 2022: In Palaw town and township, Myeik district, Tanintharyi region, a patient and their attendant were arrested by the Myanmar military from the township hospital. The patient had been admitted to the hospital for fragment wounds he acquired from bombs dropped by the Myanmar military using armed drones in Ka De village and village tract, Palaw township on 14 November 2022. Sources: Dawei Watch, Network Media Group and Tanintharyi Times
20 November 2022: In Salingyi town and township, Yinmabin district, Sagaing region, three LNGO ambulances were seized by an armed group, resulting in the LNGO suspending its activities. The Myanmar military media accused the local defence forces for the incident. Sources: Facebook and Voice of Myanmar
21 November 2022: IIn Taung Ka Lay village, Hpar Thein village tract, Kyaikmaraw township, Mawlamyine district, Mon state, an LNGO ambulance transporting civilians wounded in Myanmar military airstrikes was denied entry to the village by the Myanmar military. Source: Myanmar Pressphoto Agency..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-12
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"Human Rights Watch says the military junta in Myanmar is waging a war against its own people.
It is calling on world governments, including Japan, to step up their response.
The group released a statement on December 10, marking international Human Rights Day. It highlighted the situation in Myanmar, describing the country as having become the "worst of the worse" among ASEAN nations for human rights abuses.
It added that military crackdowns have led to attacks on civilians, and about one hundred political prisoners have been sentenced to death. It warns the situation could get worse.
The group's Deputy Asia Director Phil Robertson says the international community needs to step up.
"We have called for, time and time again, an international arms embargo to be imposed by the UN Security Council to stop the violence," says Robertson. "We've demanded that there be targeted sanctions."
Robertson also called on Japan, which he referred to as one of Asia's oldest democracies, to do more.
"It's a country where democracy and human rights are valued, and therefore Japan should be a leader in demanding change in Myanmar," says Robertson.
Japan has a long-standing relationship with Myanmar, including a military officer training program.
But the Japanese government announced it would suspend that program from next year over Myanmar's execution of pro-democracy activists..."
Source/publisher:
NHK World - Japan
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Today, the 10th of December, the world celebrates Human Rights Day in commemoration of the approval of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. However, today we cannot celebrate the dire situation of human rights in Southeast Burma. Decades of military impunity granted to the Burma Army continue to impact the lives, livelihoods and safety of the villagers in Karen State, while the international community remains ineffective and passive. The international community has failed to take genuine action to prosecute these long-standing military leaders and their blatant disregard for human rights. The 2022 Human Rights Day theme of “Dignity, Freedom, and Justice for All” falls flat as freedom and justice are being denied in Karen State. Still, villagers remain strong and dignified continuing to stand up for human rights. Today, we celebrate the strength of citizens in Burma demanding their rights be respected.
Since the 2021 coup, the Burma Army has undertaken widespread violence and attacks against civilians throughout Burma imposing its dictatorial rule once again. Their crimes include grave human rights violations, such as extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, forced displacements, shelling of civilian areas, looting, destruction of property, threats, extortion, forced labour and sexual violence, as well as the employment of the ‘four cuts’ strategy that makes civilians the central target of military offensives. More than 350,000 people have been displaced this year, the majority of them women and children. This violence is a mirror of the abuses perpetrated against the Karen peoples during earlier periods of military rule, from 1962 to 2011.
On October 3rd 1991, the Myanmar Air Force killed 41 students from Tee Tah village instantly during the bombing and strafing of their school and village, in the Delta region. Thirty-one years later, on March 5th 2022, junta troops from the army camp in Hpapun Town fired artillery into Klaw Day village, Mu Traw District, killing seven civilians, including three children and a pregnant woman, and wounding four more, including a 3-year-old boy and a 17-year-old girl.
In 1992, a survivor of conflict-related sexual violence from Doo Tha Htoo District described her experiences to KHRG: “All night long the [Burma Army] soldiers would come and drag women away to be raped. They took turns and women were often raped by several soldiers in one night. I was raped frequently like the others. While I was being raped or trying to sleep, I could hear the screams of other women all around. This went on all night, and then in the morning they'd make us carry our loads over mountains again.” After the 2021 coup, villagers in the Lay Kay area, Doo Tha Htoo District, informed KHRG researchers that they were sending away young women to hiding sites when Burma Army soldiers were nearby the village.
Between 2021 and 2022, KWO has documented 2,999 cases of human rights violations perpetrated by the Burma Army against civilians in Karen State. KWO has documented reports of 153 people killed, including 30 women, and 276 civilians wounded, including 117 women. There are 447 cases of looting and at least 171 burned homes, by the military since February 2021. The actual numbers are certainly much higher as many human rights violations have not been able to be reported or documented.
For the past 30 years, the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) and the Karen Women Organization (KWO) have documented the experiences of rural villagers in Southeast Burma, the crimes committed against them, and their resilience despite longstanding campaigns by the Burma Army to eradicate all forms of opposition. Yet, these detailed testimonies of decades of state violence and military impunity have been met with little to no action by the international community, and no justice for survivors. Today, as local actors who have been working together to ensure that international stakeholders have the necessary evidence to hold the Burma Army soldiers and commanders accountable, we find ourselves outraged by the failure of regional and international bodies to support the dignity, freedom, and justice of all civilians in Southeast Burma.
“The perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Karen State are military leaders. Ethnic minorities are oppressed by the military junta’s system of rule. Our human rights are severely violated. We are human beings but the junta seeks to crush our human dignity”, explains Saw Nanda Hsue, Advocacy Coordinator at KHRG. “There has never been justice for any violation committed against us. If this military dictatorship continues, ethnic people will never be allowed to live with full human dignity and rights.”
To this, Naw Knyaw Paw, General Secretary of the KWO, adds, “Women and children are killed, and displaced. The shelling of civilian areas has dramatically increased. The international community must take more effective actions, and impose more sanctions including prohibiting the sale of jet fuel to the junta and boycotts of the SAC junta so that they will be disabled, disarmed and disbanded. Many years of impunity have emboldened the junta and they continue to commit atrocities without fear of consequences. No one should be above the law. We need action.”
On this 10th of December, the Karen Women Organization (KWO) and the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) honour all civilians in Southeast Burma struggling against military atrocities and bearing the impact of systematic abuse. We celebrate today the resilience and fierceness of our Karen sisters and brothers who continue to fight for their human rights, and to defend dignity, freedom and justice for all. Likewise, we notice villagers’ increased knowledge of international human rights frameworks and their desire to engage the international community directly to demand justice. Therefore, we again call on the international community to condemn the crimes committed by the Burma Army, both past and present; to end all engagement that grants legitimacy to the junta -including with businesses that boost the junta’s economic power, as well as eliminating the sale of aviation fuel and arms trade to the junta; and to take concrete and coordinated action to assist local efforts and solutions to the humanitarian and human rights crisis in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group and
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma
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"Whereas the Governor in Council is of the opinion that the situation in Burma constitutes a grave breach of international peace and security that has resulted or is likely to result in a serious international crisis;
Therefore, Her Excellency the Governor General in Council, on the recommendation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, makes the annexed Regulations Amending the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations under subsections 4(1)a, (1.1)b, (2)c and (3) of the Special Economic Measures Actd.
a S.C. 2022, c. 10, s. 438(1)
b S.C. 2017, c. 21, s. 17(2)
c S.C. 2022, c. 10, s. 438(2)
d S.C. 1992, c. 17
Amendments
1 Part 1 of the schedule to the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations1 is amended by adding the following in numerical order:
61 Dynasty International Company Limited
International Gateways Group
Asia Sun Group
2 Part 2 of the schedule to the Regulations is amended by adding the following in numerical order:
Zaw Min Tun
Maung Maung Ohn (also known among other names as Mg Mg Ohn)
Tun Tun Naung
Khin Maung Yi
Myo Myint Oo
Thaung Han
Win Shein
Ko Ko Lwin
Aung Soe
Zin Min Htet
Hlaing Moe Myint
Myo Thitsar
Application Before Publication
3 For the purpose of paragraph 11(2)(a) of the Statutory Instruments Act, these Regulations apply according to their terms before they are published in the Canada Gazette..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
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"၁။ ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၌ အပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကြေညာစာတမ်းအား အတည်ပြုခဲ့ရာ ယခုနှစ်သည်(၇၅) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနေ့အား “လူတိုင်းအတွက် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာ၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် တရားမျှတမှု” ဆောင်ပုဒ်ဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် ကျင်းပဆင်နွှဲနေသကဲ့သို့ မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည်လည်း မြေပြင်နှင့် အွန်လိုင်းလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ကာ ပါဝင်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ ယနေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံအများအပြား၌ လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးတို့ကို ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင် နိုင်ရေးတို့အတွက် အားလုံးပါဝင်ဆင်နွှဲနေကြပါသော်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအများစုသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုသည်နှင့် ဝေးကွာလျက်ရှိနေသည်မှာ ဝမ်းနည်းဖွယ်ကောင်းလှပါသည်။
၂။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဆိုးရွားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပြီး ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား အင်အားစုများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ မတရားတိုက်ခိုက်မှု များ ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလမှစ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်တပ် သည် ဥပဒေမဲ့ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ တရားဥပဒေဘောင်ကိုကျော်လွန်၍ တရားလက်လွတ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ညှင်းပမ်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ မုဒိမ်းကျင့်ခြင်းနှင့် ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုသိမ်းယူခြင်းတို့ကို ပုံမှန်အလေ့အထများ ကဲ့သို့ ပြုမူဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ယခုအခါ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၂၅၆၅) ဉီး သတ်ဖြတ် ခံခဲ့ရပြီး ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသည့် အရပ်သား ပြည်သူဦးရေမှာလည်း (၁၆၅၄၀) ဦး နှင့်အထက် ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာက အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် သေဒဏ်ပေးမှု များကို ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ပါသော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို မရပ်တန့်သည့်အပြင် ပိုမို၍အရှိန်မြှင့်တင် လုပ်ဆောင်လျက် ရှိသည်ကို မကြာသေးမီက ဒဂုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသား (၇) ဦးအား သေဒဏ် ချမှတ်ရန် တရားသူကြီး များကို အမိန့်ပေးခိုင်းစေခဲ့ခြင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် တွေ့မြင်နိုင်ပါသည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင် တော်လှန်ကြသည့် အရပ်သား ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၁၄၀) ကျော်ကို သေဒဏ် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ် (၁) ဉီး အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသည့် ဦးဆောင်သူ (၄) ဉီး ကိုလည်း ကွပ်မျက်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်က တိုင်းရင်းသားများ နေထိုင်ရာ ဒေသများကဲ့သို့ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာနေရာများကို ရက်စက်စွာ လေကြောင်းအင်အားသုံး၍ တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းတို့ ကြောင့် ရာချီသော ပြည်သူများ သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပြီး ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာသော ပြည်သူများသည် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးနေရပါသည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာ နေရာများသို့ ခွဲခြားမှုမရှိ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်၊ ကျေးရွာနှင့် စာသင်ကျောင်းများအား မီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း များကို လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိသည့်အပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံရသူများနှင့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင် နေရသူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်များကိုလည်း တရားမဝင် သိမ်းပိုက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် တရားမဝင် အမည်ခံ နိုင်ငံတော်စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကောင်စီသည် ၎င်းတို့၏တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့် အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအား ဆန့်ကျင်ကြသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် စနစ်တကျ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ အာဆီယံ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် (၅) ရပ်ကို ဒေသတွင်းနိုင်ငံများရှေ့မှောက်တွင် သဘောတူညီခဲ့ သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ယခုအခါ အာဆီယံနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုများကို လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိပါ။
၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား အသက်ပေး၍ ခုခံကာကွယ်နေကြသူများအပေါ် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် လူမဆန်သော လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရှိရေးနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်မှ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၇။ မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူအခွင့်အရေးနေ့တွင် လူမဆန်သော စစ်တပ်၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအား ရပ်တန့်သွားရန်နှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်များကို ကယ်တင်ပေးရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ အာဆီယံနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ တို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံ တကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ထောက်ခံသူများကို ထိရောက်သော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းများ ချမှတ်ပေးရန် ထပ်မံ တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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579.71 KB
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"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the Swiss Government’s decision to disinvite the illegal Myanmar military junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit.
As host of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co-operation (GPEDC) Summit, the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) had sent an invite to Myanmar’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva, which is occupied by the illegal junta.
The junta's deputy minister of investment and foreign economic relations, Dr Wah Wah Maung, was set to attend the summit virtually, along with junta representatives in Geneva.
Justice For Myanmar and other civil society groups have urged the Swiss Government to disinvite the junta and to invite the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the UN, U Kyaw Moe Tun, who has the authority to represent the people of Myanmar within the UN system.
However, while disinviting the junta, the Swiss Government has decided to exclude all government representatives from Myanmar.
SDC stated on social media that “the Summit will be open to representatives of governments accredited by the UN General Assembly (UNGA), which is not yet the case for Myanmar.”
UN agencies, including the United Nations Development Programme which is part of GPEDC’s Joint Support Team, is required to comply with UNGA’s position on Myanmar’s State representation. The General Assembly does not recognise the illegal military junta as being the government of Myanmar, but continues to recognise the authority of detained State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint of the National Unity Government of Myanmar.
Therefore, members of the UN have continued to recognise U Kyaw Moe Tun as the Permanent Representative of Myanmar at the UNGA and he must be invited to represent the people of Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the Swiss Government's decision to disinvite the illegal junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit.
“The Myanmar junta is an illegal, terrorist organisation and should never have been invited in the first place.
“To truly stand for effective development cooperation, the Summit should invite Myanmar's Permanent Representative to the UN, Kyaw Moe Tun, and recognise and engage with the National Unity Government of Myanmar as an urgent priority.
“The international community needs to effectively cooperate with the NUG to support Myanmar’s future development in the face of its near-collapse due to the junta's illegal coup attempt and its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
138.13 KB
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Description:
"KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES.....
72,000 Estimated refugee movements to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
1,086,000 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 30 June 2022
1,143,000 Estimated total internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar, displaced since 1 February 2021* Source: UN in Myanmar
1,473,000 Estimated total internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 5 December 2022* Source: UN in Myanmar.....
HIGHLIGHTS.....
According to the UN, there were an estimated 1,473,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) within Myanmar during the reporting period, including 1,143,000 people who have been newly displaced since 1 February 2021.
In the North-West, the security situation remains volatile across Chin State and Sagaing and Magway Regions. Displacement due to active armed clashes, arson and airstrikes continue.
Humanitarian access has been challenging, particularly in Sagaing Region where the needs are most acute. Conflict is expected to escalate in the winter months, leaving civilians increasingly at risk of attacks.
In Rakhine and Chin (South) States, clashes, indiscriminate shelling and landmine explosions were reported. Food shortages and limited humanitarian support due to movement restrictions have affected communities, particularly in Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Rathedaung, Mrauk-U, Minbya, Myebon, Kyauktaw and Pauktaw. The situation in Rakhine State has been generally calm albeit tense following the announcement of an informal ceasefire agreement between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army (AA) in late November. Since then, returns by displaced families to their places of origin have begun taking place. While humanitarian access remains challenging, the opening of waterways and roads has enabled the movement of much-needed goods, resulting in a decrease in the cost of basic commodities.
In Kachin and Shan (North), humanitarian access across Kachin and Shan (North) States is limited, particularly in active conflict areas. Movement restrictions continue to be reported due to the heightened risk of forced recruitment, robbery, physical assault and arbitrary arrest particularly in the evenings.
In the South-East, the security situation is precarious and has affected the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Indiscriminate shelling, arrests and destruction of civilian property continues. Insufficient access to food, water, healthcare and core relief items (CRIs) are among the main concerns cited by IDP families..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
8.34 MB
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Description:
"Switzerland has invited the illegal Myanmar military junta to the Effective Development Co-operation Summit, according to Justice For Myanmar sources and confirmed by the Swiss Government.
The Summit, scheduled for December 12-14, is an initiative of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co-operation (GPEDC), a multi-stakeholder network that includes representatives of development provider and recipient governments, UNDP, OECD, multilateral development banks, parliaments, business, and civil society.
The junta's deputy minister of investment and foreign economic relations, Dr Wah Wah Maung, is set to attend the summit virtually, along with junta representatives in Geneva.
Ambassador Thomas Gass, the Assistant Director General of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), invited the Myanmar military junta in his capacity as GPEDC co-chair, via Myanmar’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva, which is occupied by the illegal junta.
Earlier this week, Switzerland’s Ambassador to Myanmar, Tim Enderlin, also met with junta minister for international cooperation, Ko Ko Hlaing, providing further legitimacy to the junta and fodder for its propaganda. The junta featured the meeting in its TV and print media.
Switzerland’s engagement with the junta comes at a peak time when the junta, a terrorist organisation, is intensifying its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
Since the illegal coup attempt, the junta has murdered more than 2,500 people and arrested over 16,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Last week, the junta sentenced 7 student union activists to death, after executing four activists in July.
Across Myanmar, the junta has been carrying out indiscriminate air strikes and shelling, killing men, women and children, committing rape, razing whole communities and displacing more than 1.1 million people since the military’s coup attempt.
The Swiss invitation for the junta to participate in the Summit came despite the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) in Geneva having barred members of the Permanent Mission of Myanmar from participating in the Human Rights Council since 2021, as they are not legitimate representatives of the State of Myanmar.
In reply to a letter from Justice For Myanmar, Ambassador Gass responded, “Switzerland did not send an invitation to the de facto authorities of Myanmar. An invitation has, however, been sent to the Permanent Missions to the United Nations in Geneva. Heads of missions accredited to the United Nations Office in Geneva can participate in the Summit. An eventual online participation in the work of the Summit, as observer, does not imply any decision-making role.”
The junta is not the “de facto” authority of Myanmar. Far from gaining control, a recent study by former UN mandate holders found that the junta only has stable control of 17% of Myanmar territory. The junta is a terrorist organisationunder Myanmar law and definitions offered in international law.
Justice For Myanmar has appealed to Ambassador Gass to disinvite the junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit and invite the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the UN, U Kyaw Moe Tun. Ambassador Gass has yet to respond.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Switzerland is about to take its seat on the UN Security Council and must support the Myanmar people’s struggle for human rights and democracy.
“Instead of upholding international law and the values of democracy and human rights, the Swiss Government’s recent and impending engagement is lending legitimacy to the illegal junta, emboldening it to continue to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
“Switzerland’s bilateral and multilateral support for the junta must end now.
“If the GPEDC does not retract its invite to the junta and prevent junta representatives from participating in the Summit, GPEDC will undermine UN General Assembly Resolution 396(v), undermine the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva and breach internal UN policy on engagement with the illegal military junta.
“This would be an affront to the people of Myanmar who have resisted the junta’s brutal attempts to gain control and power for nearly two years, bravely defending their human rights and democracy.
“The Myanmar military junta must be tried in a court of law for the systematic and widespread atrocity crimes committed against the people of Myanmar, not welcomed as an observer or a participant of a reputable international forum that aims to foster multi-stakeholder development cooperation.
“We call upon the Swiss Government, GPEDC steering committee members and stakeholders to uphold decisions made by the UN General Assembly and respect the basic rights of the people of Myanmar to choose their own government by barring the junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit.
“GPEDC must send an invitation to the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the UN, U Kyaw Moe Tun, who has the authority to represent the people of Myanmar within the UN system.
“It is time for Switzerland to live up to its democratic values by recognising and supporting NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
115.84 KB
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Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS.....
Myanmar continues to experience a severe - and worsening - humanitarian and human rights crisis. Conflict and violence have escalated across the country, impacting children and their families and displacing more than 1.4 million people. The ongoing political crisis has been coupled with economic challenges, increasing people's vulnerability. An estimated 17.6 million people, including 5.6 million children, are in need of humanitarian assistance.
Access of children and their families to such essential services as health care, nutrition, water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) and education is severely constrained. These interrelated challenges are threatening children's survival, development and well-being.
UNICEF’s humanitarian strategy focuses on working with communities, local and international partners and with all stakeholders to deliver life-saving humanitarian assistance and ensure critical services reach children in need.
UNICEF requires US$169.6 million to respond to the mult-isectoral humanitarian needs of children in Myanmar.
HUMANITARIAN SITUATION AND NEEDS
Children and their families continue to suffer due to widespread and deepening conflict in Myanmar. The situation further deteriorated in 2022, with increased fighting taking place nationwide between the Myanmar Armed Forces, ethnic armed organizations and more than 600 local defence groups. Around 17.6 million people - almost one third of the population - are in need of humanitarian assistance. The number of children and their families displaced by the conflict has increased by 60 per cent since December 2021 to more than 1.4 million people, including the 330,400 who had been living in protracted displacement even prior to the coup that took place in February 2021. Communities in the Sagaing region are the hardest hit, with nearly 612,400 people displaced as of October 2022. The resurgence of fighting in Rakhine State between government armed forces and a large ethnic armed organization has imperilled the situation of the nearly 220,000 people living in protracted displacement there.
There are also extremely vulnerable non-displaced people, including 417,000 stateless Rohingyas, along with communities affected by conflict, insecurity and rising poverty in rural areas and cities. Cross-border movements are fluid and bidirectional. Those who fled to Thailand and then returned to Myanmar remain displaced within the country because they have not returned to places of origin.
Grave violations of child rights have increased in 2022 compared with 2021: for example, the number of children killed and maimed between January and September 2022 more than doubled compared with 2021, largely due to indiscriminate use of heavy weapons, airstrikes and explosive ordnance. There has also been an eightfold increase in the number of abductions in 2022. Attacks on schools and hospitals have continued at alarming levels, while recruitment and use of children by all armed actors remains of serious concern. Millions of children and adolescents are deprived of the right to education because their safe access to education has been disrupted.
The ongoing conflict has undermined the delivery of child health services, including routine immunization and the response to severe wasting. This has lead to a regression in child health outcomes in the country. The disruption in child immunization services also creates longer-term risks of increased disease prevalence.
Access of conflict-affected populations to services and delivery of humanitarian assistance has been further constrained by restrictions imposed on movement of both people and goods. Camp closures and forced return and relocation remain key protection concerns for displaced people. The safety and protection of humanitarian and front-line workers has also become a serious concern, as they are increasingly targeted by parties to the conflict and subject to arbitrary arrests and detentions..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.33 MB
Local URL:
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Description:
"This regular update, covering non-violent movements, conflict trends, human rights violations, and humanitarian developments up to 30 November is produced by Southern Monitor, a local research group. The next monthly situation update will be issued in December 2022.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
In November 2022, a total of 43 armed clashes erupted across all districts in Tanintharyi Region.
Junta forces deployed across Tanintharyi Region shot and killed civilians in Dawei and Launglon Townships, one of the victims was a 14 years old boy.
The junta forces fortified search and arrest operations in Dawei and Palaw townships on suspicion of supporting local resistance groups.
Humanitarian assistance has been largely impeded due to access constraints, and a widespread ban on transport of dry rations and medicines. Displaced populations are in dire need of adequate shelter and warm clothing.
The junta forces conducted an increasing number of violent household inspections, arrests, arbitrary detentions, as well as increased troop deployments across Dawei and Palaw Townships..."
Source/publisher:
Southern Monitor (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1 MB
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Description:
"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 30 November, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. Response figures are based on self-reporting by organizations to clusters. The next humanitarian update will be issued at the end of December 2022.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
More than 1.4 million people are displaced across the country, of whom more than 1.1 million were displaced since the 2021 military takeover.
Armed clashes, compounded by tight security, access restrictions, and threats against aid workers, continue to hamper humanitarian operations across Myanmar.
Humanitarians are hoping that an informal ceasefire agreement between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) may create space for the delivery of much-needed assistance in Rakhine and southern Chin where access has been restricted since September. The situation is being closely monitored.
Humanitarians are deeply concerned about the newly passed NGO registration law and partners are currently investigating the potential impact on the delivery of life-saving humanitarian assistance.
Premature return of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from past and present conflicts in Rakhine, Chin and southern Shan states remains a major protection concern amid ongoing insecurity and continued fighting. It is critical that returns are done safely and voluntarily, in line with international principles.
Inflation in commodity prices, including for food and fuel, is deepening the socio-economic stress on communities, forcing them to adopt negative coping mechanisms.
The 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) remains drastically underfunded as the end of 2022 is approaching. As of 30 November, it is only 28 per cent funded, leaving a gap of US$597 million (FTS). In the first nine months of 2022, humanitarians reached at least 3.9 million people with assistance according to reports received by clusters.
KEY FIGURES
1.4M
People internally displaced across Myanmar
1.1M
People currently displaced by clashes and insecurity since February 2021
330K
People internally displaced due to conflict prior to February 2021, mainly in Rakhine, Kachin, Chin, and Shan
31K
Civilian properties estimated to have been burnt or destroyed since February 2021.
*Displacement figures fluctuate during any given month. These figures represent the number of people currently displaced. Cumulative numbers for returns and displacement are not always available.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
The humanitarian situation continues to be dominated by hostilities and increasing economic stress for millions of people. Frequent, indiscriminate attacks, including airstrikes and artillery fire in civilian areas have caused casualties and spread fear. Displacement also continues to rise despite some reported returns. According to the latest UN figures, the estimated number of new IDPs since the military takeover has passed 1.1 million, bringing the total number of IDPs across the country to almost 1.4 million. More than 49,400 people remain in neighbouring countries after fleeing since the takeover.
Nearly 31,000 civilian properties, including houses, churches, monasteries, and schools are estimated to have been destroyed although figures are difficult to verify. The level of destruction of civilian property, particularly of homes, combined with the deteriorating security situation and explosive ordnance risks are delaying returns and prolonging people’s displacement.
Suffering is being compounded by heavy restrictions on humanitarian access, including cumbersome bureaucratic processes and systematic blocks on access approvals, that continue to delay the delivery of critical and lifesaving assistance to affected people. Humanitarian actors, including the UN, INGOs, and local partners, continue responding to both pre-existing and emerging needs wherever they can. Despite the constrained operating environment and limited funding (less than 30 per cent), nearly 3.9 million people across Myanmar had received assistance by the end of September. Please see the full Quarter 3 dashboard here.
Local partners are now the backbone of the response and Quarter 3 saw a further increase in the number of organizations coordinating their response through the cluster system from 177 in Quarter 2 to 219 - a direct result of a scale-up in cluster coordination efforts, with a particular focus on hard-to-reach areas. Nevertheless, response numbers are based on voluntary reporting by partners to clusters and there is likely to be significant underreporting by local organizations. As 2022 is nearing an end, this year’s HRP is only 28 per cent funded, which amounts to only $230 million out of a total of $826 million required..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
861.89 KB
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Description:
"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ဒဂုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် (၇) ဦး ဖြစ်သည့် မောင်ဟိန်းထက် (ရှေးဟောင်း အထူးပြု)၊ မောင်သီဟထက်ဇော် (ပထဝီဝင် အထူးပြု)၊ မောင်သူရမောင်မောင် (မြန်မာစာအထူးပြု)၊ မောင်ခန့်လင်းမောင်မောင် (မြန်မာစာအထူးပြု)၊ မောင်ခန့်ဇင်ဝင်း၊ မောင်သက်ပိုင်ဦး၊ မောင်ဇော်လင်းနိုင်တို့ကို ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ (၂၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီးနောက် တရားဥပဒေဘောင်မဝင်သော ထောင်တွင်းတရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးပြီး ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၃၀) ရက်နေ့တွင် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြားလူငယ် လေးဦး ဖြစ်သည့် မောင်မင်းထက်သာ၊ မောင်ဝေယံဇင်၊ မောင်သူထူးအောင်၊ ကိုဖြိုး တို့ကိုလည်း သေဒဏ် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်းသိရသည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ပြည်သူများ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေးများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်စွာ ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်ကြသည့်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းများဖြင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ကြသည့် ပြည်သူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများပြုလုပ်ပြီး ပြည်သူများ၏ နိုင်ငံရေး အခွင့်အရေးများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း၊ တရားဥပဒေဘောင်မဝင်သော တရားရုံးများ မှတဆင့် စီရင်ချက်များ ချမှတ်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ပြီး ပြည်သူများ၏ တရားဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း၊ အဆိုးရွားဆုံးအနေဖြင့် သေဒဏ်များ ချမှတ်ခြင်းနှင့် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်လျက် ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်ရှင်သန်ခွင့်ကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းများ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၃။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုသာဖြစ်သဖြင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးယန္တရားကို လည်ပတ်ရန် အခွင့်အာဏာမရှိပါ။ ထို့အပြင် သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံနှုန်းများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီခြင်း မရှိသော လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား လွှတ်ပေးရန်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ အာဆီယံနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းတစ်ခုလုံးက တောင်းဆိုနေချိန်တွင် ယခုကဲ့သို ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များအား သေဒဏ် စီရင်ချက် ချမှတ်ခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းလုံးအား စိန်ခေါ်လိုက်ခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ လူမျိုးသုဉ်း သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် တာ၀န်ယူ၊ တာ၀န်ခံရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၅) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကြိုးပေးသတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရသော ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ကိုအောင်သူရ တို့အပါအ၀င် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဆိုးရွားသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကြောင့် ထိခိုက်နစ်နာရသော ပြည်သူလူထုအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရနိုင်ရေးကို ရရှိနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၇။ ထိုသို့ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခံနေရသော အလုပ်သမား၊ လယ်သမား၊ ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အတူ ရပ်တည်၍ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှု မှတ်တမ်းများကို ကောက်ယူ သိမ်းဆည်းလျက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိနိုင်ရေးကို အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးစား လုပ်ဆောင်ပြီး အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု သံန္ဒိဌာန် ပြုပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs and Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-03
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"GENEVA (2 December 2022) - The Myanmar Military is forcibly evicting over 50,000 people from informal settlements and systematically destroying homes in a fundamental violation of core human rights obligations, UN experts said today.
More than 40,000 residents living in informal settlements in Mingaladon, a northern township of Yangon, have received eviction notices last month. Many were given only a few days to dismantle their homes, without provision of any alternative housing or land. Most residents have lived for decades in an industrial zone containing a mixture of industrial enterprises, informal settlements and vacant land controlled by the Myanmar Military.
Additional residents moved to the area after being displaced by Cyclone Nargis in 2008, or were forcibly displaced there as a result of violent military attacks on civilian villages in Rakhine State, the experts said.
After receiving eviction notices, some residents dismantled their homes in an attempt to secure their belongings and construction materials. However, most residents have so far chosen to remain due to a lack of alternative or decided to flee their homes. Out of desperation, two residents reportedly committed suicide.
“Forced evictions from Mingaladon are only part of the story. Violent arbitrary housing demolitions continue across the country,” the experts said.
On 19 November, 150 homes were bulldozed in Ward 3 of Yangon's Mayangone township, rendering affected residents homeless. The eviction was carried out by the State Administration Council and civilians armed with sticks and knives. The residents were reportedly given only 30 minutes to remove their belongings, and are temporarily sheltering in monasteries or with friends.
In Myanmar’s second largest city of Mandalay, over 5,000 households in Chan Mya Thazi Township were evicted overnight on 21 November. Earlier the Military demolished several houses with bulldozers in Zee Oat village in the same town. In addition, 200 shops and apartments on the station road of Mandalay's Pyin Oo Lwin township were ordered to be removed by 25 November, despite having local approval.
According to the experts, not only those living in informal settlements in Myanmar’s cities were subjected to forced evictions and housing demolitions. “Homes continued to be systematically destroyed, bombed and burned down in orchestrated attacks on villages by the Myanmar security forces and junta-backed militias,” they said.
Since the military coup on 1 February 2021, more than 38,000 houses have been destroyed or burned down, leading to widespread displacement of over 1.1 million people. Recently, on 23 November, 95 of 130 houses were burned down in the Kha War Thei village in Kyunhla Township, when the Myanmar military set fire to the settlement. The experts said these incidents follow a pattern of widespread burning of Rohingya villages perpetrated by the Myanmar Military in 2017 during genocidal attacks against the Rohingya.
“The policies of scorched earth in Myanmar are widespread and follow a systematic pattern,” the experts said.
In a recent report to the UN General Assembly, the Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing suggested that such arbitrary destruction of housing, displacing thousands into homelessness, should be recognised as domicide, a crime under international law.
“Forced evictions and mass burning of homes are gross violations of human rights. The junta must immediately stop the systematic destruction, burning and bulldozing of civilian homes,” the UN experts said.
“Depending on the context, systematic housing destruction and displacement can be prosecuted either as a war crime, a crime against humanity, or both. It is the responsibility of the international community to ensure that those responsible for such crimes face international justice,” they said.
ENDS
The experts: Mr. Balakrishnan Rajagopal, assumed his function as Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing on 1 May 2020. He is Professor of Law and Development at the Department of Urban Studies and Planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Mr. Thomas Andrews, is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. He is a Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale University Law School and an Associate of Harvard University's Asia Center.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what are known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. The Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN human rights system, is the general name for the Council’s independent investigative and monitoring mechanisms that deal with specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent of any government or organisation and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Human Rights Council
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"GENEVA (2 December 2022) – UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk on Friday expressed shock that more than 130 people have now been sentenced to death by military courts behind closed-doors in Myanmar since the military launched a coup last year, following fresh convictions this week.
At least seven university students were sentenced to death by a military court on 30 November. There are reports of as many as four additional death sentences being issued against youth activists yesterday. The UN Human Rights Office is seeking clarification of those sentences.
“The military continues to hold proceedings in secretive courts in violation of basic principles of fair trial and contrary to core judicial guarantees of independence and impartiality,” Türk said, calling for the suspension of all executions and a return to a moratorium on death penalty.
“Military courts have consistently failed to uphold any degree of transparency contrary to the most basic due process or fair trial guarantees.”
In July, the military carried out four executions, the first in approximately 30 years. A former lawmaker, a democracy activist, and two others were executed despite calls from the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the international community to desist.
Close to 1,700 detainees of the nearly 16,500 who have been arrested for opposing the military’s coup have been tried and convicted in secret by ad hoc tribunals, sometimes lasting just minutes. None have been acquitted, and often they have not had access to lawyers or their families.
The latest convictions would bring the total number of individuals sentenced to capital punishment to 139 individuals since 1 February 2021.
The actions of the military are not in keeping with the ASEAN 5-point consensus that the South-East Asia nations have just re-committed to uphold at the ASEAN summit in November, Türk said.
“By resorting to use death sentences as a political tool to crush opposition, the military confirms its disdain for the efforts by ASEAN and the international community at large to end violence and create the conditions for a political dialogue to lead Myanmar out of a human rights crisis created by the military,” the UN Human Rights Chief added..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Highlights
Essential medical supplies were distributed to partners in the northwest and southeast regions for use in primary health care services and were expected to meet the needs of more than 14,000 children.
A total of 10,370 children (5,348 girls and 5,022 boys) and 2,062 caregivers were provided with access to mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) activities and interventions through in-person and remote approaches.
Nearly 28,000 temporarily displaced people in Kayin, Kayah, Magway and Tanintharyi received life-saving WASH supplies.
So far this year, UNICEF has provided cash assistance to a total of 8,467 participants through its Maternal and Child Cash Transfer programme.
Up to November, the 2022 UNICEF Humanitarian Action for Children appeal has received only 20 per cent of the required US$151.4 million to cover the multisectoral humanitarian needs of the targeted 1.1 million children..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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"NATIONAL SOCIETY PROFILE:
The Myanmar Red Cross Society is an independent, impartial and neutral humanitarian organization. It began its operations in 1920 as a branch of the Indian Red Cross. After Burma formally separated from India in 1937, the Society obtained official national status and was admitted to the IFRC in 1946. It is the oldest humanitarian organization in Myanmar. The National Society counts 692 staff and 40,000 volunteers. It operates through 330 township branches, 17 supervisory committees (states, regions and Naypyitaw Union Territory), and has branches in universities, colleges, and sub-branches at town, ward, village tract and schools across the country.
The role of the National Society – to serve independently and voluntarily while acting as the auxiliary of the state in the humanitarian field, in accordance with the Red Cross Red Crescent Fundamental Principles – is enshrined in the Myanmar Red Cross Society Law 2015.
The Myanmar Red Cross Society Strategic Plan (2021-2025) sets the following three goals:
Build healthier and safer communities, reduce their vulnerabilities and strengthen their resilience
Promote understanding and respect for the Red Cross Principles, Humanitarian Values, and International Humanitarian Law as a means to promoting social cohesion and non-violence
Strengthen understanding of the Myanmar Red Cross’s auxiliary role among the humanitarian sector by developing a strong, well-functioning and resourceful National Society
According to its Strategic Plan, 2021–2025, with partner support, the Myanmar Red Cross aims to equip Red Cross volunteers, national headquarters and state, regional and township branches with the technical, financial and material resources “to be a well-functioning National Society with the capacity of providing humanitarian services to the most vulnerable people in Myanmar and beyond.”
The National Society plans to extend its traditional emergency response activities – including the delivery of ambulance and first aid services, primary health care, water, sanitation and hygiene services, psychosocial support and protection – while also developing its preparedness through disaster risk reduction, anticipatory action and resilience building.
To support these ambitions, the National Society plans to enhance its institutional capacity through branch development and decentralization, volunteer and youth management and capacity building, resource mobilization and human resource management, and partnership frameworks.
IFRC NETWORK ACTION IN 2023
Joint situational analysis
In 2023, the humanitarian situation in Myanmar will continue to be dominated by the ongoing complex emergency. This protracted crisis is the result of longstanding violence between state forces and ethnic armed organizations in border regions of the country; the situation deteriorated further following a military intervention on 1 February 2021. Moreover, the impacts of COVID-19 continue to slow socio-economic recovery in the country.
Since February 2021, there has been a marked increase in civil unrest and political instability in Myanmar. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), there are currently 12 ongoing non-international armed conflicts in the country.
As a result, insecurity is rising throughout the country, including in major urban centres including Yangon. Food insecurity, limited protection and the inability to access basic services – including mental health and psychosocial support, education and shelter – are expected to continue to be serious humanitarian concerns for 2023.
There are currently more than 1.2 million displaced people in Myanmar – the majority of whom were displaced following the military intervention in February 2021. There are also risks that significantly more people will be internally displaced in the near future, as authorities in Myanmar announced a plan to begin the repatriation of Muslims from Bangladesh. Following the outbreak of ethnic violence in Rakhine State in 2017, some 919,000 Muslims fled to Bangladesh.
Elevated and rising levels of displacement, due to increased levels of violence, present a major humanitarian challenge to displaced people and the communities that host them.
The politicization of humanitarian aid has led to operational challenges for humanitarian organizations including the Myanmar Red Cross and the IFRC network. Humanitarian organizations continue to experience restricted access to affected people, which has a significant impact on humanitarian logistics. Financial restrictions, including challenges in accessing currency, changing bank policies and authority-imposed bureaucratic bottlenecks, have negatively affected the scope of resources available for humanitarian programming and threatened the National Society’s financial sustainability.
Current financial policies have also led to widespread inflation, which continues to increase humanitarian needs across the country. The depreciation of the local currency and the increase in the official foreign exchange rate are likely to continue to affect the National Society’s capacity to plan and implement programmes, while also negatively affecting the ability of humanitarian organizations to deliver aid more broadly.
Accessing health care in Myanmar is difficult, as many health care workers have been participating in civil disobedience activities. Moreover, there is an ongoing lack of medicines and other essential supplies. For internally displaced people, the lack of access to health care is particularly grave as most are unable to access sexual and reproductive services and maternal and child health services. Many are also unable to seek treatment for communicable and non-communicable diseases and do not have access to safe drinking water or sanitation facilities. Additionally, most internally displaced people have unmet needs for mental health and psychosocial support.
While COVID-19 appears to be under control in the country, UNICEF reported that one million children have not been immunized against communicable diseases in Myanmar since 2021. Severe disruptions to the Expanded Programme on Immunization and the lack of access to water, sanitation and hygiene facilities are putting children and whole communities at severe risk of infectious and vaccine-preventable disease outbreaks. Internally displaced people are particularly at risk.
Access to safe drinking water and sanitation facilities remains inadequate in Myanmar. UN data indicates that 73.8 per cent of the urban population and 52.1 per cent of the rural population use safely managed drinking water. Moreover, according to UN data, only 53.4 per cent of the urban population and 64 per cent of the rural population have access to safely managed sanitation.
Myanmar is also a multi-hazard country and is prone to several hydrometeorological and geophysical hazards such as floods, landslides, cyclones, droughts and earthquakes.
Despite the challenging context, the Myanmar Red Cross will prioritize life-saving actions through a coherent and coordinated set of interventions in 2023 to respond to the increasing humanitarian needs across the country..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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2.12 MB
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"BANGKOK (28 November 2022) – The UN Human Rights Office for South-East Asia (OHCHR) is deeply concerned about the potential negative impact on civic space and human rights of new rules regulating the registration of non-profit organizations in Myanmar.
On 28 October, the military’s so-called State Administration Council unilaterally imposed a text making registration compulsory for both national and international non-governmental organizations and associations. In purportedly repealing the 2014 Association Registration Law, these new rules introduce criminal penalties for organizations who fail to comply with punishments up to five years of imprisonment.
Since the attempted coup in February 2021 and in pursuance of their “four-cuts” strategy, the military has put in place numerous measures, including internet shutdowns in over 20 townships, eroding civic space and preventing the exercise of fundamental rights and freedom, such as freedoms of expression and association.
The military has used the national legal framework and the judiciary to crush any opposition and these new provisions add to the legal arsenal at their disposal to exert authoritarian control over Myanmar.
“Civic space has been decimated in the country already due to the military’s actions, particularly its systematic harassment, arrest, and prosecution of anyone who opposed their coup,” said James Rodehaver, Chief of the OHCHR Myanmar Team.
“These new rules could greatly diminish what operational space is left for civic organizations to deliver essential goods and services to a population that is struggling to survive.”
In the context of ongoing fighting throughout the country, military decisions and actions have severely restricted humanitarian access limiting efforts to reach some of the estimated 1.4 million internally displaced people and millions of others affected by crisis with life-saving humanitarian aid.
Local civil society and grassroot organizations have played an increasingly crucial role in the provision of humanitarian assistance to those in need, particularly to food, health care, shelter, safe drinking water, and sanitation facilities.
Registration obligations stemming from this new military text may jeopardize all this and expose over a million people, including children and the elderly, to life-threatening risks, said Rodehaver.
“These new requirements and penalties are likely to make it more difficult for legitimate, dedicated civil society groups to get desperately needed support to those who need it most,” Rodehaver said.
“The military has an obligation to the people of Myanmar to facilitate the work of civil society and to ensure unimpeded access to communities in desperate need of assistance, not target them through bureaucratic harassment or threaten them with prosecution.”
The UN Human Rights Office calls on the military to meet their obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law, particularly to enhance protection of civilians, release political prisoners, and restore a political system representative of the will of the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"“UNITE! Activism to End Violence against Women and Girls”
As we mark the launch of the Commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, women and girls in Myanmar are sounding a loud alarm over their heightened vulnerability, stressing that the weight of gender-based violence, combined with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the ongoing conflict, are eroding their sense of hope and resilience.
Gender-based violence (GBV) is a gross violation of human rights and its roots are entrenched in social norms in all countries. Globally, an estimated one in every three women experience physical or sexual abuse in her lifetime, and one in every four adolescent girls aged 15–19 years, has been abused by an intimate partner or husband. At its worst, gender-based violence can result in death, like in situations where a woman or girl is murdered by family members for bringing dishonour upon the family name or prestige (honour killing). Survivors of gender-based violence suffer short and long-term consequences to their physical and mental health.
The root causes of gender-based violence are embedded in gender-inequality and an unequal power balance between women and men.
The Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey (2015-2016) reported that 17 percent of ever married women aged between 15 and 49 have experienced some forms of intimate partner violence in their lifetime, of which 37 percent are survivors of physical injuries. Among women who have ever experienced sexual violence, 7 out of 10 have never sought help nor told anyone. However, evidence show that gender-based violence is often under-reported and intensifies during times of crisis when resources are limited, especially against women and girls.
The ongoing political, socioeconomic and protection crisis in Myanmar is fuelling the risk of gender-based violence and increasing humanitarian needs. In this very difficult situation, all women and girls are entitled to unconditional protection and enjoyment of their rights without any form of discrimination.
Through the United Nations’ work in other crisis situations, we know that women, children, and persons with disabilities, are particularly vulnerable as they are exposed to significant risks of violence. Working with civil society organisations, the United Nations in Myanmar is promoting the collection of sex, age and disability disaggregated data to ensure holistic and responsive interventions are delivered on time. Currently, over 1.3 million people, including those with disabilities, have been displaced, the majority of which are women and children. Factors such as high exposure to gender-based violence, poverty, displacement, restrictions on movement, and limited access to healthcare, including sexual and reproductive services, are rendering women and girls increasingly vulnerable to many other risks.
The United Nations continues to prioritise delivering principled humanitarian assistance to all affected communities, including internally-displaced people, migrants, the LGBTIQA+ community, women and girls with disability, people living with HIV and AIDS and those affected by COVID-19.
The culture of silence among survivors of violence must be broken in Myanmar to ensure that survivors report cases to local authorities, have access to gender-friendly justice, healthcare, social protection and Mental Health and Psychosocial services.
We call on all humanitarian actors to listen to survivors, and to ensure that essential services, including Women and Girls’ Centers and Safe Houses and specialized services such as case management, receive adequate funds to continue and scale up.
This can only be achieved in close partnership with women’s civil society organizations, community-based organizations, national and international NGOs and donors in Myanmar and donors. Collaborating with, and sustaining funding for women’s organizations and civil society organisations (CSOs), who are at the forefront of responding, and delivering life-saving gender-based violence services at grassroots level, is critical. Many of the Organisations that provide first line of life-saving GBV services are local CSOs. Unfortunately the recently announced Organisation Registration Law will not only negatively impact on their ability to provide such services but may even threaten their very existence.
In Myanmar, the United Nations remains firmly committed to promoting building community-based prevention systems through intensified awareness-raising and social behaviour change programmes, engaging men and boys, community leaders and other local actors.
Together, we re-affirm our strong commitment to stay and deliver life-saving services that address the urgent needs of women and girls. On the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, we call on all stakeholders and agents of change to break the silence to end violence against women and girls, and ensure that all survivors can have access to life-saving services.
Let’s All UNITE and ACT to End Violence against Women and Girls Now!..."
Source/publisher:
UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-25
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Human Rights and international relations, Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups
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"SITUATION AT A GLANCE
6.2 MILLION People Targeted for Humanitarian Assistance in Burma UN – January 2022
1.1 MILLION IDPs in Burma Displaced Since February 2021 UNHCR – November 2022
1.5 MILLION People Displaced in Burma UNHCR – November 2022
1.5 MILLION People Targeted by 2022 Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan UN – March 2022
943,529 Estimated Number of Refugees in Bangladesh UNHCR – August 2022
• Heightened AA–MAF hostilities continue in Burma’s Rakhine and southern Chin states with an estimated 16,700 individuals remaining displaced as of November, the UN reports. Humanitarian access to Rakhine and Chin remains restricted amid curfews, military checkpoints, road closures, and violence.
• A MAF air strike results in the deaths of an estimated 80 people, including civilians, in Kachin State’s Hpakant township on October 23, representing the largest recorded mass casualty incidence since the 2021 coup d'état.
• Tropical Cyclone Sitrang damages more than 650 shelters and displaces more than 250 individuals in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar District in late October, relief actors report..."
Source/publisher:
US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
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"The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar today urged the Republic of Korea (ROK) to take even stronger action to help reverse the international community’s failure to address the crisis in Myanmar.
“The Republic of Korea can play a vital leadership role in denying the Myanmar junta the means to continue holding 54 million people hostage while becoming a leader in providing humanitarian support to those in desperate need,’’ said Tom Andrews, the UN expert, at the end of a six-day official visit to the Republic of Korea.
In a statement delivered at the end of his visit, the Special Rapporteur urged the government to build on the positive steps it has taken including publicly denouncing the coup, imposing an arms embargo, and issuing a moratorium on forced returns of Myanmar nationals back to Myanmar.
“The ROK can lead by example to prevent Myanmar nationals from being forcibly returned to Myanmar from other countries,” said Andrews. “Given the brutal violence being perpetrated by the junta, no country should force anyone back to Myanmar. The ROK has established an unambiguous policy that protects people from being forced back to Myanmar. It should be considered as a model for all countries in the region.”
Andrews highlighted the ROK’s unique position to have a positive impact on the situation in Myanmar. “Not only is the ROK a strong regional power with a vibrant economy and a member of ASEAN+3, but as I learned in my travels here, the people of the ROK can identify deeply with a people who are under siege and yet are also defiant and committed to undoing the shackles of a military dictatorship.”
“Now it is time for the ROK to build upon the positive steps it has taken and transform its political support and empathy for Myanmar into even stronger action,’’ Andrews said.
Andrews provided recommendations to the government at the end of his visit. “The Republic of Korea should denounce the fraudulent elections that the junta is planning for next year, impose economic sanctions on key economic targets associated with the junta, and expand upon its humane treatment of those Myanmar nationals residing in the ROK while encouraging Myanmar’s neighbors to do the same.”
“While the humanitarian visa programme allows Myanmar nationals with valid visas in the ROK to legally extend their stay and have access to employment, I urge the Government to deepen these efforts by ensuring that all persons from Myanmar residing in the ROK, including irregular migrants, can regularise their status, to avoid exploitation and abuse,” stated Andrews.
During his visit, Andrews met government officials, civil society and human rights representatives and CEOs of major Korean businesses with operations in Myanmar. He also met with the National Unity Government’s Representative to the ROK Korea, and members of the Bamar, Karen, Chin, Kachin, Mon and Rakhine ethnic groups who are currently in Myanmar. Andrews travelled to the city of Gwangju, where he visited memorial sites of the May 18 Revolution and met with members Gwangju Myanmar solidarity movement.
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews, is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-21
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, UN human rights documents on Myanmar
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"BANGKOK – The Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer is encouraged by the announcement of the mass release of detainees in Myanmar and reiterates the Secretary-General’s call for the immediate release of all of those who continue to be arbitrarily detained, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
Special Envoy Heyzer reinforced her call for the release of all children and political prisoners who are being detained in prisons or other facilities in Myanmar, which she conveyed during her mission to Nay Pyi Taw in August along with the requested release of Australian economist Sean Turnell, who was freed during the recent mass release.
The Special Envoy appreciates continued support from Member States including in the UN Security Council and UN General Assembly that have echoed calls for the immediate release of all political detainees and strongly condemned arbitrary detention, arrest and politically motivated convictions, sentencing and executions, including of opposition activists..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-19
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Individual Documents
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UN human rights documents on Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations
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"In response to the reported release of the former British ambassador Vicky Bowman and her artist husband Htein Lin, who had been jailed in Myanmar’s post-coup crackdown, Polly Truscott, Amnesty International UK’s Foreign Policy Director, said:
“We’re enormously relieved to hear that Vicky Bowman, Htein Lin and political prisoners including U Mya Aye are among the thousands being released from prison. Many should never have been jailed in the first place and there are still thousands of others who’ve been arbitrarily imprisoned in Myanmar need to be released as well.
“Since the February 2021 coup, the authorities in Myanmar have rounded up thousands of people who’ve been jailed on spurious grounds, including for simply exercising their human rights.
“Myanmar has a history of announcing prisoner amnesties at politically opportune times, and today’s releases may have more to do with the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting taking place in Thailand this week than any change of heart from the authorities.
“The UK should see today’s releases as another opportunity to press the Myanmar government to release all those who’ve been jailed arbitrarily, as well as calling on the authorities to allow proper independent investigations into the thousands of killings that have taken place in the wake of the coup.”..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"JAKARTA – Southeast Asian countries must do more to truly guarantee freedom of religion, protect minorities, and stop using “public order” and “harmony” as justifications for imposing unwarranted restrictions on this fundamental right, a new report from ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) found.
“This report shows that many laws that inhibit, restrict, and repress religious freedoms remain on the books and are implemented throughout Southeast Asia. This report is a reminder that, despite all achievements to maintain coexistence in a plural Southeast Asia, there are still many problems that remain to be solved and situations that should be improved,” said APHR member and Indonesian MP Taufik Basari.
The report, titled “Restricting Diversity: Mapping Legislation on Freedom of Religion or Belief in Southeast Asia,” was launched on 7 November 2022 and provides an overview of the laws and regulations regarding the right to freedom of religion or belief in the region. One of the key findings in the report is that, while many of the constitutions of Southeast Asian countries formally guarantee the right to freedom of religion, in practice the laws related to religion contain ambiguities and restrictions that do not conform with international standards.
National security and public order, for instance, have often been used to justify restricting the freedom of religious minorities, including Ahmadiyah, Shia, Jehovah’s Witnesses and others. Meanwhile, blasphemy laws are often used to criminalize certain religious groups that are critical to the state, government or the religious establishment of the majority, in flagrant violation of international human rights standards.
“I hope we can have more dialogues in the future and more innovative methods to promote and protect FoRB in the Southeast Asian countries. The law must serve as a tool in creating peace and balance for the community, so it should be formulated properly in order to bring justice in society.”” said APHR member and Timor-Leste MP Isabel Ximenes.
Parliamentarians can play a crucial role in working towards fully guaranteeing freedom of religion or belief in Southeast Asia by repealing and amending laws that violate such freedom, and pass new laws where necessary.
“I think that, at the end of the day, we must have a firm commitment from parliamentarians or both sides, whether in government or in parliament, to have the same understanding about human rights. If you do not speak the language of human rights, then you are the problem,” said Dr. Ahmad Farouk Musa, Founder and Director of Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF), Malaysia, and surgery professor at Monash University..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-17
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"16 November 2022, New York – European Union General Statement at the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly Third Committee Resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar: A/C.3/77 /L.33 Rev 1
Mr. Chair,
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Member States.
The Candidate Countries North Macedonia*, Montenegro*, Albania*, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, the country of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidate Bosnia and Herzegovina, align themselves with this statement.
The resolution that the EU and the OIC are presenting today for adoption by the Third Committee of the General Assembly is about atrocities committed for many years against Rohingya and persons belonging to other minorities in Myanmar, and about atrocities committed against all the population of Myanmar since a military coup forcibly overthrew the civilian government in blatant violation of the will and democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar on 1 February 2021.
The indiscriminate use of violence by the Myanmar armed and security forces across the country, the widespread cases of killings, torture and other forms of ill-treatment, the obstruction of humanitarian aid and the breaches of international humanitarian law, sexual and gender-based violence as well as the maiming and killing of children occurring every day in Myanmar are intolerable. The international community, in particular the United Nations and ASEAN must act to stop these atrocities. This joint resolution prepared by the EU and the OIC aims at contributing to this urgent call for action. I would like to thank the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh for the good cooperation in preparing the resolution.
We are appalled by the death sentences carried out by the junta in July 2022 against four pro-democracy activists, after decades with no recorded executions in Myanmar. We are extremely alarmed by the continued arbitrary detention of journalists, peaceful protesters and politicians, and by the unjustified restrictions to fundamental freedoms in Myanmar, aggravated by the junta. The continued military build-up and flow of arms into Myanmar also gravely undermine human rights and must stop immediately.
Mr Chair,
Rohingya and persons belonging to other minorities in Myanmar continue to face severe movement restrictions, impeded access to services and livelihoods, disenfranchisement and violations of their fundamental rights. The current situation in Myanmar also suppresses hopes for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of the 1.5 million Rohingya and other minorities who have found refuge in Bangladesh and across the region.
This joint EU-OIC resolution is also about accountability: It sends a strong message on the importance of the work ongoing with the ICC and the ICJ, and calls on all countries to actively cooperate with the Independent Investigate Mechanism for Myanmar, including by facilitating access to witnesses of human rights violations.
The European Union wishes to express its unequivocal support for all the people of Myanmar, including Rohingya and other minorities, their democratic aspirations, and their legitimate expectation that their human rights and the rule of law be respected.
The European Union continues to underline the importance and urgency of the full implementation of the ASEAN “Five Point Consensus”. The EU stands ready to actively support ASEAN’s efforts towards the establishment of a constructive political dialogue, which is essential for the country’s return to a democratic path..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations in New York
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-16
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya
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"Documented incidents
01-02 Nov 2022: In Mandalay town, township, district and region, 24 health workers were arrested by the Myanmar military following the series of arrests and seizures of pharmaceuticals on 27-31 October 2022. Some were physicians, obstetricians, orthopaedic surgeons and public health practitioners affiliated with the CDM. Many of them were volunteering at a charity hospital called Byamaso. Sources: BBC Burmese, Mandalay Free Press and The Irrawaddy
02 Nov 2022: In Pyigyitagon town and township, Mandalay district and region, a building of a Christian orphanage and daycare school allegedly used for health care provision by the health workers arrested in the series of arrests 27 Oct – 2 Nov 2022 were seized and sealed by the Myanmar military. Around 60 child IDPs and the staff sheltering in the property were forced to leave. The Myanmar military alleged that the buildings had been used by the Kachin Independence Army and local defence forces. Sources: Chindwin News Agency, Facebook, Mandalay Free Press and Radio Free Asia
06 November 2022: In Sittwe town, township, and district, Rakhine state, a male volunteer aid worker for the LNGO Arakan Blood Donor was arrested by the Myanmar military following an attack on a government officer by gunmen earlier in the day. Source: Development Media Group
07 November 2022: In Hnget Pyaw Taing village and village tract, Kanbalu township and district, Sagaing region, a midwife was kidnapped and her husband was shot dead allegedly by the local defence forces. At the time of incident, around 70 armed people raided the sub-rural health centre, tortured the midwife and opened fire at her husband who tried to escape with their seven and nine-year-old sons. The midwife was kidnapped along with her vehicle and was not affiliated with the CDM. Sources: Facebook, Telegram, Telegram II and Voice of Myanmar
08 November 2022: Near Kyar Ta Kan village, Htan Pin Kone village tract, Kyunhla township, Kanbalu district, Sagaing region, a health worker from the NGO ASELF TOT Health was injured in a landmine explosion while on his way to meet a patient. The Myanmar military accused the local defence forces for planting the landmine. Sources: Facebook and Telegram
Reported on 08 November 2022: Htantlang township, Chin state, two clinics were amongst 25 targets for airstrikes according to leaked documents of the Myanmar military. Sources: Chin Human Rights Organisation, Facebook and Khit Thit Media
10 November 2022: In Sin Inn Gyi village, Ponnagyun township, Sittwe district, Rakhine state, a male health worker was among the ten civilians shot dead by the Myanmar military. Sources: Development Media Group and Myanmar Now
13 November 2022: In Yesagyo town and township, Pakokku district, Magway region, the local defence forces attacked the Myanmar military occupying the township hospital killing two soldiers and injuring one. Sources: Khit Thit Media and Mizzima
13 November 2022: In Hlaing town and township, Mayangone district, Yangon region, a patient was arrested by the Myanmar military from a private clinic while he was seeking treatment after being injured in an IED attack on a military vehicle by an unknown group and the shooting at the people around the scene by the Myanmar military. Sources: BBC Burmese and Mizzima
11-14 November 2022: In Kyaiklat town and township, Pyapon district, Ayeyarwady region, a male doctor was among 30 civilians arrested by the Myanmar military following the shooting of a militia member by armed men on 10 November 2022. After initial interrogation, the doctor and another civilian remained detained and were charged with violation of Penal Code Section 505(A). Sources: Delta News Agency and Voice of Myanmar
14 November 2022: In Obo Prison, Aungmyathazan town, township and district, Mandalay region, a female midwife reportedly died after being tortured during interrogation by the Myanmar military. She was arrested on 29 October 2022. Sources: Chindwin News Agency, Mandalay Free Press and Myanmar Now..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-15
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Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"H.E. Mr. Aung Kyi Nyunt, Chairperson o f the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu
Hluttaw sent a thank you letter to H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General o f
the United Nations on 14 November 2022 as follows:
"On behalf o f the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and in my
capacity as Chairperson o f the CRPH, I write to thank you for your public calls urging
the M yanmar junta to immediately return to democracy, saying it was the only way to
stop the "unending n ightmare" engulfin g the country.
The nightmare is all too real for Myanmar's people and none more so than Myanmar’s
large Ethnic Nationalities population who have suffered systemic discrimination and
violence over many decades, but violence now at a level not seen before. The
indiscriminate killings caused by the targeted airstrikes conducted by the military
junta in the Saging Region, Magway Region, Kachin, Kayin, Chin and Rakhine States
is too cruel with children now being murdered.
We further welcome your strong call for the military junta to release all political
prisoners including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and for countries to develop a regional framework to protect refugees from
Myanmar. Moreover, your statement that it is vital to have a peace plan agreed to by
the military junta, referring to the ASEAN agreed five-point consensus that has not
taken effect.
In order to implement the ASEAN five-point consensus, an all-inclusive process is
important. We note that ASEAN has set its Foreign Ministers the task o f developing
an implementation plan to its statement issued recently in Phnom Penh.
Civilian leaders including leaders o f elected representatives, political parties, and
Ethnic Nationalities need to be front and center in these processes and military-led
dialogue only would not yield a return to a civilian democratic government.
The CRPH is the lawful parliamentary institution that legitimately represents the
people o f Myanmar. You would o f course know that the CRPH was convened with the clcctoral mandate from the citizens through a free and fair election in 2020
November. The CRPH stands ready to work with the United Nations, ASEAN, friends
of democracy and of Myanmar to bring an end to the violence and Usher in peace.
The International Parliamentary Union (IPU) states that the parliamentarians are the
peacemakers and that is what we are doing our best to be. We stand ready to lead in
this and lead our people to a better place. The violence, the trauma, the carnage, the
strafing o f children and civilians from fighter planes deployed by General Min Aung
Hlaing beggar belief. We must make every effort to effect peace.
To further this, I request your consideration of at least the following actions.
1. Lend your good offices to support ASEAN to advance its five-point consensus
and recent commitment to develop an implementation plan articulated in its
statement titled ASEAN LEADERS' REVIEW AND DECISION ON THE
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE FIVE-POINT CONSENSUS (Sec attached).
2. Lend your good offices to your Special Envoy to convene a series o f inclusive
round tables with the parties to brainstorm what peace could look like and
what practical steps are to be taken to get there. (Think DARE for Timor-Leste
talks and the UN’s direct involvement in getting people to the table). I know
that you played a big role as well in supporting Timor-Leste. It could be useful
to involve your colleague and close friend H.E. President Jose Ramos-Horta.
3. Lend your good offices to have United Nations inclusive processes and
procedures for the democratically elected representatives of Myanmar. (Noting
that at the recent Global Town Hull event where NUG is present that your
Deputies do not pressure organizers to disallow the NUG to be present as "it
looks like they the UN are taking sides" as happened).
I thank you again for your efforts regarding the Myanmar crisis and look forward to
working with you to restore peace, stability and development in our country."..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-15
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Type:
Individual Documents
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ဦးအောင်ကြည်ညွန့်သည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ် H.E. Mr. António Guterres ထံသို့ ၁၄-၁၁-၂၀၂၂ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြောင်း စာတစ်စောင် ပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါသည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ဥက္ကဌ၏ ပေးပို့စာအား မြန်မာဘာသာပြန်ဆိုချက်နှင့်တကွ ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"14 November 2022: The United Nations (UN) must respond decisively to a call made by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for support in implementing the stalled Five-Point Consensus (5PC) on Myanmar by adopting complementary mechanisms and ensuring no participation of military representatives throughout the UN system.
ASEAN leaders announced a decision on implementation of the 5PC on Friday 11 November 2022, following a review as part of the ASEAN Summit. The leaders of ASEAN member states identified the Myanmar military as responsible for the failure in implementing the 5PC to date, announced additional measures to advance implementation and called on the UN to support ASEAN’s efforts.
“The frustration of ASEAN leaders with Min Aung Hlaing’s intransigence is evident as his military continues to threaten the security and stability of the region with utter contempt for all efforts made to appeal to him,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The UN must respond to ASEAN’s calls by using enforceable mechanisms to advance accountability for Myanmar and exert all possible pressure on the junta. ASEAN cannot deal with the junta alone.”
ASEAN has still not engaged with the National Unity Government of Myanmar and the renewed actions announced by the leaders do little to move ASEAN beyond the 5PC agreed to almost two years ago. The ASEAN leaders resolved to maintain a ban on representatives of the military from participating in ASEAN Summits and Foreign Minister’s meetings, but as yet failed to extend the ban throughout the ASEAN system.
“The most decisive step ASEAN has taken to date has been to ban the junta from high-level meetings. That decision has been maintained and it must not be undermined by UN bodies or representatives,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “ASEAN has expressly denied the junta recognition and the international community must follow. Min Aung Hlaing is the leader of a brutal murderous armed force and nothing more – ASEAN has made that clear. Junta representatives must be banned from all ASEAN meetings.”
The responsibility of all parties to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to all in need without discrimination was also highlighted by the ASEAN leaders in the announcement. However, the renewed actions allow representatives of the junta to remain on the governing board of the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre), while junta forces are deliberately depriving entire communities in Myanmar of basic humanitarian needs as part of a long-standing military strategy of collective punishment.
“ASEAN must urgently recognise that the junta simply cannot be given any involvement in the means and methods of humanitarian assistance to Myanmar to alleviate a humanitarian crisis that the junta itself has caused and continues to deliberately exacerbate for political and military gain,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The approach taken by UN agencies must also be reviewed accordingly. The role of the National Unity Government, Ethnic Resistance Organisations and local actors in delivering essential services to people across the country must be recognised and empowered.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-14
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"1. During the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits, the Leaders assessed the
implementation of the Five-Point Consensus as agreed at the ASEAN Leaders'
Meeting in April 2021. We took note of the recommendations of the 55th ASEAN
Foreign Ministers' Meeting on 3 August 2022 and Special ASEAN Foreign
Ministers on 27 October 2022.
REVIEW
2. We reaffirmed that Myanmar remains an integral part of ASEAN;
3. We considered Articles 7 and 20 of the ASEAN Charter and recalled our 38th and
39th Summits;
4. Considering that the situation in Myanmar remains critical and fragile, with
growing violence as a major concern which affects not only Myanmar but also
ASEAN's Community-building efforts, ASEAN is committed to assist Myanmar
in finding a peaceful and durable solution to the current crisis;
5. With little progress achieved in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus,
it is therefore incumbent on the Myanmar Armed Forces to comply with its
commitments to the ASEAN Leaders;
DECISION
6. The Five-Point Consensus shall remain our valid reference and should be
implemented in its entirety;
7. There is a need for an implementation plan that outlines concrete, practical and
measurable indicators with specific timeline to support the Five-Point Consensus
and, therefore, shall be developed. We tasked the ASEAN Foreign Ministers to
develop the implementation plan; 8. To seek all parties concerned to adhere to and implement the Five-Point
Consensus and for ASEAN to engage all stakeholders soon. Engagement would
be done in a flexible and informal manner, primarily undertaken by the Special
Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar due to the neutrality that is inherent in
his/her mandate, with the sole objective of restoring peace and stability in the
country in accordance with the Five-Point Consensus;
9. Whilst maintaining Myanmar's non-political representation to the ASEAN
Summits and the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting, we tasked the ASEAN
Coordinating Council to further review Myanmar's representation at ASEAN
meetings, if the situation so requires;
10. We reaffirmed that ASEAN Summit is the supreme decision-making body and
will make the final decision on the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus,
including when consensus cannot be achieved, in line with the ASEAN Charter;
11. To urge all parties concerned to de-escalate tensions and exercise utmost restraints
and all parties concerned that bear arms should be fairly held accountable and
condemned for violence, noting that the Myanmar Armed Force is the single
largest military forces in Myanmar;
12. Calls all parties in Myanmar to facilitate the work of the Secretary General of
ASEAN and AHA Centre in delivering humanitarian assistance in Myanmar to
all in need without discrimination. The Secretary-General of ASEAN and the
AHA Centre should be empowered with some degree of autonomy to facilitate
the humanitarian assistance in Myanmar;
13. ASEAN is to call the UN and our external partners to support us in our efforts in
the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus;
14. ASEAN shall consider exploring other approaches that could support the
implementation of the Five-Point Consensus;
15. We shall review the above decision at our future sessions and mandate the Foreign
Ministers to monitor progress and report to the ASEAN Summit..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Leaked ASEAN document reveals proposal to appease Myanmar junta, “maintain status quo”
Description:
"“ASEAN leaders need to get real—the junta is the cause of the crisis in Myanmar, not the solution,” said Patrick Phongsathorn, Human Rights Advocacy Specialist at Fortify Rights. “Efforts like this to appease the junta will only prolong its commission of international crimes, the suffering of the Myanmar people, and the negative impacts of this crisis on the wider region. The junta poses a threat to international peace and security and should be treated as such.”
Fortify Rights received the leaked internal ASEAN document from a well-placed source close to negotiations between ASEAN member states on the Myanmar crisis. The office of the ASEAN chair—Cambodia—reportedly prepared the undated document following an emergency meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers in Jakarta, Indonesia on October 27, 2022. The document includes 11 numbered points, including equivocal assessments of the situation in Myanmar (e.g., “growing violence from all armed groups is a major concern”) as well as general directives and recommendations for ways forward. It makes no mention of the junta’s ongoing coup d’état, it’s more than 12,000 political prisoners, or the junta’s well-documented nationwide attack on the civilian population.
Myanmar coup-leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing will not attend the ASEAN Summit. ASEAN has agreed to exclude representatives of the Myanmar junta from ASEAN Summits and foreign minister’s meetings, accepting only “non-political” representatives from Myanmar. The leaked document obtained by Fortify Rights acknowledges, at point four, that this policy will remain; however, the document clarifies that “other ministerial meetings shall maintain the status quo,” meaning that junta representatives will be welcomed at those meetings.
Point two in the document clarifies that ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus shall be retained” and that the ASEAN Secretariat will be tasked “to draft the implementation plan.”
Point eight in the document, which may have been proposed by a single foreign minister, refers to a “strategic reverse implementation approach,” which is defined in the document as ASEAN “try[ing] to find converging points between the two separate parallel tracks of the 5-Point Consensus and 5-Point Roadmap.”
The Myanmar junta proposed the Five Point Road Map in August 2021 as a rival plan to ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, which the junta itself had agreed to three months earlier, on April 24, 2021, in Jakarta, Indonesia. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus calls for end to violence, constructive dialogue among all parties, the appointment of an ASEAN Special Envoy to facilitate dialogue, humanitarian aid, and a visit to Myanmar by the Special Envoy. Following its adoption, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing almost immediately flouted the agreement, which is widely viewed as an abject failure.
The junta’s Five Point Road Map has as one of its objectives “free and fair multiparty democratic elections” following the lifting of the junta-imposed state of emergency.
Since the military putsch of February 2021, the Myanmar junta has sought to systematically annihilate all opposition to its rule. In the first six months after the coup, Fortify Rights and the Schell Center at Yale Law School documented crimes against humanity perpetrated by the military and police in Myanmar, including murder, imprisonment, torture, persecution, and enforced disappearances. In a concerted effort to solidify its rule, the junta has systematically arrested more than 16,000 people since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), with more than 12,000 remaining behind bars at the time of writing. Political prisoners include opinion leaders, members of civil society, key political figures, health workers, and civil servants formerly involved in the administration of elections. Fortify Rights and the Schell Center documented the imprisonment of Union Election Commissioners, journalists, and civil society leaders, and the imprisonment and enforced disappearance of National League for Democracy (NLD) officials.
According to media reports, as of July 2022, the junta killed almost 50 NLD members, including at least three members of parliament, and arrested nearly 900 members of the party since the coup. On July 25, ending a decades-long moratorium on the use of the death penalty, the Myanmar military junta executed four political prisoners, including NLD lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw and veteran democracy activist U Kyaw Min Yu, popularly known as Ko Jimmy.
The U.N. reports that more than 1.1 million people are displaced in Myanmar and more than 30,000 civilian properties have been razed since the coup on February 1, 2021.
“The junta’s plans to conduct elections next year are a complete farce and should be treated as such by the entire international community,” Patrick Phongsathorn said. “ASEAN leaders must reject any plans to continue to appease the junta, which is committing a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population of Myanmar.”
In another sign of discord within ASEAN, the original two-page Chair’s Statement that resulted from the emergency foreign ministers meeting on October 27, 2022 has subsequently been removed from the ASEAN website and replaced with a much shorter, three-paragraph text. The revised statement no longer makes reference to “concrete, practical and time-bound actions” to strengthen implementation of the Five Point Consensus, as was noted in the original Chair’s Statement, and fails to provide details on other key issues such as the delivery of humanitarian aid.
In line with its apparent policy of appeasement, on November 4, ASEAN appointed the Myanmar junta as chair of the ASEAN Air Chiefs Conference, as revealed in the junta-run Global New Light of Myanmar and reported by the organization Justice for Myanmar, despite the fact that the junta’s air force is responsible for ongoing airstrikes against civilian populations. The Air Chiefs Conference involves coordination between air forces within the region.
ASEAN should suspend the Myanmar junta’s participation in meetings throughout the entire ASEAN system, scrap the failed five-point consensus, and enact emergency measures to protect the country’s civilian population, said Fortify Rights today.
Such emergency measures should include an agreement on protecting Myanmar refugees, authorizing cross-border humanitarian aid, and coordinating with other U.N. member states to deprive the Myanmar military junta of weapons, dual-use technology, aviation fuel, revenue, and political recognition. ASEAN must now publicly engage the National Unity Government—Myanmar’s legitimate representative on the international stage.
“The Myanmar junta has undermined ASEAN’s efforts at every stage of this crisis,” said Patrick Phongsathorn. “The Myanmar people can’t wait any longer. ASEAN needs to take concrete emergency action now.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
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Description:
"Almost two years after the military coup, over 1.4 million people are displaced inside Myanmar, 12,839 people are detained in inhumane conditions, at least 73 people remain on death row, and 7.8 million children are out of school. The Myanmar military has killed hundreds of protesters and bystanders, and thousands have died a result of armed conflict across the country since the coup. The Myanmar military is flagrantly ignoring calls to respect human rights, including the ASEAN five-point consensus which they agreed to implement in April 2021. ASEAN must act with the utmost urgency to convince the Myanmar military to stop committing atrocities and listen to the Myanmar people who are the key stakeholders. There is no time for further delay..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Size:
122.19 KB
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Description:
"Few countries have suffered so much hardship as Myanmar. Throughout
its recent history, Myanmar has suffered endless civil wars, poverty and
the tyrannical rule of a military more dedicated to defending its own
interests and imposing by force, on an extraordinarily diverse society, an
ethnocentric idea of national unity than to protecting its own people.
The latest episode in a long string of tragedies started on 1 February 2021,
when, after a decade of democratic reforms that offered some glimmers
of hope for the future development of the country, the military asserted
itself again with a senseless coup d’état that would throw the country into
chaos over the coming months. The great mass of the Myanmar population
has valiantly opposed the coup from the very beginning with strikes and
peaceful demonstrations organized by a civil disobedience movement
(CDM) which emerged spontaneously out of the burning desire of the
Myanmar people to prevent at all costs a return to military rule.
At first, most of the global community seemed to take the side of the
people against the junta established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing,
the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar armed forces. As the military
launched a brutal campaign of repression, many government and
international institutions issued statements of concern condemning the
coup and the violence, but little else.
The international attention on Myanmar soon faded away, as crises
elsewhere displaced it from the headlines. Policy-makers throughout the
world seemed to forget about the Myanmar people’s plight. That neglect
was taking place as the situation in Myanmar only kept worsening. Since
the coup, the military has steadily ramped up its repression, committing
all kinds of atrocities against the Myanmar people in order to consolidate
its power. Failing, however, to do so, the junta has merely accomplished
to drive the country into a civil war that is devastating the economy,
displacing hundreds of thousands, throwing millions into poverty, and
generating a humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions.
We, eight Parliamentarians from seven countries all over the world who had
been observing with concern the worsening situation in Myanmar, decided
that more needed to be done. At the initiative of ASEAN Parliamentarians
for Human Rights (APHR), we formed an international coalition to launch
the International Parliamentary Inquiry (IPI) into the global response to
the crisis in Myanmar. Our aim has been to find out how and why the
global community has failed to address the crisis, with the view to offering
recommendations on what it should do.
The result of such work is this report, drafted to persuade the international
community to substantially increase their support for the Myanmar
people. We are convinced that such support is not only necessary as a
consequence of the crucial geopolitical importance of Myanmar, but also
because, as authoritarianism seems to be on the ascendance throughout
the world, the struggle of the Myanmar people for democracy is also the
struggle of all people who love democracy and justice everywhere.
A common theme often repeated by our witnesses has been that, in the
face of such a horrible tragedy, the countries and international institutions
that claim to support democracy in Myanmar have reacted with a timidity
that puts in serious doubt their alleged commitment to the country.
The inquiry has also given us a better understanding of the political
complexities of Myanmar, particularly its multiple ethnic conflicts, which
are crucial to understand the prominent role of the military, and the
true extent of the crimes against humanity committed by the military.
But the inquiry has also shown us the determination and courage of
those fighting for democracy in Myanmar; the heroism of civil society
organizations, most often led by admirably resilient women, working to
tackle the humanitarian crisis; and the commitment and selflessness of
those activists, particularly the youth, who refuse to give up in working to
realize their dream of a better and more just Myanmar.
We are deeply grateful for their testimonies and invaluable help in
conducting this inquiry. We are also firmly convinced that the future of
Myanmar belongs to all of them, and to millions of Myanmar people of
all ethnicities who fight everyday for their rights in many different ways,
many of them unacknowledged. They are the ones who can break the
tragic cycle of violence that has brought so much misery and misfortune
to the country, not a military that is acting as a brutal force of occupation
in its own territory. But they need our help. Let’s not fail them again..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
2.42 MB 184.71 KB 134.17 KB 155.09 KB
Local URL:
2022-11-03-IPI-APHR-final-report_Time-is-not-on-our-side_-The-failed-international-response-to-the-Myanmar-coup-en.pdf- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-bu.pdf
- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-indo.pdf
- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-Malay.pdf
- 2022-11-03-IPI-APHR_Report-executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-thai.pdf
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Description:
"International actors should help Myanmar to put an end to the violence and human rights violations perpetrated by the military junta since the coup in February 2021, put the country’s military under civilian control, and establish a federal democratic system, argued the International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response response to the crisis in Myanmar (IPI) in its final report, published today.
The report, titled “Time is not on our side”: The Failed International Response to the Myanmar Coup, contains an analysis of the situation in Myanmar since the military takeover, as well as the reaction of international actors. Finding that the global response to the crisis has fallen woefully short of international obligations and standards, the IPI offers a set of recommendations to move forward and help the Myanmar people in their struggle against military dictatorship.
“It is imperative that the international community changes course on Myanmar as soon as possible, and those countries claiming to support democracy and human rights in the country live up to their stated commitments. They should begin with recognizing the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) as what it is: the legitimate authority in the country; impose effective and coordinated sanctions on the junta, and address the terrible humanitarian crisis afflicting Myanmar,” said Heidi Hautala, Vice President of the European Parliament and IPI Chair.
The IPI is an initiative launched by ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) in June 2022. Its Committee is formed by eight parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe who are appalled by the situation in Myanmar since the military takeover.
Since the coup, the Myanmar military has committed acts which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to “crimes against humanity and war crimes” in order to consolidate its power against widespread popular resistance to its rule, throwing the country into chaos, and leading it to the brink of becoming a failed state.
The IPI Committee has held a total of six public oral hearings online, as well as several private hearings, with dozens of stakeholders and experts, and has received dozens of written submissions. Two of its members conducted a fact-finding mission to the Thai-Myanmar border in August 2022.
The Inquiry has analyzed the response to the crisis in Myanmar of a wide variety of international actors, but has paid particular attention to the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in which Myanmar is a member. In April 2021, ASEAN member states and the Myanmar junta, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, signed the Five-Point Consensus to put an end to the violence, seek a negotiated solution to the conflict and address the humanitarian crisis. Since then, many countries have expressed their support for the agreement and largely deferred to ASEAN to solve the crisis.
“It has become abundantly clear that the Five Point Consensus has been an utter failure. General Min Aung Hlaing has shown an absolute contempt for the agreement he signed and for ASEAN’s member states, and the regional group has been unable to adopt a stance to put pressure on the Junta. Meanwhile, most of the international community has hidden behind ASEAN in order to avoid doing anything meaningful. It is past time that ASEAN ditches the Five Point Consensus and urgently rethinks its approach to the crisis in Myanmar,” said Charles Santiago, former Member of Parliament (MP) in Malaysia, APHR Chairperson and IPI Committee Member.
In the latest meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers on Myanmar, held on 27 October, the regional group agreed to “reaffirmed the importance and relevance of the Five-Point Consensus” while underscoring “the need to further strengthen its implementation through concrete, practical and time-bound actions.”
“ASEAN is not acting with the urgency that the situation in Myanmar demands. The group should have started to put real pressure on the junta and engage the NUG long ago. It is unacceptable that ASEAN continue to shirk their responsibilities to the people of Myanmar, and continue adopting half-hearted measures that only serve to embolden Min Aung Hlaing and his junta,” added Santiago.
International passivity has encouraged a sense of impunity within the Myanmar military, which most recently launched an airstrike on a multitude attending a music festival in Kachin state, killing at least 60 civilians. By the most conservative estimates, the junta has killed at least 2,404 Myanmar citizens, and arrested over 16,000 people.
The violence has also displaced hundreds of thousands from their homes, and the number of internally displaced people in the country now has reached 1.3 million, a terrible record in Myanmar’s history. Many interviewees during the IPI oral hearings described in vivid detail the humanitarian catastrophe afflicting the Myanmar people, as well as how the military junta is hijacking and weaponizing the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
“Myanmar is suffering a tragedy words cannot describe. The global community should urgently step up the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and it should work with local civil society organizations that know the terrain well, have ample experience and are trusted by the population. Millions of Myanmar citizens suffering the most grievous hardships cannot wait for long. International actors should leave politics aside and help the Myanmar people immediately,” said Mercy Barends, APHR Board Member and IPI Committee Member..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
2.42 MB 184.71 KB 134.17 KB 155.09 KB
Local URL:
- 2022-11-02-IPI-APHR-final-report-Time-is-not-on-our-side-the-failed-international-response-to-the-Myanmar-coup-en.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-bu.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-indo.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-malay.pdf
- 2022-11-02- APHR_IPI_the report’s-Executive-Summary-and-Recommendations-thai.pdf
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Description:
"Today, on International Religious Freedom Day, 27 October 2022, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) published a new report entitled: “Violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief since the coup d’état in Myanmar”, which examines the situation of the right to freedom of religion or belief in Myanmar since Military coup.
Since the coup d’état on 1 February 2021, the military has been responsible for human rights violations on a large scale,[1] including unlawful killings, torture and other ill treatment and arbitrary detentions. The rights to freedom of assembly, movement, information and speech have also been severely curtailed. Less well-reported have been the Tatmadaw’s (i.e., Myanmar military) systematic violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief, particularly targeting members of Myanmar’s sizeable religious minorities despite the fact that some of these violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief have not only increased drastically, but also that they could amount to war crimes under international law.
In the aftermath of the coup, the military initially focused on limiting the rights to freedom of expression and information by suppressing the media and internet access. Since then, massive arrests of journalists, activists, human rights defenders and internet shutdown have systematically curtailed freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and media freedom. The military’s focus has also widened to include suppression of the right to freedom of religion or belief with raids and attacks on places of worship, leading to damage and destruction. The military has also set up military encampments in places of worship. There have also been reports of arrests of religious leaders, who were later prohibited from practising their religion while in detention.
This report presents an overview of the violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief that have taken place from 1 February 2021 until 30 May 2022. These include:
Incidents of violence against religious leaders and religious minority communities;
Raids on places of worship;
The use of religious sites as military camps;
The destruction of religious buildings and shrines;
The restrictions of movement and denied citizenship for Rohingya
The emergence of new forms of nationalism after the coup
In light of these serious concerns, the report offers a number of recommendations, particularly to the UN, and International Community with a view to addressing the violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief in the country.
This report is part of a series of ICJ publications on the right to freedom of religion or belief.
[1] “Human rights ‘catastrophe’ in Myanmar: UN calls for urgent action”, accessed at: https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/09/1100922..."
Source/publisher:
International Commission of Jurists
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.19 MB
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Description:
"One of the biggest challenges that Indonesia will face as ASEAN Chair 2023 is how it ensures effective leadership to secure significant progress on the ongoing political and human security crisis in Burma/Myanmar.
On 1 Feb 2021, the Burmese military took over the country’s capital and detained government officials and elected parliamentarians preparing to convene parliament, dramatically halting the country’s 10-year transition to a semi-democratic system. For the people of Burma, this was only the beginning of a reign of terror - the junta has consistently ramped up the brutality of attacks against civilians, targeting them with airstrikes, artillery attacks and atrocity crimes. For ASEAN, this was the beginning of a multi-level and multi-dimensional threat to ASEAN’s credibility and regional human security.
The regime used lethal force against opponents to crush nationwide opposition to its rule. As of 6 Oct 2022, regime troops had killed at least 2,338 civilians and arrested at least 15,770. Junta tribunals also sentenced 126 people, including children, to death.1 On 23 Jul, the junta executed four prominent anti-coup activists; a first since 1976.2 In Aug 2022, Amnesty International highlighted the regime’s systematic use of torture in custody. It said the junta was ‘flout[ing] the law at every stage of the arrest and detention process’—from making arbitrary arrests to forcing confessions through torture or by threatening of reprisals against relatives.3
The junta also tried to destroy the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party that overwhelmingly won the 2015 and 2020 general elections. It sentenced top officials—on bogus charges—including President Win Myint, Naypyidaw Mayor Myo Aung, and the Chief Ministers of Mandalay, Magway, Rakhine, Tanintharyi, Mon, Shan, and Karen States/Regions.4 Ousted State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi faces almost 200 years in prison on multiple charges, and had been sentenced to 26 years as of 12 Oct 2022.5 As of late September 2022, the regime had also killed at least 56 party members.6
The regime’s escalating violence resulted in nationwide conflict with Ethnic Resistance Organizations and newly formed civilian guerilla groups.
In the first 18 months of the coup, there have been 14,076 armed clashes and attacks against civilians, compared to 12,822 in Syria, 10,204 in Yemen, and 8,110 in Afghanistan during the same period.7
During the six months of Jan-Jun 2022, the Armed Conflicts Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) recorded 668 incidents of violence directly targeting unarmed civilians by the regime - the highest figure worldwide. In the same period ACLED documented over 11,000 fatalities, mostly resulting from battles between the regime and anti-junta armed groups.8
The National Unity Government (NUG), a coalition of over 70% of MPs elected in 2020 and Ethnic Resistance Organizations, documented 2,778 war crimes by junta forces during 1 Dec 2021-31 May 2022.9 On 9 Aug 2022, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) said there were ample indications that crimes against humanity had been committed in Burma since 1 Feb 2021.10
While the numerous crimes have taken place around the country, 3 incidents have sparked international shock and concern:
On 24 Dec 2021, regime forces captured at least 37 men, women, and children fleeing conflict in Karenni State and burned them alive.11
On 16 Sep 2022, regime helicopters fired at a school housed in a Buddhist monastery in Sagaing Region, killing at least 14 people, including twelve children.12
On 23 October 2022, regime airstrikes targeted a music concert in Kachin state, killing up to 80 people – the largest number of people killed in an airstrike by the junta which described it as a “necessary operation”. 13
Regime troops also destroyed at least 132 religious buildings as of late June 2022, mostly in Chin State (66 churches destroyed), Sagaing Region (28 Buddhist monasteries, a Buddhist convent, two mosques, and two churches), Karenni State (20 churches and a mosque), and Magway Region (11 Buddhist monasteries and a church).14 Junta soldiers burned down 28,434 houses during Feb 2021-25 Aug 2022, including 20,153 houses in Sagaing Region and 5,418 houses in Magway Region.15
Conflict in Burma also spread to neighboring countries:
On 30 Jun 2022, a regime MiG-29 fighter jet crossed into Thai airspace amid clashes with resistance forces, forcing local officials to evacuate villages and schools.16 A Thai farmer later reported that his truck was hit by shrapnel from the jet’s missiles.17
On 30 Aug 2022, a regime helicopter crossed into Bangladeshi airspace and attacked AA fighters.18
On 16 Sep 2022, five artillery shells fired from Burma killed a young Rohingya refugee and injured at least six others in Bangladesh.19 The Bangladesh Foreign Minister subsequently summoned the Burmese Ambassador over this incident and multiple other incursions. 20
On 21 Sep, the Bangladesh Army chief said his personnel was ready to respond if regime forces did not stop firing across the border.21
HOW ASEAN RESPONDED
Under Brunei’s chairmanship, ASEAN proved itself incapable of responding swiftly to the Burma crisis. On 24 Apr 2021, almost three months after the attempted coup, the bloc held talks with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in Jakarta.22 The meeting led to the adoption of the Five-Point Consensus (FPC), calling for: (1) immediate cessation of violence; (2) constructive dialogue among all parties concerned; (3) a special envoy of the ASEAN Chair to facilitate the mediation of dialogue; (4) ASEAN to provide humanitarian aid through its AHA Centre; and (5) the special envoy and delegation to visit Burma and to meet with all parties concerned.23
Within two days, the junta walked back its commitment to the FPC, saying it would only implement these ‘suggestions’ after restoring stability in Burma.24 On 29 Apr 2021, the junta declared itself ‘recognized’ by ASEAN,25 making clear that its participation in the Jakarta meeting was merely a publicity stunt to appear as the country’s legitimate government. During 24-30 April 2021 (i.e. a week of the ASEAN meeting), the junta launched 68 airstrikes on Kachin and Karen states. 26 Brunei waited until 4 Aug 2021 to appoint an envoy to Burma; and achieved no further results.
On 1 Jan 2022, Cambodia became ASEAN’s chair and appointed its Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn as envoy. On 7 Jan 2022, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen met with Min Aung Hlaing in Burma, drawing widespread condemnation while achieving no results.27 On 7 Feb 2022, a little over a month into Cambodia’s chairmanship, Hun Sen said he would leave it to the next ASEAN chair to sort out the Burma crisis, adding that he had ‘already tried his best’ and did not need the ‘headache.’28 As of Oct 2022, the ASEAN envoy had been unable to meet with Burma civilian representatives or facilitate dialogue.
On 25 Jul 2022, ASEAN denounced and expressed disappointment at the four executions carried out by the regime but abstained from outright condemning them.29 Hun Sen had previously called on the junta to reconsider the death sentences.30 The bloc ultimately prevented the junta from attending its Foreign Ministers meeting in Phnom Penh on 3 Aug 2022, citing its lack of commitment to the FPC. It also demanded the junta changed course before its November summit, and agreed to continue to bar the regime from high-level meetings until progress was made.31
Although such a stance against a member state is unprecedented in its history, the fact that ASEAN decided to give the junta three more months to implement the FPC is symptomatic of the lack of urgency that has plagued the bloc’s response to the regime’s attempted coup and all-out war on the people of Burma.
Malaysia has been the loudest voice calling for ASEAN to harden its stance towards the regime and engage with the NUG. On 14 May 2022, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah met with his NUG counterpart, becoming the first ASEAN minister to do so.32 On 26 Jul 2022, the country called the regime’s executions a crime against humanity and a mockery of the FPC.33 On 19 Sep 2022, Saifuddin Abdullah called on ASEAN to review whether the FPC should be replaced with a better plan.34 On 20 Sep, he called on the bloc to engage with the NUG and work towards ‘a framework that has a clear endgame to return democracy to [Burma].’35 HOW INDONESIA CAN HELP
On 19 March 2021, Indonesia President Joko Widodo called for ASEAN members to meet as soon as possible ‘to discuss Burma’, also calling for a restoration of democracy and an end to violence.36 This was the very first initiative of an ASEAN member state to take an action on the military coup in Myanmar. Following the adoption of the FPC, Indonesia constantly urged the junta to implement it in a transparent and time sensitive way. On 3 Sep 2021, a top diplomat from Indonesia expressed concerns over ASEAN’s delayed action to address the Burma crisis and urged the junta to grant ASEAN’s Special Envoy full access to the country.37
As time passed, the junta still failed to implement the FPC and continued attacking civilians. On 26 Oct, together with Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines, Indonesia urged ASEAN to take a more assertive stance towards the regime, suggesting barring the junta from further ASEAN meetings or even revoke its membership, if progress remained elusive.38 On 23 Feb 2022, Indonesian President Joko Widodo called for an immediate and fair solution for the people of Burma, saying the nation’s citizens deserved peace, safety and prosperity. Widodo stressed that the resolution could not be delayed any further. In a meeting with the Singaporean PM, Widodo argued that the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus was critical.39
Under two ASEAN chairmanships, the Burma situation wasn’t sufficiently addressed and there was a significant increase in the number of atrocities committed by the junta. One and a half years after the adoption of the Five-Point Consensus, the bloc still seems to lack common ground regarding the FPC’s implementation. As an ASEAN member state, Indonesia echoed significant initiatives and clearly revealed its stance against the junta. In its upcoming 2023 chairmanship, Indonesia should trade the FPC for a more progressive and pragmatic plan with clear timelines and enforcement mechanisms in the best interest of the Burma people. The plan should also include political dialogue with NUG counterparts and engagement with international and civil society organizations working along the borders of Burma to enable humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-Burma and The Commission for Disappeared and Victims of Violence
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Description:
"A total of 7,703 clashes broke out in the country between February 1, 2021, and October 12, 2022 following the coup. There were more than 7,000 battles during the period, of which at least 4,520 were between SAC forces and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and at least 2,168 were between SAC forces and local armed resistance groups (PDF, LDF, CNDF, KNDF, etc.). At least 906 clashes were launched by ethnic armed organizations and local armed resistance groups against SAC forces.
Karen State saw the majority of clashes across the country with at least 4,383 out of more than 7,700 nationwide, followed by Sagaing Region with at least 830 clashes. The escalation of armed conflicts has resulted in clashes in 186 townships across the country.
Meanwhile, armed conflicts between SAC forces and the Arakan Army (AA) have resumed in Rakhine State since early November 2020 following a cease-fire of approximately one year in the aftermath of the coup. AA and SAC forces engaged in no fewer than 40 clashes in six townships in Rakhine State, which resulted in the displacement of at least 10,922 residents.
∎ Why does it matter?
By looking at the number of civilian fatalities and injuries, how they were killed and wounded, and the number of people displaced by fighting involving SAC’s forces and EAOs, or within EAOs themselves, it is possible to examine whether or not armed forces have committed human rights violations from the perspective of transitional justice. In addition, by studying the post-coup situation, further research can be conducted to examine whether there has been a change in conditions related to Myanmar’s peace process.
∎ Other relevant readings
On-the-ground reports from ethnic news organizations and other independent media groups provide regular updates about conflict situations, their impact, and the collateral damage in the aftermath of the military coup. These include reports of renewed fighting in ethnic areas, civilian fatalities, and rising refugee and IDP issues on the ground. In addition, records and reports by United Nations organizations such as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), and other independent local and foreign organizations also provide information about the ongoing conflict situation in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Institute for Strategy and Policy – Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"On the morning of 27 October 2022, His Excellency Deputy Prime Minister PRAK
Sokhonn. Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, chaired the Special
ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting at the ASEAN Secretariat to deliberate on ways to
better implement the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) endorsed by the ASEAN Leaders'
Meeting on 24 April 2021 and to propose recommendations the ASEAN Leaders'
consideration at the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits. A non-political representative from
Myanmar was invited to the Meeting; however, the invitation was met with no positive
response.
The Meeting exchanged extensive views on how to further strengthen the implementation
of the 5PC to help solve Myanmar's crisis, the need to resume Myanmar's full and
normal engagements with ASEAN, the importance of continuing ASEAN community
building efforts without disruption, and the ways to facilitate and expedite the delivery of
the humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar and the early conclusion of the
Joint Needs Assessment led by the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian
Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre).
While reaffirming the importance of the 5PC, which emphasized ASEAN Centrality and
ASEAN's leading role in returning peace and normalcy for the people of Myanmar, the
Ministers and representatives reiterated full support for the tireless efforts of Cambodia
as the Chair of ASEAN and H.E. Deputy Prime Minister as the Special Envoy of the
ASEAN Chair on Myanmar in carrying out the mandate over the past ten months.
The Meeting also recalled the ice-breaking visit of Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei
Techo Hun Sen. Prime Minister of Cambodia, to Myanmar, which paved the way for the
two subsequent visits of the Special Envoy. H.E. Deputy Prime Minister stressed that he
remains strongly committed to advance the three priorities that Cambodia has set out
since the beginning of her Chairmanship, namely (1) end or reduce violence, (2) facilitate
humanitarian assistance delivery and (3) create an enabling environment for political
dialogue among all parties concerned.
Undoubtedly, the situation on the ground remains critical and fragile, and this is not due
to the lack of commitments and efforts on the part of ASEAN and the Special Envoy, but
because of the complexity and difficulty of Myanmar's decades-long protracted conflicts,
which has been further exacerbated by the current political crisis. Despite these great
challenges, the Meeting agreed that ASEAN should not be discouraged, but even more
determined to help Myanmar to bring about a peaceful solution the soonest possible.
Furthermore, the Meeting unanimously agreed that decision-making in ASEAN shall be
based on consultation and consensus, and the fundamental principles stipulated in the
ASEAN Charter shall guide ASEAN's collective efforts to address the situation in Myanmar.
Foreign Ministers and Representatives also reaffirmed the importance and relevance of
the 5PC, and underscored the need to further strengthen its implementation through
concrete, practical and time-bound actions.
H.E. Deputy Prime Minister emphasized that the time to act is now, and ASEAN needs
to act together with respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the interests of
the people of Myanmar at the core. The Meeting also acknowledged that all concerned
parties in Myanmar have a stake in ending or worsening the current political crisis that
has caused the loss of many lives, severe destruction to the country, and long-lasting effects
on the economy, and it is of utmost necessity and urgency that a dialogue process shall
commence the soonest possible.
In order to ensure full and effective implementation of the Five-Point Consensus and an
early conclusion of the current political crisis in Myanmar, the Meeting has also discussed
about key recommendations to be submitted for the consideration of the ASEAN Leaders
at the upcoming 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in November 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Region’s Leaders Should Commit to Protecting Asylum Seekers
Description:
"Southeast Asian foreign ministers are meeting today in Jakarta, Indonesia, to discuss the most pressing crisis facing the region: Myanmar.
Last April, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) adopted a “five-point consensus” in response to the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, an ASEAN member. Since then, Myanmar junta chief Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has defied each point while overseeing crimes against humanity and war crimes by security forces. Just this week, a junta airstrike unlawfully killed at least 60 people at a music concert in Kachin State.
Today’s discussion, taking place ahead of the ASEAN summit in November, should address how the bloc can revamp its approach to support international efforts to restrict the junta’s access to foreign revenue and arms.
In August, the ASEAN ministers noted they were “deeply disappointed by the limited progress in and lack of commitment” of junta authorities and committed to assessing next steps “consistent with Article 20 of the ASEAN Charter,” which covers serious breaches of the charter or noncompliance.
But the foreign ministers should also look beyond influencing the crisis within Myanmar’s borders. As military atrocities continue, growing numbers of Myanmar refugees are seeking asylum throughout the region. An estimated 70,000 have fled to neighboring countries since the coup. Yet rather than protecting asylum seekers from the junta’s violence and persecution, regional actors are forcing Myanmar refugees and other nationals back into harm’s way.
Malaysian authorities have accelerated deportations to Myanmar, returning over 2,000 people since April without allowing the United Nations refugee agency to assess their asylum claims. Thai authorities have similarly pushed asylum seekers back across the Myanmar border without verifying their protection needs. And last week at the 90th General Assembly of Interpol, the international criminal police organization, the junta’s police chief requested that Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand hand over any “terrorists” – its label for all opponents of military rule.
The ASEAN chair noted in a statement yesterday that “ASEAN is gravely concerned over the recent escalation of violence in Myanmar” and “deeply saddened by the … immense suffering that ordinary people in Myanmar have endured.”
Recognizing the grave abuses the junta has unleashed on Myanmar’s people is only step one. Southeast Asian leaders also need to ensure their own governments don’t force people back to suffer under the brutality they managed to flee..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"London, UK - The 23 October air bombing of a concert in Hpakant, Kachin State, that killed 60 people demands an immediate and harsh response from the international community. The concert was part of a celebration of the anniversary of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Large parts of the crowd and those killed were civilians. Many more were injured.
“The Burmese military knows exactly what they are doing, and we have no doubt this bombing was widespread and systematic attack on civilians, which is clearly a crime against humanity. The junta’s goal remains to terrorize the people and demoralize support for any resistance to their illegitimate rule. This horrifying act is one of the most brazen since the coup, and the international community can no longer sit on their hands while these atrocities occur. The response must be immediate and devastating to the criminal regime,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win.
The attack comes just days before a meeting is scheduled in Indonesia where ASEAN ministers are to discuss a five-point plan which the junta agreed to last year to resolve the conflict in Burma. The Tatmadaw has recently increased its attacks on civilians and should be denied any legitimacy by ASEAN or any other international body. This attack is clearly defying the five-points plan and disregard the efforts of ASEAN leaders.
The junta maintains its power through the flow of cash and weapons in the country. The international community must cut their access to these two assets as much as possible. Military interests must be severely sanctioned, and the international community must take greater action to pressure countries to stop providing weapons to the Burmese military. The international community must also consider how to better support the people of Burma in their struggle against the military. No moral nation can remain neutral in a fight between a genocidal military dictatorship and a civilian population. International accountability mechanism cannot protect civilians from airstrike. This is the duty of international community to step in to protect the civilians from being butchered by the junta.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
94.55 KB
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Description:
"In Numbers
11 million people are facing acute food insecurity
1.38 million people are displaced
4 million people are targeted for WFP assistance
2.7 million people assisted by WFP in 2022
Highlights
• In September, WFP reached close to 780,000 people with food and cash assistance, including 26,000 internally displaced people (IDP) and other vulnerable people who received WFP assistance for the first time.
• In 2022, WFP has thus far assisted 2.7 million crisisaffected people across Myanmar with emergency food, livelihoods, and nutrition support.
Situation Update
• Food prices continued to soar in September, with an increase of 14 percent compared to August. WFP’s price monitoring showed a 62 percent year-on-year increase in the cost of a basic food basket. The cost of cooking oil was up by 137 percent, and rice was up by 53 percent. Fuel prices remained steady but nearly double (+94 percent) that of last year.
• The temporary suspension of humanitarian assistance, announced in mid-September, in six townships in Rakhine State remains in place, currently affecting some 60,000 WFP beneficiaries. WFP is working with concerned authorities to resume cash and food deliveries to beneficiaries as soon as possible.
• Financial situation: The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has placed Myanmar on its blacklist, on grounds of serious deficiencies in the country’s ability to counter money laundering and terrorist financing. International financial transfers will be subject to increased monitoring and restrictions. The decision may affect WFP’s ability to maintain cash flows into the country. Delays and additional costs are expected.
• Humanitarian situation: UNHCR estimates more than 1.38 million people are internally displaced by conflict in Myanmar as of 10 October. Of whom, more than 1 million have been displaced since February 2021, with 734,000 displaced in 2022 alone. This comes on top of a further 330,000 protracted IDPs before February 2021..."
Source/publisher:
World Food Programme (WFP) (Rome) via reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
WFP (World Food Programme), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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pdf
Size:
509.46 KB
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Description:
"ASEAN is gravely concerned over the recent escalation of violence in Myanmar, including
the bombing at Insein prison, hostilities in Karen State, and the most recent report of an
air strike in Kachin State, which hit a civilian gathering, killing and injuring many people.
We are deeply saddened by the growing casualties, and the immense suffering that
ordinary people in Myanmar have endured.
We observe with alarm the latest intensified fighting which has not only resulted in
worsening the humanitarian situation throughout Myanmar, but also goes against the spirit
of ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus and undermining effort of the Special Envoy of ASEAN
Chair on Myanmar to bring progress in its implementation.
We, therefore, strongly urge utmost restraint and immediate cessation of violence. We
urgently call on all parties concerned, in particular one with significant power on the
ground, to take concrete actions to enable a process of inclusive and constructive dialogue
and to seek a peaceful solution and national reconciliation in Myanmar, and for the sake
of peace, security and stability in the region..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
17.85 KB
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Description:
"There is mounting evidence that crimes against humanity and war crimes in Myanmar
are intensifying. The people of Myanmar continue to suffer because of the lack of
accountability for those who believe they answer to no law. In this context of impunity,
the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar has never been
more important. Every person in my team is committed to the Mechanism’s vision of
collecting the evidence needed to ensure that perpetrators of the most serious
international crimes in Myanmar face justice.
The preliminary findings outlined in our fourth Annual Report released in August indicate that there are
widespread and systematic attacks against the civilian population of Myanmar. We are regularly receiving
reports of indiscriminate attacks and heinous crimes perpetuated by members of the security forces and
armed groups against civilians, including children. These crimes include torture, rape and other forms of
sexual violence against both men and women.
While the Mechanism is very actively collecting evidence of crimes committed in the post-coup period, we
continue to focus on crimes against the Rohingya, particularly related to the 2017 clearance operations.
August marked five years since the wave of violence that resulted in around three-quarters of a million
Rohingya fleeing their homes to neighboring Bangladesh. On my recent visit to Cox’s Bazar where most of
those displaced now live, Rohingya I met consistently asked how the Mechanism could help them return to
their homes in Myanmar. As I explained to them, the Mechanism hopes that by helping to bring those
responsible for the crimes that led to their forced displacement to justice, we will contribute to creating
conditions that will allow their safe and voluntary return to their homes. We are committed to collecting
evidence of the individuals responsible and supporting legal proceedings, including ensuring close
cooperation and timely sharing of evidence with the ongoing investigations by the International Criminal
Court and The Gambia v. Myanmar proceedings before the International Court of Justice.
I am grateful to the many brave individuals who have provided us with vital first-hand information about the
crimes that have been committed in Myanmar, and to the Member States who have supported us to conduct
in-person screenings and interviews on their territories. Conducting voluntary face-to-face interviews with
witnesses is essential for our efforts to build files that will effectively facilitate criminal prosecutions. The
Mechanism prioritizes the safety and security of witnesses and endeavors to refer witnesses to partners who
can provide psychological and/or medical assistance to those who seek it. We call on all Member States who
support accountability efforts to each do their part to ensure that witnesses are safe and have access to
psychological and medical support.
For decades perpetrators of serious international crimes in Myanmar have believed that they could act with
impunity. At the Mechanism, we are committed to breaking this cycle and we are focusing all our efforts to
ensure that those responsible for serious international crimes in the country will one day face justice..."
Source/publisher:
Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Crimes Against Humanity, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
4.21 MB 4.28 MB
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Description:
"SEVENTY-SEVENTH SESSION,
31ST & 32ND MEETINGS (AM & PM)
GA/SHC/4358
25 OCTOBER 2022
Delegates Stress Need to End Violence, including Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions
Speakers highlighted the need for democratic rule in Myanmar, an end to extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, as the Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) continued its interactive dialogues on human rights.
One of seven experts and mandate holders briefing the Committee, Noeleen Heyzer, Special Envoy of the Secretary‑General on Myanmar, stressed the catastrophic toll and severe impact the crisis in that country is having on its people. “Military operations continue with disproportionate use of force in Myanmar, including aerial bombings, burning of civilian structures, and the killing of civilians, including children”, she said.
People in Myanmar are no longer willing to accept military rule, she continued emphasizing the need for an inclusive process to lead Myanmar back to democracy. Outlining vital measures to be taken, she said they include an end to aerial bombing and burning of civilian infrastructure and delivery of humanitarian assistance without discrimination. The military must also release children and political prisoners, end summary executions and ensure the well‑being of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. In a similar vein, Morris Tidball-Binz, Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, presented a report on that topic (A/77/270), noting that such practises are witnessed globally. Urging concerned nations to investigate all cases, he called on States to avoid the excessive use of force, potentially resulting in the loss of lives, as recommended in his mandate.
During the ensuing interactive dialogue, the representative of Myanmar condemned summary executions committed by the illegal military, underlining the total lack of trial standards and due process, torture of detainees and arbitrary killings.
The representative of Armenia, pointing to the execution of a group of unarmed Armenian servicemen, called for a reliable investigative mechanism. Also stressing the need for independent investigations, the representative of Mexico spotlighted the need for protection of prisoners in extraditions to countries where a crime is punished by death.
Also addressing the Committee, Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, expressed concern that States engage in peace work through a terrorism, rather than peace, lens. This displaces international legal frameworks and undermines grassroot participation, she said, adding that counter‑terrorism requires compromise, including by working with actors who have previously engaged in violence.
In the ensuing interactive dialogue, the representative of Pakistan said that an unclear definition of terrorism has failed to distinguish between terrorism and self-determination, freedom of assembly and minority rights. Further, she expressed concern that, since the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States, terrorism is unjustly associated with Islam.
The representative of Cuba asked what States could do to bring the United States to justice for its so‑called War on Terror, which resulted in extrajudicial killings and Guantanamo Bay prison, where 39 people are still arbitrarily detained. Responding, the representative of the United States said that the Government is currently making a transparent effort to transfer prisoners and close the Guantanamo Bay prison.
Also briefing the Third Committee today was Nazila Ghanea, Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief; Livingstone Sewanyana, Independent Expert on the promotion of a democratic and equitable international order; Fernanda Hopenhaym, Chair of the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises; and Attiya Waris, Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights.
The Committee will reconvene at 10 a.m. on Wednesday, 26 October, to continue its consideration of human rights.
Interactive Dialogues: Freedom of Religion
NAZILA GHANEA, Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, presenting the report of her predecessor, Ahmed Shaheed, on Indigenous Peoples’ rights under that topic (document A/77/514), noted that they comprise 476 million people worldwide. Indigenous peoples belong to over 5,000 groups, live in 90 countries, speak over 4,000 languages, and own, occupy or manage over one‑quarter of the world’s land, yet only enjoy secure tenure of 10 per cent of that land, she said. Stressing that they experience severe and systemic discrimination, hostility, and violence at the hands of both State and non‑State actors, she noted that they make up just 6 per cent of the global population, but account for some 19 per cent of the extreme poor. Further, the report details the obstacles they face in enjoying their right to freedom of religion or belief, stressing that they face State restrictions on their spiritual ceremonies, symbols and leaders. Noting that indigenous peoples are often disproportionately vulnerable to environmental crises and experience intersectional barriers, she pointed to the vulnerability of indigenous women to trafficking, sexual and gender‑based violence, and harmful practices. Highlighting the report’s recommendations to States and other key stakeholders to better protect the right to freedom of religion or belief by indigenous peoples, she said that States should develop holistic and human rights‑based solutions, facilitate access to ancestral territories and uphold the requirement of the free, prior, and informed consent of Indigenous Peoples in every measure that affects them. Turning to priorities for her mandate, she noted that freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief is often a poorly understood, violated and distorted right. The mandate will focus on entering into dialogue with States through received communications and welcome meetings to address issues, calling for technical assistance, she said.
The representative of the United States expressed concern over increasing anti‑semitism, anti‑Muslim discrimination, attacks on Christians and other religious groups. Adding that promoting accountability for all those committing violations against freedom of religion and belief is key, she called on China to immediately end atrocities against the Uyghurs and mistreatment of Tibetan Buddhists. Stressing the importance of practicing religion without harassment, she condemned the killing of peaceful protests against the mandatory religious headscarf. She asked how multilateral institutions can better protect freedom of religion or beliefs for indigenous persons when Governments use security concerns to restrict spiritual practices.
The representative of Indonesia rejected “inaccurate references” against her State in the report. In this regard, she cited the 2017 decision of Indonesia’s Constitutional Court enabling native beliefs to be included in the national identity register, fostering their recognition by the State. Questioning the credibility of the previous Rapporteur, she asked Ms. Ghanea to uphold the principles of impartiality, objectivity and accuracy.
The representative of the European Union, in its capacity as observer, said that calls on States to uphold freedom of religion or belief constitute an obligation to protect all individuals, including persons holding nontheistic or atheistic beliefs, belonging to minorities and Indigenous Peoples. Expressing concern about restrictions imposed against indigenous peoples in the area of freedom of religion or belief, he asked how to better protect this right going forward.
The representative of Pakistan, pointing to activities at the national and international level to promote the freedom of religion or belief and protect minorities, expressed concern over increasing islamophobia worldwide. She asked Ms. Ghanea what steps can be taken under her mandate to address the Islamophobia affecting Muslims globally.
The representative of India, noting that his country represents a sixth of humanity and is a multireligious, multiethnic State, said that freedom of religion or belief is safeguarded by its independent judiciary. He rejected allegations in the report against India, stressing its inclusive nature, and called for impartial and objective reporting, based on credible sources.
The representative of China pointed to rampant anti‑Muslim legislation in the United States, which is spreading Islamic threat theories across the world, including through the media. Noting that the war on terrorism has caused civilian casualties and deaths, she rejected allegations against her country regarding Xinjiang and Tibet as lies and double standards.
The representative of Canada, noting that her country fully respects the rights to freedom of religion and belief, acknowledged that it has historically denied these rights. Pointing to Canada’s collaboration with indigenous peoples to promote their rights, she expressed concern over the global rise in religious hatred. Sharing the United States’ comments on China and Iran, she asked Ms. Ghanea how to better promote the values of inclusion to create an atmosphere of respect for religious beliefs.
The representative of Iran expressed concern over the systematic discrimination against indigenous peoples in Canada as well as racism in law enforcement and the judiciary in the United States. Noting that the exercise of the freedom of expression carries special duties and responsibilities, she said that peaceful assembly can turn to violence in some cases and may be subject to restrictions if national security, public order or health are threatened. She invited Ms. Ghanea to continue following the situation of indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States.
Ms. GHANEA, responding, said that freedom of religion and belief is only one violation Indigenous Peoples face, stressing that the report is rooted on the United Nations Expert Mechanism on the Rights of indigenous peoples and other bodies, spotlighting such abuses and concerns. Stressing the role of consultative groups, she said that free, prior, and informed consent of indigenous peoples must not be forgotten. Recognizing the role of multilateral institutions and other Special Rapporteurs, including those focusing on land, sacred sites and other human rights concerns, Ms. Ghanea said she is reaching out to these bodies. She urged States to respect a variety of religions and beliefs, including atheists or those who reject religion. Stressing that hate speech is a scourge in many societies, she said it will continue to be a matter of concern for her mandate. Noting the intersective nature of the right to freedom of religion or belief, she highlighted impacts of its violation on economic, social, cultural and political rights. “People are being prohibited from birth to death from being registered to being buried and everything in between in administrative processes, in daily life”, she said. She stressed the role non‑State actors, civil society and faith‑based organizations play in pushing Governments to address these issues. Adding that the mandate can support States to address their domestic challenges, including by carrying out country visits, she appealed to States to respond to her mandate’s communications, which will remain “violations‑centered” and emphasize communication.
Also speaking in the dialogue were the representatives of the Netherlands, Cuba, Austria, Norway, Poland, Greece, Morocco and Hungary.
Executions
MORRIS TIDBALL-BINZ, Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, presenting his second report (document A/77/270) said his mandate resulted primarily from the clamour of victims, including mothers and families of victims of executions. Over the past year, he met with many representatives of States in Geneva and with academic and professional organizations, as well as non‑governmental organizations and families of victims to develop standards and good and best forensic practices. He issued a total of 194 State communications. The tragic reality of such executions, which are seen around the world, include atrocities and impunity, which affront human consciousness, he said, demanding investigations of all cases. States should ensure implementation of recommendations and standards developed by the mandate on avoiding the excessive use of force which could, in certain situations, lead to death. The report presented today includes a discussion on the death penalty as well as other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment, he said. The mandate has clearly contributed to strengthening the protection of the right to life during the 40 years of its existence. The report confirms the irreplaceable contribution and need for the mandate, which identifies and alerts States to a gap which needs to be filled to ensure the effective implementation of norms and standards developed. The death penalty is a grave violation of the right to life, he said, adding that its imposition involves suffering equivalent to torture. It also tragically impacts the family and loved ones of the person sentenced.
In the ensuing interactive dialogue, the representative of Mexico opposed application of the death penalty for all crimes. Stressing the need to enhance the work of independent investigations through the adoption of appropriate legal regimes, he asked the Special Rapporteur about good practices for extraditions in cases when the crime for which extradition is requested is punishable by death. On extraditions from an abolition State to a State with the death penalty, he asked about protection granted to the extradited person.
The representative of the United States, raising concern over killings perpetrated by the Taliban against civil society and women rights activities since its takeover last year, asked about ways to prevent arbitrary and extrajudicial killings perpetrated by State actors.
Echoing his concerns, the representative of the European Union, in its capacity as observer, highlighted the growing need for forensic capacity building globally. She asked the Special Rapporteur what States should do to ensure professionalism in investigations of any potentially unlawful deaths.
The representative of Pakistan emphasized that States are responsible for preventing extrajudicial killings in all circumstances and protecting the right to life. However, this right has been flagrantly violated in conflict, especially in situations of foreign occupation, she cautioned, pointing to illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi’s occupation forces are engaged in a campaign of killing Kashmiri youth as a political instrument to silence the demand for freedom. Such extrajudicial killings include organized massacres, targeted killings, custodial deaths and enforced disappearances, she said, noting that since 1989, more than 100,000 civilians have been killed extrajudicially. Yet, not a single Indian soldier has been punished for such extrajudicial killings, she asserted.
In response, the representative of India, noting that the death penalty in his country is only used in rare cases, condemned yet another attempt by Pakistan to abuse the United Nations platform and spread its malicious propaganda against his country. Pakistan has been engaged in systematic persecutions, targeted killings, and discrimination against its ethnic and religious minorities, he stressed.
The representative of Armenia drew attention to the evidence of summary executions of a group of his country’s servicemen who were captive and unarmed at the time of their execution. Stressing the importance of reliable investigative mechanisms to help ensure the investigation and prevention of unlawful killings, he asked the Special Rapporteur about ways to ensure that perpetrators of such heinous crimes are brought to justice.
The representative of Myanmar condemned the summary and arbitrary executions perpetrated by the illegal military, voicing concern over the total lack of trial standards and due process, arbitrary killings, and torture of detainees.
Responding to questions and comments, Mr. TIDBALL-BINZ called for coordinated efforts of States, non‑governmental organisations, academics and regional human rights organizations as well as the United Nations. To this end, he drew attention to the United Nations Manual on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra‑Legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions, known as the Minnesota Protocol, and stressed the importance of its implementation. He recommended that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) create a focal point within the Office for forensic capability, following the example of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Such capacity within the institution can play an important role in supporting the special procedure and other human rights mechanisms. During his mandate, he has provided training to medical and forensic specialists and judges on the use of tools such as the Minnesota Protocol, he stressed. The most frequent form of torture is the threat of death against the victim and their family. “What is the death penalty if not that?” he asked, calling for abolition of this barbaric practice.
Also speaking were representatives of Côte d’Ivoire, United Kingdom, Sweden, China, Iran and Egypt.
Terrorism
FIONNUALA NÍ AOLÁIN, Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, presented her report on the relationship of peace work to promoting rights‑based societies. She recalled that United Nations’ peace work must hold the people themselves as the primary beneficiaries and not only Member States. She expressed concern that States increasingly engage in these processes through a terroristic, rather than a peace lens, which displaces international legal frameworks and undermines grassroots and civil society participation that is necessary for mediation and peace processes.
She detailed her activities over the past year, highlighting visits to the Maldives, Uzbekistan and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) as well engagement with issues such as repatriation of third‑party nationals in northeast Syria and citizenship stripping. She noted positive repatriation practices in various countries, including Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, the Russian Federation, France and the United States, encouraging others to follow their examples.
As conflicts become more complex, counter‑terrorism and peacebuilding require compromise, sometimes working with actors who have formerly engaged in violence, and support for legal frameworks to regulate armed conflict, she said. Underscoring the need for financial investment for appropriate United Nations entities, she stressed that twenty years of investment in counter‑terrorism, especially human rights light and civil society absent counter‑terrorism, which lack independent oversight, and sustained monitoring and evaluation, has simply not delivered for States. She called on States to consider whether budget proposals in the Fifth Committee are delivering on the ground.
She said her report highlights the misuse of the language of extremism language and terrorism by States that undermines trust and may harm human rights defenders. It also addresses proscription, she said, adding that “when we place people in situations where we cannot speak to them we cannot do our work”. Further, she urged all Member States to implement the Fourth Geneva Convention to ensure that demonization through the misuse of counter‑terrorism law occurring in complex occupation situations does not thwart efforts to end them.
In the ensuing interactive dialogue, the representative of Mexico expressed concern that the human rights pillar of the United Nations only receives 3 per cent of the total annual budget.
The representative of the European Union, in its capacity as an observer, asked Ms. Ní Aoláin to cite civil society initiatives with a positive impact on counter‑terrorism practices.
The representative of Cuba asked what could be done by the international community to bring the United States to justice for its so‑called War on Terror, which resulted in extrajudicial killings, torture and Guantanamo Bay prison, where 39 people are still arbitrarily detained.
The representative of China echoed Cuba’s statement, adding that the United States and its allies have committed war crimes in and around the Middle East, threatening the right to religion and dignity, and calling on the Special Rapporteur to prevent recurrence.
The representative of Costa Rica stressed that the root causes of terrorism include poverty, hate speech, and foreign occupation, and called on Member States to respect international law.
The representative of Pakistan said that an unclear definition of terrorism itself in counter‑terrorism regimes has failed to distinguish between terrorism and self-determination, freedom of assembly and minority rights. She expressed concern that, since the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States, terrorism is unjustly associated with Islam.
The representative of the United States said that the Government is in the process of making a transparent effort to transfer prisoners and close the Guantanamo Bay prison.
The representative of Côte d’Ivoire said that disinformation gains ground in a context prone to terrorism, calling for vigilance with information and communications technology. Detailing laws and campaigns put in place to educate its population, he asked the Special Rapporteur how an international convention might address this situation.
Responding to delegates, she said that civil society is indeed under attack through the misuse of counter‑terrorism law, stressing the importance of her work in documenting these instances. Further, the misuse of legislation is directly related to the lack of a set definition of terrorism, she said, adding that until precise definitions linked to acts of terrorism are adopted, misuse will continue. Affirming that the United Nations has many due‑diligence practices throughout its bodies, it is specifically lacking in counter‑terrorism operations and the cost is paid on the ground. Also, existing legislative frameworks fail to respond to right wing extremism, the greatest current threat, according to the Global Terrorism Index. Terrorism can only be addressed through a “whole‑of‑society” approach, she stressed. Underscoring that if counter‑terrorism does not apply human rights, international humanitarian, and refugee law, it may undermine the United Nations Charter itself.
Also speaking were representatives of Switzerland, the Russian Federation, Qatar, the United Kingdom, Morocco, Ireland and India. An observer of the Sovereign Order of Malta also spoke.
International Order
LIVINGSTONE SEWANYANA, Independent Expert on the promotion of a democratic and equitable international order, presented his report on the main challenges to the maintenance of international peace and security at the global level. He described the current tragic events in Ukraine and beyond as a powerful reminder that international peace and security cannot be secured without achieving nuclear disarmament and reducing military expenditure in favour of sustainable development. Nuclear weapons are the most inhumane weapons ever designed, he said, noting that their presence in the military arsenal of some States is typically justified by the policy of so‑called nuclear deterrence to keep peace. However, due to the catastrophic humanitarian consequences that possibly entail, they fundamentally constitute an inherent threat to the very existence of humanity, he cautioned.
Addressing challenges to international peace and security, he stressed the importance of long‑overdue reform of some key United Nations bodies. Firstly, the Security Council should become more representative and transparent, as its current composition fails to represent today’s geopolitical realities. Secondly, permanent Members of the Security Council should refrain from using their veto power to block the functioning of this body. In fact, the use of this key prerogative should always be in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Thirdly, formal consultations with external stakeholders, in particular civil society organizations, should be put in place. Similarly, the General Assembly should exercise a greater role in decision‑making, he underscored.
The representative of Azerbaijan rejected attempts to break down constitutional and democratic orders legitimately established by the people. She stressed the inalienable right of all peoples, particularly non‑self‑governing territories, as well as those under foreign occupation and colonial or alien domination to self‑determination. The exercise of this right remains valid and essential to ensure universal respect for human rights, she said, adding that the observance of international law and the fulfillment in good faith of States’ obligations is key for international peace and security.
The representative of Venezuela denounced the increased use of unilateral measures to undermine the international order and multilateralism, imposing a system based on economic power. Stressing that such measures affect political dialogue and international cooperation, as well as economic growth and sustainable development, he underscored the impact they have on affected populations, including in accessing essential goods. Emphasizing the need to consolidate a proposal that addresses today’s challenges, he pointed to proposals made in the Third Committee, such as declarations on the right to development, international solidarity and responses to pandemics, stressing the need for an official systematization of unilateral coercive measures. He asked Mr. Sewanyana’s view on such proposals and how his mandate can contribute to making progress.
The representative of Cuba, underscoring the disproportionate impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on economies, said that a new order can never arise if unilateral coercive measures are still in place violating human rights. Stressing that such practices are contrary to the United Nations Charter and international law, as they hamper development, he noted that they increased during the pandemic. He called on Mr. Sewanyana to continue to study the impact of these measures on the promotion of a democratic and equitable international order.
The representative of Algeria said his country advocates for justice and cooperation in international relations as well as a new economic order that will enable all countries to leave no one behind. On the need to reform the Security Council and revitalize the General Assembly, he asked Mr. Sewanyana to share his thoughts and indicate what further actions the United Nations can take to promote a democratic and equitable international order.
The representative of China said that, for political purposes, the United States and other countries have issued false information about other States, interfered in their affairs using human rights as a leverage, and advanced unilateral coercive measures. She called on the international community to reject hegemony, block politicization, and resist such measures.
Responding, Mr. SEWANYANA stressed the role of multilateralism in overcoming global challenges, pointing to the 2024 Summit of the Future as an opportunity for the international community to address issues like the right to self‑determination and the necessity for all to ban the use of nuclear weapons. Inviting the United Nations General Assembly to reassert its role, he said that no single State, no matter how powerful, should override the decision of such a body. He invited the General Assembly to discuss the veto power in the Security Council as well as reform of the Council to make it more democratic, representative and responsive to the needs and aspirations of all.
Foreign Debt
ATTIYA WARIS, Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights, said that countries lose an estimated $483 billion in revenues per year, due to cross‑border corporate and offshore tax abuse by wealthy individuals. Such actions reduce the available pool of resources essential for investing in social policies and public services and realizing human rights. This is particularly concerning in a context where States face the economic and social impacts of multiple crises, which add pressure on nations, as it deprives them of significant resources to address the situation. It is also indicative of fundamental deficiencies at the international, regional and national tax governance architecture. States should promote a human rights‑based economy, one that enhances the well‑being and dignity of people, particularly those most marginalised, and that ensures human rights obligations are at the centre of financial and fiscal decision making. Critical principles of transparency, accountability, participation, social justice and fairness and justice should guide the development of such a system.
States should align their fiscal policies and fulfil their financial obligations in line with human rights principles, she said. Tackling illicit financial flows has also been incorporated into the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, including by reducing illicit financial flows and strengthening the recovery and return of stolen assets. The creation of a multilateral, inclusive and democratic fiscal architecture is crucial for States to fight the challenges of global tax avoidance and evasion. It is also necessary that States engage in international cooperation and assistance in the development and enforcement of fiscal law and policy, using democratic systems. In her report, Ms. Warie said, she has called States to take a range of measures, including: reform of the global taxation system in order to combat illicit financial flows, including extraterritorial obligations; a fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, that could discuss a United Nations tax convention and global tax body as well as current issues such as the benefits of a global asset registry; ensure that the promotion and realization of human rights is at the core of this reform; combat illicit financial flows, while strengthening international cooperation and assistance; and to launch negotiations of a United Nations led global tax convention.
In the ensuing dialogue, the representative of Cuba said the impact of external debt on human rights, particularly social and cultural rights and the right to development, are undeniable, adding that Covid‑19 has shown the challenges facing developing countries in achieving these goals. Some countries chose to impose coercive unilateral measures, which have negative effects on the enjoyment of human rights, she said, stressing that the Independent Expert should investigate this further.
The representative of the Russian Federation called on the Independent Expert to investigate Western countries that force other States to declare technical default due to their inability to service foreign debt, as such nations freeze their gold and other reserves.
The representative of China said developed countries and multilateral institutions should do more to ensure debt relief for developing countries and expedite the return of illicit funds to countries of origin.
The representative of Cameroon asked what impact a convention negotiated under United Nations auspices would have on the international financial architecture and financing for development as a whole.
The representative of Algeria said it is time to review the international debt system, pointing out that countries are struggling to recover stolen assets. He asked how the inception of such bodies as mentioned by the Independent Expert could help.
Responding, Ms. WARIS, Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights, noted that earlier this year many Special Rapporteurs and Experts wrote a letter to the United States on the freezing of bank reserves, in the context of Afghanistan. Many developing countries do not have enough reserves, which impedes them from participating in regional membership groups, as they do not have the funds. There was a small gain post‑Covid‑19, but some countries are still going through the crisis, and thus the trade offs on how to spend money are resulting in a decision‑making quandary for many countries. There are private entities and corporations that control how financial information is shared, which layers the debt crisis over all others, she said. There are many issues concerning the division of private and public finance, she said, adding that more needs to be moved to public spaces, where they can be debated in a more transparent manner. The creation of a body where these discussions can take place will improve democracy in the world. There is currently a United Nations Committee on Tax Cooperation, she noted, but it needs to have value added to it, or be replaced by a larger entity where tax discussions can take place.
The rescheduling of debt is not a solution, Ms. Waris said, as it multiplies the amount of debt incredibly. The vulnerability and shocks to the economy that developing countries are suffering is going to be a problem if the international community does not get a handle on interest rates. The biggest challenge facing the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals is the lack of accessible financial resources to achieve human rights. The international community needs to come together and unlock resources that exist, making them available to the most vulnerable.
Also speaking in the dialogue was the representative of Mali.
Transnational Corporations and Other Businesses
The Chair of the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, Fernanda Hopenhaym, presented the report (A/77/201) entitled “Corporate Influence in the Political and Regulatory Sphere: Ensuring Business Practice in line with the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights”. She said it aims to distinguish between modes of corporate engagement that are rights‑respecting and those that may lead to human‑rights abuses. Private sector participation in policymaking must be conducted transparently and responsibly in line with the United Nations Guiding Principles, she said.
Stressing that the Principles call on businesses to identify negative impacts and mitigate risks, she said that States and multilateral institutions have not done enough to require businesses to align their political engagement with human rights. Specifically, corporate influence in the political and regulatory spheres have produced negative impacts in contexts of climate, food, water and housing crises. The report states that corporate political engagement includes several categories of activities undertaken by businesses to influence political processes, such as influencing policymakers, academia, public narratives around political issues and the judiciary, she said. While all these activities may have legitimate applications, they can also lead to business‑related human rights abuses when carried out irresponsibly. They occur when businesses ignore human rights risks associated with political engagement and practice with weak oversight or a lack of transparency and due diligence.
She offered recommendations to States to ensure coherence between businesses’ political activities and their respective human rights duties, including mandatory human rights due diligence legislation applying to businesses, mandatory lobbying registers and disclosure as well as conflict of interest laws and other asset disclosure systems for government officials and regulators.
In the ensuing interactive dialogue, the representative of Morocco said that businesses are important stakeholders and therefore their engagement is useful. She asked what best practices are in training business actors who are not skilled in politics or law.
The representative of Luxembourg detailed the country’s Registry of Transparency, which requires parliamentary members to register contacts with all non‑legislative actors.
The representative of Malaysia, noting that the report mentions that his country is misleading the public on palm oil, said that the industry employs more than three million Malaysians, and the Government implemented a sustainable palm oil scheme in 2015. Further, the State has demanded that labour laws be respected and established an online platform for workers to lodge complaints. Despite this work, the industry, the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and workers are suffering, he said, calling for public education about positive steps for change that the Government has implemented.
The representative of Portugal said that negotiation is currently underway in Geneva on a business and human rights instrument, adding that global conflict has increased opportunities for businesses to commit human rights violations. Detailing the country’s steps to create its own regulatory framework, he asked the Special Rapporteur what advice she would give to countries that are planning to draw up similar legislation for the first time.
The representative of the United States expressed concern about the ways that corporate influence can put human rights defenders at risk, particularly through lawsuits.
The representative of China expressed concern about references in the report to the United States’ trade and human rights abuses through lobbying. Highlighting massive layoffs in the country that affected minorities disproportionately, she also decried forced labour and trafficking in the agriculture sector. She added that if the United States truly cared about human rights, it would act on its own violations instead of causing unemployment in Xinjiang.
The representative of Syria said that he felt unattached to the subject as economic blockades prevent businesses or multinationals from operating in his country.
In her response, Ms. HOPENHAYM advocated a smart mix of measures tailored to States’ needs to protect human rights in a business context, including national action plans and regulatory public policies. Voicing support for the discussions and ensuing legal instrument, she said that an independent expert is also contributing to discussions there. She encouraged States to have their own discussions internally on how to regulate businesses and lobbies with multiple stakeholders including businesses and civil society actors to acknowledge power imbalances. The discussions themselves must be regulated, she said, or undue influence may only increase human rights violations. Adding that human rights defenders must also be protected, she recalled the Guideline her Group published in 2021 as well as a report on corruption. She highlighted future visits to Luxembourg, Liberia, and Argentina, as well as this year’s Forum on Business and Human rights entitled “Rightsholders at the Center”.
Also speaking were representatives of Switzerland, France, Ireland, and Russian Federation, the representative of the European Union spoke in its capacity as an observer.
Special Envoy on Myanmar
NOELEEN HEYZER, Special Envoy of the Secretary‑General on Myanmar, warned that the political, human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar continues to take a catastrophic toll on the people, with 13.2 million facing food insecurity, 1.3 million internally displaced, and 40 per cent of the population living below the poverty line. Military operations continue using a disproportionate use of force, including aerial bombings, burning of civilian structures, and the killing of civilians, including children. In this context, she condemned the recent indiscriminate air strikes in Kachin State that killed many civilians. The plight of the Rohingya people, along with other forcibly displaced communities, remains desperate, with many seeking refuge through dangerous land and sea journeys. The violence between the Arakan Army and the military in Rakhine has escalated to levels not seen since late 2020, with significant cross‑border incursions, harming conditions for durable return, and prolonging the burden on Bangladesh as a host country of about 1 million Rohingya refugees.
Calling for an inclusive Myanmar‑led process to the democratic transition, she urged the military to end aerial bombing and burning of civilian infrastructure; ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance without discrimination; release all children and political prisoners; put in place a moratorium on executions; and ensure well‑being of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. She also highlighted Myanmar’s responsibility to create conditions for the voluntary and safe return of Rohingya refugees. The recent forced return of Myanmar nationals underlines the urgency of a coordinated Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) response to address shared regional challenges caused by the conflict, she underscored, describing education as a powerful tool to prepare Rohingya refugees for their return to Myanmar. “There is a new political reality in Myanmar: people demanding change, no longer willing to accept military rule,” she asserted.
The representative of Myanmar said the air strike carried out by the military on 23 October in Hpakant, Kachin State, resulted in the death of 100 people, including women and children. He stressed that the military junta is attempting to gain legitimacy through their sham 2023 election, while holding elected political leaders as hostages and crushing any civic space, including independent media and civil society. Such elections would never lead to a democratic transition, only instability and permanent military control empowered by total impunity, he added. Warning against the vicious cycle of atrocities committed by the military, he said the military offers no guarantee for the safe and dignified return of the Rohingya refugees. The sustainable solution to the situation in Myanmar is a transformative change towards a democratic future, he noted, emphasizing that people in Myanmar need protection from further military atrocities as well as humanitarian assistance. To end military impunity, the Security Council must use admissible evidence to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, he asserted, calling also for a broader mandate for the Special Envoy on Myanmar.
The representative of Bangladesh, a country directly affected by the crisis in Myanmar, called for a lasting solution to the crisis. He voiced regret that the Special Envoy was unable to visit Rakhine State, the home of the displaced Rohingya refugees. Stressing the importance of accountability, he called on Member States to cooperate with the accountability mechanisms, including the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court.
The representative of the European Union, in its capacity as observer, decried the death sentences carried out by the military junta in July 2022 against four civil society activists, after decades with no recorded executions in Myanmar. Recent executions negate all prospects for the return of the country to a democratic path, she cautioned.
Echoing her concerns, the representative of Thailand called for meaningful steps towards de‑escalation of violence and the finding of peaceful political solutions that would benefit Myanmar and its people. The international community should support the role of ASEAN and prevent escalation of hostilities, he underlined.
The representative of Mexico voiced concern over violations of human rights perpetrated by the Myanmar military, including its use of the death penalty, violence against women and girls, and escalation of tensions in the Rakhine State. Calling for the safe and dignified return of Rohingya refugees, he asked the Special Envoy how States can support her mandate through the work of the Third Committee.
Meanwhile, the representative of the Russian Federation, supporting the efforts of ASEAN to resolve the situation within and outside Myanmar, opposed threats and sanctions imposed on Myanmar, as they push extremist forces to continuing military activities, the victims of which are civilians.
Responding to questions and comments, Ms. Noeleen Heyzer said it is not sustainable for Bangladesh to host such large numbers of refugees and called for conducive conditions for the voluntary return of the Rohingya refugees to their places of origin. To this end, she underscored the importance of protection and security guarantees. Turning to the multidimensional crisis that occurred after the coup, she drew attention to root causes of displacement that have affected the Rohingya and many other communities, especially in active conflict. Reiterating her commitment to engaging with all stakeholders, including the ASEAN Envoy, she called for a Myanmar-led solution built on the will of its people and supported by regional unity. In this context, she underscored the key role of ASEAN as well as neighbouring countries that share a border with Myanmar. Urging for strengthened dialogue and mediation efforts to reduce the level of violence, which is the cause of the humanitarian crisis, she warned that humanitarian assistance does not reach the people who are most in need.
Also speaking were representatives of Lichtenstein, France, Türkiye, Germany, Norway, Japan and China..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations General Assembly (New York)
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2022-10-25
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This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Shabia Mantoo – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today's press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.
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"UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is seriously concerned over the continued deportation by Malaysia of asylum-seekers from Myanmar back to their country, placing lives at risk.
UNHCR has received multiple disturbing reports of these forced returns of Myanmar nationals from Malaysia, since April this year, including people seeking international protection. In the last two months alone, hundreds of Myanmar nationals are reported to have been sent back against their will by the authorities.
Such deportations of refugees and asylum-seekers amount to refoulement.
The latest incident is reported to have happened over the weekend. According to information received by UNHCR, an asylum-seeker from Myanmar was deported on 21 October from detention despite UNHCR interventions.
UNHCR continues to call on Malaysia to immediately stop the forced returns of Myanmar nationals seeking safety from serious harm.
Sending them back to Myanmar exposes them to harm and danger.
People fleeing Myanmar must be allowed access to territory to seek asylum and be protected against refoulement. Myanmar nationals already abroad should not be forced to return when seeking international protection.
The principle of non-refoulement is a cornerstone of international law and is binding on all states.
The situation in Myanmar is forcing people to flee to seek safety within the country and across borders.
UNHCR appeals to the Malaysian authorities to abide by their international legal obligations and ensure the full respect for the rights of people in need of international protection.
We reiterate our call on states in the region to continue offering protection to Myanmar nationals fleeing for safety. This also includes ending the practice of indefinite detention of asylum-seekers and refugees from Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-25
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"(Bangkok) – On the evening of October 23, 2022, the Myanmar military carried out an airstrike on a music concert in Hpakant, Kachin State, organized by the opposition Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) to commemorate the ethnic organization’s 62nd anniversary. Local media reported that at least 60 people were killed and 100 injured, and that the Myanmar military blocked access to medical care for those harmed. The concert was held at a base also used for military training by the KIO’s armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).
The following quote can be attributed to Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch:
The Myanmar military’s airstrike on hundreds of concertgoers in Kachin State is an apparent violation of the laws of war, which prohibit attacks causing indiscriminate or disproportionate civilian harm. Myanmar military operations in ethnic minority areas have long been characterized by a near total disregard for civilian lives and property and a failure to abide by international law. The military’s entrenched impunity underlines the need for an international investigation of those responsible for this attack and the many others committed by security forces since the February 2021 military coup.
For over a year and a half, the junta has carried out grave abuses against the millions of people who oppose military rule, amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes. How high does the death count need to reach before governments around the world impose consequences that will impact the junta’s behavior?
This horrific attack should trigger renewed efforts by concerned states to enforce tougher sanctions on the junta, including cutting off its access to foreign currency revenues as well as arms and aviation fuel. The United Nations Security Council should urgently pass a resolution imposing a global arms embargo on the junta and referring the situation to the International Criminal Court. Southeast Asian leaders meeting this week and at the ASEAN Summit in November should signal their support for such efforts to bring justice to the victims of the junta’s abuses across the country..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, International Criminal Court, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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"(Yangon) – The United Nations (UN) in Myanmar is deeply concerned and saddened by reports of airstrikes that took place in Hpakant, Kachin State around 8:00PM on 23 October 2022. Initial reports suggest that over 100 civilians may have been affected by the bombing. Numerous fatalities have also been reported.
While the UN continues to verify the details of this attack, we offer our deepest condolences to the families and friends of all those who were killed or injured. The UN calls for those injured to be availed urgent medical treatment, as needed.
What would appear to be excessive and disproportionate use of force by security forces against unarmed civilians is unacceptable and those responsible must be held to account..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-24
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Title: Helping migrant workers, their families, and the host communities with good hygiene practices
Description:
"The migrant-centred “Aye Chan Thaw Ein” (ACTE) project aims to strengthen and empower migrants and their families through multi-sectoral interventions. The project covers such topics as awareness of safe migration and labour rights, enhancing vocational skills and providing opportunities for upward mobility, promoting healthier nutritional behaviour and improving access to water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities and practices in Shwe Pyi Thar township, Yangon Region.
Under the project, People in Need (PIN) and our consortium partner, Community Development Association (CDA), have provided lifesaving WASH assistance to migrant workers, their families, and the host community. The project allows migrants to adopt safe hygiene practices and access improved WASH facilities in six wards in the Shwe Pyi Thar township.
The peri-urban area of Yangon, Shwe Pyi Thar township, has been negatively impacted by unhealthy and environmentally unfriendly behaviours, such as dumping waste into drains, rivers, streams, or creeks due to low potential rates of disposal at community dumping sites. This severely impacts and harms the surrounding environment and causes risks for the population during the rainy season.
As part of WASH assistance, we---together with CDA---have improved WASH-related hardware, such as drainage, conducted emergency clearing, and offered innovative solutions for waste management through a participatory community approach. Moreover, CDA awarded community grants to address specific WASH-related issues and promote engagement with the household- and community levels on gender-responsive WASH solutions, including sanitation, hygiene and menstrual hygiene management (MHM) and waste management.
Improved access to waste management and drainage system
As part of WASH-related hardware solutions, CDA has constructed 11 concrete community drainage culvert systems in six wards. U Maung Maung (name has been changed for security reasons) member of the targeted wards says, "we thank CDA and donors for upgrading drainage systems and providing emergency cleaning process in our ward. There were floods in our ward in previous rainy seasons due to the lack of good waste disposal management. Most household members are migrant workers in our ward, with minimal waste disposal knowledge. Although we put warning signs at each drain not to throw anything into these drainages, people did not follow the instructions." He adds, "with a small grant program from the CDA and community participation, we renovated our main drain. Because of the support from the ACTE project, the drainage systems are free to flow smoothly, and flooding is also prevented."
U Kyi (name has been changed for security reasons) also expresses his gratitude to CDA, “I lived near the main community drainage. In the past, during heavy rains, waste was stuck in the drainage and caused flooding where water entered our houses. While drain water was trapped, it created bad smells and contained many mosquitoes. Now, these problems have been solved with the support of CDA. Thanks to CDA and its donors for cleaning the drainage system and maintaining the upgrade of it.”
CDA aims to assist and improve the lives of migrant workers and their families by sharing knowledge about improved WASH facilities and good hygiene practices through awareness-raising activities. In total, CDA reached 8,148 individuals, of which 6,242 were women and girls.
As part of the lifesaving WASH assistance, such as drainage systems and waste management, it aimed to benefit a more significant number of community members and migrant workers who reside in the wards for sustainability beyond the project life. CDA also conducted capacity-building activities, especially on sanitation, hygiene and menstrual hygiene management practices at the grassroots level where women, adolescent girls, the elderly and persons with disability can have easier access to learning opportunities.
Regarding the behaviour changes of waste disposal and good hygiene and sanitation practices, CDA conducted behavioural change campaigns at five wards in Shwe Pyi Thar township. Ko Win Htut Thein, a project manager at CDA addresses how to implement good hygiene practices among the host community and internal migrants. "CDA aims to assist and improve the lives of migrant workers and their families by sharing knowledge about improved WASH facilities and good hygiene practices through awareness-raising activities. In total, CDA reached 8,148 individuals, of which 6,242 were women and girls.”
He added that “the awareness sessions focused on intensified hygiene promotion on handwashing and menstrual hygiene management by holding small groups at each ward. Along with this session, CDA distributed hygiene supplies to all participants.” Also, CDA organised three public events on behaviour change, including handwashing, menstrual hygiene, and waste disposal public campaigns from December 2021 to March 2022. CDA also provided hygiene items to the host community and the migrants’ families actively involved in the campaigns. Through menstrual hygiene management awareness and education sessions, CDA reached a total of 2,981 beneficiaries, including 2,709 women and girls and 272 boys and men.
Safe water for host communities and migrant workers
To access safe water and prevent water-borne diseases in Shwe Pyi Thar, CDA has constructed a 200-foot-long community drainage system in ward 21. First, CDA organised a community-level committee on WASH solutions based on their needs and provided a grant to implement with the collaboration of community members.
One of the committee members U Kyaw Moe (name has been changed for security reasons) shares their needs. “Our ward is quite close to Hlaing River, and flood water always enters the ward when it rains. We rely on water sources from community ponds but need to access clean water. Water resources are enough for us in the rainy season, but we face water scarcity in the dry season. With the ACTE project’s long-term support, CDA provided one water truck and constructed the drainage system near the school compound. With this water truck, we will be safe for clean water access and no need to worry about flood water next season. Thanks to CDA and PIN for supporting us.”
People in Need and its consortium partners have been working together under the Aye Chan Thaw Ein project in collaboration with ward development committees to meet the needs of internal migrant workers and reduce the vulnerability of internal migrants with the financial support of the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT) in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
People in Need
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Rural development in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"The Malaysian government must immediately halt all forced deportations of people from Myanmar and ensure they are
given the opportunity to claim asylum, Amnesty International urged today. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) should also be given access to all persons in immigration detention centres, including women, children, and
men from Myanmar who are held there. People who wish to seek asylum must be released from detention. Since the
beginning of October, over 150 Myanmar nationals have reportedly been deported from Malaysia, in cooperation with the
Myanmar military authorities. Given the grave human rights situation in Myanmar, those who are forcibly deported are at
risk of persecution, torture, arbitrary detention and ill-treatment.
On 19 October, news reports stated that Malaysia had deported over 150 Myanmar nationals since the beginning of the
month. Amnesty International is concerned that more people may be forcibly deported in the coming weeks and months.
The Malaysian government has continued to forcibly deport people to Myanmar in spite of the insecure situation resulting
from the coup in February 2021 as part of an agreement with the military authorities responsible for the takeover in the
country.
Amnesty International has documented ongoing and serious human rights violations in Myanmar since the 2021 coup.
The organization recently published compelling evidence of torture at the hands of the Myanmar military to extract
information as well as appalling conditions inside prisons and interrogation centres there. The Myanmar military regularly
arrests people for expressing dissent and subjects detainees to torture in detention. In eastern Myanmar, Amnesty
International documented war crimes and possible crimes against humanity committed by the military.
Tom Andrews, the United Nations special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said in September that
conditions have gone from “bad to worse to horrific” since the military seized power last year. More than 2,300 people
have been killed since the coup and thousands arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a
local civil society group monitoring human rights violations. Efforts to restore peace, such as the ASEAN five-point
consensus plan, have also failed, as Malaysia’s Foreign Minster Saifuddin Abdullah recently acknowledged.
Forced deportations of people from Myanmar without the option to seek asylum directly contradicts recent
pronouncements by the Foreign Minister, who has been critical of the military authorities. Malaysia, as a member of the
UN Human Rights Council, should refrain from actions violating international human rights law, including the right to seek
asylum. The government must stop forcibly deporting asylum seekers – including dissidents or any other opponents of
the Myanmar military, and others facing persecution if they were to be returned. Amnesty International considers all
individuals subjected to indefinite detention for immigration purposes to be victims of forced deportation if they are
returned to Myanmar. The organisation considers that forcibly deporting anyone from Myanmar under the current
conditions to be refoulement – when a government deports people to a country in which they would likely face human
rights violations – which contravenes customary international law.
Amnesty International calls on the government to respect human rights and international law and halt any plans to forcibly
send people from Myanmar back to a violent and dangerous situation. People who are unable or unwilling to return to
Myanmar should be allowed to remain safely in Malaysia without risk of refoulement, and be able to regularize their stay
either through extension of their work permits and other visas or access to asylum proceedings, and should be able to
enjoy their rights. No one should be forcibly returned to Myanmar for any reason due to the current brutal conditions in
the country.
Amnesty International remains concerned by the arbitrary and indefinite immigration detention of people in Malaysia,
including those from Myanmar who are being held indefinitely around the country. The organization calls for immediate
access to detention facilities for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Those who wish to make asylum claims should
be released, and the government should work together with UNHCR to end the system of indefinite detention..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Size:
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Description:
"Last week in the East Asia Pacific region, civilians were killed during a clash between the Myanmar military and a local resistance group near a Buddhist religious site in Myanmar's Mon state. The United League of Arakan/Arakan Army (ULA/AA) attacked and occupied a border guard police outpost in Rakhine state, while the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) clashed with the Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization/Pa-Oh National Liberation Army (PNLO/PNLA) in southern Shan state. North Korea carried out another series of missile tests. In the Philippines, fighting between the communist New People's Army (NPA) and state forces intensified. Meanwhile, police shot three militant detainees dead after they took a detained former senator hostage during an attempted jailbreak.
In Myanmar, a local resistance group attacked a military checkpoint at the foot of the Kyaiktiyo Golden Rock Pagoda, a famous Buddhist pilgrimage site, in Mon state on 12 October. Three women pilgrims were killed in the crossfire. Eighteen others, including a police officer, were injured. The resistance group and military accused each other of killing the civilians (Myanmar Now, 13 October 2022).
Elsewhere, in Rakhine state, the ULA/AA attacked and occupied the Lait-ya border guard police outpost in Maungdaw township on 10 October, inflicting police casualties and seizing weapons and ammunition (Irrawaddy, 11 October 2022). One ULA/AA member was killed in the fighting (Narinjara, 10 October 2022). Members of another border guard police outpost in nearby Kyein Chaung village fired artillery at the ULA/AA during the clash. The ULA/AA claimed the Lait-ya border guard police outpost had been responsible for artillery attacks on civilians (Narinjara, 11 October 2022). Fighting between the two groups has intensified over the past few months. These trends contribute to the 717% increase in average weekly violent events in Rakhine state in the past month relative to the weekly average for the preceding year flagged by ACLED's Subnational Threat Tracker. The Subnational Tracker also warned of increased violence in Rakhine state during the preceding four weeks.
In southern Shan state, fighting broke out between the RCSS/SSA-S, an ethnic Shan armed group, and the PNLO/PNLA, an ethnic Pa-Oh armed group, on 11 October in the reportedly PNLO/PNLA-controlled Ka Du Gyi area of Mawkmai township. The PNLO/PNLA claimed that the clash resulted from the RCSS/SSA-S's failure to inform them of troop movements, as required by the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (Shan Herald Agency for News, 13 October 2022). The clash came after the RCSS/SSA-S invited ethnic armed organizations operating in Shan state and other areas to meet to ease tensions and to discuss potential cooperation (Thanlwin Times, 11 October 2022). ACLED's Subnational Surge Tracker warned of increased violence in southern Shan state during the preceding four weeks. Violence in southern Shan state is both common and highly volatile; it is considered an area of 'extreme risk' by ACLED's Volatility and Risk Predictability Index.
North Korea continued to carry out missile tests last week. On 9 October, North Korea test-fired two short-range ballistic missiles into the sea off the country's east coast, before test-firing two long-range cruise missiles into the sea off its west coast on 12 October. On 14 October, North Korea flew 10 warplanes close to the border with South Korea, before launching a short-range ballistic missile into the sea off its east coast and firing hundreds of artillery shells into a maritime buffer zone surrounding the Northern Limit Line (AP, 14 October 2022). These activities came after North Korea's defense ministry criticized the recent redeployment of a US aircraft carrier near the Korean Peninsula (YNA, 6 October 2022).
Last week in the Philippines, fighting between NPA rebels and the military intensified, with clashes reported in Bicol and Soccsksargen, as well as Central, Western, and Eastern Visayas. These trends contribute to a 75% increase in violent events in the Philippines over the past week relative to the weekly average for the preceding month, as flagged by ACLED's Conflict Change Map. In Western Visayas, Himamaylan city saw fierce clashes on 8, 10, and 12 October, leaving a suspected high-ranking NPA leader, Romeo Nanta (also known as Juanito Magbanua), dead. The NPA claimed that Nanta was not killed in the clash, but rather, captured and summarily executed (Rappler, 11 October 2022). Human rights group Karapatan condemned alleged military abuses against civilians during the clashes, including allegedly indiscriminate artillery fire and aerial bombing (Karapatan, 12 October 2022). As a result of the clashes, the military implemented lockdowns in several affected barangays, and the city government declared a state of calamity (Manila Bulletin, 12 October 2022). Around 15,000 villagers were also evacuated from the area (Panay News, 12 October 2022).
Meanwhile, a high-profile jailbreak attempt led to the deaths of three detained Islamist militants in Quezon City last week. On 9 October, three militant detainees -- alleged members of Abu Sayyaf and Dawlah Islamiyah -- attempted to escape from the Philippine National Police Custodial Center, wounding a police officer with an improvised knife and taking detained former Senator Leila de Lima hostage during the attempt. Responding police officers shot the militant detainees dead and freed de Lima, who was lightly wounded. The incident led to renewed calls for the release of de Lima, a prominent critic of former President Rodrigo Duterte. De Lima has been held in police custody since February 2017 on drug-related charges, which human rights organizations and opposition groups view as politically motivated (HRW, 4 May 2022; Manila Bulletin, 9 October 2022).
Note: This dashboard automatically updates to cover the latest four weeks of data released by ACLED. Use the date filters to view data for the one-week period covered by this Regional Overview..."
Source/publisher:
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
103.65 KB
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Description:
"Under the Myanmar Community Resilience Project (MCRP), the World Bank will support ICRC’s interventions in support of vulnerable, violence-affected communities in Myanmar.
The objective of the MCRP is to support the resilience of communities through multisectoral assistance including livelihood support and small-scale infrastructure projects. As part of this collaboration, the ICRC has conducted an assessment of the potential environmental and social risks linked to the project and devised appropriate mitigation measures to manage these.
This process has and will continue to involve consultations with a range of stakeholders. The guiding documents on these efforts are included in the attached Stakeholder Engagement Plan (SEP), Environmental and Social Commitment Plan (ESCP) and Framework.
This groundwork and the iterative and continuous follow up provided will ensure that adequate environmental and social standards are lived-up to..."
Source/publisher:
International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Biodiversity - Burma/Myanmar-related, Rural development in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
805.21 KB 517.65 KB 1.47 MB
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Sub-title:
This news comment is attributable to Gillian Triggs, UNHCR’s Assistant High Commissioner for Protection
Description:
"UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is urgently appealing to countries in the region to immediately stop forced returns of Myanmar nationals seeking safety from serious harm. Sending them back to the country is placing countless lives at risk.
UNHCR remains gravely concerned about multiple reports of refoulement - the forcible return of refugees and asylum seekers - since February 2021 from countries neighbouring Myanmar. We repeat our call on states to continue offering protection to Myanmar nationals fleeing for safety. This also includes ending the practice of indefinite detention of asylum seekers and refugees from Myanmar.
In Myanmar, acts of indiscriminate violence against civilians continue across the country, as well as fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups in some border areas, driving people to flee within the country and across borders.
People fleeing Myanmar must be allowed access to territory to seek asylum and be protected against refoulement. Myanmar nationals already abroad should not be forced to return when seeking international protection.
The principle of non-refoulement is a cornerstone of international law and is binding on all states.
Myanmar’s neighbours have a decades-long history of providing protection and assistance to refugees. We call on them to continue upholding their international legal obligations and lifesaving humanitarian tradition of safeguarding the lives of all those forced to flee.
UNHCR and partner organizations stand ready to step-up support to national and local authorities in the region to ensure that refugees receive the protection they need..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"Key Updates:
• Inconsistent responses to Afghan displacement continue to put lives at risk: There remains a lack of consistency in response to a large number of Afghan nationals moving to seek safety and stability despite pledges to receive Afghans made by the US, Australia, and some EU countries.
• Migration surges in Sri Lanka due to economic and political crises: Political and economic crises in Sri Lanka have led many to leave the country. Outward movements have surged with the majority heading to the Middle East, Australia, and India.
• Rohingya refugees are at risk of deportation from India and Bangladesh: Both countries have increased efforts to classify Rohingya refugees as “illegal” and subsequently deport them to Myanmar.
• Mental health concern among refugees in Malaysia: An incident in Kuala Lumpur on 2 August involving a father throwing his three young children off a flyover before plunging to death calls attention to mental health issues among refugees, particularly in the wake of Covid-19 related isolation and vilification.
• Demand for migrant workers is rising in post-pandemic recovery: Countries such as Malaysia and Thailand are facing a shortage of workers in labour-intensive sectors.
• Pakistan floods displaced millions, including Afghan refugees and local Pakistani communities: Climate change-induced floods in Pakistan uproot not only Pakistanis, but also thousands of refugees, including from Afghanistan.
• Australia increases migrant targets in order to fill jobs and attract talent: Demonstrating the benefit of allowing increased migrant access to the labour market, Australia has raised its migrant targets to attract talent..."
Source/publisher:
Mixed Migration Centre
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.11 MB
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Description:
"FOOD SECURITY SNAPSHOT
Below-average 2022 paddy production forecast
Above-average cereal exports forecast in 2022/23
Prices of rice at record high in August
Persistent conflict continues to cause displacements
Below-average 2022 paddy output forecast
The 2022 main rainfed paddy crop, which accounts for more than 80 percent of the annual production, is approaching the harvest stage. Although drier-than-average conditions in late May and early June delayed planting operations in the central producing areas, the area sown to the main rice crop is estimated close to the five-year average. Precipitation amounts improved from late June and have been generally near-average until September. The total 2022 paddy production, including the secondary crops to be planted at the end of the year, is forecast at 23.8 million tonnes, about 10 percent below the five-year average level. Yields have been affected by limited use of critical agricultural inputs due to their elevated prices. According to a recent survey conducted by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), domestic prices of urea and compound fertilizers in July 2022 were 90 and 75 percent, respectively, higher year-on-year, while prices of herbicides and pesticides increased by 50 and 40 percent, respectively.
Cereal exports in 2022/23 forecast at above-average level
Total cereal exports in the 2022/23 marketing year (July/June) are forecast at about 4.2 million tonnes, 15 percent above the average volume. Exports of maize are forecast at a record of 1.7 million tonnes, reflecting the expected production surplus and the steady demand from China (mainland) and Thailand. Rice exports in calendar year 2022 are forecast at 2.3 million tonnes.
The 2022 main maize crop, for harvest from late October, is growing under generally favourable weather conditions (ASI map). Total maize production, including the secondary crops to be planted in November, is forecast at an above-average level of 2.2 million tonnes, reflecting record area planted driven by robust export demand and high domestic prices. However, average yields are projected at the lowest level since 2015 as a result of constrained access to agricultural inputs, as well as pests and diseases.
Prices of rice at record high in August
Domestic prices of “Emata” rice, a widely consumed quality, have steadily increased since January 2022 and reached record highs in August. The price increase was associated with consecutive seasons of production declines, a recovery in exports, high transportation and input costs, and expectations of a below-average production of 2022 main paddy crops. Prices in August were almost 50 percent higher than a year before.
Persistent conflict continues to cause displacements
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), as of September 2022, the number of additional displaced people following the military takeover in February 2021 is estimated at 982 000, bringing the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to about 1.3 million. Most IDPs reside in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Kayin and Shan states. Macroeconomic difficulties, due to lingering effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and political instability, have caused widespread loss of income and livelihoods, sharply reducing households’ purchasing power. Decreased production stemming from localized paddy crop losses, combined with the high prices of energy, fuel and essential food items, may cause a significant decline in output leading to a deterioration of food security outcomes in 2022/23..."
Source/publisher:
Food and Agriculture Organization (Rome) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
766.14 KB
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Description:
"JAKARTA — Parliamentarians should uphold freedom of religion or belief and work in preventing religion from being turned into a political weapon in the midst of increasing conservatism and discrimination against minorities worldwide, a group of twelve sitting and former lawmakers from Southeast Asia said at a conference held in Jakarta.
“Religion is too often weaponized as a political tool, especially in election years. It is important for parliamentarians to connect and discuss strategies on how to combat such tactics, particularly with upcoming elections in Malaysia, Indonesia, as well as Timor-Leste,” said Timor-Leste MP Antonio Benevides.
In recent years, religion has often been used in the region to attack political enemies. One example discussed during the conference was the 2019 presidential elections in Indonesia, when supporters of President Joko Widodo and his challenger Prabowo Subianto traded accusations about the rival candidate’s lack of commitment to Islam.
In Myanmar, the military and its proxy party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), have often accused the National League for Democracy (NLD) of endangering Buddhism and being infiltrated by Muslims plotting to take over the country. Now, the junta that ousted the NLD government in an illegal coup d’état in February last year is attempting to use Buddhism to legitimize its rule.
“The world is not okay right now and we need to work together to help make it better by ensuring that everyone enjoys basic rights including freedom of religion and faith, particularly minorities,” said Eva Kusuma Sundari, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) board member and former member of the Indonesian House of Representatives.
This and other issues were discussed by lawmakers hailing from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Timor-Leste, Thailand, Myanmar and the Philippines, who were attending the annual Southeast Asia Parliamentarians for Freedom of Religion or Belief (SEAPFoRB) conference in Jakarta on 16-17 October 2022.
The SEAPFoRB conference was hosted by APHR, together with the International Panel of Parliamentarians for Freedom of Religion or Belief (IPPFoRB), and is part of an initiative to strengthen parliamentarians’ action to promote and protect the right to freedom of religion or belief in Southeast Asia.
On the second day of the conference, eight MPs visited the Indonesian House of Representatives to have a roundtable discussion with Indonesian MPs – including Luluk Nur Hamidah, Sylviana Murni, and Bobby Rizaldi – on the freedom of religion or belief situation in Indonesia.
“Indonesia celebrates all the six religions as well as the many indigenous beliefs that are practiced here, but given the huge diversity here we face a large challenge in continuing to develop respect for plurality in order to maintain the ‘Unity in Diversity’ that is our national motto. We also realize that protecting religious freedom is something that requires a global response,” said Luluk.
The conference concluded with a number of key conclusions and recommendations, including the need to provide counter-narratives toward intolerant messaging on social media and increasing engagement with other key stakeholders such as religious organizations and civil society.
“Freedom of religion or belief is a fundamental human right that is incredibly important to protect. MPs have a huge role to play in ensuring that protection.,” said Philippine MP Arlene Brosas..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"To date, this Emergency Appeal, which seeks CHF 4,500,000, is 58 per cent funded. This funding has been crucial to enable the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS), with the support of the IFRC, to continue providing humanitarian assistance and protection to the people on the move, as well to strengthen their preparedness efforts.
A. SITUATION ANALYSIS
Description of the crisis
Since the military intervention on 1 February 2021, the country has remained in a state of political crisis as the economy falters and the humanitarian situation worsens. The country is now entering the second year of the crisis, where the complexity and multi-dimensional characteristics have been fuelled by ongoing inter-factional tensions. The pre-existing impact of COVID-19 has escalated the suffering of the people and the recovery has yet to be seen.
Fighting continues in states and regions across Myanmar to oppose the State Administration Council (SAC) in towns and villages. The security and humanitarian situation across Myanmar thus remain tense, with escalating violence and armed clashes. Nearly 2,000 civilians are reported as having been killed during the incidents since the military intervention. This has led to new displacements that, as of 2 September 2022, have resulted in more than 974,000 people displaced, including more than 250,000 children since 1 February 2021. This is an addition to the pre-existing displacement in the country, making up a total of over 1.3 million internally displaced people (IDPs) across the country. The number of IDPs is not stable as the IDPs remain on the move.
The increase in commodity prices, including food and fuel, due to inflation and global food supply, has worsened and increased the vulnerability of the affected people. Main services in the country have significantly reduced, such as banking, primary health services, and education. The disruption of the banking system has had an impact on access to cash, in turn delaying the delivery of humanitarian assistance, in addition to movement and access restrictions. The monsoon season has started and continues to cause heavy rain and flooding. During the month of June 2022, about 600 people were relocated to higher grounds due to flooding in Kachin state. In August 2022, the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) supported aid-delivering services with the people affected by the flood in Yak Sauk Township in Southern Shan State. With the reduction of primary health care across the country, the spread of communicable and waterborne diseases may increase challenges in accessing reproductive, maternal, newborn, child and adolescent health (RMNCAH), including antenatal care and support to pregnant women. More than four million children – half of the school-aged children – are estimated as not having accessed education for two full academic years.
There has been an increase in armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF), ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and the local People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) in the country’s northwest, as well as other parts of the country. More than 18,000 civilians’ properties, including houses, churches, monasteries, and schools are reported as having been destroyed, burnt and searched, due to the clashes and violence, and people displaced in Sagaing and Magway regions and Chin state. The armed clashes have led to the increase of travel restrictions issued by the authority and to the limitation of humanitarian access, especially in the southeast and northwest.
Since June 2022, armed violence between the SAC and the Arakan Army (AA) has escalated in northern parts of Rakhine State. In August 2022, frequent fighting including the use of heavy weapons has been reported in Rakhine State — especially in the townships of Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Maungdaw (northern Rakhine), Mrauk-U, Minbya, Kyauktaw, (central Rakhine) and Taungup (southern Rakhine), and in Paletwa Township of Southern Chin State. The escalation of armed violence across Rakhine State and Southern Chin State has already had a marked humanitarian impact in those areas, including an increase in displacement in northern Rakhine State. Access is still challenging as many areas including waterways and roads have been blocked in northern Rakhine State, while medical supplies and food have been restricted into Paletwa Township in southern Chin State..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.26 MB (Original version) - 27 pages
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Description:
"France condemns in the strongest possible terms the new prison sentence imposed today on State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and the manipulation of the justice system for political, partisan purposes by Myanmar’s army. This new sentence undermines the rule of law once again and shows that the individuals who seized power in February 2021 seek to discredit Aung San Suu Kyi and to permanently exclude a legitimately elected civil leader from political leadership. France recalls its commitment to seeing the establishment of a political dialogue that includes the democratic opposition, including the National League for Democracy and its historic leaders.
France reiterates its call for the immediate, unconditional release of all those who are being arbitrarily detained, including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, as well as its call for an end to the violence committed by Myanmar’s security forces. France continues to support the efforts of ASEAN and its Special Envoy as well as those of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and states once again that the establishment of political dialogue is a necessary condition for any solution to this crisis..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Seventy-seventh session
Item 72 (c) of the provisional agenda*
Promotion and protection of human rights: human rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms
Summary
In July, Myanmar’s military junta executed four political prisoners, including a prominent pro-democracy activist and a former member of parliament. These unconscionable acts are consistent with the junta’s unflinching embrace of violence against the people of Myanmar. In recent months, military forces have systematically bombed and burned villages and massacred innocent civilians, including eleven children in Sagaing Region who were shot and killed when junta forces attacked their school in September. These forces have killed thousands and displaced nearly one million people since the coup. Many of the more than 12,000 political prisoners have been tortured and an unknown number have died in custody.
In the midst of this darkness, however, Myanmar civil society is a shining light and inspiration. Activists, human rights defenders, aid workers, community leaders, journalists, health care professionals, and educators are among those who are taking great personal risks to document atrocities, deliver humanitarian assistance, and respond to the needs of displaced and traumatized communities. Human rights organizations, women’s associations, professional networks, trade unions and labour activists, and grassroots groups are adopting strategies to remain safe and effective in a deadly environment. In many cases, individuals and organizations are operating with little international support and few opportunities to communicate with the outside world.
In this report, the Special Rapporteur outlines the human rights and humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar. He also describes the essential and awe-inspiring work being done by Myanmar civil society in the most challenging of circumstances. He calls on the international community to view Myanmar civil society as a vital partner in addressing the crisis in the country, working with grassroots networks to deliver aid and increasing financial and technical support to civil society organizations.
Myanmar’s fate depends on the activists, organizations, and networks that have risen up to defy military rule, defend human rights, and prepare for a free and democratic future. They need and deserve a significant increase in support from the international community..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations General Assembly (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-12
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Human Rights and international relations, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Tokyo Should Immediately Suspend Non-Humanitarian Aid to Junta
Description:
"Tokyo) – Myanmar’s junta used Japan-funded passenger ships donated for civilian use for military purposes in September 2022, Human Rights Watch said today.
Letters from Myanmar officials, analyzed by Human Rights Watch, stated that two of three vessels delivered by Japan between 2017 and 2019 were used to transport more than 100 soldiers and material to the town of Buthidaung on the Mayu River in Rakhine State, where the military is fighting the Arakan Army ethnic armed group. The Japanese government should suspend non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar and sanction junta officials implicated in serious human rights violations.
“The Myanmar junta’s misuse of Japanese development aid for military purposes effectively makes Japan a backer of the junta’s military operations,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government needs to urgently reassess its obviously failing approach to curtailing the junta’s abuses.”
On September 13, 2022, the Rakhine State government’s transport minister ordered the Rakhine Department of the Inland Water Transport (IWT) to “ready” the Japan-provided “Kisapanadi I” and “Kisapanadi III” vessels for “Sittwe-Buthidaung-Sittwe voyages,” said a letter labeled confidential from the national IWT to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, on September 21. The letter stated that, on September 14, the two ships transported “over a hundred Tatmadaw [Myanmar] troops, as well as their supplies and materials” to Buthidaung.
The transport minister “instructed that the voyages were top secret and that their destination was also classified and no report [to a third party] should be made,” the letter said. Evidently recognizing that this was problematic, IWT noted that it “already had a discussion” with the Rakhine transport minister and “the vessels are no longer used for [military] purposes.”
On September 23, the Rakhine State chief of police and the transport minister, on behalf of Rakhine State’s chief minister, wrote to the national transport and communications minister and specifically confirmed that the two vessels had been used for “military purposes.” In the letter, the Rakhine authorities sought to justify this use of ships, citing provision no. 250 of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution, which states that “the Region or State Government shall have the responsibility to assist the Union Government in the preservation of the stability of the Union, community peace and tranquility and prevalence of law and order.”
An informal ceasefire between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, in place since November 2020, has broken down in recent months. In August, the military reinforced its troops in northern Rakhine State, where fighting has since escalated in intensity and scope, including airstrikes, heavy artillery shelling, and landmine use, with growing civilian casualties.
Since mid-August, the military has isolated and terrorized civilians in Rakhine and southern Chin States to weaken the Arakan Army, using abusive means embodied in the military’s longstanding “Four Cuts” policy. The junta has imposed broad new travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, blocked access to roads and waterways, and arbitrarily arrested aid workers, in violation of international humanitarian law.
On September 15, the junta issued a directive banning United Nations agencies and international nongovernmental organizations from six Rakhine State townships – Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Mrauk-U, Minbya, and Myebon – and shut down boat lines and public transportation. The fighting has displaced more than 18,000 people since August, joining over 70,000 others who are internally displaced, many of whom are facing shortages of food and medicine exacerbated by the junta’s restrictions.
In response to a Human Rights Watch inquiry on September 20, a Japanese Foreign Ministry official said on October 3 that the “Japanese government, based on the principle of ‘avoiding any use of development cooperation for military purposes’ in the Development Cooperation Charter, will work to secure appropriate use of facilities and equipment provided through ODA [Official Development Assistance] programs.” The official added that Japan “is taking appropriate measures regarding the issue in question,” but refrained from disclosing further details because it was a “diplomatic matter.”
Japan provided the three vessels to Myanmar under the 500 million yen (US$3.5 million) Economic and Social Development Programme, signed on September 12, 2016. The Japanese embassy in Myanmar said the program “aims to improve the ability of the water transport in Myanmar and to contribute to the Economic and Social Development of Myanmar, by donating passenger ships for the coastal transport in Rakhine State.”
Following the February 1, 2021 military coup in Myanmar, the Japanese government stated it would refrain from carrying out new non-humanitarian ODA programs in Myanmar, but did not suspend ongoing projects. As of November 2021, Japan had provided about 1.4 trillion yen ($9.6 billion) in loan assistance, 360 billion yen ($2.5 billion) in grant aid, and 100 billion yen ($690 million) in technical assistance to Myanmar.
The Japanese government should trigger human rights-based conditions enshrined in its Development Cooperation Charter, which states that “Japan will pay adequate attention to the situation in the recipient countries regarding the process of democratization, the rule of law and the protection of basic human rights, with a view to promoting the consolidation of democratization, the rule of law and the respect for basic human rights.”
With respect to humanitarian aid, Japan should maintain such projects but redirect the funds through nongovernmental groups to ensure it is used effectively and directly benefits populations in need, Human Rights Watch said.
“Japan’s halfhearted approach to sanctions has not slowed down the Myanmar junta’s abuses at all,” Kasai said. “Japan should make full use of its reputation as a rights-respecting democracy by using all diplomatic tools available to hold the Myanmar military accountable.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
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"Crackdown on media freedom in Myanmar and the cases of Htet Htet Khine, Sithu Aung Myint and Nyein Nyein Aye
Strongly condemning the military junta’s violent and illegitimate rule in Myanmar, MEPs urge it to drop all politically motivated charges against the members of the press and media workers, and unconditionally release every unfairly-detained journalist. They also call on the juntato immediately end its abuses, including arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, sexual violence and other ill-treatment, as well as unfair trials against people working in the media.
Calling for the unconditional release by the military junta of President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and all others who have been arrested on unfounded accusations, MEPs also want an immediate end to the unlawful state of emergency in the country, the restoration of the civilian government, the re-establishment of a path towards democracy, and a swift opening of parliament with the participation of all elected representatives.
The resolution welcomes the sanctions imposed by the Council against members of the junta and their businesses, and calls on the EU to introduce additional targeted sanctions against those responsible for the country’s most serious human rights violations.
Finally, MEPs condemn Russia and China for their political, economic and military backing of Myanmar’s junta..."
Source/publisher:
European Parliament (Strasbourg)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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Description:
"Highlights: As of 26 September, the number of internally displaced people has reached 1,347,400, including 1,017,000 displaced since the military takeover in February 2021 and 330,400 living in protracted displacement prior to the coup.
On 16 September, at least 11 children died as a result of an air strike and indiscriminate fire in civilian areas, including a school, in Tabayin Township, in the Sagaing region.
In Rakhine, the security situation continues to deteriorate. Movement restrictions are being imposed as a result of continuing clashes between the Arakan Army and Myanmar Armed Forces, severely affecting humanitarian interventions and the ability of aid workers to reach the affected population. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) reports that almost 13,400 people have been newly displaced in the region as of 26 September.
Although the UNICEF nutrition programme is facing a funding gap of 85 per cent, implementing partners have been able to reach 32,119 children aged 6–59 months (15,821 girls) with preventive nutrition services, including multiple micronutrient powder and vitamin A supplementation.
Funding Overview and Partnerships
UNICEF Myanmar Country Office is appealing for US$151.4 million to deliver humanitarian assistance to displaced people and host communities across the country. The Myanmar Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) estimates that, in 2022, 14.4 million people including 5 million children, need assistance. During September 2022, UNICEF has received generous contributions from the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance (USAID/BHA), the European Commission’s Humanitarian Office (ECHO), the German Federal Foreign Office, the Global Thematic Fund, the Government of Denmark, the Government of Japan, the Government of Norway, the Korean Committee for UNICEF and UNOCHA.
UNICEF Myanmar has so far received US$34.13 million, representing an increase of US$2.2 million from the previous reporting period. The funds received contribute to delivering much needed assistance through UNICEF programmes covering: Nutrition, Health, HIV/AIDS, Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH), Education, Child Protection, Genderbased violence in emergencies (GBViE), Protection of sexual exploitation and abuse (PSEA), Social protection,
Accountability affected population (AAP) and Cluster coordination. UNICEF continues to respond to the Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal but experienced an overall funding gap of 77 per cent that significantly affects the provision of humanitarian assistance and services to the targeted populations, especially children in need. UNICEF can scale up responses and accelerate service deliveries to the targeted population with continued support from donors.
UNICEF expresses its sincere appreciation to all private and public sector donors for their contributions to supporting the children of Myanmar.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
The escalating conflict and violence, rising poverty and a struggling economy due to inflation continues to severely affect children and families across Myanmar. As of 26 September, the conflict has displaced 1,347,400 people, including an estimated 471,590 children, who need critical humanitarian assistance. More than half of the displaced population is in Sagaing region, accounting for 545,200 people, where the volatility of the situation and active military operations continue to trigger displacements. On 16 September, in Tabayin township of Sagaing, at least 11 children died in an air strike and from indiscriminate fire in civilian areas, including a school, while another 15 children from the same school are still missing. Humanitarian actors are facing significant challenges posed by security risks in the northwest, particularly as there is a need to provide immediate assistance to children and communities there. In September,
UNICEF conducted a field assessment in some parts of the northwest to evaluate the operational environment and hopes that the recently established subnational inter-cluster coordination group will contribute to increasing coordinated efforts in response to the local needs.
The protracted humanitarian situation in Rakhine continues to deteriorate due to resurgence of conflict between the Arakan Army and the Myanmar Armed Forces, severely affecting the lives of thousands of children and their families.
People who have been displaced for a long time are confined in camps with limited access to health care, water and sanitation facilities, school or a livelihood, while increased population displacements have been reported from rural to urban areas. According to the latest OCHA figures, an estimated 13,400 people have been newly displaced across Rakhine as of 26 September. Humanitarian assistance is extremely challenged by movement restrictions and security measures, preventing access to the affected population. UNICEF and partners are monitoring the situation and have revised contingency plans and supplies, to respond in the event of further deterioration of the humanitarian situation.
In the southeast, conflict was also reported in Loikaw township in Kayah, resulting in civilian casualties and displacement.
At the end of September, UNICEF was able to reach the area and directly distribute much needed supplies, including WASH, child protection, health and nutrition. A total of 21,095 people (4,736 households) from 48 displacement sites in Loikaw and Demoso township were assisted, as a follow-up to the initial distribution held by UNICEF last June..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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419.07 KB
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Description:
"Responding to Puma Energy’s decision to withdraw from Myanmar nearly two years after a military coup in early 2021, Amnesty International’s Business and Human Rights Researcher Montse Ferrer said:
“Amnesty International acknowledges Puma Energy’s decision to leave the country, which comes after a long campaign by civil society groups including Burma Campaign UK and Justice For Myanmar, who among others have placed vital scrutiny on aviation fuel supplies that may end up in the hands of Myanmar’s military.
“The announcement also comes one month after researchers from Amnesty International met with Puma company representatives to present findings from a forthcoming report on the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar.
“Puma Energy must ensure a safe and responsible disengagement now that it is leaving the country, including by providing a transparent and clear roadmap of its plans and preventing the military from accessing its aviation fuel infrastructure. Any valuable assets Puma Energy leaves behind should not fall into the hands of the military or its crony businesses.
“Puma Energy must also explore ways to remedy any harm it may have contributed to while operating in Myanmar.”
Background
Puma Energy said in a statement on 5 October that it was exiting the country and selling its stake in Puma Energy Asia Sun (PEAS) and minority share in National Energy Puma Aviation Services (NEPAS) to a “locally owned private company”.
Through PEAS and NEPAS, Puma Energy has been the main supplier of aviation fuel to the country since it commenced operations in 2015.
Several civil society organizations as well as Myanmar’s National Unity Government have called for aviation fuel supplies to the military to be restricted or outright banned.
Shortly after the 1 February 2021 coup, Puma Energy said it was suspending its operations in Myanmar. It subsequently resumed operations but, according to the company, only for civilian purposes..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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Sub-title:
The UK Human Rights Ambassador, Rita French, delivered a statement on the Myanmar regime's access to weapons and arms.
Description:
"Thank you, Mr President.
Thank you Acting High Commissioner for your report.
The United Kingdom supported the council’s Fact Finding Mission on Myanmar and its’ important work to shine a light on the military’s economic interests. We call on all States to engage with its recommendations, which remain all the more important amid today’s calamitous situation in the country.
We are committed to working with partners to target the regime’s access to finance and arms, which facilitate the most egregious human rights violations. These violations must stop.
The UK has a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and we are clear that no Member State should sell arms to Myanmar; doing so exasperates conflict and instability and directly contributes to violations in the country.
Since the coup, we have announced targeted sanctions on the military leadership, and its access to revenue, arms and military equipment.
While responsible businesses have a role to play in Myanmar in job creation, poverty alleviation and standard setting, we must ensure that their work does not inadvertently support the military regime. For this reason, the UK has also strengthened its advice to UK business, encouraging enhanced due diligence to avoid inadvertent support for the military.
Madam Acting High Commissioner,
What more can the international community to do to pressure those who sell arms to the military?
Thank you..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, UN human rights documents on Myanmar
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Sub-title:
For its work aiding and empowering communities uprooted by conflict or disaster, Meikswe Myanmar has been named the UNHCR Nansen Refugee Award regional winner for Asia and the Pacific.
Description:
"Big smiles greet Naw Bway Khu, 54, as she arrives at the Metta May May Shelter for People Living with HIV/AIDS in Lashio, the largest town in Myanmar’s northern Shan State.
Women and children here know her as “Naw Snow” (Snow being the English translation of Bway and Naw an honourific used by people of Karen ethnicity in Myanmar), the leader and founder of the organization that runs this peaceful refuge.
A trained nurse with a friendly demeanour, she acquired the nickname nearly two decades ago when she set up Meikswe Myanmar – meaning “Friends of Myanmar” – with the initial aim of providing antiretroviral therapy and places of refuge for women and children living with HIV/AIDS.
After enduring years of domestic violence during her marriage, Naw Bway Khu wanted to support women in similar situations. Following her husband’s death in 2002, she spent two years working for an international NGO that cared for people living with HIV/AIDS before starting Meikswe Myanmar. Initially she accommodated women in her own home before establishing the centre in Lashio, and later an orphanage.
“I was freed from my previous life [with my husband] and wanted to help women who were [HIV] positive,” she recalls, adding that she felt fortunate to have escaped contracting HIV from her husband. “I often brought them into my home, accepted them and shared with them what I ate. I wanted them to live a long life and fulfil their dreams.”
“Meikswe’s work is all about addressing gaps.”
As the organization started to care for a growing number of patients in rural and isolated communities, Naw Bway Khu noticed that many villages lacked access to basic services such as education and health care. She gradually expanded Meikswe’s programming to offer psychosocial support, education and income-generating activities.
“Meikswe’s work is all about addressing gaps,” she explains. “Depending on the needs we come across, we expand our activities and geographical reach step-by-step.”
See also: Angela Merkel to receive UNHCR Nansen Refugee Award for protecting refugees at height of Syria crisis
In 2015, decades of armed conflict in northern Shan State sharply escalated, displacing tens of thousands. While humanitarian aid reached those who made it to camps for internally displaced people, Naw Bway Khu noted that those who sought safety in villages received little to no assistance. “Those in host communities were forgotten,” she says.
As the strain intensified, Meikswe used funds pooled from staff, their families, friends and relatives to mount an emergency response, distributing food and basic household items to displaced people sheltering in villages. Naw Bway Khu also advocated for more international aid to be allocated to host communities supporting the displaced.
Today, Meikswe implements a range of activities to support internally displaced people, their host communities and other vulnerable groups in close to 300 locations across six regions and states – from Rakhine State in the west of the country to Shan State in the north, as well as Kayin State in the south-east.
For its dedication to supporting internally displaced people, even in the most hard-to-reach areas, Meikswe has been named the Asia-Pacific Regional Winner of the 2022 UNHCR Nansen Refugee Award, a prize awarded annually by UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, to honour those who have gone to extraordinary lengths to help forcibly displaced or stateless people.
With a team of 77 staff members drawn from a variety of backgrounds and ethnic groups, Meikswe’s activities directly benefited some 25,000 people in 2021. This was despite the many logistical, financial and security challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and the military takeover that took place in February of that year.
“All of our staff have to follow four values: to provide services for marginalized people, respect all races and religions, treat all fairly, and prioritize the needs of children and women,” Naw Bway Khu says.
She attributes Meikswe’s success in delivering aid to communities cut off from other assistance to her staff. “We do things from the heart,” she says. “No matter how difficult or challenging it is, we are able to work because we have already received the love and trust of the community.”
Besides its dedicated staff, Meikswe’s achievements stem from Naw Bway Khu’s determination to empower displaced and conflict-affected communities so they are eventually able to help themselves.
“We cannot support them forever,” she says. “That is why we also provide technical support, so they can be strong enough on their own.”
At the Namma Bawda village in Shan State’s Lashio Township, a group of 10 displaced women and 11 villagers are part of a Meikswe-supported sewing project that generates an income for their families. The women eagerly show Naw Bway Khu the fabrics they work with.
“I think it is very good of Meikswe to support us like this,” says Noe Lar Sheh, a displaced woman living in the village. “We’ve never experienced anything like it before.”
“Meikswe is like a big shady tree, supporting organizations like us.”
Meikswe’s empowerment initiatives also extend to its support to local community-based and civil society organizations that are often the first responders during times of crisis.
Recognizing the need for communities to be able to quickly respond to arrivals of displaced people, the organization trains them on how to carry out a basic humanitarian response. It also acts as a bridge between them and the international organizations that can provide much-needed resources.
For the Otamaung Association, a civil society organization operating in Shan State’s Kyaukme Township, Meikswe’s trainings have been invaluable. First set up to provide health support to people from highland areas, the association has now expanded to provide emergency assistance to those displaced by conflict.
“There is a Myanmar proverb that says one sturdy tree can support 10,000 birds. Meikswe is like a big shady tree, supporting organizations like us to have the confidence and capacity to carry out our work,” says Mai Ye Win Aung, the General Secretary of the Otamaung Association.
Naw Bway Khu is determined to keep expanding Meikswe’s reach so they can assist more communities. “We will continue to work to achieve the rights that every human being should have,” she says. “Meikswe’s logo shows a small boat with a dove on it. I intend to help those on our boat as much as we can. We will help them find peace.”..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Internal displacement/forced migration of Shan. Palaung and Wa villagers, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Highlights
• Heavy fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Arakan Army (AA) has continued across Rakhine and southern Chin.
• As of 27 September, more than 17,400 people have been newly displaced since August, bringing the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) from past and present AA-MAF fighting to more than 91,000, according to UN latest figures.
• Particularly, intense fighting was reported in Ponnagyun, Kyauktaw, Minbya, Buthidaung,
Rathedaung, Maungdaw townships in Rakhine and Paletwa township in southern Chin.
• Key roads and waterways remain blocked in northern Rakhine, restricting the movement of civilians and preventing humanitarian assistance from reaching people in need.
• Most of the humanitarian response in Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Rathedaung, Mrauk-U, Minbya,
Myebon townships has been suspended since 15 September after the de facto authorities imposed restrictions on the UN and INGOs delivering assistance to these key six townships until further notice, causing shortages in food, shelter and other relief items.
• Delays are being observed on the key transportation route between Yangon and Sittwe, the state capital, which will contribute to rising commodity prices and impact on the movement of relief items.
• Safe, unimpeded access and additional funding are urgently needed to address expected shortages in contingency supplies, especially for WASH, food, shelter, NFIs and health.
• Advocacy efforts are underway at the Rakhine state level to negotiate the lifting of the new restrictions on humanitarian activities..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
371.34 KB
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Description:
"MONTHLY HIGHLIGHTS: Director of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar announced that
Facebook provided millions of items to support accusations of genocide and war crimes against the Burmese junta.....The Burma Special Advisory Council demanded that the UNGA recognize the current NUG-appointed representative, Kyaw Moe Tun.....Since the attempted coup, the Australian government spent $2.5 million of taxpayer
funds on luxury accommodations linked to the Burmese junta.....The UN called on the international community to support human rights defenders in Burma.....APHR launched a press conference on the results from the international inquiry investigation on the global response to the
crisis in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
US Campaign for Burma
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.77 MB
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Sub-title:
EU must introduce a new round of sanctions against the Myanmar military
Description:
"Your Excellencies will be aware of the horrific human rights violations that have taken place in Myanmar since the military coup last year.
Severe violations of human rights and humanitarian law, including war crimes and crimes against humanity, are occurring on a daily basis. More than a million people are now displaced internally, and more than 15,000 people are detained arbitrarily. Military tribunals have handed down extremely harsh verdicts, including the death sentence.
The people of Myanmar continue to resist the military junta in the face of air and ground attacks on villages, mass arrests, severe repression, and the use of the death penalty for the first time in decades. They believe that there will be no positive future for their country for as long as the military remain in power, and have been calling for international action to cut off the supply of revenue and arms to the Myanmar military.
The people’s unwavering commitment to struggle for their freedoms is being paid for with lives. However, the European Union (EU), which initially surpassed other countries in sanctioning the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), has now fallen behind in sanctioning arms brokers.
The military junta is currently using aerial bombardment on an unprecedented scale. Airstrikes are a major driver of displacement and have occasioned a humanitarian crisis. Sanctioning the suppliers of parts, ammunition, and aviation fuel alongside further revenue sources could save lives by reducing the military’s ability to wage war on civilians from the air.
It is now seven months since the EU introduced new sanctions against the Myanmar military, and there is an urgent need for further sanctions, including against the numerous arms brokers exposed by the advocacy group Justice for Myanmar.
May I, therefore, urge you to expedite the introduction of new sanctions, targeting the sources of arms, equipment, and revenue of the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher:
Christian Solidarity Worldwide
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
105.3 KB
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Description:
"Facebook owner Meta’s dangerous algorithms and reckless pursuit of profit substantially contributed to the atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya people in 2017, Amnesty International said in a new report published today.
The Social Atrocity: Meta and the right to remedy for the Rohingya,details how Meta knew or should have known that Facebook’s algorithmic systems were supercharging the spread of harmful anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar, but the company still failed to act.
“In 2017, the Rohingya were killed, tortured, raped, and displaced in the thousands as part of the Myanmar security forces’ campaign of ethnic cleansing. In the months and years leading up to the atrocities, Facebook’s algorithms were intensifying a storm of hatred against the Rohingya which contributed to real-world violence,” said Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General.
Meta must be held to account. The company now has responsibility to provide reparations to all those who suffered the violent consequences of their reckless actions.
Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International Secretary General
“While the Myanmar military was committing crimes against humanity against the Rohingya, Meta was profiting from the echo chamber of hatred created by its hate-spiralling algorithms.
“Meta must be held to account. The company now has a responsibility to provide reparations to all those who suffered the violent consequences of their reckless actions.”
Sawyeddollah, a 21-year-old Rohingya refugee, told Amnesty International: “I saw a lot of horrible things on Facebook. And I just thought that the people who posted that were bad… Then I realized that it is not only these people – the posters – but Facebook is also responsible. Facebook is helping them by not taking care of their platform.”
The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority based in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State. In August 2017, more than 700,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine when the Myanmar security forces launched a targeted campaign of widespread and systematic murder, rape and burningof homes. The violence followed decades of state-sponsored discrimination, persecution, and oppression against the Rohingya that amounts to apartheid.
© Tamara-Jade Kaz
Artwork commissioned for publication of research looking at the Rohingya right to remedy from Meta
AN ANTI-ROHINGYA ECHO CHAMBER
Meta uses engagement-based algorithmic systems to power Facebook’s news feed, ranking, recommendation and groups features, shaping what is seen on the platform. Meta profits when Facebook users stay on the platform as long as possible, by selling more targeted advertising. The display of inflammatory content – including that which advocates hatred, constituting incitement to violence, hostility and discrimination – is an effective way of keeping people on the platform longer. As such, the promotion and amplification of this type of content is key to the surveillance-based business model of Facebook.
In the months and years prior to the crackdown, Facebook in Myanmar had become an echo chamber of anti-Rohingya content. Actors linked to the Myanmar military and radical Buddhist nationalist groups flooded the platform with anti-Muslim content, posting disinformation claiming there was going to be an impending Muslim takeover, and portraying the Rohingya as “invaders”.
In one post that was shared more than 1,000 times, a Muslim human rights defender was pictured and described as a “national traitor”. The comments left on the post included threatening and racist messages, including ‘He is a Muslim. Muslims are dogs and need to be shot’, and ‘Don’t leave him alive. Remove his whole race. Time is ticking’.
Content inciting violence and discrimination went to the very top of Myanmar’s military and civilian leadership. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of Myanmar’s military, posted on his Facebook page in 2017: “We openly declare that absolutely, our country has no Rohingya race.” He went on to seize power in a coup in February 2021.
In July 2022, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that it has jurisdiction to proceed with a case against the Myanmar government under the Genocide Convention based on Myanmar’s treatment of the Rohingya. Amnesty International welcomes this vital step towards holding the Myanmar government to account and continues to call for senior members of the Myanmar military to be brought to justice for their role in crimes against the Rohingya.
In 2014, Meta attempted to support an anti-hate initiative known as ‘Panzagar’ or ‘flower speech’ by creating a sticker pack for Facebook users to post in response to content which advocated violence or discrimination. The stickers bore messages such as, ‘Think before you share’ and ‘Don’t be the cause of violence’.
However, activists soon noticed that the stickers were having unintended consequences. Facebook’s algorithms interpreted the use of these stickers as a sign that people were enjoying a post and began promoting them. Instead of diminishing the number of people who saw a post advocating hatred, the stickers actually made the posts more visible.
The UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar ultimately concluded that the “role of social media [was] significant” in the atrocities in a country where “Facebook is the Internet”.
Mohamed Showife, a Rohingya activist, said: “The Rohingya just dream of living in the same way as other people in this world… but you, Facebook, you destroyed our dream.”
The Rohingya just dream of living in the same way as other people in this world…but you, Facebook, you destroyed our dream.
Mohamed Showife, Rohingya community member
FACEBOOK’S FAILURE TO ACT
The report details how Meta repeatedly failed to conduct appropriate human rights due diligence on its operations in Myanmar, despite its responsibility under international standards to do so.
Internal studies dating back to 2012 indicated that Meta knew its algorithms could result in serious real-world harms. In 2016, Meta’s own research clearly acknowledged that “our recommendation systems grow the problem” of extremism.
Meta received repeated communications and visits by local civil society activists between 2012 and 2017 when the company was warned that it risked contributing to extreme violence. In 2014, the Myanmar authorities even temporarily blocked Facebook because of the platform’s role in triggering an outbreak of ethnic violence in Mandalay. However, Meta repeatedly failed to heed the warnings, and also consistently failed to enforce its own policies on hate speech.
Amnesty International’s investigation includes analysis of new evidence from the ‘Facebook Papers’ – a cache of internal documents leaked by whistleblower Frances Haugen.
In one internal document dated August 2019, one Meta employee wrote: “We have evidence from a variety of sources that hate speech, divisive political speech, and misinformation on Facebook… are affecting societies around the world. We also have compelling evidence that our core product mechanics, such as virality, recommendations, and optimizing for engagement, are a significant part of why these types of speech flourish on the platform.”
Our recommendation systems grow the problem
Meta report, 2016
‘META MUST PAY’
Amnesty International is today launching a new campaign calling for Meta Platforms, Inc. to meet the Rohingya’s demands for remediation.
Today marks the first anniversary of the murder of prominent activist Mohib Ullah, chair of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights. Mohib was at the forefront of community efforts to hold Meta accountable.
Rohingya refugee groups have made direct requests to Meta to provide remedy by funding a USD $1 million education project in the refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The funding request represents just 0.002% of Meta’s profits of $46.7 billion from 2021. In February 2021, Meta rejected the Rohingya community’s request, stating: “Facebook doesn’t directly engage in philanthropic activities.”
Showkutara, a 22-year-old Rohingya woman and youth activist, told Amnesty International: “Facebook must pay. If they do not, we will go to every court in the world. We will never give up in our struggle.”
There are at least three active complaints seeking remediation for the Rohingya from Meta. Civil legal proceedings were filed against the company in December 2021 in both the United Kingdom and the USA. Rohingya refugee youth groups have also filed an OECD case against Meta which is currently under consideration by the US’ OECD National Contact Point.
“Meta has a responsibility under international human rights standards to remediate the terrible harm suffered by the Rohingya that they contributed to. The findings should raise the alarm that Meta risks contributing to further serious human rights abuses, unless it makes fundamental changes to its business model and algorithms,” said Agnès Callamard.
“Urgent, wide-ranging reforms to their algorithmic systems to prevent abuses and increase transparency are desperately needed to ensure that Meta’s history with the Rohingya does not repeat itself elsewhere in the world, especially where ethnic violence is simmering.”
“Ultimately, States must now help to protect human rights by introducing and enforcing effective legislation to rein in surveillance-based business models across the technology sector. Big Tech has proven itself incapable of doing so when it has such enormous profits at stake.”
On 20 May 2022, Amnesty International wrote to Meta regarding the company’s actions in relation to its business activities in Myanmar before and during the 2017 atrocities. Meta responded that it could not provide information concerning the period leading up to 2017 because the company is “currently engaged in litigation proceedings in relation to related matters”.
On 14 June 2022, Amnesty International again wrote to Meta regarding the relevant allegations contained in the report, and to give the company the opportunity to respond. Meta declined to comment..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations
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"Military orchestrated an “information coup” စစ်တပ်သည် “သတင်းအချက်အလက် အာဏာသိမ်းမှု” ကို ကြိုးကိုင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်
SEP 28, 2022by COORDINATORin NEWS သတင်း
As the world marks International Day for Universal Access to Information, the people of Myanmar face propaganda, disinformation, and secrecy under the military’s “information coup”.
Since 1 February 2021, the military has devised, orchestrated, and intensified six parts of a vast “information coup” intended to starve people of the information that they need to make good decisions about their lives, for their families, and for their communities.
1. Public information disappeared
The military has hidden what they do, including information on budgets, contracts, education, health, agriculture, justice, economics, laws, policies, and directives, among other subjects. Statistical information has disappeared or is unreliable. Widespread secrecy is likely to conceal widespread corruption. Without the transparency of public access to information, the military is unaccountable, impune, and unrestrained from misappropriating public resources.
2. Information became threat to “national security”
All information has effectively been classified as a state secret and a matter of so-called “national security” for the military. Requesting information from the military or any part of the military-controlled State has become high risk. Any attempt to request information is seen as deeply suspicious. Fact checking, even on the most innocuous subject, is dangerous.
3. Information replaced by propaganda
The military’s old propaganda machine has returned. Military press conferences deny facts and create a fictional reality. Ministries have become information bunkers keeping the public out. State media publishes and republishes only that information which portrays the military positively. Much of the propaganda is disinformation, containing knowingly inaccurate, misleading, or false news, facts, and allegations. Some of the propaganda appears to want to incite hostility, discrimination, or violence.
4. Private information seized
The military has not been satisfied with the amount of public information under its control, and has actively tried to seize more information, much of it private. The military has set up large networks of CCTV cameras, ordered banks to track payments, moved forward with e-IDs, and forced mobile telecom companies to collect personal information and monitor their customers.
5. Sources of independent information attacked
Independent sources of information, such as television and radio broadcasters, print media, digital media, and printing houses have been banned, blocked, and forced into exile. The Broadcasting Law and Penal Code were amended to increase possible sanctions for sharing information. A sham Press Council was appointed full of military proxies. Many journalists have been subject to violence and detained for doing journalism and trying to uncover information. Almost all journalists have been forced to operate underground or from areas not controlled by the military.
6. Internet platforms and access curbed
The military has attacked the technology enabling public access to information. Whitelisting and blacklisting policies have blocked access to large parts of the internet, including social media platforms such as Facebook. The military has announced new military-controlled social media platforms to replace global platforms. The military has set up checkpoints to check people’s devices, detaining those who have certain applications, including VPN software. The military has also increased data prices and SIM card tax in order to make accessing information expensive too. The military’s six attacks on the right to access information have been severe but were also built upon previous failures to adequately protect the right. Before the coup started on 1 February 2021, FEM’s investigations in partnership with journalists nationwide found that public officials were inaccessible, information was regarded as government property, secrecy was rampant, and any request for information was treated at best with suspicion and at worst with arrest. But the then government and various State institutions did at least commit to improving. For example, by committing in their policy plan to a future law guaranteeing the right to information. Since 1 February 2021, even that commitment has disappeared under the military’s “information coup”.
အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအချက်အလက်လက်လှမ်းမီရေးနေ့ အထိမ်းအမှတ်အား ကမ္ဘာအနှံ့တွင် ကျင်းပနေချိန်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိလူများသည် ဝါဒဖြန့်ချီမှု၊ သတင်းတု နှင့် သတင်းလျှို့ဝှက်ထိန်ချန်ခံရမှုများကို စစ်တပ်၏ “သတင်းအချက်အလက်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု” အောက်တွင် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။
မိမိတို့ဘဝ၊ မိမိတို့မိသားစုများနှင့် မိမိတို့လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများအတွက် ကောင်းမွန်သောဆုံဖြတ်ချက်များ ချမှတ်နိုင်ရန် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို လိုအပ်နေသည့် ပြည်သူများအား ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်ဖြတ်တောက်ရန် စစ်တပ်သည် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၁)ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ကြီးမားကျယ်ပြန့်သော အပိုင်း (၆) ပိုင်းပါ “သတင်းအချက်အလက်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု” ကို ကြံစည်ဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြင့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်အခွင့်အရေးအခြေအနေကို များစွာပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာစေခဲ့သည်။
၁။ ပျောက်ကွယ်လာသော အများပြည်သူလက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သည့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များ
စစ်တပ်သည် ဘဏ္ဍာရေး၊ စာချုပ်စာတမ်းများ၊ ပညာရေး၊ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ စိုက်ပျိုးရေး၊ တရားရေး၊ စီပွားရေး၊ ဥပဒေများ၊ မူဝါဒများ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များနှင့်သက်ဆိုင်သည့်သတင်းအချက်အလက်များအပါအဝင် ၄င်းတို့ပြုလုပ်သမျှနှင့်ဆိုင်သည့် သတင်းများကို ဖုံးကွယ်ထားသည်။ စာရင်းအင်းဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များသည်လည်း ပျောက်ပျက်သွားခြင်း၊ သို့မဟုတ်ပါကလည်း မှန်ကန်ခိုင်လုံမှုမရှိခြင်းများ ဖြစ်နေသည်။ သတင်းလျှို့ဝှက်ထိန်ချန်မှု ထွန်းကားလာခြင်းက တိုးပွားလာသော အကျင့်ပျက်ခြစားမှုကို ဖုံးကွယ်ထားနိုင်ချေပိုရှိသည်။ လူထု၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက် လက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်မှုသည် ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုမရှိသောကြောင့် စစ်တပ်သည် အများပြည်သူဆိုင်ရာအရင်းအမြစ်များကို အလွဲသုံးစားပြုမူခြင်းမှ တာဝန်ခံရမှုမရှိဘဲ ၊ အပြစ်ဒဏ်မှကင်းလွတ်လျက်ရှိကာ အထိန်းအသိမ်းမဲ့ အနေအထားတွင် ရှိနေသည်။
၂။ နိုင်ငံတော်လုံခြုံရေးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်သည့်အရာဖြစ်လာသော သတင်းအချက်အလက်
စစ်တပ်အတွက်မူ သတင်းအချက်အလက်အားလုံးသည် နိုင်ငံတော်လျှို့ဝှက်ချက်ဟူ၍လည်းကောင်း၊ “နိုင်ငံတော်လုံခြုံရေး” ဟူ၍လည်းကောင်း လက်တွေ့တွင် အဆင့်သတ်မှတ်ခွဲခြားခံထားရသည်။ စစ်တပ်ထံမှ သို့မဟုတ် စစ်တပ်ကထိန်းချုပ်ထားသော မည်သည့်နိုင်ငံ့အစိတ်အပိုင်းများထံမှမဆို သတင်းအချက်အလက်တောင်းခံခြင်းသည် မြင့်မားသောအန္တရာယ်ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေကို ဖြစ်ပါ်စေသည်။ သတင်းအချက်အလက်တောင်းခံသည့် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုမှန်သမျှသည် ကြီးစွာသံသယဝင်ခံနေရသည်။ ထိခိုက်လွယ်သောကိစ္စများမဟုတ်သည့် ပေ့ါပေ့ါပါးပါးအကြောင်းအရာများအား အချက်အလက်စစ်ဆေးခြင်းသည်ပင်လျှင် အန္တရာယ်ရှိသည်။
၃။ ဝါဒဖြန့်ချီမှုနှင့်အစားထိုးခံရသော သတင်းအချက်အလက်
စစ်တပ်၏ ဝါဒဖြန့်ချီမှုယန္တရားအဟာင်းသည် တဖန်လည်ပတ်လာခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်တပ်၏ သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲများသည် အချက်အလက်များကို ငြင်းပယ်ပြီး စိတ်ကူးယဥ်ဇာတ်လမ်းများကို အမှန်တရားသဖွယ် ဖန်တီးနေသည်။ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများသည် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များအား ပြည်သူထံမရောက်အောင် သိုလှောင်ပိတ်သိမ်းထားသည့် နေရာများဖြစ်လာကြသည်။ နိုင်ငံပိုင်မီဒီယာသည် စစ်တပ်ကိုအကောင်းမြင်အောင်ပုံဖော်သည့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကိုသာ ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းနှင့် ပြန်လည်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်သည်။ ဝါဒဖြန့်ချီမှုအများအပြားသည် မတိကျသော၊ ဦးတည်ချက်လွဲနေသာ သို့မဟုတ် မှားယွင်းနေသာ သတင်းများ၊ အချက်အလက်များနှင့် အထောက်အထားမဲ့ စွပ်စွဲချက်များဖြစ်နေသည်ကို သိသိလျက်နှင့် ထည့်သွင်းထားသော လုပ်ကြံသတင်းအမှားများသာ ဖြစ်သည်။ အချို့သောဝါဒဖြန့်ချီမှုများသည် ရန်ငြိုးဖွဲ့ခြင်း၊ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံခြင်း၊ သို့မဟုတ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို လှုံ့ဆော်ဆောင်ရွက်လိုဟန်ရှိသည်။
၄။ သိမ်းယူခံထားထားရသော ပုဂ္ဂလိကသတင်းအချက်အလက်များ
စစ်တပ်သည် ၄င်းထိန်းချုပ်မှုအောက်က အများပြည်သူဆိုင်ရာသတင်းအချက်အလက်ပမာဏကို စိတ်တိုင်းကျကျေနပ်မှုမရှိ၍ ပိုမိုများပြားသော သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို သိမ်းယူနိုင်ရန် အားတက်သရောကြိုးပမ်းနေပြီး အများစုမှာ တစ်ဦးပုဂ္ဂလဆိုင်ရာအချက်အလက်များဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်တပ်သည် ကြီးမားသော စောင့်ကြည့်ကင်မရာကွန်ယက်ကို တည်ထောင်ခြင်း၊ ငွေပေးချေမှုများကို ခြေရာခံရန် ဘဏ်များကို အမိန့်ပေးထားခြင်း၊ အီလက်ထရောနစ်မှတ်ပုံတင်များကို ရှေ့ဆက်ဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်းနှင့် မိုလ်ဘိုင်းဆက်သွယ်ရေးကုမ္ပဏီများကို ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အချက်အလက်များစုဆောင်းရန်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏သုံးစွဲသူများကို စောင့်ကြည်ရန် ဖိအားပေးခြင်းများ စသည်တို့ကို ဖော်ဆောင်ပြီးထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရသော လွတ်လပ်သည့်သတင်းအချက်အလက် အရင်းအမြစ်များ
တီဗွီနှင့် ရေဒီယိုထုတ်လွှင့်မှုများ၊ ပုံနှိပ်မီဒီယာ၊ ဒီဂျစ်တယ်မီဒီယာ၊ ပုံနှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေရေးလုပ်ငန်းများကဲ့သို့ လွတ်လပ်သော သတင်းအချက်အလက်အရင်းအမြစ်များသည် ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်း၊ တားဆီးခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်ပသို့ထွက်ခွာရန် ဖိအားပေးခံရခြင်းများကို ကြုံတွေ့ခဲ့ရပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ သတင်းအချက်အလက် ဝေမျှခြင်းကို ပိုမိုအရေးယူပိတ်ဆို့နိုင်ရန် ရုပ်သံထုတ်လွှင့်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေနှင့် ရာဇသတ်ကြီးဥပဒေများကို ပြင်ဆင်ခဲ့သည်။ သတင်းမီဒီယာကောင်စီ အတုအယောင်သည်လည်း စစ်တပ်က ခန့်အပ်ထားသော တဆင့်ခံကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ပြည့်နှက်နေသည်။သတင်းထောက်အများအပြားသည်လည်း သတင်းသမားအလုပ်လုပ်ခြင်း နှင့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များဖော်ထုတ်ရန် ကြိုးစားမှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းရခြင်းများကို ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည်။ သတင်းထောက်အားလုံးနီးပါးသည် လျှို့ဝှက်လှုပ်ရှားရန် (သို့မဟုတ်) စစ်တပ်မထိန်းချုပ်ထားနိုင်သည့် နေရာများမှ လုပ်ကိုင်ရန် ဖိအားပေးခံနေရသည်။
၆။ တားဆီးချုပ်ကိုင်ခံထားရသော အင်တာနက်ပလက်ဖောင်းများနှင့် လက်လှမ်းမီမှု
စစ်တပ်သည် အများပြည်သူက သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို လက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်ရန် ဖော်ဆောင်ထားပေးသည့် နည်းပညာကို တိုက်ခိုက်ထားသည်။ ပစ်မှတ်ထားခွင့်ပြုခြင်း (Whitelisting) နှင့် ပစ်မှတ်ထားပိတ်ပင်ခြင်း (Blacklisting) မူဝါဒများသည် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်ကဲ့သို့သော လူမှုကွန်ယက်များအပါအဝင်
အင်တာနက်၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်းအများစုအား လက်လှမ်းမီအသုံးပြုနိုင်မှုကို ပိတ်ပင်ထားခဲ့သည်။ စစ်တပ်သည် ကမ္ဘာသုံးလူမှုကွန်ယက်ပလက်ဖောင်းများကိုအစားထိုးရန် ၄င်းထိန်းချုပ်သည့် ပလက်ဖောင်းအသစ်ကို ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်တပ်သည် လူများ၏ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ဆက်သွယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းများကို စစ်ဆေးရန် စစ်ဆေးရေးဂိတ်များဖွင့်လှစ်ထားပြီး၊ ဗီပီအန် (VPN) ဆော့ဖ်ဝဲလ်အပါအဝင် အခြားသော သတ်မှတ်အက်ပလီကေးရှင်းများကို သုံးစွဲသူများအား ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်တပ်သည် သတင်းအချက်အလက်ရယူရာတွင် စရိတ်စကကြီးစေရန်လည်း အင်တာနက်ဈေးနှုန်းများနှင့် ဆင်း(မ်)ကဒ်အခွန်များအား တိုးမြှင့်ခဲ့သည်။
သတင်းအချက်အလက်ရယူပိုင်ခွင့်အပေါ် စစ်တပ်၏ အဆိုပါဖိနှိပ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှု (၆)ချက်သည် ပြင်းထန်ဆိုးရွားလျက်ရှိပြီး၊ ယင်းသတင်းအချက်အလက်အခွင့်အရေးကို ပြည့်ပြည့်ဝဝကာကွယ်ပေးရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့သည့် အတိတ်က အခြေအနေပေါ်တွင် ယခုပြသနာများ ဆင့်ကဲဖြစ်ထွန်းလာခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် စခဲ့သော အာဏာသိမ်းမှုမတိုင်ခင်ကာလတွင် နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ သတင်းထောက်များနှင့် မိတ်ဖက်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များမှတဆင့် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော လွတ်လပ်သောထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်းမြန်မာ၏ စုံစမ်းလေ့လာခဲ့မှုများအရ သတင်းအချက်အလက်စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းရန် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းမျာအား ဆက်သွယ်၍မရနိုင်ဘဲ၊ သတင်းအချက်အလက်အား အစိုးရပိုင်အဖြစ်သတ်မှတ်ထားခံခဲ့ရပြီး၊ သတင်းလျှို့ဝှက်မှုထိန်ချန်မှုများလည်း အားကောင်းခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ သတင်းအချက်အလက်အတွက် မည်သို့သောတောင်းခံမှုမဆို သံသယဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံခံရပြီး အဆိုးဆုံးအခြေအနေအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရမှုများလည်း ရှိခဲ့သည်။ သို့ရာတွင်မူ ထိုအချိန်ကတာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့သော အစိုးရနှင့် များစွာသော နိုင်ငံတော်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် သတင်းအချက်အလက်အခွင့်အရေးအတွက် တိုးတက်အောင်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အနည်းဆုံးတော့ကတိပြုခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဥပမာအားဖြင့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်ရပိုင်ခွင့်ကို အာမခံပေးမည့် အနာဂါတ်ဥပဒေတစ်ခုအတွက် ၄င်းတို့၏ မူဝါဒရေးရာအစီအစဥ်တွင် ကတိပြုခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကတိပြုမှုများသည် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်က စတင်ခဲ့သော စစ်တပ်၏ “သတင်းအချက်အလက်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု” အောက်တွင် ပျောက်ကွယ်သွားခဲ့ရပြီ ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Free Expression Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-28
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations
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"Bangkok, Thailand
CNN
—
A beauty queen from Myanmar who took refuge in Thailand after criticizing her home country’s ruling military junta has left Bangkok for Canada where she is expected to seek asylum, Thai immigration officials told CNN.
Han Lay, 23, captured international attention with an emotional pageant speech during the finals of the Miss Grand International Myanmar competition in 2021 when she held up a banner with the words “Pray for Myanmar” to raise awareness of human rights atrocities committed by junta officials.
She received death threats after the speech and decided not to return home after the competition – which was held in Thailand.
However, she appeared to face the threat of deportation after returning to Thailand last Wednesday following a trip to Vietnam. She was stopped by officials at Bangkok’s Suvarnabhumi International Airport who said they had discovered a problem with her passport and since then she had been in limbo.
Archayon Kraithong, deputy chief of Thailand’s immigration bureau, told CNN on Wednesday that Han Lay had left Bangkok on Tuesday night. “Her final destination is Canada,” he said without giving further details.
Han Lay previously told CNN that she was seeking political asylum in Canada despite wanting to remain in Thailand.
“Han Lay was the victim of a deliberate political act by the junta to make her stateless when she flew back to Thailand from Vietnam last week,” said Phil Robertson, Asia deputy director of Human Rights Watch, adding that it was “not the first time” junta officials had “weaponized” Burmese passports.
“There is no doubt that what transpired was a trap to try to force Han Lay to return to Myanmar, where she would have faced immediate arrest, likely abuse in detention, and imprisonment,” Robertson added.
The situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate following the 2021 military coup. Human rights violations remain rife, rights groups say and state executions have returned as conflict across the country rages.
Millions continue to resist the ruling junta led by Min Aung Hlaing, which has killed hundreds of pro-democracy protesters and locked up the country’s democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
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"One day a civilian government will assume power in Myanmar and the United States will come back promising security, democracy, human rights and free trade.
The return is likely to happen much as it did after 2011, when as described in Erin Murphy’s new book Burmese Haze, a triumphal US State Department arrived in Naypyitaw with planeloads of people and gifts, claiming credit for “midwifing” the transition to democracy.
It will then dangle a visit by a US president as a critical marker on that western-designed road to peace and democracy. Lectures about the nobility of US-style democracy and capitalism will be delivered, while Myanmar’s explanations about its own history brushed aside as well, boring.
Bilateral relations from the perspective of the Department of State are well-described by Murphy, the occupant of the Central Intelligence Agency’s Burma desk from 2007-12. As she relates this, US policy is about democracy, humanitarianism and free-market values that both nations share. And citizens pass on information in exchange for cash and vague promises of a US visa should things become difficult.
But there are two important things left out of Murphy’s book: that the US largely views Myanmar as a pawn in the chess game with China or any acknowledgment of Myanmar’s views of the bilateral relationship.
Murphy was a front-seat observer of Myanmar’s peace and democratic reform process between 2007 (just before Cyclone Nargis) and the coup in 2021. Her views are well-informed, at least regarding the US perspective, because of her top-secret clearance and high-level access.
She conducted interviews for the book with former secretaries of state Hillary Clinton and John Kerry, and even State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, maintaining access to the highest levels of the US government, even after quitting the CIA. Academics and journalists can only dream of such access.
Covert action
Burmese Haze avoids serious discussion of US reliance on the CIA and other intelligence work in Myanmar.
The “listening post” that is the sprawling embassy on Yangon’s Inle Lake, completed under the Than Shwe regime, is passed off as basically a reading room with US magazines, computer terminals and a place to learn English.
But the embassy includes 10 buildings built since 2007, including a four-story chancery, as Google Earth shows.
In other words, Myanmar’s junta long cooperated with the US to establish facilities which presumably collect electronic data from southeast Asia and China and cultivate human intelligence in Myanmar.
Germany’s Der Spiegel magazine reported that National Security Agency eavesdropping equipment was in the embassy.
The problem for any future civilian government will be that different US hands will offer contrasting opportunities and risks.
But the only hand described in Burmese Haze is the open hand of the generous US promoting democracy and human rights and opposing the junta.
That hand can be a bit brash and overconfident but generously supports programs of democracy, human rights and development.
The other hand is ignored in Burmese Haze. The secretive security-conscious US wants to block Chinese goals for Myanmar and has routinely used Myanmar’s military to further its aims. A civilian government will need to deal with both pressures.
Cyclone Nargis: where the two US policies came together
US assistance to Myanmar after Cyclone Nargis in 2008 opens Burmese Haze. Murphy describes an ever forward-thinking US Navy conducting Cobra Gold exercises in Thai waters just before the cyclone. After consulting satellite images, but without asking permission from the Than Shwe regime, the US Navy immediately repositioned itself off Myanmar’s coast for a major relief operation.
In response, the regime ignored the typhoon and focused on the threat of a potential US invasion.
Than Shwe repositioned the armed forces in preparation for an invasion. The junta denied visas to relief workers and restricted travel to afflicted areas by US Embassy staff. According to Murphy, the denials were accompanied by boring lectures from military officers, presumably about the CIA’s history of supplying insurgencies, funding the Nationalist Chinese armies in the north of the country from the 1950s to the 1980s, support for ethnic armed organizations and that spy center in Yangon.
As Murphy writes, the regime finally relented and permitted the US Navy to deliver relief. Murphy brags about how embassy staff managed the relief operation and naval planes, helicopters and relief deliveries assisted millions of victims in the Irrawaddy delta. Murphy writes that embassy staff took over management of Yangon Airport and became air-traffic controllers, managing flights that the incompetent junta could not.
By describing the airport takeover, Murphy finally describes clandestine operations and how US democratic values were compromised, while the State Department cozied up to the generals to build the huge US Embassy in 2007.
How was it that air-traffic controllers appeared from the massive embassy? Air-traffic controllers are typically not found among embassy staff. The embassy is a US intelligence hub with staff presumably focused on monitoring Chinese capabilities.
Needed to do this, it seems, are air-traffic controllers able to take over Yangon Airport at short notice.
Democracy, human rights and US jets in Naypyitaw
US visitors appeared more regularly following Myanmar’s 2010 general election. The release from house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi encouraged visits from those who believed Myanmar was on a path to democracy and human rights. Hillary Clinton and President Barack Obama sought to deliver a new round of assistance for democracy, human rights and peace-building.
As Murphy tells it, Clinton planned a personal visit to Myanmar. Her staff rolled out her Air Force jet for the visit. But after some consternation, the air-traffic controllers at the embassy apparently warned that Naypyitaw Airport was too small to handle her plane. They asked if it could use the capital’s broad boulevards instead.
Murphy says the plane had five books for the visiting diplomats: David Steinberg’s Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know; Thant Myint-U’s The River of Lost Footsteps; Pascal Khoo Thwe’s From the Land of Green Ghosts, Emma Larkin’s No Bad News for the King and George Orwell’s Burmese Days. It had movies, including “Beyond Rangoon” about a US citizen who participated in the 1988 demonstrations. Somehow though they forgot 2008’s Rambo IV about a renegade US soldier rescuing an American missionary family from the military.
Strangely they forgot Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Freedom from Fear. And then halfway across the Pacific, they realized that both Clinton and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were dog lovers. A hapless foreign service officer was sent from the plane in Korea to find a dog toy for Clinton to give as a gift.
Clinton’s brief time in Myanmar was full of pomp. Much television time was spent with Daw Aung Suu Kyi, recognizing her Nobel Peace Prize. And of course, Myanmar was lectured publicly about human rights, democratic elections, peace, health, and China. And then the money spigot for supporting the police and armed forces in drug intervention programs was opened and the capacity of the military enhanced.
Quieter lectures were likely delivered pointing out that aid to the military was contingent on stopping Chinese dam construction at Myitsone, slowing China’s Belt and Road Initiative and perhaps limiting Chinese investment in factories and retail. But unlike the surfeit of detail about dog toys, such requests are left out of Burmese Haze.
How would a civilian government deal with the two faces of US policy?
If this regime eventually falls and a civilian government emerges, the US will return. The problem is that despite the failure of US policies described in Burmese Haze, the approaches are likely to be the same.
There will be an emphasis on democracy, capitalism and human rights, even while clandestine cooperation for “security” supports the armed forces and police.
This will be done in a quiet exchange for access to the huge US Embassy as Washington’s geopolitical concerns about China will remain.
The clandestine arrangements funding policy on Myanmar are always secondary to concerns about China. Issues regarding CIA activity, past and present, will remain off-the-table too, dismissed as boring history speeches. Complaints about ongoing clandestine involvement will be ignored and concerns about a US military presence in the region brushed aside.
But a civilian government should not brush aside the CIA’s involvement in the fight against drugs and Chinese Communists, dating back to the Second World War.
A new government must insist that bilateral relations run two ways. They need to make clear that the United States is deeply distrusted by generations who ask questions like, “What are those naval ships offshore doing?”, “What about the threats of armed intervention during the Rohingya crisis in 2017?”, “Why are so many visa applications rejected?” “What about that ‘war on drugs’?” and “What about the past support for the military and police?”
And, “What about the construction and maintenance of the large ‘listening facility’ at the embassy under the Than Shwe regime, despite sanctions, and US claims to be apostles of democracy and human rights?”
Such questions should be addressed in a book about US relations with Myanmar between 2010 and 2021. Burmese Haze does not do this. I guess such a book awaits a future author, although probably not one who is from the CIA.
Tony Waters is a guest professor at Leuphana University in Germany and was a professor of sociology at Payap University in Chiang Mai, Thailand. He has been writing about Myanmar since 2017..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-28
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"FOREWORD
During 2021 the people of Myanmar experienced an unprecedented political, socioeconomic, human rights, and humanitarian crisis. On 1 February the Myanmar Armed Forces detained elected political leaders, declared a state of emergency, and transferred all legislative, executive and judicial powers to themselves. Compounded by the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the military takeover unleashed a crisis that has resulted in significant human suffering and a reversal of many of the development gains made in recent years. On top of this, Myanmar experienced a severe outbreak of COVID-19 between June and August during which many people lost their lives and the economy was almost brought to a halt.
The events at the beginning of the year had significant implications on the work of the UN. As the member states contended with the legitimacy of the de facto authorities, overnight, UN’s operating environment became much more challenging, while the need for UN assistance increased exponentially. To respond to the new and escalating needs, the UN undertook an extensive reprogramming exercise. Funds and programmes were refocused on meeting the humanitarian needs of people, supporting the COVID-19 public health response, and mitigating the impact on the most vulnerable people and communities. To complement the UN’s humanitarian response, two new development programming frameworks were developed: the Health Response Contingency Plan (HRCP); and the Socio-economic Resilience Response Plan (SERRP). Despite the operational challenges, the UN disbursed a total of US$453 million in programmatic expenditures under the two development frameworks and its humanitarian response.
Under the HRCP, the UN contributed to the COVID-19 response, promoted continued access to essential health and nutrition services for vulnerable groups, and strengthened logistics and supply chains for immunizations, and reproductive health commodity security. Under the SERRP, the UN supported continued access for vulnerable populations to essential services in areas including social protection, food and nutrition, water, sanitation and hygiene, education, shelter, and gender-based violence and violence against children. In addition, the UN worked to promote gender-responsive employment, private sector resilience, and strengthen households, communities and micro, small and medium enterprises capacities to weather future shocks. To promote and protect human rights, the rule of law, and the democratic space, the UN supported civil society actors to hold decision makers to account, facilitated access to legal aid, and worked with communities to increase awareness of fundamental and democratic rights.
At the time of writing, the situation in Myanmar remains uncertain and the political, socioeconomic, human rights and humanitarian continues. Going forward the UN is determined to strengthen our efforts to serve the people of Myanmar. We will use the lessons learnt in 2021 to ensure that our support becomes increasingly impactful as we keep delivering humanitarian assistance, support the most vulnerable, build resilience, and promote conditions for an inclusive and sustainable recovery when the situation allows. I am confident that through the strength of the people of Myanmar, the country will find its way back on a brighter path.
Ramanathan Balakrishnan UN Resident Coordinator a.i./ Humanitarian Coordinator a.i..."
Source/publisher:
UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-27
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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23.69 MB
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Sub-title:
The junta’s tactics have grown more brutal in the face of resistance. The international community doesn’t have an answer.
Description:
"Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, remains locked in an armed struggle with its own people, but the crisis barely reached the surface at last week’s United Nations General Assembly meetings in New York. Officials from the United States and Malaysia met on the sidelines with representatives from Myanmar’s National Unity Government, a cabinet formed by elected lawmakers ousted when the military seized power in February 2021. The United Nations has delayed responding to the junta’s request for a seat; Myanmar’s current representative at the United Nations, Kyaw Moe Tun, remains loyal to the overthrown government.
As diplomacy sputters, violence in Myanmar is spiraling. At least 11 children were killed on Sept. 16 when military helicopters fired on a school in Sagaing region, a resistance stronghold. The killing of students was shocking, but extreme violence has come to characterize the junta. Last month, the military allegedly rampaged through a village in Kachin State, burning down homes and killing civilians. These attacks followed a trend: The monitoring group Data for Myanmar said the military has torched more than 28,000 civilian homes since the coup, and August was the worst month on record.
The increasingly brutal tactics are a sign of the military’s growing frustration as it fails to assert control more than 18 months after seizing power. In another illustration of this dynamic, the military regime executed four political prisoners in July, the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since the 1970s. All were accused of organizing or participating in armed resistance to military rule; they were hanged at Insein Prison in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city and economic center.
Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has had ample opportunity to make minor concessions to the international community, such as allowing a meeting with detained civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, that would have allowed him to reenter the fold without fundamentally threatening the military’s power. At every turn, the regime has instead chosen the path least conducive to compromise. The July executions took place against a backdrop of global outcry, including from authoritarian Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who currently chairs the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. But like most of the junta’s decisions since the coup, the killings were intended for a domestic audience, not a global one.
The military regime choosing to execute four political prisoners also served as a grim reminder that the Tatmadaw is prepared to kill virtually anyone to stay in power. Among those executed was Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41, an elected member of parliament for the ousted National League for Democracy party, and Kyaw Min Yu (known as Ko Jimmy), 53, a renowned democracy activist. With most civilian political figures in military custody—including Aung San Suu Kyi, held in solitary confinement in the capital, Naypyidaw—the military sent a powerful warning to the population.
It also may have sent another message: The executions are one of “several obvious incidents that evidence the military’s desperation,” said Ye Myo Hein, a researcher on civil-military relations and a fellow at the Wilson Center, a Washington-based think tank.
Although Myanmar’s democratic resistance forces have shocked many observers with their success so far, arguments that they are on the verge of victory or that the military is on the verge of collapse are overly optimistic. The military has far superior firepower—using weapons from China and Russia—and complete air supremacy, whereas the resistance often relies on hunting rifles or homemade weapons and has no international support. The helicopters that fired on children in Sagaing were reportedly Russian-made Mi-35s.
Furthermore, the junta’s losses, while bolstering opposition morale, prompt further extremism from a regime that acts impulsively—and brutally—under pressure. Some of the deadliest atrocities since the military took power occurred in the weeks after the coup, when mass protests and strikes shut down cities, with neighborhoods barricaded, public services suspended, and trade frozen. The military unleashed violence to wrest back control. In March 2021, at least 65 people were killed in a single incident in Yangon.
Similar atrocities have followed in rural areas where armed resistance is the fiercest. With many of these regions under internet blackouts, some of the violence may go unreported. More than 40 civilians were killed in massacres in Sagaing region last July, and at least 35 people were executed in one incident in Kayah state last December. The military ramped up these campaigns last October, “but such campaigns eroded its military objectives,” fueling a cycle of violence, Ye Myo Hein said. The more ground the military loses, the more brutal it becomes, which only creates stronger resistance. “I have not seen any sign that the generals will back off in the foreseeable future,” Ye Myo Hein added.
Some analysts say the military hasn’t reached a tipping point yet. The military is “frustrated and vengeful” but not necessarily desperate, said Richard Horsey, the Myanmar advisor for the International Crisis Group. “Its frustration comes from the fact that local resistance remains determined and effective rather than quickly crumbling as the generals may have thought,” he added. “They seem to be hoping that by imposing a severe cost on civilian populations, they can undermine the support base for resistance groups without the military risks of a major offensive.”
Myanmar’s military is still capable of significantly worse violence, as the experience of the persecuted Rohingya minority shows. Although the regime has killed more than 2,300 civilians since the coup, this toll pales in comparison to the horrors of the 2017 Rohingya crisis, when the military slaughtered between an estimated 10,000 and 25,000 civilians in a matter of weeks in just the northern part of Rakhine state. The military’s dehumanization of the Rohingya is unique, but the junta leadership would not hesitate to use similar tactics against the civilian population if it felt that it truly risked being overthrown.
“If the past is any guide, I would expect the military to double down on its current strategy rather than changing course,” Horsey warned. “That implies continued punitive attacks and more atrocities for months and possibly years.”
An institutional collapse of the military or an internal coup against its senior leadership could hasten the end of Myanmar’s crisis, but Ye Myo Hein said he sees no sign of either happening soon. At this point, a “negotiated settlement is highly unlikely,” he said, and the generals will likely continue down this path even if they “ruin the country and their institution.” “The civil-military relations in Myanmar [have] irretrievably broken down,” Ye Myo Hein said.
The military is holding the nation hostage, but its people should not simply give up. The regime hopes that its extreme violence will eventually convince the public that anything, including living under military rule, is better than war. But for now, the people of Myanmar have shown they are willing to endure tremendous hardship—and even lay down their lives—to continue their struggle for democracy. The international community should respect that decision rather than blithely call for a “cessation of violence” and for “all parties” to show restraint, which is effectively a call for the resistance to surrender.
For its part, every atrocity Myanmar’s military commits proves that the regime has no intention of making even basic concessions to the international community. It is an irrational organization that only knows how to solve its problems through violence, which has only incentivized revolutionaries to approach the ongoing crisis as an existential conflict. As the violence spirals without an off-ramp in sight, countries sympathetic to Myanmar’s plight have an obligation to take more creative action to assist the people of Myanmar in liberating themselves from potentially decades of oppression..."
Source/publisher:
"Foreign Policy" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the British government’s announcement of its support in principle for a referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court, ICC. The announcement comes just weeks after the US made a similar announcement. Burma Campaign UK has been calling on the British government to support an ICC referral for almost 20 years.
In an answer to a written Parliamentary question from Rushanara Ali MP, Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Democracy in Burma, Foreign Office Minister Jesse Norman MP stated:
“The UK is clear that there must be accountability for the atrocities committed in Myanmar. We condemn the continuing grave human rights violations by the Myanmar Armed Forces, as well as historic atrocities against the Rohingya. The UK is supportive, in principle, of any attempts to bring these issues before the International Criminal Court (ICC) where they can be scrutinised.”
This language is a significant change from their previous position. For years the British government refused to say that it supported in principle a referral of Burma to the ICC. They hid behind a likely veto by Russia and China at the UN Security Council as an excuse to not declare their position at all, helping to extend the sense of impunity enjoyed by the Burmese military.
“This is a significant and welcome step by the British government, building on their recent announcement that they would join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice,” said Karin Valtersson, Campaigns Officer at Burma Campaign UK.
The Parliamentary answer goes on to state:
“However, with regards to a referral by the UN Security Council, our assessment remains that there is insufficient support amongst Security Council members for a referral at this time. It will not advance the cause of accountability for an ICC referral to fail to win Security Council support or to be vetoed; such a result would only give comfort to the Myanmar Armed Forces and reduce the pressure they currently face.”
The current membership of the UN Security Council includes Russia, China and India, which are still arming the Burmese military, and Brazil, which is also unlikely to support an ICC referral.
This is the second declaration by the British government on justice and accountability on Burma in the past month. On Thursday 25 August the government declared its intention to join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice. The British government has also led the way internationally on sanctioning sources of revenue and arms to the Burmese military since the attempted coup began in February 2021.
“For decades the Burmese military have been allowed to get away with violating international law”, said Karin Valtersson. “Action to end impunity sooner could have helped prevent atrocities happening today.”
The Parliamentary question is on the Parliament website here...."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-26
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