Human Rights and international relations
Individual Documents
Description:
"Mr President,
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Members States.
The Candidate Countries Turkey, the Republic of North Macedonia*, Montenegro* and Albania*, the country of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidate Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia, align themselves with this statement.
We welcome the successful adoption of the resolution today to which the EU has actively contributed. The General Assembly has spoken out clearly against the military of Myanmar and condemned its abuses of the Myanmar people and their country. They have no support. The General Assembly has also backed the efforts of ASEAN and underlined the complementarity with the work of the UN.
This is a rare and significant expression of the General Assembly condemnation in the face of a gross violation of fundamental democratic norms and neglecting the clearly expressed wish of a people. The international community does not accept the coup, and it does not recognize any legitimacy to the regime that emerged from it.
We thank ASEAN as well as the other members of the core group for their collaboration to make today’s adoption possible. We are proud to co-sponsor today’s resolution.
The European Union continues to condemn the military coup in Myanmar in the strongest terms and calls on the junta to halt its violent repression and intimidation immediately. The will of the people of Myanmar which was clearly expressed in the November 2020 election must be respected. We once again call on the junta to restore power to the elected civilian government, to allow the country to return to its democratic transition and to immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily detained, arrested or charged in connection with the coup, including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other government officials, as well as other civilian and political leaders, journalists, human rights defenders and other members of civil society. We continue to condemn all forms of violence and call for maximum restraint. We also condemn the intimidation of journalists and call for restrictions on access to information and freedom of expression to be lifted.
Accountability is crucial. The culture of impunity that reigns within the Myanmar military and security forces must end. The EU reiterates its support for the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and the International Criminal Court in this regard. We call on the Myanmar authorities to fully implement the provisional measures of the International Court of Justice.
The European Union remains very concerned about the ongoing discrimination against people belonging to ethnic minorities in Myanmar, including the Rohingya. We recall that Myanmar must address the root causes of conflict and displacement in ethnic areas, including in Rakhine State, and create conditions necessary for the safe, voluntary, sustainable and dignified return of refugees and displaced persons. Recent statements from the National Unity Government regarding the review of the citizenship law are a positive step. We acknowledge the generosity of Bangladesh in hosting Rohingya refugees.
We will continue to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need and call for full and unhindered humanitarian access. All parties to conflict have a responsibility to protect civilians.
Mr. President,
Today’s resolution is the first step. The EU will continue to support democracy, human rights and prosperity in Myanmar. We support all initiatives aimed at facilitating dialogue and call on the international community to mobilize for democracy in Myanmar. We recognize the important role of ASEAN in this regard and look forward to the swift implementation of the five-point consensus agreed almost two months ago. We reiterate our support for the efforts of the UN, including Special Envoy Schraner Burgener who has worked tirelessly to facilitate dialogue and de-escalation and we thank for today’s briefing. We welcome an active role for the UN Security Council. We call on all Member States to exercise caution and avoid providing recognition to the military junta. There can be no business as usual.
At a national level the EU welcomes the efforts of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) as well as the National Unity Government (NUG) and other pro-democracy forces working towards a peaceful resolution of the current crisis.
Mr. President,
We will not let this coup stand. Together with our international partners we have adopted targeted sanctions against those responsible. These measures avoid adverse impact on the people of Myanmar. Our sanctions regime also includes an embargo on arms and equipment that can be used for internal repression. We call on all members of the international community to follow suit in line with today’s resolution.
We will continue to keep other policy options under review with a view to ensuring the restoration of Myanmar’s path towards democracy.
The people of Myanmar must know that the EU is on their side. We hear you and we are with you.
I thank you..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations - New York
Date of publication:
2021-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Today is International Day for Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict. The term “conflict-related sexual violence” refers to rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion,
enforced sterilization, forced marriage and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men, girls or boys that is directly or indirectly linked to a conflict. The term also encompasses trafficking in persons when committed in situations of conflict for the purpose of sexual violence or exploitation.
Sexual violence is often used deliberately as a weapon in armed conflicts; this holds true for the conflict in Myanmar. In the decades-long conflict with the Karen National Union, the Tatmadaw has
allowed its soldiers to commit sexual violence on civilians with impunity. Between January 2012 and November 2018, KHRG received 52 reports covering 27 cases of sexual violence, including seven
cases in 2018 alone.1 KHRG still receives reports of sexual violence cases as recent as 2019.2 Since the military coup on February 1, women and girls throughout the country are even more
vulnerable to sexual violence. Women and girls have been subjected to sexual violence and other forms of gendered harassment while being held in detention facilities. In particular, sexual violence
has been used by security forces, including members of the military, police and prison guard, when interrogating women and girls.3
The practice of impunity by the Tatmadaw is what has allowed such widespread sexual violence to occur. Perpetrators are rarely, if ever, held accountable for their crimes which encourages further
violations in the future. Most victims of conflict-related sexual violence still have not received justice and, in many cases, have not even had the chance to report on, or speak about what happened to
them. Sexual violence survivors should be given the opportunity to speak out, to receive remedy which includes physical and mental health support, and the means to reintegrate into society without any prejudice or discrimination. KHRG urges ethnic organizations to help the survivors receive the kind of support listed above.
The international community, including organizations with a mandate to investigate and/or to prosecute international crimes, must ensure that perpetrators in the past, present and future, are held
accountable for their crimes without any excuses. States must also place pressure on the Tatmadaw to stop the perpetration of sexual violence and ensure accountability within their ranks. Failing to
address and investigate abuses will only prove that the military and other security forces can continue to commit sexual violence with impunity..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
95.14 KB
more
Description:
"Thank you, Mr. President, for convening this informal meeting, and thank you, Madam Special Envoy, for your sobering briefing. We hope you are able to visit Myanmar soonest.
Since we last met in this hall to discuss the situation in Myanmar, the courageous Myanmar people have continued to make clear that they reject the military coup and do not want to live one more day under the military’s thumb. The United States joins them in condemning the military’s extreme violence and its moves to overturn the will of the people as expressed by the results of the general election in November 2020. We remain steadfast in our support for the people of Myanmar in their aspirations for democracy, peace, development, and respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law.
We unequivocally condemn the security forces’ ongoing attacks on the people of Myanmar. The military must cease all violence, release those unjustly detained, and restore power to the democratically-elected government now. We call on all members of the international community to echo, to amplify this message and to hold the military accountable to ASEAN’s agreed-upon five-point consensus. Immediate, comprehensive implementation of the consensus is sorely needed: every day we allow the military to delay is another day the people of Myanmar suffer.
Every member of this body should also immediately end any material or other support for the military and its campaign of oppression. We urge all countries to prohibit sales of all arms and related security assistance to Myanmar. To do otherwise is to enable the Myanmar security forces’ brutal violence against innocent men, women, and children. We cannot supply the military with instruments of violence and repression.
As part of our strong support for the people of Myanmar, the United States continues to engage with the full range of civil society and pro-democracy groups from Myanmar that seek to restore democratic governance and protect the human rights of all the people of Myanmar – including the National Unity Government. We encourage other members of this body to do so, as well. The United States will continue to work with a broad coalition of international partners to promote accountability for the military’s violence against the people of Myanmar, including for acts of violence following the military coup and previous atrocities and abuses, including against the Rohingya. We call on all members of the international community to join us in this effort.
Finally, Mr. President, we were disappointed that a vote was called on the resolution on which we took action today in our earlier meeting. The international community has demonstrated its unanimous concern towards the military’s actions and its condemnation of the military’s violence through bodies like the UN Security Council and the Human Rights Council. We are proud that the international community has come together repeatedly with one voice on this issue, just as we are proud that this body has spoken today with such strength and clarity.
I thank you..."
Source/publisher:
United States Mission to the United Nations
Date of publication:
2021-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"All countries must stop selling arms to Myanmar following the adoption of a resolution by the UN General Assembly condemning the use of lethal force and violence in the country, Amnesty International said today.
The resolution, passed by an overwhelming vote of 119 to 1 with 36 abstentions, calls on member states to prevent the flow of arms into the country. It strongly condemns the worsening crackdown on peaceful protesters and civil society, calling for the immediate and unconditional release of arbitrary detainees and an end to restrictions on freedom of expression.
“Today the General Assembly, as the voice of the entire international community, joins the Human Rights Council and the UN Security Council in condemning the Myanmar military’s killing spree against its own people,” said Lawrence Moss, Senior UN Advocate for Amnesty International.
“The Myanmar military must immediately meet these calls, and the UN Security Council must act to enforce them.
“All countries should heed the resolution’s call to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar, and the Security Council should immediately make this mandatory by imposing a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar.
“It is a helpful sign that 11 of the 15 members of the Security Council voted in support of this resolution. China and Russia, having abstained on the vote to adopt this resolution, should also now refrain from obstructing the will of the international community by vetoing a Security Council resolution to impose a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar.
“All states should urge China and Russia to heed the General Assembly’s call to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar, and to cooperate in making this mandatory for all states by a Security Council resolution,” said Moss.
Since the 1 February military coup overthrew the elected civilian government, 870 protesters, bystanders and other civilians have reportedly been killed, over 4983 arrested, and the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly drastically curtailed, including shutdowns of media outlets, the internet and social media. The UN resolution calls for the Myanmar armed forces to “immediately and unconditionally” release the elected civilian political leaders and all others who have been arbitrarily detained, charged or arrested, and to “end restrictions on medical personnel, civil society, labour union members, journalists and media workers and restrictions on the internet and social media.”
The UN resolution also notes the ongoing International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged atrocity crimes in Bangladesh and Myanmar. Amnesty International further calls for the Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar as a whole to the ICC, and to impose targeted sanctions against the military officials responsible for crimes under international law, including the serious violations relating to repression of dissent following the 1 February coup.
The text of the resolution was negotiated between nine member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and a core group from amongst over 50 states sponsoring the resolution.
“After negotiating this text, the failure of four ASEAN states – Brunei, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand – to support it when a vote was called does not augur well for the success of the dialogue and mediation process the ASEAN claims to lead,” said Moss.
“For eight weeks, the ASEAN has failed to implement its own 24 April consensus statement or even name its special envoy. The ASEAN has now failed to take a united stand for the release of arbitrary detainees and against the flow of arms to Myanmar.
“ASEAN states must use all their bilateral and regional leverage to ensure Myanmar complies with these demands, but the international community cannot wait any longer on ASEAN alone. The UN Security Council must act to enforce the General Assembly’s calls upon Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, International Criminal Court, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The situation in Myanmar: The General Assembly,
Guided by the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1
Recalling its relevant resolutions on Myanmar, the resolutions of the Human Rights Council, including the most recent, resolution 46/21 of 24 March 2021, adopted by consensus, as well as the Security Council statement on the situation in Myanmar of 4 February 2021, the statement by the President of the Security Council on the situation in Myanmar of 10 March 20212 and the press elements of the Security
Council on the situation in Myanmar of 1 and 30 April 2021,
Expressing grave concern about the declaration of the state of emergency by the Myanmar armed forces on 1 February 2021 and subsequent actions taken against the elected civilian Government, which also impact regional stability, and stressing its
continued call upon Myanmar to act in accordance with the principle of adherence to the rule of law, good governance, the principles of democracy and constitutional government, respect for fundamental freedoms and the promotion and protection of human rights, as also provided for in the Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations,3 Stressing its strong support for the central role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the continued constructive engagement of the Association with
Myanmar in a positive manner towards facilitating a peaceful solution in the interest of the people of Myanmar and their livelihoods, and welcoming the holding and the outcome of the Leaders’ Meeting of the Association, on 24 April 2021, at the secretariat of the Association, taking into account in particular the Chairman’s statement on the Leaders’ Meeting and the five-point consensus reached during the
Meeting,4 Welcoming the statements made by the Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations on 1 February and 2 March 2021, in which the Chair recalled the purposes and principles of the Charter of the Association, notably the principle of democracy, adherence to the rule of law, good governance, the respect for and
protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and called upon all parties to exercise utmost restraint and seek a peaceful solution through constructive dialogue and practical reconciliation in the interests of the people and their livelihoods, Expressing deep concern about the arbitrary detention and arrest of President
Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and other government officials and politicians, human rights defenders, journalists, civil society members, foreign experts and others, Strongly condemning the use of lethal force and violence, which has led to
injuries and fatalities in many cases, against peaceful demonstrators, as well as members of civil society, women, youth, children and others, expressing deep concern at restrictions on medical personnel, civil society, labour union members, journalists and media workers, and people who protect and promote human rights, and calling
for the immediate release of all those detained arbitrarily, Expressing concern for the safety and rights of all foreign nationals in Myanmar,
Expressing unequivocal support for the democratic transition in Myanmar and for the need to uphold democratic institutions and processes, refrain from violence and fully respect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, Noting in this context the various initiatives, movements and structures aimed
at expressing the will of the people for a peaceful and democratic Myanmar, Underlining the need for a long-term peaceful political solution for Myanmar, including a return to its path of democratic transition and national reconciliation through an inclusive and peaceful dialogue between all parties, in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar, Reaffirming its support for the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar and her efforts to maintain communication and engage constructively with
all relevant parties in Myanmar, welcoming her briefing of 26 February 2021, and reiterating its request for continued reporting to the General Assembly as warranted by the situation on the ground,
Concerned at the human rights situation of persons belonging to ethnic, religious and other minorities in Myanmar, including the Rohingya Muslim minority, in particular with respect to the violations committed against them and their rights related to citizenship status, and reiterating the responsibility of the Myanmar armed
forces to respect the human rights of all persons in Myanmar, Expressing concern that recent developments pose particular serious challenges for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and all internally displaced persons, including those displaced since 1 February 2021..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations General Assembly (A/75/L.85/Rev.1)
Date of publication:
2021-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
GA resolutions on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (English), Reports to the GA by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (English), Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Genocide
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
199.53 KB
Local URL:
more
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.06 MB
more
Description:
"Excellency,
i am writ ing to you to draw your urgent attention to the recent serious situation in
Myanmar. On 15 June, Myanmar military forces burned an en tire village called Kinma , in
Pauk Township, Magway Region to the ground and those who could not run for their lives
burned to death. Elderlies and sick people were left in the villages when the others had to
flee from their homes d u e to the threatening entering o f the military men.
For y our kind reference. I enclose herewith the Announcement o f the National Unity
Government o f Myanmar dated 17 June 2021 condemning it in the strongest possible
terms.
These horrific acts committed by the military continue amounting to crimes against
humanity. It clearly constitutes the violation o f Article 3 o f the Fourth Geneva Convention
on the Protection o f Civilian Persons in Time o f War o f 12 August 1949. Protecting
civilians must always be a top priority under every circumstance, not only in armed
conflicts. But in total disregarding international laws and principles. Myanmar military has
been terrorizing the civilians since the illegal coup on I February 2021. It is no doubt that
the military will continue to show a total disregard for human life, with no humanity.
The United Na tio n s' call to " spare civilians and civilian infrastructure and ensure
safe and unhindered humanitarian access" has been completely ignored by the military.
There have been on the dire need for medical aid in vulnerable areas o f the country, and
the military has been arresting the healthcare workers who volunteered to provide medical
assistance to the injured. These are clear violations o f international humanitarian law and
international human rights law.
In the aft ermath o f the military coup, collapsing economy, unrest, breakdown o f
public health system, g rowing internal displacement, and difficulty to access aid in need
are leading to a humanitarian c risis in Myanmar. The World Food Program suggests that
some 6.2 million people in Myanmar will face a severe hunger c risis in the coming
months. Despite all the real situations, the military continues blocking and destroying
humanitarian assistance. On 13 June, an ambulance, food, medical supplies, and basic
needs for the civilians were destroyed and set fire. Those supplies were contributed by
well-wishers a cross the country for internally displaced persons.
We are still amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, and the military evidently fails to
manage the pandemic. The National Unity Government o f Myanmar has been taking
necessary measures to contain the spread o f the virus and engaging with the people.
The people o f Myanmar do not accept any form o f military rule, and the people have
made their voices loud and clear. Continued military brutal crackdown on the civilians and
pro-democracy movements are being conducted in a systematic and targeted manner. The
National Unity Government together with the people o f Myanmar have been calling on the
United Nations and the international community to take timely collective and decisive
actions on the military to ease violence, to stop killing its own people and to restore
democracy in Myanmar.
Please accept, Excellency, the assurances o f my highest consideration..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
675.15 KB
more
Description:
" South Korea has provided $900,000 to a U.N.-led humanitarian aid initiative for Myanmar, U.N. data showed on Thursday.
A spokesman for the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said earlier data on its financial tracking service showing a contribution of $300,000 by North Korea was wrong and it has since been corrected.
The contribution on May 24 to the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund came from South Korea in addition to a separate contribution of $600,000, Asia Pacific head of communications for the Office Pierre Peron said.
The fund calls for some $276 million to help Myanmar, where hundreds of people have died since the military ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi in February and began a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protests, adding to the country's struggle with the coronavirus pandemic.
While continuing to provide aid, South Korea has suspended defence exchanges and banned exports of arms and other strategic items to the Southeast Asian country. read more
(Corrects story throughout to show South Korea, not North Korea, made the donation.)..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
South Korea-Burma relations, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The UN in Myanmar is alarmed at recent acts of violence that illustrate a sharp deterioration of the human rights environment across Myanmar.
One such case is the discovery of two mass graves in Myawaddy Township (Kayin State), containing the human remains of twenty-five people who had reportedly been detained on 31 May by the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO). Another case is the reported burning by security forces of more than 150 homes in Kin Ma Village in Pauk Township (Magway Region) on 15 June, leaving two dead and approximately 1,000 people homeless.
The United Nations in Myanmar reiterates its call on all actors in the current crisis to ensure that international human rights norms and standards are respected. This includes upholding the obligation to minimize collateral harm to civilians and to civilian infrastructure, and prohibiting the application of collective punishments against communities, families or individuals.
The United Nations in Myanmar calls for those responsible for human rights violations to be held accountable, including the perpetrators and their chain of command.
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်းကျင်အခြေအနေ လျင်မြန်စွာ ယိုယွင်းကျဆင်းလာမှုအပေါ် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ စိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့်
(ရန်ကုန်) – မကြာသေးမီက ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်းကျင်အခြေအနေ လျင်မြန်စွာ ယိုယွင်း ကျဆင်းလာမှုကို ဖော်ကျူးနေသည့်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အထိတ် တလန့်ဖြင့် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုမှာ မြဝတီမြို့နယ် (ကရင်ပြည်နယ်) တွင် လူ (၂၅) ဦး၏ ရုပ်ကြွင်းများကို မြှုပ်နှံထား သည့် နေရာနှစ်ခုအား တွေ့ရှိရခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုသူများသည် ကရင်အမျိုးသားကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (KNDO) မှ မေလ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသူများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟုဆိုပါသည်။ နောက်ဖြစ်ရပ် တစ်ခုတွင် ရရှိသည့် သတင်းများအရ ဇွန်လ (၁၅) ရက်နေ့က လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် ပေါက်မြို့နယ် (မကွေး တိုင်းဒေသကြီး) ရှိ ကင်းမရွာတွင် လူနေအိမ်ခြေပေါင်း ၁၅၀ ကျော်ကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့မှုကြောင့် လူ နှစ်ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း ၁,၀၀၀ ခန့် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ ဖြစ်ခဲ့ရခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် လက်ရှိအကျပ်အတည်းတွင် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက် နေသူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံများနှင့် စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများကို လေးစားလိုက်ကြရန် ထပ်လောင်းတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံနှုန်းများကို လိုက်နာမှုဟု ဆိုရာတွင် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများအတွင်း အရပ်သားများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံအဆောက် အအုံများကို ထိခိုက်မှုများ နည်းနိုင်သမျှအနည်းဆုံးဖြစ်အောင် လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည့် တာဝန်နှင့် ရပ်ရွာလူထုများ၊ မိသားစုများ သို့မဟုတ် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအပေါ် သိမ်းကျုံးရောနှော၍ အပြစ်ပေးခြင်းကို တားမြစ်ရန် တာဝန်တို့အား စောင့်ထိန်းခြင်းလည်း ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများအတွက် ကိုယ်တိုင်ကျူးလွန်သူများ နှင့် အမိန့်ပေးစေခိုင်းသူများအပါ အဝင် တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့များမှ တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, UN System humanitarian assistance, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
123 KB 129.19 KB
more
Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS: Tens of thousands of people have been newly displaced within Myanmar in recent weeks, as fighting broke out between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and local defence groups, particularly in Kayah State, Shan State (south), Chin State and Magway Region. There are now an estimated 200,000 people who have been displaced within Myanmar since 1 February, a nearly 15% increase since two weeks ago. In southeast Myanmar, the security situation remains volatile, with intense armed clashes in Kayah State, Kayin State and eastern Bago Region, as the MAF clashed with both the Kayah People’s Defense Forces and Karen National Union. Among over 160,000 people displaced in or from the southeast since 1 February, some 97,000 are in Kayah State and 48,000 in Kayin State. Following an outbreak of conflict in an area of Kayin State, some 400 Myanmar nationals crossed into Thailand’s Tak Province in early June, but have since returned to Myanmar.
In Chin State, new fighting between the MAF and local defence groups has further increased displacement and spread into Magway Region, where an additional 5,000 people have recently been displaced. Violence has also continued in Kachin State, with more armed clashes between the MAF and the Kachin Independence Army, as well as instances of explosions and arson. As a result of the situation in Chin State, Indian state authorities have been reported in the media as estimating that the border states neighbouring Myanmar are currently sheltering around 15,000 new arrivals, although UNHCR is unable to verify precise figures..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., UN System humanitarian assistance, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.6 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"1 . The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar announced the announcement NO:5/20211 on 13 June 2021 that the security forces of the military set fire to
and destroyed both an ambulance and a supply of humanitarian aid near the base of Lwe Yin Mingalar hill in Western Moe Byae township, between Southern Shan and Karenni States.
Eighty rice bags and medicines, and medical supplies were among the destroyed donations. These had been donated by people from all over the country for internally displaced people.
The military forces have been terrorising and arresting community organisations and individuals who have been providing aid and support to IDPs and those affected by the conflict. In addition to such violence and to arbitrary arrests, the military have plundered
humanitarian aid and destroyed what they could not steal. They have also blocked transport routes. These unlawful acts of the military constitute a clear violation of Article 3 of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, dated 12 August 1949. These acts also violate the provisions of the Defence Services Act 1959 of Myanmar. The military completely ignores the United Nations call to ' spare civilians and civilian infrastructure' and ensure ' safe and unhindered humanitarian access’, a demand laid
out in the statement made on 21 May 2021. We condemn in the strongest terms the egregious and savage acts of the military, blocking
and destroying humanitarian assistance as well as harassing and capturing those who are working hard to help people in need.
We call on the United Nations and the international community to continue exerting pressure on the military to stop such atrocities without delay. The world must not look away while people in need are being treated with such contempt. 2. On 14 June 2021, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) approved the Law2 Amending
the Public Debt Management Law (Third Amendment) proposed by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment of the National Unity Government. Section 2(b) of the law is substituted with the following "Government means the National Unity Government of the
Republic o f the Union o f Myanmar, and any successor government thereof". For other amendments and additions, please follow the link below. 3. The National Unity Government welcomes the discussion on the Myanmar crisis at the 47th G7 Summit held in the United Kingdom, and the 2021 G7 Leaders’ Communique. The G7 has condemned the military coup in Myanmar and has called for the immediate release of
those detained arbitrarily. We urge G7 leaders to build their support by more effective means. The people of Myanmar are waiting for fine words to become meaningful action. 4. NUG issued an announcement No:6/20213 on 16th June 2021. The announcement stated that
the terrorizing military is not a legitimate government. It seized power by force. Thus the courts under the military are not lawful institutions. The unlawful detentions of President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and other leaders and their show trials
constitute grave miscarriages of justice. We strongly condemn these trials. They are a disgrace to the country and a scandal to acceptable standards of international justice. 5. NUG issued an announcement No:7/20214 on 17th June 2021. In the aforementioned
announcement NUG denounced in strongest possible terms the burning down of Kinma village by the terrorist military council’s troops and terrorist police forces. And that NUG urged local, national and international stakeholders to continue recording these atrocities by
the security forces as evidence of their crimes which is fundamental for charges to be made in future. That NUG, hand in hand with those taking part in the Spring Revolution will continue work towards achieving the goals set out in the 2021 Federal Charter by defeating the terrorist military council and building a new Federal Democratic Union under civilian rule where human rights and everlasting will prevail. NUG also vowed to do its best to achieve those goals.
6. The web pages for the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and the Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs were launched on 14 June 2021. They are accessible on https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org and https://mowyca.nugmyanmar.org respectively. 5 7. Covid-19 situation in Myanmar is immensely concerning that the public must do all they can to prevent its further spread. The military council will fail to manage the pandemic with the lack of human resources, expertise, financial and moral capacity and the public support. The Union Minister Professor Zaw Wai Soe calls everyone from all walks of life in Myanmar to lead the prevention of the Covid-19 by stringently following the advice on preventative measures and isolation protocol of suspected cases published on the Ministry of Health
Facebook page6 and the ministry’s website7. No matter what the different strains of Covid-19, prevention is the most effective measure to conquer the disease. 8. The Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs urges the public to participate in the campaign, 14-19 June, to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence
in Conflict (19 June)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
75.43 KB
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The move was announced on Tuesday following talks with military officials and religious leaders
Description:
"Karenni resistance forces announced the suspension of attacks on regime troops in northern Kayah (Karenni) and southern Shan states on Tuesday amid a growing crisis facing displaced civilians in the region.
The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a coalition of anti-junta forces formed on May 31, made the decision following talks with military and religious leaders late last week.
The move comes as the number of civilians displaced by the nearly month-old conflict has surpassed 100,000, according to the United Nations human rights agency OHCHR.
The KNDF consists of civilians from Loikaw, Demoso, and Nan Mei Khon in Kayah State and Moebye and Pekhon in southern Shan State, as well as ethnic armed forces based in the region.
The KNDF did not specify how long its ceasefire would last, but said it would continue to oppose the military junta in various ways. It also urged people to be united, prepared and cautious.
On June 11, representatives of three Karenni armed groups involved in the KNDP met with army personnel from the Eastern Command and Christian religious leaders in Taunggyi, Shan State, to discuss the ongoing situation.
The armed groups that attended the meeting were reportedly the Kayan New Land Party, the Karenni National People's Liberation Front, and the Karenni National Peace and Development Party.
“The armed groups talked to the military council about the armed conflict. Our religious groups mainly discussed allowing humanitarian channels for displaced people,” a Catholic priest from Loikaw told Myanmar Now.
The church, which has taken a leading role in efforts to mitigate harm to civilians caught in the conflict, has also been a target of attacks, with at least eight churches damaged or destroyed by the military since fighting began.
Religious leaders demanded that relief workers be allowed to transport food and other supplies safely and without hindrance.
“The commander said he would consider measures for the displaced people. The people are in real trouble. Living in the jungle during the rainy season is very difficult. The elderly and children are especially vulnerable,” the priest said.
During the meeting, no agreement was reached to guarantee the security of displaced locals, but the situation is likely to be more stable than before, he added.
“I haven’t heard any gunfire for a day or two since the meeting,” he said, noting that some civilians have also returned to their homes in recent days.
“But people are still very worried. There’s a ceasefire, but they don’t know how long it will last. They’re worried that troops will come and arrest them at night if they return. They are still in so much fear.”
Some residents who returned to Demoso on Tuesday discovered that their homes had been destroyed during the clashes, according to local sources.
The military has used heavy artillery and airstrikes against local anti-regime resistance forces since clashes began in the area in late May.
In addition to killing numerous civilians in these attacks, the military has also imposed restrictions on the transport of food, fuel and other essential commodities into Kayah State since May 28, creating widespread shortages of basic necessities.
On June 11, the day that a six-day-old boy died of a cold while his family was fleeing from clashes in Pekhon Township, the military set fire to an ambulance and vehicles carrying food and medical supplies for displaced people in the township.
In an article published by a state-run newspaper, the regime claimed that it had merely seized supplies from “terrorists”..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"KACHIN STATE: Armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Kachin Independence Army continue unabated in Kachin State. Over 600 people were newly displaced in 10 different locations in Bhamo and Momauk townships over the course of May.
A total of 11,654 people have been internally displaced since the resurgence of hostilities in mid-March 2021. About 10,217 of them remain displaced in seven townships, unable to return home due to insecurity.
9 June 2021 marked 10 years since armed conflict resumed following a 17-year ceasefire in Kachin State. Around 95,500 people remain displaced across the state in protracted IDP camps or in host communities since 2011.....SHAN STATE: Armed clashes between the MAF and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) or among the EAOs have been reported for the first time this year in Mongkaing and Kyethi townships in the southern parts of Shan State. Around 1,800 people were displaced due to these clashes, mainly in Kyethi Township.
In northern Shan, over 3,000 people were displaced in May, particularly in Hsipaw Township. Meanwhile, around 3,400 people who were displaced earlier this year in the same township were able to return home once the hostilities in the area subsided.
In total, around 15,271 people have been internally displaced in northern Shan since the start of 2021. Another 1,900 were displaced in southern Shan. More than 5,000 people remain in 21 displacement sites in several townships.....KAYIN, KAYAH, MON STATES AND BAGO REGION: A total of 160,400 people have fled violence, insecurity and clashes in southeastern Myanmar since 1 February, according to UNHCR.
In Kayah State, around 108,800 people were internally displaced following an escalation of hostilities between the MAF and the Karenni People’s Defense Force. Of this figure, around 11,700 have fled to southern parts of neighboring Shan State. Additionally, some 47,600 people remain displaced in Kayin State and 4,000 people are displaced in parts of Mon State and Bago Region.
National and international humanitarian actors are complementing the local response efforts led by communities, which has been immediate, but not sufficient to address all needs. Efforts have been met with access challenges due to insecurity and roadblocks.....CHIN AND RAKHINE STATES: The security situation remains tense in Chin State with clashes between the MAF and Chinland Defence Force reported in Hakha, Kanpetlet, Mindat and Thantlang townships, as well as neighboring Gangaw Township in Magway Region.
Around 19,500 people are currently hosted in over 70 displacement sites in four townships in Chin State since 12 May and in Saw Township in Magway Region since 6 June. Chin State is already hosting almost 9,850 people in Paletwa Township due to the MAF and the Arakan Army (AA) conflict.
In Rakhine, no new displacement has been reported and despite a lull in hostilities between the MAF and the AA since November 2020, casualties due to landmines and explosive hazards continue to be reported. Four people were reportedly killed by a landmine in Ponnagyun Township on 4 June. A total of 31 civilians were killed or injured due to landmines in Rakhine in the first quarter of 2021, according to UNICEF...."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., UN System humanitarian assistance, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
291.36 KB
more
Description:
"The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shielding the Myanmar military from international pressure and accountability, Amnesty International said today as the country's human rights crisis continues to worsen dramatically.
With the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi having started on 14 June, the organization further urges all ASEAN member states to finally get behind calls for the release of all those arbitrarily detained in the country and support measures to stop the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military.
“ASEAN’s usual commitment to non-interference is enabling the military’s deadly rampage, fuelling a human rights and humanitarian crisis that will sink both ASEAN’s credibility and the very stability it seeks to uphold,” said Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research.
“Millions of people in Myanmar are losing faith in ASEAN. The regional bloc must change course and offer a lifeline to people in Myanmar by getting behind international efforts to protect civilians and urge the release of all those arbitrarily detained, including Aung San Suu Kyi.”
Aung San Suu Kyi is currently facing a total of seven charges. If found guilty, she can face decades in prison and will effectively be barred from holding office again. Her charges include violating Section 55 of the Anti-Corruption Law, the Official Secrets Act, Section 67 of the Telecommunications Law and the Export and Import Law (possessing walkie talkies in her home). She also faces two charges under Section 25 of the Natural Disaster Management Law and “incitement” under Section 505 (b) of the Penal Code.
“The military is digging deep into its arsenal of repressive laws, including those from the colonial-era, in a desperate attempt to silence Aung San Suu Kyi, opposition leaders and many other vocal critics who have been arbitrarily detained,” said Emerlynne Gil.
The Myanmar security forces continue to kill, injure and arrest civilians. Since the 1 February coup, an estimated 863 civilians, including 58 children, have been killed and a countless number of people have been injured, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPPB). Reports of torture and deaths in custody keep emerging. Internet restrictions remain in place, and media freedom is severely restricted.
Meanwhile, fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and groups of protesters taking up arms is escalating and spreading across the country, killing or injuring civilians, damaging civilian properties, and displacing hundreds of thousands of women, men and children. Recent clashes, including air raids, in Karenni or Kayah State alone has displaced estimated 100,000 civilians who are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Approximately 200,000 civilians have been displaced so far this year, adding to over 300,000 existing displaced persons reliant on humanitarian aid.
High-level meeting exposes faltering ASEAN diplomacy
On 4 June, a high-level delegation comprised of ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Pehin Yusof, the second minister for foreign affairs for Brunei, the current chair of ASEAN, met with coup leader and head of the Myanmar military authorities, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar’s capital.
The high-level meeting in Nay Pyi Taw reported little tangible progress on ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus” on the Myanmar crisis, including calls for the cessation of violence, humanitarian access and the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar.
ASEAN must implement a call for Myanmar to release arbitrary detainees
In one welcome advance, in a statement after the meeting, the Chairman of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, Erywan Pehin Yusof, called for the release of political detainees in Myanmar.
According to AAPPB, as of 13 June, 4,863 people are currently detained or have been sentenced in in the wake of the 1 February coup, including the country’s elected civilian leadership.
“The belated commitment of a senior ASEAN official to the release of the political opposition is welcome and essential and we hope that this view is adopted as consensus by ASEAN,” said Emerlynne Gil. “It should also be clear that ASEAN’s mediation efforts would be all but impossible if key stakeholders are all behind bars.”
“ASEAN should place top priority on demanding that the Myanmar military immediately release not only prominent political detainees, but all of the thousands of people arbitrarily detained, and call for their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly,” said Emerlynne Gil.
Shocking lack of progress since ASEAN emergency summit
The Five-Point Consensus was agreed at an emergency summit in Jakarta attended by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on 24 April, but the Myanmar military authorities have since repeatedly stated that it would not act upon the plan until the country had reached “stability.” Between the ASEAN summit and 13 June, 115 more people have been killed and 1,474 more people are arbitrarily detained or sentenced.
"Myanmar's generals are making a mockery of ASEAN's meek efforts to lead the international response - continuing to kill, jail, and drive the country into the ground before the ink had dried on ASEAN's 'Five Point Consensus'," said Emerlynne Gil.
“The regional bloc must get behind efforts at the UN to protect civilians, ensure their humanitarian needs are adequately met, urgently stop the flow of weapons to the military and secure the release of all those arbitrarily detained.”
Growing calls at the UN for a global arms embargo on Myanmar
ASEAN states continue to negotiate with the states sponsoring a UN General Assembly resolution to address the human rights crisis in Myanmar, of which only some of the ASEAN members are supportive of a comprehensive arms embargo.
“ASEAN must support the passing of a UN General Assembly resolution calling for a halt of weapons transfers to the Myanmar military. Anything less is an abdication of ASEAN’s leadership role on the Myanmar crisis, and shows ASEAN is siding with a military that is continuing to kill and imprison unarmed protesters and other civilians.
Even if adopted, a call for halting transfers by the UNGA has only moral force and may not deter the major arms suppliers to the military – including China, Russia and India. The UN Security Council must urgently then make a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar mandatory for all states to stop the military's killing spree against its own people.
“Whether through willful obstruction or internal disagreement, ASEAN has become the Myanmar military's shield at the highest levels of global diplomacy. Instead, ASEAN states must stand together against rampant military atrocities and urgently get behind the calls for a global and comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
We call for the Myanmar authorities to immediately and unconditionally release filmmaker Ma Aeint.
Description:
"The International Coalition for Filmmakers at Risk (ICFR*) and its founding institutions, the European Film Academy, International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam and International Film Festival Rotterdam, together with the undersigning, call for the Myanmar authorities to immediately and unconditionally release filmmaker Ma Aeint.
Ma Aeint was a producer and co-writer of MONEY HAS FOUR LEGS which ran in the New Currents competition at the 2020 Busan International Film Festival and is an alumna of FAMU Summer Filmmaking Initiation Campus, Locarno Open Doors Lab, as well as Ties That Bind.
Leaving her house on 5 June, she was detained and is currently being held in an undisclosed place, with no official explanation.
We are very concerned for the well-being of Ma Aeint. We encourage all film and culture institutions around the world to join us in calling upon the Myanmar authorities to immediately and unconditionally release her. If there are any charges against her, they must be made clear, though her safety must first be guaranteed.
Berlin International Film Festival
Busan International Film Festival
Eurodoc
European Film Promotion
FAMU
FERA
Festival de Cannes
Festival des 3 Continents
FIFDH
FSE
German Film Academy
Karlovy Vary International Film Festival
Locarno Film Festival
MEMORY !
MOOOV
Morelia International Film Festival
Mostra de Cinema Àrab i Mediterrani de Catalunya
Movies that Matter
Quinzaine des réalisateurs Cannes
SEAFIC
Semaine de la Critique Cannes
Sicilia Queer filmfest
Sundance Institute
Swedish Union for Performing Arts and Film
Sydney Film Festival
Taipei Golden Horse Film Festival
Tokyo International Film Festival
Udine Far East Film Festival
Venice Film Festival
Visions du Réel..."
Source/publisher:
The International Coalition for Filmmakers at Risk
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations, Women's rights
Language:
more
Description:
"Preface
The purpose of publishing this information sheet is to increase the awareness of people over the Crimes Against Humanity committed by the military junta terrorists on a daily basis and to keep record of their brutal acts for future reference and proceedings. Committed crimes are selectively stated in this information sheet due to space limitations.
Arbitrary Detentions and Enforced Disappearances
On 27th May, Soe Linn Htet, a second year student majoring in Civil Engineering at the Technological University Meiktila, was arbitrarily detained at home at Pyawbwe Township in Mandalay Region. A village administrator, involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was also arrested at Nayin Village, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region on 29th May.
On 30th May, a former member of All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) in Monywa District andwho is currently assisting IDPs was arrested at gunpoint by the junta troops wearing civilian attires. On 31st May, Khin HmwayLwin, a member of Sagaing Region and elected regional parliamentary representative fromMinkin Township constituency and Hein Win Latt, NLD executive member of Bhamo Town in Kachin State, were arrested respectively.
On 2ndJune morning, former village administrator of Pan Lin Village inPyaungKhaung Village Tract of Mogok Township in Mandalay Region, was arrested by the junta troops. A lawyer who is representing pro-bono and arrested people for staging anti-dictatorship protests in Myitkyina, Kachin State was also arrested and on 3rdJune, a leader of Sanay Charity Group, Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested by the junta troops.
Murders
On 27th May, two youths from Demoso Township in Kayah State were shot to death by terrorist junta while they were delivering food toKarenni IDPs. On the same day, a 14 year old boy was shot dead in the head while running away from the junta forces in ThabyayKone, in Loikaw Township, Kayah State. Later on 28thMay, at Pauk Taw Wa in Insein Township, Yangon Region, a youth was brutally killed when a military vehicle intentionally crashed into him for not being stop for checking.
In early morning, 30 May in Baganmyothit in Nyaung-U Township in Mandalay Region, Moe Myint Aung was shot and died when the junta raided the Yonetan Ward and Hman Cho Ward. Later, sources said that Moe Myint Aung waswrongfully shot while capturing others six youths. On 30th May, in Loikaw Township in Kayah State,a man was shot dead by the junta troops while riding a motorbike.
During the night of 4th June, Thaw Zin, who is a LGBT, was shot by the junta troops deployed at Township Education Office in Kyaukpadaung Town in Mandalay Region onhis way back home with a motorcycle with two of his friends. Thaw Zin eventually died from not receiving medical treatment in time. While around 80 villagers in Ayeyarwady Region clashed with soldiers as they tried to prevent the arrest of a man accused of transporting weapons, at least three civilians were killed by the junta force.
The widespread and systematic murdering of the civilian population in Myanmar by the military shows no signs of stopping. In fact, it is evident that attacks against peaceful protesters across Myanmar have progressively intensified.
Intention to destroy the whole ‘Kayan’ tribes
The Kayan are a sub-group of Red Karen (Karenni people), Tibeto-Burman ethnic minority of Myanmar lives around Phekhone, Moebyel, Demoso, and Seebu. The estimated Kayan population is about 2 millions. In the early days of May, some young generations residing in these regions have been resisting against the military’s repression with homemade guns. Since then, the military have beenoperating systematic and targeted attacks on the entire ‘Kayan’ people including civilians who are not directly taking part in the hostilities.
About 1 million of ‘Kayan’ are displaced directed towards Seebuu Township, due to the heavy artillery and Airstrikes of the military. Therefore, about 85% of the ‘Kayan’ people would become displaced persons and nowhere to hide since the geographical position of these regions are not interconnected with international borders, and if the military continues their strikes in Seebuu township.
Since the military have been cutting off humanitarian aids to this particular region, people urgently need foods, water and medicines.The Myanmar military has been violating the fundamental and peremptory norms of international law on a daily basis. In carrying out these atrocities, the military’s conduct confirms that it does not and has no intention of abiding the obligations laid under the international law. In a world governed by the rule of law, the military cannot legitimately represent Myanmar. The international community must act immediately to stop the military’s indiscriminate attacks on civilians.
Violations on Freedom of Speech and Fundamental Human Rights
On 27th May, a reporter of Ayeyarwaddy Times News Agency based in Ayeyarwady Region was arrested and beaten while interrogating. Moreover, on the same day, Myo Thiha Kyaw, a photojournalist for the Myanmar Press Photo Agency, was arrested in Mandalay. Also in Kyaukme Township in Shan State, a photographer was arrested. To silence the widespread opposition against the military’s actions since 1st February 2021, it has targeted, attacked and arbitrarily detained dozens of journalists reporting on the protests. As a result, most editors and reporters inside the country currently refrain from identifying themselves as members of the press. Indeed, the military has also revoked licenses of a number of independent media outlets.
Nevertheless, the National Unity Government planning to hand over documentary evidences of these crimes against humanity being committed by the military against the civilian population of Myanmar to relevant human rights bodies of the United Nations.
Ref : Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
: Myanmar Now..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
297.32 KB
more
Description:
"I would like to draw your urgent attention to the horrible situation in Myanmar, in particular in Mindat, Chin State. After the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) staged the coup d’état on 1 February 2021, it killed over 800 people and arrested over 4,000 people. The murderous military and security forces have persistently committed irresponsible, irrational and disproportionate actions against the civilians.
Despite the continued calls by all relevant stakeholders, including the international community, the military has failed to end all forms of violence against the innocent people. It instead has accelerated acts of terrorism in many places acr oss Myanmar.
In this regard, I wish to enclose herewith an announcement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government of Myanmar dated 15 May 2021 calling for immediate attention on Mindat (see annex). Owing to the Tatmadaw’s terrorist actions against the innocent people of Mindat, Chin State, the Chinland Defense Force, by exercising the right to self-defence, has been defending the defenceless people of Mindat. Since 14 May 2021, the Tatmadaw has been sending more forces to the areas near Mindat, while attack helicopters are hovering about the houses of the people in Mindat. The military is shooting inside the town using heavy artillery. Within the next 48 hours, Mindat could potentially become a battleground and thousands of people are facing the danger of being displaced. There have been 5 innocent people killed by the military actions against the civilian population and 10 people injured. Many more are potentially under the threat of fatalities and serious injuries. The military has arrested the health workers who were volunteering to provide health-care assistance to the injured people. Therefore, we would like to urge the international community to take immediate action to end all violence of the Tatmadaw and protect the defenceless people of Mindat, Chin State.
I would like to echo the announcement by calling for your urgent attention to the situation in Mindat and for immediate and decisive action from the United Nations and the international community to save the lives of civilians in Mindat and to protect the people of Myanmar.
I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda items 34 and 72 (c).
(Signed)
Kyaw Moe Tun
Permanent Representative..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Statements and documents submitted to the GA by Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
97.42 KB
more
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
749.39 KB
more
Description:
"Summary:The present report, submitted to the Human Rights Council pursuant to Council resolution 39/2, contains the findings of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar
since its previous report (A/HRC/39/64). The mission provides an overview of its activities and the consolidation of its findings with a view to its handover to the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. It details its findings on conflict-related human rights developments in Rakhine, Chin, Shan and Kachin States, and also provides an update on the situation of the Rohingya. The mission concludes the report with its assessment of the situation of impunity and accountability, and a road map and recommendations for the way forward beyond the mandate of the mission......Introduction: 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 39/2, in which the Council extended the mandate of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar until the new Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is
established and becomes operational. The Council requested the mission to present its final report on its activities to the Council at its forty-second session. The present report focuses on the mission’s activities since September 2018, including consolidated findings from its previous report to the Council (A/HRC/39/64), 1 and new findings on developments in the situation of human rights in the country.2
2. In view of its commitment to justice for victims and its handover to the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, the mission presents a number of options for the way forward in the pursuit of accountability for gross violations of human rights and serious
violations of international humanitarian law. The mission will also submit further detailed findings and recommendations on the situation in Myanmar to the Council at its present session in the form of four conference room papers. 3. The mission comprised three experts: Marzuki Darusman (Indonesia, chair), Radhika
Coomaraswamy (Sri Lanka) and Christopher Sidoti (Australia).
4. The mission regrets the continuing lack of cooperation from the Government of Myanmar, despite the numerous appeals made by the Human Rights Council and the mission. During the reporting period, the mission requested country access on 12 February 2019. It
sent a detailed list of questions pertaining to the mandate of the mission on 28 March 2019. The mission received no official response to either communication. The present report was shared with the Government prior to its public release. No response has been received..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Council (A/HRC/42/50) General Assembly...20 pages
Date of publication:
2019-08-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
GA resolutions on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (English), Statements, reports, press briefings and webcasts on Myanmar by fact-finding entities mandated by the Council, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
535.68 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Statement by Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, Permanent Representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations at the Special Session of the UN General Assembly Plenary on Challenges and Measures to Prevent and Combat Corruption and Strengthen International Cooperation
(New York, 2-4 June 2021)
Mr. President,
It is my pleasure and honour to address this special session on challenges and measures to prevent and combat corruption and strengthen international cooperation. This special session highlights the fact that despite the unprecedented socio-economic challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, the world cannot afford to ignore one of the pre-existing plagues that threatens the stability and security of societies:
CORRUPTION.
Corruption is a source of injustice and creates negative consequences to our societies. It erodes public trust in governance institutions and undermines the rule of law and democracy, posing a grave threat to peace, human rights and sustainable development of societies, especially in the developing world.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic exacerbates the existing challenges we face and significantly hinders the measures to prevent and combat corruption and strengthen international cooperation. Corruption is an international problem that needs an international solution and cooperation. While the corruption reduces access to health care, education and social protection services, corruption disproportionately affects the most vulnerable and marginalized people.
With the adoption of UN Convention against Corruption in 2003, the world has the most comprehensive instrument to prevent and combat corruption at the national and global levels. While it provides a key framework for stronger cooperation between states in fighting corruption, national-level implementation of the Convention remains a higher priority. In this regard, Myanmar welcomes the adoption of political declaration of “our common commitment to effectively addressing challenges and implementing measures to prevent and combat corruption and strengthen international cooperation”.
Mr. President,
My country, Myanmar, has experienced decades of military dictatorship where fear and corruption dominate everyday life of the people. The military dictators misused the military institution for political and economic power. Our vast natural resources were exploited for their own benefits at the expense of ordinary people’s welfare, creating inequality and injustice. Their culture of corrupt practices and lack of any accountability directly undermined the rule of law, subsequently leading to the erosion of trust in public institutions, especially in the security sector.
Eradication of corruption has become a national priority of the elected civilian government. Since taking office, the democratically elected government led by State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has relentlessly worked to prevent and combat corruption across sections and institutions as well as to address its root causes. Accordingly, the government improved the legal framework including the 2018 amendment to anti-corruption law to enhance transparency, integrity and accountability in the public governance. The Anti-Corruption Commission was given broader power and independence to discharge its responsibility.
Due to these concerted efforts, the 2020 report by the Global Corruption Barometer – Asia found that the overwhelming numbers of Myanmar people think that the elected government is doing a good job combating corruption. According to Transparency International, Myanmar is a significant improver on the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2020, increasing 13 points since 2012 because of its increased political will and implementation of legal and institutional reforms against corruption.
Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan, adopted in 2018, also integrated the strengthening of anti-corruption related legislation and enforcement measures and policies into revenue mobilization and good governance strategies.
Mr. President,
Corruption is one of the greatest threats to the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law. It is no doubt that individuals and institutions that benefit from corrupt systems do not want to see democratic values thriving. In Myanmar, under the civilian government, the military views that transparency and freedom of press undermine their interests as their conglomerates have lost lucrative economic privileges and they are subject to increasing scrutiny from the free media. They consider the government’s efforts to promote accountability and the rule of law as a threat to their power. This is one of the various reasons that the military staged an illegal coup on 1 February 2021, overthrowing hard-won democratic reforms and development gains achieved over the past decade.
Since then, the illegal military junta has engaged in brutal and inhumane acts against the people of Myanmar in a targeted and systematic manner. As of today, more than 820 people including women, girls and children were murdered. Many were tortured to death in their custody. More than 4,300 people including our President, State Counsellor and many others remain in detention unlawfully.
What is outrageous more is that, as widely reported, the junta forces even charged families around 85 USD to retrieve the dead bodies of relatives murdered by them in their brutal crackdown. This is just a stark reminder of how dark the future of the people of Myanmar will be under the brutal and corrupt military rule. The illegitimate military council will continue to crackdown everyone that opposes to their actions and exposes their unlawful and corrupt behaviours. They have already cracked down the independent media by revoking media licenses for 8 media outlets and arresting at least 88 journalists since the coup.
In conclusion, Mr. President, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi pointed out in her address to the 71st Session of the UN General Assembly that we are taught in Myanmar that the causes of corruption in terms of human nature are greed, anger, fear and ignorance. The greed of a few military generals and their fear of losing power to the government duly elected by the people have opened up a dark chapter of tragedy for the people of Myanmar.
However, the people of Myanmar are resilient. Together with our determination and unwavering quest for democracy, we will overcome this dark moment and restore democracy in Myanmar. The National Unity Government will carry out everything it can to bring the perpetrators to justice and hold them accountable for their crimes against the people of Myanmar. In this regard, the international community should provide strongest support towards the people of Myanmar and the NUG.
Therefore, I wish to appeal to the international community to help the people of Myanmar in pursuit of a peaceful, just and inclusive democratic society, in order to be an active and responsible country in regional and international cooperation to fight corruption of all forms under the framework of UN Convention against Corruption.
I thank you, Mr. President..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Corruption, Statements and documents submitted to the GA by Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
344.13 KB
more
Description:
"Deaths and Arbitrary Arrests
As of 8 June 2021, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a total of 5,858 people have been arrested whereas 4,704 people are still under detention, 1,936 people have been issued with warrants and 857 people ruthlessly murdered by the military since 1 February 2021 when the military unleashed systematic and targeted attacks and violence against innocent civilians.
Already more than 120 days have passed since the coup; the military terrorist group has not stopped its inhumane acts and arbitrary arrests against the unarmed civilians until today.
Military’s Unstoppable Brutal Actions
Arbitrary Arrests: On 2 June 2021, a 62-year-old mother and wife of a man whom the junta was searching for were arrested when the junta forces did not find him at home.
On 2 June 2021, in Myitkyina, Kachin State, Mr. Thet Tun Oo, a lawyer who is taking pro-bono case for people was arrested for staging anti-dictatorship protests.
On 3 June 2021, a man was shot to death when he did not stop his motorcycle for inspection by junta troops in Monywa, Sagaing Region.
On 4 June 2021, Mr. Thaw Zin who is LGBT was shot and killed. Junta troops hit him with three bullets in arm and rib when he and his two friends were on the way home riding a motorcycle.
On 4 June 2021, in Monywa in Sagaing Region, Mr. Khant Zin Ko, who is a member of Monywa University Student Union, was arrested when the junta forces did not find his father at home.
On 8 June 2021, Mr. Marn Zar Myay Mon, a protest leader of Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region was shot and arrested by the military forces. He was issued with warrant under Penal Code Section 505(a) before the arrest.
On 8 June 2021, in Hlaing township in Yangon, when the junta forces cracked down a protest, about 4 youths including 2 males and 2 females were arrested. According to a protester involved in a rally, plains-clothed wearing police turned up into the rally and arrested the youths.
Clashes between Villagers and Military Forces: On 5 June 2021, in Kyonpyaw Township in Ayeyarwady region, it is reportedly clashes between villagers and military forces after a villager named Mr. Kyay was taken into custody on early morning. The junta accused Mr. Kyay, who sells bananas to Yangon, of transporting weapons. Shootout between two sides lasted for about an hour and three civilians were shot dead including a 19-year-old youth. According to the information received, the military took control of Hlay Swel village and villagers from eight neighbouring villages fled their homes.
Violent Crackdowns in Moebyel in Shan State: According to the information received from the local residents, the military used heavy forces, set fire the houses and buildings, broke into houses and took the properties since four days ago.
Deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State: In the early days of May, some young generations residing in Phekhone, Moebyel, Demoso, and Seebu townships have been resisting against the military’s repression with homemade guns. Since then, the military have been operating systematic and targeted attacks on the entire ‘Kayan’ people including civilians who are not directly taking part in the hostilities.
Now, around 1 million of ‘Kayan’ are displaced directed towards Seebuu Township, due to the heavy artillery and Airstrikes of the military. The estimated Kayan population is about 2 millions. Therefore, about 85% of the ‘Kayan’ people would become displaced persons and nowhere to hide since the geographical position of these regions are not interconnected with international borders, and if the military continues their strikes in Seebuu township.
Targeting the members of NLD party
The junta has more targeted to arrest the members of the National League Democracy (NLD) party. On 4 June 2021, Mr. Khin Maung Shwe, NLD Chairman of Shwebo Township, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code was sentenced to three years imprisonment.
On 5 June 2021, Mr. Kyaw Ohn, NLD Chairman of Man Ywet Village of Mogaung Township of Kachin State, was arrested at his home by the junta forces who were wearing plainclothes.
Moreover, on 6 June 2021, in Taungyi Township, Mr. Tin Myint, Taunggyi Township, Executive Committee Member of NLD was beaten and arrested at his home by junta forces.
On 7 June 2021, Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, former Magway Region Chief Minister, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under 505(b) of the Penal Code and a new charge on natural disaster management law was opened.
Issuing Warrants for the Members of Trade Unions
At the end of May 2021, under the Myanmar Penal Code 124 (A), the junta issued warrants for 28 members of the Central Committee of the Confederation of Trade Unions Myanmar (CTUM). The passports of all members were also declared null and void at the same time.
Anti-Coup Resistance Movements
Despite tight security and violent actions against the civilians by the junta, anti-coup resistance movements are still gaining momentum across the country.
On 8 June 2021, members of the Mandalay Society of Engineers which is one of the most consistent groups protesting the dictatorship, organized a motorcycle rally. On the same day, members of student union from townships in Mandalay marched to call for democracy and boycotted the military’s slave education system.
In addition to rallying every day across Dawei, on 8 June 2021, young people handed out anti-junta leaflets in markets.
Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State
The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar issued the policy position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State on 3 June 2021. The salient points in the statement are as follow:
- The National Unity Government will consider the opinions and views of the entire people of Myanmar including those in Rakhine State, in drafting a new Constitution that can resolve problems caused by the 2008 Constitution.
- The process of repealing, amending and promulgating laws, including the 1982 Citizenship Law, by the new Constitution when the drafting is completed will be beneficial in resolving the conflict in Rakhine State.
- The new Citizenship Act must base the citizenship on birth in Myanmar or birth anywhere as a child of Myanmar citizens.
- The National Unity Government further commits to abolishing the process of issuing National Verification Cards, a process that the military has used against the Rohingyas and other ethnic groups coercively and with human rights violation.
- The Rohingyas are entitled to citizenship by laws that will accord with fundamental human rights norms and democratic federal principles.
Announcement on Counter terrorism and designation of terrorist organizations
On 7 June 2021, the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar issued the announcement on counter terrorism and designation of terrorist organizations. In the statement, the National Unity Government (NUG) designated the Tatmadaw and its affiliated organizations as terrorist organizations under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter-Terrorism Law.
The National Unity Government (NUG) also highlighted the following acts of terrorism that the Tatmadaw and affiliated organization have perpetrated towards innocent civilians to create public fear and to control the region:
- Killings of more than 800 civilians using lethal weapons
- Arbitrary detentions of more than 5,000 people, many of whom have been tortured and sexually abused
- Decimation of the economy with the near collapse of the banking system and the threatening of people’s savings and property
- Disregard for a food security crisis, with the number affected set to increase from 1 to over 3 million people in the coming months
- Abandonment of Myanmar’s COVID CERP program along with an overall collapse of the healthcare system
- Massive money laundering operations
International Pressure on the Illegitimate Military Group
On 3 June 2021, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) issued the statement regarding the visit of ICRC President Peter Maurer to Myanmar to meet with the Chief of military group, who staged the coup and seized the power in Myanmar since 1 February 2021. In the statement, it is expressed that during the meeting, ICRC president emphasized that people in Myanmar are in need of urgent assistance and protection in the current situation. He also stressed the importance for the ICRC to resume its purely humanitarian visits and activities in places of detention in Myanmar which are essential to secure humane treatment and conditions of detention for all detainees and to restore communication between detainees and their families.
Entering to the fifth month of crippling unrest and chaos following the military coup in Myanmar, there are reports that ASEAN envoys arrived in Myanmar on 3 June 2021 to meet with Myanmar military leader. On the same day, ASEAN Secretary-General and Second Minister for Foreign Affairs of Brunei, who is ASEAN Chair for 2021 arrived in Myanmar.
During the visit to Jakarta, European Union Foreign Affairs Chief, Mr. Josep Borrell said on 3 June 2021 that the EU is planning a new round of sanctions on the ruling generals of Myanmar and their economic interests and these third row of sanctions on Myanmar will be approved in the coming days. He also told the journalists that the leadership to find a political solution for the situation of Myanmar belongs to ASEAN.
On 7 June 2021, envoys from ASEAN called on Myanmar’s military group to release all political prisoners and urged to implement the ASEAN’s five-point-consensus to end the turmoil in the country following the coup.
On 7 June 2021, the U.S welcomed the commitment to address discrimination and human rights abuses against Rohingya in the statement of NUG. Secretary of State of the US said the NUG’s pledge to address discrimination and human rights abuses against Rohingya is an important signal to all those working for an inclusive, democratic future.
The United Nations in Myanmar issued the statement on 8 June 2021, expressing the concern about the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State and other areas in southeastern Myanmar. The statement highlighted the recent violence by the Myanmar security forces against civilians in Kayah states, which resulted in massive internal displacement of an estimated 100,000 people including men, women and children, and incidents of seeking safely by those in host communities and neighbouring Shan State. It also reiterated its earlier calls for all parties to urgently take the necessary measures to protect the civilians and protected objects including medical units and personnel.
On 8 June 2021, Mr Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar also called for immediate action to avoid a massive loss of live in Kayah State. He urged all the regional actors, INGOs and civil society organizations to do all that can avoid a catastrophic loss of life, and the neighbouring countries to support the cross-border displacement of Myanmar. He also called international community to cut off the resources access which the junta needs to continue the brutal attacks on the people of Myanmar.
*****
Date: 8 June 2021
Permanent Mission of Myanmar, New York..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
104.21 KB
more
Sub-title:
China and US on opposed sides in Myanmar's escalating civil war while Japan, India and ASEAN struggle to strike a middle ground
Description:
" China has declared its support for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s military-coup government in Myanmar. The United States and the European Union have implemented sanctions and declared their support for the people’s power movement agitating against the dictatorship.
India and Japan are keeping quiet because they don’t want to push Myanmar further back into the clutches of China. Thailand is too dependent on natural gas imports from Myanmar to dare to condemn or even criticize the coup.
The rest of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, has once again demonstrated that it is wholly incapable of resolving regional crises.
That, in a nutshell, is how the main external actors have reacted to the turmoil that Min Aung Hlaing thrust upon Myanmar when he and his henchmen seized power on February 1.
How this Great Game proxy theater plays out remains to be seen, but it is clear that it has pitted China against the US in a conflict that is escalating into a regional crisis.
Beyond the superpower rivalry, Japan, India and other regional actors are not keen to see Chinese influence grow in a desperate Myanmar.
That desperation is growing. Waves of refugees are beginning to stream to Myanmar’s borders with Thailand and across the frontier into India, representing the front edge of a new humanitarian crisis that could come to rival the country’s earlier Rohinyga exodus.
Economically and financially, the country is on the verge of collapse, driving out many of the Western investors who entered the country in hopes of a democratic transition. But there are growing signs that China sees opportunity in Myanmar’s crisis.
At a regional meeting in Chongqing on June 8, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi assured his Myanmar counterpart Wunna Maung Maung Lwin that bilateral relations have not been affected by what he referred to as “changes in Myanmar’s domestic and external situation.”
Chinese officials also pledged support for ASEAN’s diplomatic initiatives on Myanmar’s crisis, despite the fact the “five point consensus” agreed between Min Aung Hlaing and ASEAN representative at a one-day meeting in Jakarta on April 24 have been largely dead on arrival.
In essence, the “consensus agreement” put equal blame on the Myanmar military’s gunning down of hundreds of peaceful demonstrators, including children as young as five, and the protesters who at that time were armed with little more than slingshots and homemade devices to defend themselves.
From June 4-5, two Bruneian officials, Second Foreign Minister Erywan Yusof and ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi, were sent by ASEAN to Myanmar but they apparently did little more than chat with junta representatives.
A press release uploaded on the official website of the ASEAN Secretariat, which was later removed, mentioned the assumed government leadership titles of Myanmar junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing and others who were present at the meeting, giving ASEAN’s de facto official recognition of the coup-makers and their bloody coup.
That prompted Jakarta Post editor Kornelius Purba to write in a June 9 op-ed: “Asean is now becoming the laughing stock in the eyes of the international community not only because it is failing to address the plights of the Myanmar people but also because it has fallen into the trap of Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.”
It is often forgotten that ASEAN is not a Southeast Asian equivalent of the EU; rather it’s a loose gathering of mainly un-democratic regimes guided by two cardinal principles — non-interference and consensus —that make it perennially impotent to resolve regional crises.
Indonesia is the only ASEAN member that has shown some willingness to address Myanmar’s problems and how they are spilling over into the wider region.
After holding talks with EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell in Jakarta on June 2, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said that her country is continuing to communicate with ASEAN’s chair — now Brunei — and other member states to demand an immediate end to killings and the release of over 4,000 political detainees.
ASEAN’s inaction is likely to China’s liking. While Beijing may be concerned with Myanmar’s rising internal strife and intensified civil war — which now includes not only traditional ethnic armies but also a multitude of local forces in areas that have not seen fighting for decades — it has shown time and again that it can work together with Myanmar’s generals.
China has big geostrategic interests to protect in Myanmar and Beijing has always sided with the political camp that appears to have the upper hand. For now, that’s Min Aung Hlaing’s unpopular junta.
Myanmar is the only neighboring country that provides China with direct access to the Indian Ocean. That allows Chinese shipments of fuel and other key imports to bypass the disputed waters of the South China Sea and the Malacca Strait chokepoint that Beijing fears could be blocked in any conflict scenario with the US.
The US is on the other side of the political divide in post-coup Myanmar. Starting in June, the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) announced that its two media networks, the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, will launch a new 24-hour video channel for Myanmar.
According to a June 9 USAGM press release, the channel will be available on two different direct-to-home TV satellites covering Myanmar and is being launched in response to the junta’s “shutdown of independent media and its intermittent blocking of mobile phone services since the military’s February 1 coup.”
Civil society organizations inside the country and in exile will also get support from the US. But other than keeping hope alive among the general public, it is hard to see how this will affect the staying power of a military regime that is willing to brutally mow down civilians to survive.
An estimated 861 protesters had been shot dead by the Myanmar military since the coup until June 11, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, an independent rights group. AAPP released the names of 21 people who are known to have been tortured to death by the police and military since the coup.
Security and other analysts argue that neither civil disobedience nor armed struggle in frontier areas is likely to bring down the military. Only a crack within the military would do that, but there are few signs of any such significant dissent within the officer corps.
Still, it is in Washington’s strategic interest to strengthen the forces that are opposed to Myanmar’s military to avoid the country once again becoming a dependent client of China.
According to internal Myanmar army documents reviewed by Asia Times, it was top brass concern about the nation’s dependence on China and the need to counterbalance that with improved relations with the West that led to their introduction of a more open society in 2011-2012.
Relations with the West improved until the Myanmar army drove hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingyas over the border to Bangladesh in 2017 and pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi refused to condemn the atrocities.
While the US and EU have openly condemned the democratic reversal, Japan’s and even more so India’s responses to the upheaval have been less overtly critical. Japan has not joined the West in imposing new sanctions or even come out to strongly condemn the killings and torture of opponents to Min Aung Hlaing’s regime.
For the same reason, India now faces a huge dilemma and is particularly averse to China making deeper post-coup inroads into Myanmar. New Delhi doesn’t want to antagonize the Myanmar military, with which it has recently improved ties including through a submarine sale, at the same time it is the only country that so far has received a significant number of refugees.
According to local sources, there are now 21,000 refugees in the northeastern state of Mizoram and an unknown number in adjacent areas in Manipur.
Both states border Myanmar and the Mizos are closely related to the Chins across the border so local authorities have ignored appeals from the central government in New Delhi not to accept refugees from Myanmar. Chin state is one of the parts of Myanmar where armed conflict rages between the military and local resistance forces.
India and the US — both democracies with common strategic interests vis-à-vis China — should be natural allies in this otherwise unfathomable imbroglio. But that may not happen as China could seek to revive its old support for ethnic insurgents from India’s northeast who have sanctuaries across the border in Myanmar from where they launch occasional raids into India.
In the past, China provided mainly Naga, Manipuri and Assamese resistance groups with assistance. After India signed a trade pact with Taiwan in October last year, Beijing said it could retaliate by revitalizing such support.
Four months after Myanmar’s coup, the resulting crisis is no longer a mere internal affair. But what happens next in Myanmar is a question not even its most famous soothsayers and astrologers — nor Western political and military analysts — dare to predict.
The only certain thing is that Min Aung Hlaing did not anticipate the scale, scope and longevity of resistance to his democracy-suspending coup, a miscalculation that has exposed his country to new great power machinations and interventions that will further fuel the instability he stoked and can’t extinguish..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-06-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar junta systematically murdering and arresting protesters
(BANGKOK, March 15, 2021)—U.N. member states should move to hold an Emergency Special Session at the U.N. General Assembly to demand collective action in response to the Myanmar military’s widespread and systematic attack on protesters, said Fortify Rights today. The Myanmar Police Force and Army reportedly killed more than 120 women, men, and children and arbitrarily arrested more than 2,000 since February 1.
Yesterday, security forces murdered more than 50 protesters, most in Yangon, according to local news outlets and open-source media. It was the deadliest day since the February 1 military coup d’etat.
“The Myanmar military poses a threat to the peace, and its ongoing attack is grave, dire, and massive in scope,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The people of Myanmar are desperate for action, and the U.N. Security Council has persistently failed them. Now is the time for an Emergency Special Session at the General Assembly, where China and Russia have no veto power.”
During an Emergency Special Session on the situation in Myanmar, U.N. member states should press for a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military and targeted sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, said Fortify Rights. On sanctions, specifically, governments should coordinate to block the junta’s access to billion-dollar natural gas revenues. Member states should also press for the U.N. Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court to investigate atrocity crimes by Myanmar security forces in recent years, including genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.
The U.N. Security Council has issued two statements in response to the situation in Myanmar since the coup, on February 4 and March 10, but failed to take any collective action or acknowledge the junta’s overthrow of the elected government as a coup d’état. The people of Myanmar and civil society organizations have consistently called for greater action from the international community in response to the coup and the junta’s attacks on civilians.
On March 10, the Security Council called on “the [Myanmar] military to exercise utmost restraint.” Since that statement, the junta murdered scores of people.
The primary responsibility of the U.N. Security Council is the maintenance of international peace and security. In 1950, the U.N. General Assembly passed the Uniting for Peace Resolution to circumvent persistent vetoes at the U.N. Security Council by the Soviet Union during the Cold War era.
Under the Uniting for Peace Resolution, if the U.N. Security Council lacks “unanimity” and “fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression,” then the U.N. General Assembly can convene “to maintain or restore international peace and security.”
For the U.N. Security Council to request an Emergency Special Session, at least nine members of the Council must vote to refer the issue to the U.N. General Assembly. Alternatively, any U.N. member state may send a letter to the U.N. Secretary-General describing the matter of concern to request an Emergency Special Session. If a majority of member states agree with the request, then an Emergency Special Session must be held within 24 hours of receiving the majority of votes.
Since 1950, the U.N. General Assembly has only ever held 10 Emergency Special Sessions on situations in several countries. During those sessions, the General Assembly recommended arms embargos on four occasions, comprehensive sanctions on two occasions, and peacekeepers on one occasion. In five of the past ten Emergency Special Sessions, the General Assembly urged military forces to withdraw.
On February 1, the Myanmar military carried out a coup d’etat, overthrowing the democratically elected government. The military initially arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of others, declaring that it would control the country for one year. On February 2, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing created the State Administrative Council, with himself as chairperson.
On February 3, medical professionals in Myanmar government-run hospitals went on strike in an act of civil disobedience. Their initial, coordinated act grew into the ongoing nationwide nonviolent “Civil Disobedience Movement” involving daily mass protests throughout the country and nationwide general strikes.
On February 5, 15 elected members of parliament created the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), adding two additional MPs on February 10. The CRPH aims to form a government and perform the duties of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. On February 23, the CRPH appointed Dr. Sasa, an ethnic Chin medical doctor and longtime humanitarian, as its representative to the United Nations. On March 9, CRPH announced it had appointed Mahn Win Khaing Than as acting Vice President of the country.
Since February 1, millions of people in Myanmar have protested the coup, including through acts as simple as banging pots and pans. Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets throughout the country, protesting the military and holding evening vigils for murdered protesters in defiance of the junta’s prohibition on gatherings of five or more people.
The Myanmar Police Force and military have used excessive and lethal force against protesters and, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, arbitrarily arrested at least 2,000 people. The junta amended a raft of laws to strip away rights and imposed evening internet blackouts nationwide.
The military coup stands to exacerbate existing crises in the country, said Fortify Rights, citing reports of recent Myanmar military troop movements in at least northern Rakhine State and Karen and Kachin states, armed clashes with non-state ethnic armies, and attacks on civilians in ethnic areas since February 1.
The Myanmar military is responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic minorities for decades. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State.
On February 12, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Thomas Andrews, said, “all options should be on the table” in response to the coup in Myanmar. “Barring concrete steps from the Security Council,” Thomas Andrews said, “the General Assembly can convene an Emergency Special Session.”
On March 11, Thomas Andrews addressed the U.N. Human Rights Council, describing “shocking video of the aftermath of attacks, including fatal gunshot wounds to the heads of protesters, and video of soldiers dragging or carrying away the dead bodies of their victims.”
“There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “This is the same military that has been carrying out the Rohingya genocide for several years and committing war crimes in ethnic states.”
The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace.
Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter concerning Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.”
In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity.
“The Myanmar military is not the Government of Myanmar,” said Matthew Smith. “U.N. member states must recognize Myanmar’s duly elected leaders and their chosen representatives, including the CRPH. The junta is an illegal entity formed by the Myanmar military, a criminal enterprise.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-03-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Sub-title:
137 organizations call for urgent international action in response to coup and crackdown
Description:
"The United Nations Security Council should “institute a coordinated, global arms embargo” against the Myanmar military, said Fortify Rights and 136 other organizations in an open letter to the body and U.N. member states today.
“The Myanmar military poses a demonstrable threat to international peace and security,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The Security Council should break its long history of inaction on Myanmar and immediately respond to this crisis.”
Signatories to the open letter hail from 31 countries and include Fortify Rights, Human Rights Watch, and a diverse group of human rights organizations worldwide. Dozens of Myanmar-led organizations based in the country and Rohingya-led organizations signed the letter, demonstrating a level of inter-ethnic unity in the wake of the February 1 coup d’état in Myanmar, Fortify Rights said.
The open letter released today focuses on the February 1 coup as well as the junta’s deadly crackdowns on nationwide protests, which continue at the time of writing. The Myanmar military “has detained the elected civilian leaders of the country, nullified the results of the November 2020 democratic elections, and installed a junta, the State Administration Council, under a manufactured ‘state of emergency,’” the letter says.
On Monday, millions of people throughout Myanmar joined the “civil disobedience movement” by participating in a nationwide general strike and street protests.
State security forces have used lethal force against unarmed protesters, killing Wai Yan Htun, 16, and Thet Naing Win, 36, in Mandalay and Tin Htut Hein, 30, while he was on a “night watch” in Yangon on February 20. On February 19, Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing, 20, died from injuries sustained after security forces shot her in the head in Naypyidaw on February 9. The police used excessive force—including with high-pressure water cannons, beatings, and rubber bullets and other less-lethal projectiles—in various locations since February 1, injuring scores.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, as of February 22, more than 630 people are either evading arbitrary arrest or are currently in detention since the junta seized power.
In addition to overthrowing a democratically elected government and arbitrarily detaining an elected world leader, the Myanmar military is also responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic-nationality people. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State. Several armed conflicts in the country are ongoing.
The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, atrocity crimes, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace. The United Kingdom is the current president of the U.N. Security Council, and the United States of America will become president on March 1.
“There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “The coup will only exacerbate existing crises in the country that threaten to spill over its borders.”
Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the U.N. Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter with regard to Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.”
In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity.
On February 2, the U.N. Security Council convened an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar and failed to establish a common position. Later, the body issued a statement on the situation in Myanmar.
“Council members should use that newfound consensus to take swift and substantive action,” the open letter issued today said. “An arms embargo would be the centerpiece of a global effort to shield the people of Myanmar from a return to abusive and autocratic rule.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
more
Description:
"PREFACE: The Rohingya crisis defies easy summary. Terms such as ethnic
cleansing, genocide, abuse of human rights, have all been
applied to what is undoubtedly a major humanitarian crisis of our
times. Understanding and responding to the plight of hundreds of
thousands of Rohingyas requires a multi-disciplinary approach,
with the need for engagement from a wide variety of
perspectives. Legal and medical questions, issues around
cultural contexts and the physical environment, psychological
and social factors, religious and political considerations, are all
highly relevant. There is no simple solution to a whole complex
of interconnected issues: here, as in so many other cases, the
eruption and tragic human consequences of collective violence
raise innumerable challenges. It is all the more urgent that we
can bring people together to engage in the kind of informed
debate that can assist intelligent action.
We are delighted that such a distinguished and broad range of
scholars and practitioners have contributed their insights in this
booklet of abstracts, and that some of them will be able to
contribute further in person at the conference held at UCL on 4-
5 July 2019. We welcome participation in what we hope will be a
productive set of encounters, seeking both to understand and,
through enhanced understanding, to inform more effective
responses to this still unfolding crisis.....Genocide Studie.....FORWARD : According to the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), there are over 70 million people worldwide
who have been forcibly displaced from their homes. As an
underlying principle of the UN Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) to be achieved by 2030 is to leave no one behind, it is
essential that the needs and aspirations of the forcibly displaced
are addressed. Of these about 10 million are stateless. With
limited or no legal rights, and often denied refugee legal status,
the challenges they face are severe. About one third of the
stateless forcibly displaced, belong to the Rohingya diaspora.
The Rohingya are a Muslim-majority ethnic group from today's
Rakhine State in Myanmar. After a long period of systematic
exclusion, the Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship in
1982. Since the late 1970s, nearly two million Rohingya have fled
Myanmar, with another one million living as internally displace
people (IDPs) within Rakhine State, in waves of violent forced
displacement perpetrated by the Myanmar authorities.
Violence towards the Rohingya in Myanmar from 2017, caused
the mass displacement of people to southeastern Bangladesh.
The Human Rights Council acting under UN resolution 34/22 has
cited this as a crime against humanity and called for an
investigation for genocide against the authorities in Myanmar.
The majority of the nearly one million displaced persons are
residing in overcrowded temporary makeshift shelters, of
bamboo frames and plastic sheeting, in Cox’s Bazar district.
Kutupalong is the world’s largest refugee camp. These camps
are highly susceptible to rainfall-triggered landslides, flash
flooding and cyclones and the likelihood of a public health
emergency from infectious diseases is high, which in this
vulnerable population threatens new disaster...."
Source/publisher:
University College London
Date of publication:
2019-07-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Genocide, Ethnic Cleansing, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Muslims in Burma, Statelessness in Burma/Myanmar, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.74 MB (246 pages)
more
Sub-title:
The country’s least developed state is dealing with a refugee crisis as well as a COVID-19 outbreak.
Description:
"Nearly 30 junta troops were killed Thursday in Myanmar’s Chin state as fighting between militia groups and the military escalated in the country’s remote regions, prompting the United Nations rights czar to warn of a “human rights catastrophe.”
Members of the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) in Chin’s Thantlang township said they attacked a column of soldiers traveling around 25 miles outside of the town center, killing as many as 17 in the ensuing firefight and suffering no casualties.
“More than 100 junta soldiers were marching towards the Khuahring Thang mountain range,” said a fighter with the Thantlang CDF, who spoke to RFA’s Myanmar Service on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal.
“We’re a little worried about the situation. There are more troops than ever pressing on us. The fighting is expected to become more intense.”
The CDF fighter said his group attacked the column “because the military has been intimidating local residents.”
The clash marked the first in Thantlang township and caused around 600 residents of three villages in the area to flee to the mountains, he said.
“Most people fled because they were scared about the presence of the soldiers,” he said.
“A lot of people in Thantlang had already fled their homes earlier [when troops began to deploy to the area].”
A similar clash broke out in an area between the townships of Hakha and Gangaw, the Hakha CDF announced Thursday, saying it had killed 10 junta soldiers. The group did not report any casualties of its own in the fighting.
In a statement, the CDF said it will “continue to fight fiercely in all parts of Chin state” to protect the people.
RFA was unable to independently verify CDF claims about the number of soldiers killed in Thursday’s clashes and calls to Myanmar’s Deputy Information Minister Zaw Min Tun went unanswered Friday.....‘Human rights catastrophe’: On Friday, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet warned that any escalation in violence in Myanmar must be halted to prevent even greater loss of life and a deepening humanitarian emergency.
“As I had feared, armed conflict and other violence are intensifying in many parts of Myanmar, including Kayah State, Chin State and Kachin State, with the violence particularly intense in areas with significant ethnic and religious minority groups,” Bachelet said in a statement, noting that the military has continued to use heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and against civilians.
“In just over four months, Myanmar has gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe,” she said.
“In addition to the loss of life, people are suffering from severe impacts on the social and economic rights. The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account.”
The junta deposed Myanmar’s democratically elected government on Feb. 1, claiming that the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party had won the country’s November 2020 elections due to widespread voter fraud, despite a lack of evidence. The move prompted widespread protests that the military has responded to with violent crackdowns, killing some 860 people over the past four months.
The CDF is a network of volunteers that formed in April to protect the people of Chin and has enjoyed relative success facing the military—the second largest in Southeast Asia—with slingshots and the same crude flintlock “Tumee” rifles their forefathers used to fight off British colonizers in the 1880s. The CDF said it had killed some 100 junta troops between March and May.
Fighters of the CDF were engaged in daily battles from May 12 until May 15, when the junta occupied Mindat with 1,000 fully armed troops who used civilians as human shields and sprayed gunfire indiscriminately, the CHRO said recently.
The CDF pulled out May 16 to protect civilians from further artillery attacks and fire from helicopter gunships, Chin fighters have said, but fighting resumed on June 3 and both sides have suffered casualties.
The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) estimates that some 40,000 civilians have fled their homes throughout Chin state since May.....Outbreak compounds challenges: As more residents flee intensifying fighting in Chin, the region is also facing an outbreak of COVID-19 that medical workers reported had killed 10 people as of Friday. Over the past three weeks, around 320 cases have been reported in the townships of Tunzan and Kyeehar, near Myanmar’s border with India.
Myanmar’s least developed state had already been dealing with a shortage of health workers prior to the coronavirus pandemic, but sources told RFA that following the military coup, many of the medical personnel in the state joined the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, leaving few behind to control the spread of the virus and treat those infected with COVID-19, the disease it causes.
“Nobody who is infected wants to go to the hospital because there are no doctors there,” said an official with the COVID-19 Relief Team in Kyeekhar, where medical students are assisting three hospital staffers attend to 195 infected patients.
“They are just being treated at home … We have tried to help them. If their condition becomes serious, they call us for help, and we take them by car to the hospital so that they can be given oxygen.”
The administrator of Kyeekhar township confirmed to RFA that there are no longer any doctors at the local hospital.
“We are treating patients with the help of volunteer doctors and nurses,” he said.
On May 28, the local government issued a Stay At Home order in Kyeekhar and Tunzang townships and similar restrictions have since been implemented in the nearby townships of Tedim, Falam, Hakha and Thantlang.
According to the junta’s Ministry of Health, a total of 144,876 confirmed infections and 3,237 deaths from COVID-19 have been recorded in Myanmar beginning in March 2020.
Earlier this week, the United Nations in Myanmar voiced concern about what it called “the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation” the country’s remote conflict areas.
The U.N. stressed the urgent need for food, water, shelter, fuel, and access to healthcare for people fleeing the fighting, saying that the aid it has distributed is insufficient—particularly for those in remote locations, where insecurity, travel restrictions, and poor road conditions are delaying the delivery of supplies.
Aid groups estimate that more than a quarter of a million civilians in seven regions of Myanmar have been displaced by clashes between the military and militias or fighting between ethnic armies in the four months since the junta coup.
The 226,000 displaced in 2021 join more than 500,000 refugees from decades of military conflict between the government military and ethnic armies who were already counted as internally displaced persons at the end of 2020, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, a Norwegian NGO..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Human rights commissioner says junta is ‘singularly responsible for crisis’ before ousted leader’s trial
Description:
"Myanmar has descended into a “human rights catastrophe”, the UN’s top human rights official has warned in the run-up to the scheduled start of the trial of the country’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who faces criminal charges that could lead to decades in prison.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who previously spent a total of 15 years in detention at the behest of Myanmar’s generals and is widely revered domestically as a symbol of the country’s yearning for democracy, is expected to appear in court in Naypyidaw on Monday.
She was placed under house arrest in February when the military launched a coup, provoking defiant protests from the public who demanded the return of democracy. In a statement on Friday, the UN high commissioner for human rights, Michelle Bachelet, said the country had “gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe”.
After peaceful street demonstrations were crushed by military violence, a growing number of grassroots defence groups have formed to defend themselves against military attacks – at times using little more than homemade hunting rifles to protect their neighbours. Some groups have received support from armed insurgent organisations, which have fought with the army for decades, seeking greater autonomy.
The military has deployed heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and civilians to crush such resistance. More than 108,000 people have fled their homes in Kayah state alone, according to the UN.
“The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account,” Bachelet said.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s legal team believes she has little knowledge of what is happening across the country, where key services – such as schools and hospitals – have been brought to a standstill by an anti-coup strike. She has been unable to access the internet, watch television or read anything other than military-controlled media, according to her defence lawyer Khin Maung Zaw.
Before her trial, her lawyers have been granted permission to speak with her for just three 30-minute sessions, with the final meeting scheduled for Monday morning. “The time is not sufficient. She even said: six cases, and 30 minutes, it is five minutes for each case,” Khin Maung Zaw said.
Aung San Suu Kyi faces a wide range of allegations, though it is not clear which will be dealt with first by the courts. She is accused of breaching coronavirus restrictions during last year’s election, inciting public unrest, violating a telecommunications law and import law by possessing walkie-talkies, and breaking the official secrets act. On Thursday, further charges were announced in state media, which reported that she was accused of accepting $600,000 cash and 11.4kg of gold, in bribes, and misusing her authority to rent land. This case has not yet been referred to the court, according to Khin Maung Zaw.
If she is convicted on each charge, and sentencing is handed down consecutively, she “will not be released in a lifetime”, he said. “She is quite experienced, so she is well composed. She doesn’t seem to be afraid or depressed,” he said. “She seemed as determined as ever.”
David Mathieson, an independent Myanmar analyst, said the charges were clearly an attempt by the military to justify the coup and discredit Aung San Suu Kyi. “It’s really just to send the message that she was a traitor, corrupt, she thwarted the elections and did it for financial gain, she pretended to be a democratic purist but deep down she was just a cheap crook,” he said. “I don’t think too many people are going to believe it, because look who it is coming from.”
At least 861 people have been killed by the junta, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), while almost 4,800 people are in detention or have been sentenced by the military since it seized control of the country. Protesters, poets, medics, journalists and social media celebrities are among those held. Reports of torture in prisons are widespread.
On Thursday, at a trial held at a makeshift court inside a prison, 32 young activists were sentenced to between two and four years in prison for charges including incitement and unlawful assembly, according to local media. A dissident who was released told the independent outlet Myanmar Now that activists had been tortured during interrogation. Pictures printed by the news site showed dark red lashes covering a man’s back.
Bachelet said she was “deeply troubled by reports of detainees being tortured” and raised concern over the collective punishment of family members of activists. One mother of an activist was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in place of her son on 28 May, according to the UN.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial is scheduled take place at a court inside Naypyidaw council, according to Khin Maung Zaw. “As a lawyer practising in Myanmar I have an ethical duty to trust our jurisdiction, our supreme court and subordinate courts,” he said. But he added that, having worked on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, and those of other political leaders, he was doubtful there would be a fair trial.
It is expected that plaintiffs will give evidence next week, and that Aung San Suu Kyi will be cross-examined during the first week of July. However, previous scheduled hearings have been delayed..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Escalating violence across Myanmar including attacks on civilians must be halted to prevent even greater loss of life and a deepening humanitarian emergency, UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet said on Friday.
Description:
"Ms. Bachelet’s appeal follows reports of a continuing military build-up in various parts of the country including Kayah State in the east – where more than 108,000 people have fled their homes in the last three weeks – and in Chin State in the west.
This runs contrary to commitments made in April by Myanmar’s military leaders to regional powers ASEAN, to cease brutal violence against civilians which has followed the 1 February coup.....Rising toll:
“As I had feared, armed conflict and other violence are intensifying in many parts of Myanmar, including Kayah State, Chin State and Kachin State, with the violence particularly intense in areas with significant ethnic and religious minority groups”, Ms. Bachelet said in a statement.
“State security forces have continued to use heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and against civilians and civilian objects, including Christian churches.”
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights cited credible reports that security forces had used civilians as human shields, shelled civilian homes and churches in Loikaw, Phekon and Demoso, in Kayah State.
She also appealed for hospitals, schools and places of worship to be protected throughout the country, after several reported incidents in which hospitals, schools and religious institutions were entered and occupied by State security forces, “fired upon and damaged in military actions”.....Aid workers blocked: Soldiers had also blocked humanitarian access, including by attacking humanitarian actors, Ms. Bachelet insisted, noting with concern that more than 108,000 people had fled their homes in Kayah State over the last three weeks alone, many into forest areas where they are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights also warned that “sweeping arrests” have continued of activists, journalists and opponents of the regime.
At least 4,804 people remain in arbitrary detention, Ms. Bachelet’s office noted, before citing reports of torture and collective punishment of family members of activists – including one mother of an activist who was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in place of her son on 28 May.....‘Human rights catastrophe’: “In just over four months, Myanmar has gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe. In addition to the loss of life, people are suffering from severe impacts on the social and economic rights. The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account,” the High Commissioner said.
Since the military takeover, a minimum of 860 people have been killed by security forces, mostly in the context of protests, the UN Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) noted.
More than 100 self-styled “people’s defence forces” and opposition armed groups also operate across the country, said OHCHR spokesperson Ravina Shamdasani, although there was “little centralised command”.....ASEAN appeal: Appealing for an “intensification” of regional diplomacy, including by regional power bloc ASEAN and other influential States, Ms. Bachelet urged them to insist on the immediate cessation of violence and ongoing violations.
“Dialogue is urgently needed with the National Unity Government and civil society stakeholders”, she said.
The High Commissioner noted that she intends to update the UN Human Rights Council on the situation in Myanmar on 7 July..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"It was supposed to be an exciting trip home to surprise his parents in the United States, his family said.
But on May 24, before he boarded the plane at Yangon International Airport, in Myanmar's biggest city, Danny Fenster, 37, was stopped by security forces and inexplicably taken into custody.
Four months earlier, Myanmar's military had seized power in a coup and embarked on a bloody crackdown against protesters, journalists, striking workers, activists and others opposed to the new ruling junta.
Fenster, a US citizen from Detroit, Michigan, was working in Yangon as managing editor of independent news outlet Frontier Myanmar, driving the highly regarded news site's coverage of the fallout from the coup, despite the junta targeting media houses and journalists.
It remains unclear why Fenster was detained at the airport and it is unknown whether he has been charged with a crime. He has not had any contact with his parents, lawyers or officials at the US embassy in Yangon, who have tried to visit him, a state department official told CNN Business.
Frontier Myanmar said they understand he is being held in Insein Prison, Myanmar's infamous clock-shaped penitentiary north of Yangon known for holding political prisoners and having a decades-old reputation for mistreatment and brutal conditions.
Since the military seized power on February 1, more than 5,900 people have been detained by the junta's security forces, and a majority remain in detention, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Of those, at least 87 are journalists, with 51 still in detention, Reporting ASEAN documented.
Life in Gen. Min Aung Hlaing's post-coup Myanmar has become near impossible for media workers, with many forced into exile abroad or fleeing to rebel-controlled areas in the jungles as they expose the junta's crimes. Those who remain in the cities have gone into hiding and swap safe houses every few days to avoid arrest. Despite the dangerous conditions, many of Myanmar's journalists continue to deliver vital information to the public and the rest of the world.
Not all manage to evade the authorities. Most recently, journalist Aung Kyaw with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Zaw Zaw, a freelance journalist with outlet Mizzima News, were sentenced to two years in prison for spreading misinformation.
Those who escape the country are not guaranteed safety. Three DVB reporters and two activists were arrested last month in Thailand for illegal entry and faced deportation. They were recently granted asylum in an unnamed third safe country, DVB said.
Fenster's family does not know why he was detained, though his father Buddy Fenster told CNN Business his son had "voiced concern" for journalists before his arrest.
"All the reporters, all the journalists are leaving this country," Buddy Fenster said his son told him. "I got a feeling he thought it may be time to start heading home."
Fenster isn't the only foreign journalist to be locked up, nor the only US citizen. Nathan Maung, a US citizen and co-founder and editor-in-chief of the online news site Kamayut Media, was detained on March 9 alongside co-founder and producer Hanthar Nyein, and remains in the notorious penitentiary.
Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi was detained in April and charged with spreading false news. He was held in Insein Prison before being sent back to Tokyo in May. Polish reporter Robert Bociaga was detained in March and released without charge weeks later.
The junta's arrest of journalists — and refusal to release information about many of their cases — demonstrates the level of impunity and lawlessness Myanmar's military operates under as it seeks to assert control over the country.
What happened to Nathan Maung
Nathan Maung's Kamayut Media covered the junta's arrest and killing of peaceful protesters, as well as the rise of the civil disobedience movement against the coup. Seven military trucks of soldiers stormed the outlet's office on March 9, blocking entrances to the street as they arrested the two journalists, eyewitnesses said.
Like many media workers recently, they were charged with crimes under section 505a of Myanmar's penal code — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison to publish or circulate comments that "cause fear," spread "false news" or incite government employees. According to Human Rights Watch, the changes to the law were "clearly designed to penalize those encouraging members of the civil service of the security services to join the Civil Disobedience Movement."
Two sources close to the pair and familiar with their treatment said Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein were subjected to torture during a two-week stint in an interrogation center before they were transferred to prison.
Detainees have detailed brutal acts of violence and torture by security forces in these type of military-run facilities.
The two sources said the pair were kept in adjoining rooms so they could hear each other scream during interrogations. They alleged the two journalists were beaten, denied food and water for days, and blindfolded so they couldn't tell the difference between night and day. After five days, they were forced to kneel on blocks of ice until they had melted, the sources said.
Myanmar national Hanthar Nyein was forced to hold ice on his arm — if he moved, he was hit with a pole or the back of a gun, the sources said
The sources with information on their treatment spoke to CNN Business on the condition of anonymity, due to their fear of retaliation.
CNN Business reached out to Myanmar's military for comment but has not received a response.
The US State Department said in a statement it was "deeply concerned over the detentions of US citizens Daniel Fenster and Nathan Maung."
"We have pressed the military regime to release them both immediately and will continue to do so until they are allowed to return home safely to their families."
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Monday the department has access to Nathan Maung but not Fenster. "That's a violation, among other things, of the Vienna Convention. We are pressing this in every way that we can," Blinken said.
Inside Insein
Both Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein thought they would die in the interrogation center, the sources said. But they survived, and were transferred to Myanmar's main prison, Insein.
Built more than 130 years ago during the British colonial era, Insein Prison became notorious — and feared — for its overcrowded and inhumane conditions, mental and physical torture, and terrible sanitation, food and healthcare, particularly under military rule.
Following uprisings in 1988 and 2007, Insein became packed with thousands of political prisoners including prominent democracy activists and journalists. Ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi spent time there in 2003 and 2009.
Bo Kyi, joint secretary and and co-founder of the AAPP, served two sentences in Insein following the 1988 uprising and said conditions there were "like hell."
"We were not allowed to read or write. They wanted to destroy our intellect. We did not receive proper medicine, no treatment for injuries," he said. During his second stint there in 1996, he said he was beaten every day for two weeks. "Many people died at Insein," he said.
After leaving Insein, Bo Kyi fled to neighboring Thailand and now advocates for current and former political prisoners and their families, through the AAPP.
Conditions at Insein improved under Suu Kyi's government, he said, with inmates able to access to reading materials and education, and the building of a new family visitor center. But political prisoners were still incarcerated there, and the prison remained overcrowded, with inadequate medical treatment, he said. Inmates are not treated "with human dignity," Bo Kyi said.
With the military back in charge, conditions for inmates have worsened, Bo Kyi said. On Tuesday, Human Rights Watch said the rights of women were being violated in Insein due to a lack of toilets and no menstrual hygiene supplies. Trials and hearings are conducted, not in civilian courts, but military-run courts held inside the prison walls.
Inmates have limited contact with the outside world, including their families. "Lawyers are struggling to even get access and when they do they are harassed," he said. "Family members have had to go into hiding."
Sometimes it's hard to even verify who is being held at the prison.
"There is great concern for the people who are believed to be in Insein but might be in unknown locations. They could be brutally tortured or already killed. If we can't verify where they are, no one can monitor their condition," Bo Kyi said.
Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi, who was detained in Insein in April, told CNN the political prisoners are kept separate from other inmates. Some are kept in a building with 14 cells and 11 prisoners — as he was with Nathan Maung and later Hanthar Nyein. There the isolated cells are 4 meters long by 2.5 meters wide.
Others are held in one room with more than 100 people packed in together. "There is a very small place to sleep, and some describe that they can not move," he said.
Kitazumi said everyone was desperate for news from the outside, from the embassy or lawyers, so they would share bits of information they picked up such as the result of the ASEAN meeting on Myanmar.
Kitazumi said Nathan Maung would keep checking he could move a finger on his left hand after guards slammed his handcuffed wrists against a table, he said.
"I did not have experience of torture myself," Kitazumi said. "A lot of political prisoners have experience of torture, from 24 to 48 hours of no sleep."
Kitazumi described Nathan Maung as a "cheerful person" who "had a lot of knowledge about the history of Myanmar" and was a "film director who talked about his favorite movies," he said.
Conditions in the cells were stifling. April and May are among the hottest months in Myanmar and the brick cells had little ventilation, let alone air conditioning.
"It was very hot during the daytime outside and in the cell. I remember Nathan Maung was always spraying water on the ground to try and cool down the cell," he said. "Our building is made from brick and what happened in the prison, the brick keeps the heat even at night, so it was very hot."
He described a chaotic court process in the prison, with overworked judges hearing case after case of those detained by the military. Embassy officials were not allowed to attend court; neither were members of the public, he said.
Kitazumi spoke of the guilt of being a foreigner and lucky enough to leave prison, but having to leave others behind. It was a feeling shared by Nathan Maung, he said.
"Of course they want to be released. However, he said that he would feel guilty to be released early for his US citizenship. He is worried about Hanthar and the other political prisoners," he said.
A letter to the outside
Kay Zon Nway, 28, is a journalist for local media outlet Myanmar Now, who has been held in Insein since February 27.
A family member told CNN Business they are concerned about her well-being in prison and said they have not been able to meet nor speak with her since her detention more than three months ago.
Her family members have only snatched glimpses of her when she appeared for a court hearing held via video link. Their only communication is through letters they are allowed to send to each other just once a month.
The family member, who spoke on the condition of anonymity due to safety concerns, is increasingly concerned that Kay Zon Nway's mental health is deteriorating due to the harsh conditions inside the prison. "Her nervous system is weak and her toes and fingers are stiff. She is suffering mental health issues because she was put in isolation," they said, adding that she also has stomach problems due to the food.
Kay Zon Nway, who is Muslim, was put in isolation when she started fasting for Ramadan — the guards believed she was on a hunger strike, the family member said. Myanmar Now reported that her lawyer told her family that prison officials later said she had been isolated in error, saying they had mistaken her for someone else.
"She can go crazy if this condition continues. They pressured her a lot inside the prison, they were telling her that people on hunger strike will only be released when they die," the family member said.
It has become increasingly difficult to send supplies to the prison, the family member said. Prisoners given a meal a day, they said, but even with the food her family sends, it's not enough.
"They can get hot water in the prison to make coffee or instant noodles. We used to send her food daily but the prison changed the rule and we could only send her food once in 15 days. Only dried snacks last for two weeks; not the normal food, as they don't have a freezer or microwave to warm up the food," the family member said.
In a letter sent on March 5 to her family and seen by CNN Business, Kay Zon Nway writes about her upcoming hearings and gives an insight into prison life. She asks her relatives to send things from the outside, like shampoo, face wash, Tiger Balm, a bed sheet, a new towel, and Michelle Obama's autobiography. She said she has difficulty eating the prison food and asks her relatives for fresh fruit and home cooked meals.
It's clear from the letter Kay Zon Nway is concerned for her family, telling her relatives to use her money for home expenses and for trips to see her when they can. She urgently wants to be updated on her court cases and reassures her family they will see each other soon.
Like all relatives of loved ones locked up since the coup, they just want them to come home.
"I only want her to come back alive," the family member said.
It's a feeling Danny Fenster's parents share.
"It's a total nightmare; it's a total feeling of no control. It's heart-wrenching," his mother Rose Fenster recently said on CNN's "Reliable Sources" in late May.
It has been more than two weeks since Fenster's detention and there still has been no word on his whereabouts or condition. His parents have started a petition to keep pressure on the Biden administration and US State Department to get their son back to the United States..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar saw 103 schools and other education facilities attacked and often damaged by explosives in May this year alone, new data from Save the Children reveals, as armed forces continue to occupy schools and university campuses across the country.
Explosive devices such as IEDs and hand grenades were reportedly used in the vast majority of incidents where bomb blasts occurred in and around schools, posing a serious risk to children and teachers. The blasts reportedly killed and injured several people and severely damaged education facilities across the country.
The shocking figures come as deeply disturbing images emerged on social media this week of armed soldiers in class rooms, apparently encouraging young children to hold guns. Armed forces have also occupied at least 60 schools, and university campuses across the country since March.
These attacks cause yet more disruption to education in Myanmar, where more than 12 million children have already lost more than a year of education as a result of COVID-19-related school closures. Over two million of these children were already out of school before the pandemic.
Following the military coup on 1 February, children’s education has been marred by political strife and conflict, Save the Children said, with almost daily attacks on schools and widespread teacher lay-offs. Local media reports have suggested that only one in four children returned to school since they officially re-opened on 1 June.
One nine-year-old boy from Magway, a region in central Myanmar, said:
"Our school didn't open this year. When I see other children going to school, I want to go too. But I’m afraid because I heard guns and bomb blasts at my school. I don't like bomb blasts and guns shooting at school, because [I’m scared that] the school will be on fire and students will die. If there were no more soldiers and bomb blasts at school, I want to go back."
A 10-year-old girl, also from Magway, said:
“I wasn't able to go to school for the whole of last year because of the virus. And this year I dare not go. I want to go to school, but I’m scared. Although the school gates are closed, there are soldiers inside, and I’m afraid of the soldiers. I’m afraid that there might be a bomb blast at our school while we are there."
Save the Children said:
“Save the Children is appalled by these attacks, which not only put the lives of children in danger, but also further compromise what is already a disastrous situation when it comes to children’s learning in Myanmar. Schools are protected places of learning for children that must be free from attacks at all times. Attacks on schools constitute a grave violation against children, and no school should be deliberately targeted.
“We are also deeply concerned by the images that have emerged of armed soldiers in classrooms. Armed soldiers have no place in schools or other learning spaces. Under no circumstances should children be made to hold weaponry of any kind. This highly irresponsible behavior by armed personnel is unacceptable, it puts children at risk and violates international standards for safe education.
“Save the Children urges all parties involved to put the best interests of children first. All children have the right to a safe education – a right that is safeguarded by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Convention for the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), both of which apply to Myanmar.
“Learning spaces must be made safe again for children and appropriate measures to limit the possible spread of COVID-19 must be implemented. Save the Children calls for everyone in Myanmar who has an interest in children’s wellbeing to step up and make their safety and learning a priority.”
Save the Children and its partners are investing in safe, quality and inclusive learning opportunities for children in Myanmar across a range of options. It is also providing mental health support for children affected by the crisis..."
Source/publisher:
Save the Children via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Children, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Education, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Dear Prime Minister,
I am making this special appeal to you on behalf of 54 million brave people of Myanmar and the National Unity Government of Myanmar to please put the deepening crisis in Myanmar on the G7 agenda when the head of world leaders meet at the upcoming G7 meeting.
First of all, I would like to reiterate my sincere thanks to the people, Parliament and Government of the United Kingdom for standing in solidarity and being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar. I also want to express my gratitude for the efforts of the UK on coordinating targeted sanctions against key Tatmadaw personnel, Tatmadaw
linked companies and enterprises such as MGE, MEC and MEHL, and for providing generous funding of 28 million UK sterling pound for humanitarian aids to Myanmar and for providing extra funding to the IIMM. I would like to further thank the UK government for taking a strong leadership role in the UN and G7 meetings on behalf
of the people of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of many in this nation. Truly we are the voice of over 54 million brave people who stand in solidarity against the cruel and ruthless junta. Thank you also for lending protection and support to Myanmar Ambassador to UK, H.E Kyaw Zwar Minn since
he was illegally removed from office by the junta.
I previously had the wonderful privilege of meetings with Minister H.E. Nigel Adams and UK Ambassador to Myanmar H.E Dan Chugg. British Parliamentarians reassured me that the People and Government of the UK are strongly committed and supportive of the brave people of Myanmar in our peaceful movement for freedom and democracy
against the junta reign of terror. I am also grateful for the opportunity to appear before the British Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee on the Myanmar military coup crisis hearing.
Since the 1st of February 2021 when military coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his gunmen instigated this illegal coup d’etat and took our Nation, Myanmar, hostage, nearly 900 civilians have been murdered by the junta including at least 72 children, nearly 6,000 civilians have been arrested by the junta including our State Counsellor
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President U Win Myint , and over 1,900 are evading arrest warrants. I have been charged with high treason by these military generals who are in fact the ones committing high treason against the people of Myanmar themselves. The junta leaders continue using the ASEAN engagements as a
propaganda tool while the junta forces continue committing violence and atrocities against the people of Myanmar in villages, towns, and cities across the nation. The torture and cold-blooded murder of innocent civilians under the junta forces continue.
They have abolished free media outlets in the vain attempt to stop the truth from getting out. Harassment and imprisonment of journalists continue under the junta. The violence we are seeing by the junta is both systematic and widespread. It is clear that they are engaging in crimes against humanity by using heavy battlefield weapons
against unarmed civilians. They have been purchasing these weapons from big countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and country of Myanmar. As a result, Myanmar is now quickly becoming a failed state: ten of thousands of people have become displaced by the junta forces, food insecurity is rising sharply, and the UNDP
is predicting that over half of the 54 million population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. World Food Programme (WFP) estimates 6.4 million people will be without food in Myanmar by October 2021.lt will
be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused not only by the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun. We, the sovereign citizens of Myanmar, are doing all that we can to prevent these great tragedies of violence, genocide, criminal atrocities, poverty and hunger by
courageously and peacefully resisting the junta’s efforts to cause us maximum pain, suffering, death and destruction. The citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through this peaceful movement of Civil Disobedient Movement-CDM, strikes and other acts of civil disobedience. We are
boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants are refusing to support the junta’s work. The sanctions that have been imposed to date by the International Community have been a helpful start to supporting our domestic efforts. While the brutal crackdown by the junta and its forces continue, opposition to the junta
remains strong and unanimous among the people of Myanmar. However, greater help and support from G7 world leaders and countries are vitally important. We have three core requests to present to the G7 world leaders and countries: Engage with the National Unity Government as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar. We are comprised of leaders elected in Myanmar’s
democratic November elections as well as leaders of ethnic states and regions. The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well. Help us to address the growing humanitarian crisis. We need aid. The National Unity
Government knows how to get aid to where it is needed. A humanitarian crisis is growing due to this brutal junta and the spread of COVID-19. Myanmar’s economy is in collapse and millions are already, or at risk of being, without water, food, sanitation,
shelter and medicine. We desperately need aid for 1) FOOD SECURITY, 2) HEALTH 3) SHELTER, 4) EDUCATION:
Help us by putting more financial and diplomatic pressure on the junta. It is critical for the nations of the world who stand with us to band together in a coordinated campaign of further sanctions that would cut the flow of revenue to this murderous regime to ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of G7 countries and its alliances
be allowed to continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains unscathed by the international community, therefore sanctions must be placed against Myanmar Oil and Gas and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology; the imposition of an international arms embargo and
a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by whatever means necessary. These measures are critically vital to prevent many bloodbaths and another genocide in Myanmar.
Our National Unity Government of Myanmar is ready, willing and able to help in all of these coordinated efforts. This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from the Governments of G7 countries and the free countries and leaders from around the world who believe in freedom, justice and democracy. This is the greatest opportunity of the century for Myanmar. We must then seize upon this window of opportunity and put an end to this
junta reign of terror - and build inclusive federal democratic union for All people of Myanmar by the people and for the people, and where the rights of ALL regardless of race, gender, culture, ethnicity, background, and religion are equally respected, protected and promoted. We, the opposition to the illegal junta, will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military dictatorships, and at the other end of this fight we will emerge an inclusive Myanmar that is committed to democracy, human rights, and to being a
responsible partner in the global community. With the help of the world leaders and G7 countries, our vision and our dream will become a powerful reality and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratitude for generations to come. Yours sincerely, H.E Dr. Sasa..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Food Security and militarisation in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UK-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
54.96 KB
more
Sub-title:
Myanmar's military authorities have charged deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi with corruption, the most serious charge laid against her to date.
Description:
"Ms Suu Kyi is accused of accepting cash and gold in bribes, and faces up to 15 years in jail if found guilty.
She faces six other charges relating to alleged illegal imports of walkie-talkies and inciting public unrest.
The former State Counsellor was arrested on 1 February when the military seized power in a coup.
She has since been held under house arrest, and little has been seen or heard of her apart from brief court appearances.
A press release by the military council on Thursday said Ms Suu Kyi had accepted $600,000 (£425,000) in bribes and seven pieces of gold.
It also alleged that the previous civilian government - the National League for Democracy (NLD) - had lost significant sums of money in land deals. Besides Ms Suu Kyi, several other former officials face similar corruption and bribery charges.
Prior to this, the most serious charge filed against Ms Suu Kyi had accused her of breaking the official secrets act - which carries a term of up to 14 years in jail.
Myanmar coup: What is happening and why?
The small embattled town that stood up to the army
Street tales from Myanmar: 'Take care of our baby if I die'
The 'fallen stars' from Myanmar's deadliest day
Myanmar's military seized power earlier in February on accusations of voter fraud.
But independent election monitors say the election was largely free and fair, and the charges against Ms Suu Kyi have been widely criticised as politically motivated.
The coup triggered widespread demonstrations, and Myanmar's military has brutally cracked down on pro-democracy protesters.
They have killed more than 800 people and detained nearly 5,000 to date, according to the monitoring group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).....Myanmar in profile: Myanmar, also known as Burma, became independent from Britain in 1948. For much of its modern history it has been under military rule
Restrictions began loosening from 2010 onwards, leading to free elections in 2015 and the installation of a government led by veteran opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi the following year
In 2017, Myanmar's army responded to attacks on police by Rohingya militants with a deadly crackdown, driving more than half a million Rohingya Muslims across the border into Bangladesh in what the UN later called a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing"..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"May 25, 2021)–The Government of the United Kingdom should take immediate action to deprive the Myanmar military junta of natural gas revenues, weapons, and political legitimacy, and ensure accountability for its past and present mass atrocity crimes in the country, Fortify Rights said today in a submission to the U.K. Parliament.
Fortify Rights today submitted evidence to the U.K. Foreign Affairs Committee, which is holding an inquiry into the U.K. government’s response to the crisis in Myanmar following the February 1 coup d’état. The committee will also hear oral evidence from U.N. Special Rapporteur Thomas Andrews, Myanmar National Unity Government (NUG) Minister Dr. Sasa, human rights defender Thinzar Shunlei Yi, and others. The committee will then draft a report and make recommendations to the U.K. government.
The Fortify Rights submission recommends the U.K. “work with relevant governments and foreign operators of Myanmar gas fields to ensure the junta is unable to access natural gas revenues from its accounts and ensure revenues are effectively held in trust until democracy is restored.” Fortify Rights urged the U.K. to sanction the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and other specified entities to ensure the country’s natural gas wealth is not controlled by the illegal military junta.
As the penholder at the U.N. Security Council, the U.K. should table a resolution that includes a global arms embargo, targeted sanctions, and a referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC), forcing a veto from China or Russia, if necessary, Fortify Rights said. The U.K. should simultaneously lead efforts beyond the Security Council to build an international coalition to achieve these same aims.
Fortify Rights also called on the U.K. government to reverse recently announced funding cuts to Rohingya refugee response efforts in Bangladesh and to conduct an urgent public review of U.K. aid spending in Myanmar to ensure it does not reach the military junta. The U.K. government should also work with countries receiving Myanmar refugees, including Thailand, Bangladesh, India, and Malaysia, to ensure refugee protection.
In November 2019, The Gambia opened a case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague, alleging Myanmar violated its obligations under the Genocide Convention with regard to mass-scale, army-led attacks against Rohingya men, women, and children. In light of the coup, long-persecuted minorities in Myanmar, such as the Rohingya, face increased existential risks,Fortify Rights said.
“The U.K. should formally join the case at the ICJ brought by The Gambia against Myanmar for violations of the Genocide Convention,” Fortify Rights said in its submission.
Since the coup, the junta-controlled military and police reportedly killed more than 800 people and arbitrarily detained more than 4,000 nationwide. In a document seen by Fortify Rights, provided by the Myanmar junta to members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) ahead of an emergency summit to discuss Myanmar last month, the junta claimed it detained 9,848 persons, released 4,511, and charged 5,070 between February 1 and April 15. The junta has also launched airstrikes against villages in ethnic army-controlled border areas, reportedly killing, injuring, and displacing tens of thousands of civilians. The junta also cut internet access and mobile data nationally, preventing the population from communicating with each other and the outside world.
On April 16, elected legislators in Myanmar and others formed the National Unity Government (NUG) to fulfill the will of the people as expressed through the November 2020 elections. In its submission to the Foreign Affairs Committee, Fortify Rights recommended the U.K. government recognize and engage the NUG as the legitimate Government of Myanmar.
In its April 29 announcement launching the U.K. inquiry, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Tom Tugendhat, referenced “deeply distressing reports” of the junta’s human rights violations against peaceful protesters in Myanmar, noting that “[e]fforts to curb the violence and brutality through the imposition of sanctions have, unfortunately, fallen short.”
“This urgent inquiry will determine how the Government can improve its response to the crisis, as well as how the U.K. can use its influence in organizations such as the U.N. to help deliver a peaceful resolution for the people of Myanmar,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Genocide, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
In Myanmar, international action is needed urgently to prevent “mass deaths” there, after civilians fled attacks by so-called “junta bombs”, a top independent UN rights expert has warned.
Description:
"“Mass deaths from starvation, disease and exposure could occur in Kayah State after many of the 100,000 forced to flee into forests from junta bombs are now cut off from food, water and medicine by the junta. The international community must act”, UN Special Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, tweeted late on Monday.
In his alert, Mr. Andrews noted that the Kayah state attacks were just the latest in a series throughout Myanmar that had caused mass displacement and suffering, from Mutraw in Karen state to Mindat in Chin state and Bago city.
The independent rights expert, who reports to the Human Rights Council, emphasised that that the lives of many thousands of men, women and children were under threat from indiscriminate attacks, on a scale not seen since the 1 February coup, “that likely amount to mass atrocity crimes”.
The development echoes concern by the UN Country Team in Myanmar, which on Monday underscored the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State and other parts of the country, linked to protests caused by the military takeover.....Basic needs blocked: Citing credible reports, Mr. Andrews said that people were in dire need of food, water, medicine and shelter after reported clashes with volunteer community militias, while the UN country team said that many had also sought safety in host communities and forests across Kayah and southern parts of neighbouring Shan state.
Aid deliveries had been allegedly blocked to those forced to flee their homes to escape bombing raids and artillery fire and the military had also placed landmines on public roads, said the Special Rapporteur.
“Any pressure or leverage UN Member States can put on the junta must now be exerted” to encourage junta leader Min Aung Hlaing to allow lifesaving aid in, and to stop “terrorising the population by ceasing the aerial bombardment, shelling and shooting of civilians”.....Medical teams a target: In its appeal, the UN Country Team reiterated earlier calls for all parties to protect all civilians and civilian infrastructure, “particularly medical units and health workers”.
Despite that fact that UN aid teams and their partners had supplies that were ready to be deployed “insecurity, travel restrictions imposed by security forces, and poor road conditions are delaying the delivery of supplies”, the team said in a statement.
The team called on "the security forces to allow for a safe passage of humanitarian supplies and personnel and to facilitate our ability to directly provide aid to all those who need it."
“Now, more than ever, the international community must cut off access to the resources that the junta needs to continue these brutal attacks on the people of Myanmar,” Mr. Andrews said..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and militarisation in Burma, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
But the International Community Should Do Much More to Ensure that the Refugees Can Safely Return to Myanmar
Description:
"In late May, thousands of Rohingya refugees whom Bangladesh authorities had relocated to remote Bhasan Char island broke out of their shelters during a visit by United Nations representatives. “We don’t want to live here,” they chanted.
The protests indicate the extent of the problems on the silt island in the Bay of Bengal, where nearly 20,000 Rohingya, including over 8,000 children, have been moved in recent months from the refugee settlement in Cox’s Bazar.
In research by Human Rights Watch for a new report, refugees described being lured to the island with false promises of adequate food and livelihood, monthly cash assistance and access to proper health care and schools. A recent cyclone that missed the island still caused strong winds and some flooding there, leading refugees to fear for their safety in the face of the upcoming monsoon season.
Many concerns
On May 31, the refugees protested during a meeting with a visiting high-level delegation from United Nations High Commission for Refugees, the UN refugee agency, to share their concerns about conditions on the island. Bangladeshi security forces had warned them to stay inside, but if asked, to only praise the arrangements on the island. They had complied with such orders during previous visits by foreign officials, but this time many of the refugees grew desperate and surged forward, only to be beaten back by the police.
“The Rohingya who are there became unruly the moment the UNHCR representatives landed [on the island] by helicopter today,” the local police chief, Alamgir Hossain, told AFP. “They came at the police...Their demand is they don’t want to live here.”
UNHCR issued a statement saying it was “deeply concerned” that refugees, including women and children, were injured. The government blamed international media and civil society organizations for opposing Bhasan Char relocations to “undermine the magnanimous humanitarian gestures and the sincere efforts of Bangladesh”.
After the delegation had left, Bangladeshi officials threatened the refugees. “You all are finished,” one refugee says an official told him.
How did it come to this?
The Bangladesh government deserves praise for opening its borders in August 2017 to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who were fleeing the Myanmar military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing, including crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. Bangladeshis responded with an outpouring of sympathy. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina committed to help, saying that if the country could afford to feed its 160 million people, it could provide for the additional refugees as well.
“If necessary, we will eat one meal a day and share another meal with these distressed people,” she said.
Now, after more than three years, and with nearly a million refugees crowded into the settlement in Cox’s Bazaar, that warm welcome is fast fading.
Myanmar has shown no signs that it will create conditions for the safe, dignified, and voluntary return of the refugees. Its failure to take any meaningful actions to address recent atrocities against the Rohingya or put an end to the decades-long discrimination and repression against the remaining population in the country, including the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution, is at the root of delays and failures in refugee repatriation.
Instead, since the military coup in Myanmar on February 1, 2021, the country is fully controlled by the same generals who led the campaign of mass atrocities against the Rohingya in 2017, making the prospect of a safe and dignified return ever more distant. Since the coup, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, has said that Myanmar will not repatriate people whom they do not consider its citizens.
Heavy-handed tactics
This is increasingly vexing the Bangladesh host community. In what appears to be an effort to show that the Rohingya refugees are temporary residents, the authorities have denied Rohingya the right to build permanent housing, restricted their movement by erecting barbed-wire fencing, and denied their children any access to formal education.
The Bangladesh government, resorting to heavy-handed tactics, has not stopped its security forces from committing serious abuses, including arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings, against any Rohingya suspected of crimes. Access to the internet and telecommunications was blocked for nearly a year after the refugees had staged large demonstrations in the camps to demand their right to return to Myanmar.
The Bangladesh government is frustrated by having been left to shoulder the refugee burden alone. Malaysia, Thailand, and India have all attempted to push refugees that turn up at their coasts or borders back to Bangladesh. “Has Bangladesh been given the global contract and responsibility to take and rehabilitate all the Rohingya or boat people of the world?” said Bangladesh Foreign Minister A.K. Abdul Momen last February. “No, not at all.”
In May 2020, after Bangladesh authorities rescued about 600 Rohingya refugees who had been stranded at sea, they detained over 300 of them on Bhasan Char instead of reuniting them with their families in the refugee camps. The government has ignored refugee pleas to return to the mainland, and stalled UN officials who sought visits to assess their protection needs.
Bangladesh says it has invested up to $300 million to develop infrastructure on the island. But the government broke its promise to first accept an independent assessment of technical and protection needs on Bhasan Char, and to act on the report’s recommendations, before starting any voluntary relocation. Instead, since December the government has brought thousands of Rohingya refuges from the camps to Bhasan Char.
Bangladeshi officials told Human Rights Watch in December 2020 that the relocations were voluntary, and claimed that “the 13,000-acre island has year-round fresh water, an uninterrupted supply of electricity, agricultural plots, cyclone shelters, two hospitals, four community clinics, mosques, warehouses, telecommunication services, a police station, recreation and learning centers, playgrounds and more”.
The refugees, who generally agreed that the shelters and open areas on Bhasan Char were better than in the mainland camps, said though that there were only informal classes for young children instead of proper schools, and that the healthcare services were inadequate. Of the 14 people we interviewed about their health needs, four had passed away by the time we published our report. Family members said they died because of a lack of proper medical care. One man said his wife died in childbirth because he could not get permission in time to transfer her to a hospital on the mainland, which is three hours away by boat followed by a two-hour drive.
The refugees also described food shortages. Without proper livelihood opportunities, they said they did not have the money to supplement their rations or afford fish, which is their staple. Whether the move to Bhasan Char was voluntary is also in question. Several refugees said that they had no idea how they had ended up on the lists to be relocated or that the authorities had made false promises as they compelled the refugees to relocate.
Scores have started fleeing Bhasan Char. Those caught escaping have been detained and beaten by security forces.
The Bangladesh authorities know there are shortcomings on Bhasan Char and it is not quite the “beautiful resort”, they once claimed. But instead of waiting to conduct proper consultations to assess the island’s emergency preparedness, habitability, and safety, the government sought to present the United Nations and international donors with a cruel fait accompli, putting pressure on them to start supporting the refugees on the island or take responsibility for the consequences. What is more, the authorities are still stalling on policy and technical dialogue with agencies and donors about humanitarian operations.
The government says that any “undue criticism” of its temporary arrangements for the Rohingya refugees “will only shift the focus from the permanent solution, which lies in repatriation and reintegration of Rohingyas in Myanmar”.
While there is no doubt that the international community should do much more to ensure that the Rohingya can safely return to Myanmar with justice and dignity, the Bangladesh government should also accept that it needs to protect the rights of the refugees in its care.
Bhasan Char should first be thoroughly and professionally assessed and deemed safe – with proper emergency and logistical response preparations– for refugees, for humanitarian workers, as well as for the Bangladeshi officials and security personnel who support them. There needs to be a civilian governance structure. Relocations from mainland camps should be fully informed and voluntary. This means that the Bangladesh authorities should allow any refugee who wants to return to Cox’s Bazar to do so.
With the monsoon fast approaching, the Bangladesh government should stop stalling, and once again focus on securing Rohingya refugee lives..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, UN System humanitarian assistance, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"Last week, in a public letter, Human Rights Watch called on the leaders of the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, France, Italy, Germany, and Japan to take concrete and decisive action facing the unprecedented challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic and global warming, as well as by worrying developments in China, Israel/Palestine, Belarus, Russia, and Myanmar, ahead of the G7 Summit on June 11-13. G7 members should use this Summit to collectively reaffirm and demonstrate their commitment to international human rights law and deliver on its promise to build back better.
June 2, 2021
Dear G7 leaders,
As the world undergoes profound changes, the forthcoming G7 Summit meeting to be held on 11-13 June should deliver on its promise to build back better. The respect and advancement of human rights are intrinsic to building back better, yet human rights are facing unprecedented challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic and global warming, as well as by worrying developments in China, Israel/Palestine, Belarus, Russia, and Myanmar.
The G7 Summit should be an opportunity for the assembled Heads of State and Government to collectively reaffirm and demonstrate their commitment to international human rights law through concrete and decisive actions.
In that regard, I am writing to draw your attention to recommendations made by Human Rights Watch that we urge the G7 to adopt at the Carbis Bay summit.
Covid-19
The Covid-19 pandemic has precipitated human rights crises across the globe, with widespread and devastating social and economic consequences. While the scale and severity of the pandemic’s public health threat justified some restrictions on rights, many governments ignored public health guidance and even used the pandemic as a pretext to abusively strengthen their grip on power. Meanwhile, rich governments have made opaque deals and prebooked the vast majority of vaccine supplies, exacerbating inequalities and largely opposing measures that could ensure poorer countries’ quicker and more affordable access to vaccines. Human Rights Watch calls on G7 members to urgently change course and ensure a rights-respecting exit from this public health crisis by:
Supporting India’s and South Africa’s proposal at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to temporarily waive certain intellectual property rights under the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). While we applaud the US government's decision to support a waiver and Japan's announcement that it would no longer obstruct text-based negotiations at the WTO’s TRIPS Council, we deeply regret that negotiations on the proposal remain stalled because other G7 members are still undecided or in opposition. Human Rights Watch is among the hundreds of civil society organizations around the world urging support for the TRIPS waiver to expand access to lifesaving vaccines and other health products. The measure has received increasing support ever since its initial proposal in October, including by 175 Nobel laureates and former Heads of State and Government, and the Director General of the World Health Organization (WHO); and
Boosting manufacturing capacity in the developing world. While we welcome G7 leaders' attention to purchasing and distributing vaccine doses through the COVAX facility, which is worryingly underfunded, we urge the countries attending the G7 summit to go further by committing financial and logistical resources to develop a plan of action to scale up manufacturing and to use their regulatory powers and funding clout to enable technology transfers and sharing of data, know-how, and other intellectual property through open and non-exclusive licensing.
Human Rights Watch also calls on G7 members to support all governments’ ability to provide urgent economic relief to people whose livelihoods have been devastated by the pandemic, including by:
Exercising their outsize voting power on the boards of the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and regional development banks to enable robust investment in public health systems and bottom-up economic relief. Members should use all avenues available to them to promote transparent and accountable use of pandemic-related funding. At the same time, they should oppose conditionalities that harm rights, such as imposing fiscal targets that force governments to cut spending on health, education, housing, and social protection;
Increasing and directing development assistance to scale up social protection systems. Such assistance could help co-finance social protection floors during the time of crisis, and provide financial and technical support to put in place more permanent structures; and
Supporting debt relief where it interferes with governments' ability to provide economic relief essential to people's rights or to procure Covid-19 vaccines or other health products.
Climate Change
Since 2016, the G7 governments have all committed to phase out “inefficient” fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, a commitment reiterated last week by the G7 Climate and Environment Ministers. To fulfill this commitment, Human Rights Watch encourages the G7 to:
Deliver time-bound and transparent action plans this year detailing how G7 members will meet stated commitment to phase out fossil fuel subsidies by 2025; and
Immediately commit to no new international public finance for coal, oil, or natural gas projects, and to deliver time-bound and transparent action plans this year detailing how they will eliminate existing support for fossil fuels from international public finance institutions by 2025, including indirect support such as through related infrastructure, advisory services, technical assistance, or financial intermediaries.
China
The Chinese government is deepening repression in mainland China as well as Hong Kong, and is seeking to muzzle critics abroad. It is arbitrarily detaining human rights defenders and lawyers, tightening control over civil society, media, and the internet, and deploying invasive mass surveillance technology. The government imposes particularly heavy-handed control in the ethnic minority regions of Xinjiang and is responsible for serious, widespread and systemic violations against Uyghurs and other Muslims that amount to crimes against humanity. In this regard, Human Rights Watch urges the G7 to:
Call on the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to proceed with an investigation into grave abuses in Xinjiang, -even absent access to China, noting Beijing’s intransigence with regard to access and cooperation;
Pursue G7-wide coordinated targeted sanctions against officials responsible for abuses. An obvious target should be Chen Quanguo, the Chinese Communist Party Secretary of Xinjiang, and the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (only the US has sanctioned these two; other recent sanctions have focused on lower-level officials);
Insist that those responsible for crimes against humanity in Xinjiang should be held accountable and face justice; and
Support and commit to work for the establishment of a standing mandate at the UN Human Rights Council to monitor and report on human rights violations across China.
Israel-Palestine
Israel maintains entrenched discriminatory systems that methodically privilege Jewish Israelis and discriminate against Palestinians. To maintain Jewish Israeli control over demographics, political power, and land, Israeli authorities have dispossessed, confined, forcibly separated, and subjugated Palestinians by virtue of their identity to varying degrees of intensity. In certain areas, the deprivations perpetrated by the Israeli government against the Palestinian population are so severe that they amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution. Considering these crimes, Human Rights Watch calls on the G7 to:
Urge the Israeli government to ensure without delay to Palestinians in the occupied territory protection of the civil rights that they are entitled to, using as a guide the protections it ensures for its own citizens; and to assess Israel’s conduct on this basis;
Issue statements expressing concern about the Israeli government’s practice of apartheid and persecution;
Vet agreements, cooperation schemes, and all forms of trade and dealing with Israel to screen for those directly contributing to the commission of the crimes of apartheid and persecution against Palestinians, mitigate the human rights impacts, and, where not possible, end the activities and funding found to facilitate these crimes;
Support the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in its ongoing investigation into crimes committed in Palestine, including into individuals credibly implicated in the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution; and
Urge Israel to reverse its policy of denying access to the Gaza Strip to human rights organizations seeking to investigate violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.
Russia
Repression in Russia is the most severe than it has ever been in the post-Soviet era and targets political opposition, critical media, peaceful protesters, independent groups, foreign organizations, and internet traffic. Russia is also responsible for assassinations and assassination attempts of Russians abroad. Human Rights Watch, therefore, urges the G7 to:
Jointly and publicly condemn the unprecedented crackdown on human rights defenders and civil society and restrictions on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, association and expression;
Jointly call on Russia to repeal the “foreign agents” legislation and the law on “undesirable” organizations, to amend the vague and overly broad extremism legislation, to end politically motivated prosecutions, and to stop all forms of persecution and harassment of human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists, and other civil society activists; and
Urge Russia to release Alexey Navalny, drop abusive charges against him, drop the extremism court case against his organization, ensure effective investigation of the credible allegations that Federal Security Service officers poisoned him with Novichok nerve agent in 2020, and stop harassing, intimidating, detaining, and persecuting his supporters and other peaceful civic activists.
Belarus
In Belarus, the political opposition, democracy activists, lawyers, human rights groups, and independent media face severe abuses, including arbitrary arrests, bogus charges and trials, enforced disappearances, torture, and dismissals by the authorities. A shocking illustration of this repression occurred on May 23, when the government forced a civilian plane traveling between two EU member state capitals to land in Minsk and arbitrarily arrested prominent activist and journalist Raman Pratasevich and his girlfriend, Sofya Sapega. In the face of such acts, Human Rights Watch calls on the G7 to:
Continue to jointly and consistently condemn the widespread, brutal crackdown on rights and peaceful protesters in Belarus, the politically motivated arrests of key opposition figures, and efforts to intimidate and silence dissenters, workers, students, journalists, human rights activists, and others peacefully exercising their rights to free expression and assembly;
Condemn in the strongest terms the actions that led to the arbitrary arrest and detention of Pratasevich and Sapega, and convey serious concerns that they are at grave risk of torture and face long prisons terms on spurious charges;
Press the Belarusian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners held arbitrarily such as for political reasons, including all those arrested in relation to the protests against the August 2020 presidential elections, journalists, media workers, bloggers, and human rights defenders;
Use all means possible, including further targeted sanctions against individuals and entities involved in the crackdown and continued impunity, to put pressure on the Belarusian authorities to put an end to gross and widespread human rights violations committed in the country since August 2020;
Condemn the continued impunity for grave violations of international human rights law, including torture, ill-treatment, sexual violence, enforced disappearances, and killings by security forces, as well as the disproportionate and lethal use of weapons; and
Insist that those responsible for serious violations of international law must face justice, and pledge G7 support for the UN Fact-finding mission established by the Human Rights Council, and for the Accountability Platform supported by a large group of states from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to gather, analyse, and preserve evidence of human rights violations in Belarus with a view to support justice for grave crimes.
Myanmar
In Myanmar, on top of the hundreds of killings and thousands of arrests since the 1 February coup, of increasing concern are attacks on the media, including the arrests of journalists who are citizens of G7 countries. The military has raided the offices of newspapers and online media and banned media outlets and satellite television. More than 70 journalists have been arrested since the coup, of whom at least 48 remain in detention. Meanwhile, the escalation of armed conflict in ethnic minority areas has forced almost 60,000 people to flee their homes. The country’s humanitarian situation is worsening across the board, with food and economic security plummeting. The United Nations Development Programme has warned that half of Myanmar’s population, about 25 million people, could be living below the national poverty line by early 2022. Despite the desperate situation, the people of Myanmar continue to protest and actively oppose the military. Civil society, protest leaders, and representatives of the democratically elected government are all continuing to call on the international community to impose economic sanctions on the companies that benefit the Myanmar military. They are calling on the G7 to act. Human Rights Watch consequently appeals to the G7 to:
Adopt a tougher position on imposing economic sanctions and other economic measures to target the Myanmar military and its leaders. Sanctions imposed so far — on military leaders and companies, including MEC and MEHL and the gemstone and timber enterprises — are an important step forward. But governments now need to better target the massive foreign currency revenues that are bankrolling the military and giving it the capacity to purchase weapons and other items on the international market — transactions that are almost entirely conducted in currencies of G7 members. Every month, hundreds of millions of US dollars are paid to entities that are either already sanctioned by most G7 members or controlled by sanctioned entities. This flow of funds can and should be stopped. The G7 should announce new measures to target those revenues, focusing more on financial institutions that process payments that benefit sanctioned entities;
Adopt a common position, or state unilaterally, that they support efforts to table a UN Security Council draft imposing a global arms embargo on Myanmar; and
Signal that they will pursue all possible avenues for international justice, which include support for investigative efforts by UN bodies, referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, and, where applicable, investigation under domestic law under universal jurisdiction laws. It is essential that G7 governments demonstrate to the junta that its abuses — and unwillingness to engage meaningfully with the UN and outside actors about restoring democratic rule — is coming at a severe cost to its economic interests and standing on the international stage, and that engaging in atrocities with impunity will result in international efforts to hold its leadership criminally liable.
Hoping for concrete and decisive action by the G7 at the Corbis Bay summit, I remain at your disposal should you require any further information.
Yours sincerely,
Kenneth Roth
Executive Director
Human Rights Watch..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions - general, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military, Sanctions
Language:
more
Topic:
Women's Rights
Sub-title:
Few Toilets, No Menstrual Hygiene Supplies
Topic:
Women's Rights
Description:
"When “Mi Mi” (a pseudonym) prepared for anti-coup demonstrations in Yangon in late February, she carefully chose to wear a pair of jeans and sneakers so she could run from the abusive security forces. The last thing on her mind was to carry menstrual pads in case she was detained.
Myanmar’s police and military had begun to intensify crackdowns on protesters opposing the military’s February 1 power grab. As the security forces threw teargas onto the street and shot rubber bullets, she became disoriented, then trapped.
Seven male police officers beat and kicked her when she fell on the ground. “Once I was down, one of them kept me down while the others kicked me with their boots,” Mi Mi said. “Then they hauled me over to a police truck…One of them held my head back and another guy punched me very hard in the face.”
Mi Mi, 23, said the stress of the physical attack and arrest brought her menstrual period on early. Authorities eventually took her to Insein prison, the main detention facility, where she was held with more than 500 other women in facilities normally used for men. The women there had access to only two toilets with no water and no doors. Female prison guards repeatedly denied Mi Mi’s requests for sanitary pads until she bled heavily through her jeans. Finally, after 48 hours, they eventually gave her just one pad.
Mi Mi said the experience was humiliating and left her with trauma causing nightmares even after her release. She said the stigma in Myanmar about menstruation and degrading treatment of women made it difficult for her to speak more openly.
Female detainees have reported the “dehumanizing” experience of Myanmar prisons, explaining that they suffered during menstruation because prisons do not provide sanitary napkins. Since the coup, women have also reported sexual violence and other forms of gendered harassment and humiliation from police and military officials.
The lack of adequate toilets with running water and privacy, and insufficient menstrual hygiene supplies can constitute degrading treatment in violation of international human rights law. The Myanmar authorities should respect the right of women and girls to manage menstruation with dignity..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The United Nations in Myanmar is concerned about the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State and other areas in southeastern Myanmar.
Recent violence in Kayah State, including indiscriminate attacks by security forces against civilian areas, has led to the internal displacement of an estimated 100,000 men, women and children. Many of them are currently seeking safety in host communities and forests across Kayah and southern parts of neighboring Shan state. This crisis could push people across international borders seeking safety, as already seen in other parts of the country.
The United Nations reiterates its earlier calls for all parties to urgently take the necessary measures and precautions to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, particularly protected objects such as medical units and personnel, and to adhere to the fundamental principles of distinction, necessity, proportionality and protection.
People fleeing and those remaining in locations affected by ongoing hostilities are in urgent need of food, water, shelter, fuel and access to healthcare. The United Nations and its partners have humanitarian supplies, including food, shelter materials and other basic relief items ready to be deployed to complement the local response, which has been immediate, but insufficient to address all needs, particularly for those persons in remote locations. Ongoing insecurity, travel restrictions imposed by security forces, and poor road conditions, however, are delaying the delivery of these supplies. The United Nations calls on the security forces to allow safe passage of humanitarian supplies and personnel and to facilitate the direct provision of relief assistance by the UN and its partners to all those in need in Kayah, as well as other states and regions across the country where there are urgent humanitarian needs.
The United Nations reiterates the Secretary General’s call for a global ceasefire made in March 2020 and to join forces to respond to the growing risk of another outbreak of COVID-19 and other humanitarian and health challenges..."
Source/publisher:
UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., UN System humanitarian assistance, Food Security and displacement in Burma, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
269.12 KB 294.6 KB
more
Description:
"U.N. agencies have commended the Indonesian government for offering a safe haven to dozens of Rohingya refugees who have been stranded at sea for months.
Ninety Rohingya embarked on their ill-fated journey from Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh in the first week of February. Nine refugees reportedly had died by the time their harrowing four-month odyssey came to an end last Friday.
Spokesman for the U.N. Migration Agency Paul Dillon said the boat ran into trouble almost immediately after it set sail. He said the engine broke down leaving the group adrift at sea and putting the refugees’ lives at risk.
“They ran into engine trouble again near East Aceh last week. Local fishermen discovered their stranded vessel and brought them to safety. Upon disembarkation, the local government of Aceh officials immediately conducted rapid COVID-19 tests and COVID-19 vaccinations were subsequently provided to all of the arrivals," he said.
Dillon said his agency is providing food, drinking water and medical support to the 81 Rohingya who survived the journey. He said the group consists of 45 women, 17 men and 19 children.
U.N. refugee spokesman Babar Balloch said the UNHCR and humanitarian partners also are onsite to provide additional support and to ensure that refugee needs are met.
He notes this is not the first time Rohingya refugees at sea have been rescued by the communities and local authorities in Aceh, Indonesia. He praises them for providing a lifeline to the desperate people, noting not all nations are as humane.
“It is both a humanitarian imperative and an international obligation to provide vessels in distress with life-saving assistance and disembarkation to a place of safety…Vulnerable women, children and men should not be left to the mercy of the high seas,” said Balloch.
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled to Bangladesh to escape violence and persecution in Myanmar in 2017. Human rights officials say thousands of refugees flee the overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar every year in hopes of achieving a better life in countries such as Malaysia and Thailand.
The International Organization for Migration says roughly 1,400 Rohingya found themselves stranded at sea during the 2020 sailing season, which ended with the arrival of the monsoons in early June. It says at least 130 Rohingya are reported to have died..."
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2021-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ ဂျပန်ပါလီမန်အမတ်များထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာ - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Japan-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.67 MB
more
Description:
"Japanese language version of H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Japan-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
817.9 KB
more
Description:
"The violence used by Myanmar's armed forces against unarmed opponents since the coup in February has shocked the world; more than 800 people have been killed, most by military gunfire. But the deaths in custody of two officials from the National League of Democracy - the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi - have cast an even grimmer light on the military's actions.
On Saturday, 6 March, cities across Myanmar were on edge.
Three days earlier they had experienced what had then been the most violent day since the coup in February - with the UN recording the deaths of 38 people.
The army had seized power on 1 February, after claiming - without evidence - that a previous election which saw the NLD gain power was fraudulent.
Ms Suu Kyi and senior leaders were put under house arrest - triggering waves of protest against the military.
For the first three weeks the military had seemed unsure how to respond to the protests.
But by the end of February they were using increasing levels of lethal force. By the first week of March, it was clear there would be no restraint.
The historic downtown neighbourhood of Pabedan in central Yangon, with its narrow alleys between crumbling colonial buildings, had seen plenty of drama.
That week, activists had built barricades in some streets to keep out the security forces, and there had been several clashes.
Pabedan has a diverse population, with a large number of Muslim residents and eight mosques in the township.
In last year's general election, Sithu Maung, one of only two Muslim candidates fielded by NLD won the parliamentary seat there.
His campaign manager was Khin Maung Latt, a veteran NLD activist who had moved to Pabedan many years before and lived with the family of a Buddhist lawyer.
He co-owned a tour company, had run a video rental shop, and had been active in the NLD since 1988, becoming the chairman of his local branch. He was a well-known and well-liked member of the community.
"He was very religious and prayed five times a day," Sithu Muang told the BBC from where he is now hiding from the military.
"But people from all faiths loved him. He did a lot for the community, like making new green spaces for children to play in. He was very important to the NLD.".....An unknown cause of death: Khin Maung Latt was at home with his adopted family when police and soldiers arrived shortly after 21:00 local time (14:30 GMT).
The soldiers were identified by neighbours as members of the 77th Light Infantry Division, a unit notorious for human rights abuses.
According to Ko Tun Kyi, a friend of Khin Maung Latt, the soldiers were actually looking for U Maung Maung, a lawyer who was more senior in the NLD and who had already gone into hiding.
Instead, they broke into Khin Maung Latt's home, he says, and dragged him out, kicking and hitting him.
Ko Tun Kyi believes Khin Maung Latt was then taken to Yangon City Hall, one of the first buildings to be commandeered after the coup.
Early the next morning, Khin Maung Latt's family received a phone call from police telling them to come and collect his body from a military hospital in northern Yangon.
They were told there that he had fainted, and that they should inform people he had suffered a heart attack.
But the family insists that the 58-year-old was in good health and had no known illnesses. They say his body showed signs of multiple wounds on it, and was covered in a blood-soaked cloth.
The body had been cut open and then sewn up in what may have been an autopsy, but the family has been given no official report on the cause of death. He was buried later that day in a Muslim ceremony.
The US-based human rights organisation Physicians for Human Rights has examined the evidence, including photographs of Khin Maung Latt's body.
While it is unable to make any definitive judgements, it has concluded that the cause of death given by the military authorities is implausible, and that he is most likely to have died from "homicidal violence" while in custody.
Ko Tun Kyi believes he was deliberately killed. He was detained less than ten hours before his family was informed of his death; it was not the result of prolonged torture.
"I was once jailed and interrogated, so I know how they get information out of you. Maybe they believed he was connected to the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) - the rival government supported by the opposition," he said.
"Maybe they were trying to get information about what the NLD is planning, or where activists were hiding?".....'His intestines had come out': But the theory that the military was targeting Aung San Suu Kyi's party was given more weight two days later, by the death of another NLD official, Zaw Myat Lynn.
He was far more prominent in the opposition movement than Khin Maung Latt - and his treatment appears to have been a lot more brutal.
Zaw Myat Lynn was the 46-year-old director of a new vocational college in the industrial district of Shwe Pyi Thar - one of several opened under the NLD government.
He was also a dedicated NLD activist, and right after the coup he was chosen to be the local representative of the CRPH.
In the days before he was captured, he posted stirring messages on his Facebook page, calling on the residents to keep up their revolutionary struggle against the military, who he referred to as "dogs" and "terrorists".
"Zaw Myat Lynn was a political powerhouse," an NLD official from the same township, who is now in hiding and cannot be named, told the BBC.
"He was a superb speaker. He was the only person from our township who was able to unite people and lead the post-coup demonstrations. He was the one who persuaded employees from various government offices to join the civil disobedience movement."
The official remembers joining him and his students at a protest on 8 March.
"He didn't appear to be worried in the least," he says. "He even offered to have me stay with him at his school, claiming that it was too dangerous for me to be outside on the streets."
That evening Zaw Myat Lynn returned to the college with some of his students. Shortly before 02:00, soldiers broke through the gate of the college.
The students told their teacher to escape by climbing over the back wall. Seven of them were arrested; at the time no-one was sure what had happened to Zaw Myat Lynn.
At 15:00, his wife, Daw Phyu Phyu Win, received a call from a local official in Shwe Pyi Thar telling her that her husband was dead, and that she could see his body - which was at the same military hospital where Khin Maung Latt's family had been.
They found him badly bruised. His belly had been cut open by a long, horizontal incision, and she said his intestines had come out.
She was shown a large wound in his back. The official state media reported that he had fallen backwards onto two inches of steel pipe while climbing out of the back of his school. It warned that severe action would be taken against anyone giving alternative accounts of his death.
The Physicians for Human Rights doctor who examined photographs of the corpse concluded that the official explanation lacked credibility.
The horizontal cut across the belly was inconsistent with any autopsy incision, he said. The torso had also been cut vertically for what may have been an autopsy. The massive bruising on both sides of Zaw Myat Lynn's torso was also inconsistent with the official account that he had fallen while escaping.
These injuries were much more likely to have been inflicted on him by his captors. The PHR doctor could draw no definite conclusions from the hideous injuries to his head.
Zaw Myat Lynn's face was badly disfigured by the time of his funeral. However, the PHR doctor believes this may be due to decomposition.
The military authorities would not allow his wife to take the body until the day of his funeral, and it took her three days to arrange it. The body appears to have been left unrefrigerated.
It is hard to know why these two officials were subjected to such terrible torture, which from all the evidence appears to be what killed them.
The military junta has said little to justify its brutal treatment of those who oppose its coup.
The BBC has asked the spokesman for the junta to respond to the PHR report, but at the time of publication had not received one....A brutal track record: The military has a track record of treating victims in Myanmar in ways that suggests that they were unlawfully killed.
Bodies are dragged away from the scene in military trucks - usually no attempt is made to give first aid to those who might still be alive.
Some families have been blocked from recovering the bodies of relatives, which are cremated by the military authorities with no sign of an investigation into how they died.
Most bodies are returned with signs of torture and extensive autopsy work, but no credible or independent report provided to explain how they died.
The Association to Assist Political Prisoners in Burma, which has for many years documented abuses by the security forces, identifies 75 people missing from the turmoil following the coup, with 23 of those confirmed as disappeared, presumed dead.
Brutality and unaccountability have always been problems in the treatment of dissidents by the authorities in Myanmar; but they have become far worse since the coup.
In this case, neither man was a significant figure in national politics.
It is possible that the decision to treat them that way was made solely by the military units which detained them, perhaps inflamed by local or personal grievances, perhaps just in the heat of the moment. An instilled hatred of politicians might also have been a factor.
Myanmar's security forces have been habitually violent in their treatment of detainees for decades, and very rarely held to account.
But the NLD official believes Zaw Myat Lynn was killed in this way to send a message.
"I believe they reasoned that by executing [him] in such a terrible manner, they would instil fear in the people, causing them to retreat."..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations, Muslims in Burma
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°166
Description:
"The Myanmar military took the world by surprise on 1 February, staging a coup d’état that abruptly curtailed the country’s democratic transition and has sparked mass protests that could lead to deadly violence. The generals say their move is con-stitutional, alleging fraud in November 2020 elections that saw the National League for Democracy (NLD) defeat the military-backed party. These claims lack substantiation. The detention of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as her anointed president, Win Myint, has generated immense popular anger. Foreign governments are now grappling with how to respond. Some (largely Western) governments threaten sanctions to punish democratic backsliding; the U.S. has already imposed some re-
strictions. Asian powers that have expressed concern focus on the risk of instability. Governments that impose sanctions should adopt measures that target coup leaders and insulate Myanmar’s people and broader economy from their effects. Regional governments should consider such steps to protect regional stability. All external actors should cooperate to prevent violence. Complicating efforts by foreign governments to react is a dynamic situation on the ground. The new regime has tried to tamp down protests by issuing a curfew order
that prohibits public gatherings of five or more people, rolling back some reforms that protected civil liberties and using heavy-handed crowd control devices such as water cannons and rubber bullets (compounded, some reports suggest, by live fire in some instances). Still, demonstrations show no sign of abating. Indeed, the junta’s
sharp response, which resulted in the reported killing of at least one person, appears to have drawn even more people onto the streets, including in the capital city of Naypyitaw, suggesting significant support among government workers. The security forces’ approach could take an even darker turn fast. Soldiers and armoured vehicles
have begun to reinforce the police lines and, should the generals become impatient with the status quo, could easily become the sharp end of a bloody crackdown, as has happened in the past.
Responses around the world have varied. Many governments denounced the military takeover. The UN Security Council issued a press statement expressing “deep concern” about the “arbitrary detention” of members of the government, calling for the release of those detained and emphasising the need to “uphold democratic
institutions and processes, refrain from violence, and fully respect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law”. For Western governments invested in Myanmar’s democratic transition, initial statements were only an opening salvo. U.S. President Joe Biden has already approved sanctions on coup leaders, their business
interests and close kin, and redirected more than $40 million of aid from the Myanmar government to civil society. New Zealand rejected “the legitimacy of the militaryled government” and suspended high-level military and political contacts. Asian governments and commentators have been more muted; many expressed concern for regional stability, but prominent voices have cautioned against a severe international reaction unlikely, in their eyes, to sway the generals.Western leaders will have to thread a needle. Targeted sanctions and the like can serve as a signal to the generals in Myanmar and others similarly inclined elsewhere.
Sanctions might impose costs that will not reverse the coup but could offer modest leverage or deterrence in the future. Some measures, such as cutting off weapons shipments, can also help ensure those governments previously supplying arms are not complicit should the military again use force against Myanmar’s people. Yet sanctions should be formulated with a clear grasp of their shortfalls. Prior to Myanmar’s transition that began in 2010, the U.S., EU and others imposed ferocious sanctions that, alongside the junta’s economic mismanagement, harmed the population.
The sanctions alienated Myanmar’s neighbours, which saw them as disproportionate, creating an unhelpful West-versus-East dynamic that inhibited cooperation.
Sanctions did not play a decisive role in Myanmar’s 2011 democratic opening. Steering a policy course today requires humility about and historical perspective on external actors’ limited sway over internal developments. Still, outside powers can take useful steps. Governments wanting to signal the importance of a return to democracy should – as the U.S. has done – adopt tailored
measures that seek to punish those responsible for the 1 February actions but avoid penalising the country’s population who are the coup’s victims and, in many cases, are risking their lives protesting it. Such punitive measures could include sanctions on military-owned enterprises, provided they do not hurt the broader economy and
the people. Myanmar’s neighbours should join these efforts – whether or not, given their own systems, they are concerned about democracy in Myanmar – to help push the generals onto to a more stable path. All governments should suspend delivery and sales of weapons and other defence and dual-use equipment during this volatile period and maintain this policy until genuine civilian government is restored..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication:
2021-02-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Sanctions - general, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
103.13 KB (20 pages)
more
Description:
"Konnichiwa!
Thank you for having me, I am really grateful to you all for giving me this opportunity. The brave people and National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People, Parliament and Government of Japan for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the darkest of hours and the most pivotal moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the balance,
the strong and continued support from the people, parliamentarians, and Government of Japan and its International alliance are absolutely crucial in stopping this reign of terror and great tragedy in Myanmar. More than ever before, the 54 million courageous citizens of Myanmar need the continued strong friendship and coordinated support and recognition from the people, parliamentarians and Government of Japan in fulfilling the hopes, aspirations and dreams of those who
have suffered so much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their regime.
I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate my sincere thanks to the People, Parliament and Government of Japan for standing in solidarity with the 54 million citizens of Myanmar in this very difficult time in our history. Thank you for being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar and extending the visas for our grateful citizens living in Japan. Thank you for your leadership at G7 on behalf of the people
of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of the people of Myanmar. Thank you for joining countries that have imposed an arms embargo in solidarity against the cruel and ruthless military junta in Myanmar. The duty of a nation’s military is to defend and protect its people. However, under the command of Min Aung Hlaing, the supposed guardians of our nation are doing
precisely the opposite of their duty and continue arbitrarily murdering and detaining the brave and innocent civilians of Myanmar without cause on a daily and hourly basis. The people of Myanmar unanimously consider Min Aung Hlaing and those who
report to him as terrorists and perpetrators of crimes against humanity. It has been four months since Min Aung Hlaing and his gunmen instigated this illegal coup d’etat and took the nation hostage.
Since the 1 st of February 2021: Nearly 900 civilians have been murdered by the junta, including at least 72 children. Nearly 6,000 civilians have been arrested by the junta, and over 1,900 are evading arrest warrants. I have been charged with high treason
by these military generals who are in fact the ones committing high treason against the people of Myanmar themselves. The junta continues using the ASEAN Summit as a propaganda tool while the junta forces make daily raids on private homes in villages,
towns, and cities across the nation. The torture and cold-blooded murder of innocent civilians under the junta forces continue. They have abolished free media outlets in the vain attempt to stop the truth from getting out. Harassment and imprisonment of
journalists continue under the junta. We are however thankful to courageous Japanese journalist Mr. Yuki Kitazumi for his bravery in reporting the true situation inside the prisons that he observed while illegally detained. We were all relieved by the news of his release, but more than 40 more journalists remain behind the junta’s
cruel prison bars. The violence we are seeing by the junta is both systematic and widespread. It is clear that they are engaging in crimes against humanity against by using heavy battlefield weapons against unarmed civilians. They have been purchasing these weapons from
China and Russia, among other countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and Country of Myanmar. As a result, Myanmar is now quickly becoming a failed state: Nearly a million people have become displaced, food insecurity is rising sharply, and the UNDP is predicting that over half of the population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. The WFP
analysis has also shown that more than 3 million people in Myanmar are going to face hunger in the coming months, while so many have already had to flee their homes and are facing hunger hiding in the jungle. It will be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by
the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun.
We, the sovereign citizens of Myanmar, are doing all that we can to prevent these great tragedies of violence, genocide, criminal atrocities, poverty and hunger by courageously and peacefully resisting the junta’s efforts to cause us maximum pain, suffering, death and destruction. They continue trying to take away our freedom and
democracy with their blood-stained battlefield weapons. The peaceful Civil Disobedience Movements (CDM) led by dauntless medical and health workers, schoolteachers, students, activists, and joined by hundreds of thousands of civil servants and private sector workers continues unabated. Make no mistake, this is the most powerful peaceful movement ever to rise against a military junta. Day after day
the defenseless people of Myanmar march across the nation and continue to demonstrate enormous valiancy in the face of the murderous and oppressive military dictators. This peaceful movement has even been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, however, this peaceful movement deserves not only the Nobel Peace prize, but
also the full support of the People, Parliamentarians and Government of Japan, and the international communities. The citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through this peaceful movement of CDM, strikes and other acts of civil disobedience.
We are boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants are refusing to support the junta’s work. The sanctions that have been imposed to date by Japan and the International Community have been a helpful start to supporting
our domestic efforts. While the brutal crackdown by the junta and its forces continue, opposition to the junta remains strong and unanimous among the people of Myanmar. However, greater help and support from the people, Parliament and Government of Japan and its allies from the international community are vitally important.
We have three core requests to present to the People, Parliament and
Government of Japan and its allies from around the world:
1) Engage with the National Unity Government as the sole legitimate
representative of the people of Myanmar. We are comprised of leaders elected in Myanmar’s democratic November elections as well as leaders of ethnic states and regions. The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well.
2) Help us address a growing humanitarian crisis. We need aid. The National Unity Government knows how to get aid to where it needs to go. A humanitarian crisis is growing due to conflict and the spread of COVID-19. Myanmar’s economy is in collapse and millions are already, or at risk of being, without water, food, sanitation, shelter and medicine. (UNWFP estimates 6.4m people will be without
food in Myanmar by October 2021). We desperately need aid for 1) FOOD SECURITY, 2) HEALTH 3) SHELTER, 4) EDUCATION:
3) Help us put more financial pressure on the junta. It is critical for the nations of the world who stand with us to band together in a coordinated campaign of further sanctions that would cut the flow of revenue to this murderous regime. We are respectfully requesting that the Government of Japan ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of Japan, whether public or private, be allowed to
continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains unscathed by the international community. Coordinated and targeted sanctions and legislation would make a clear legal obligation for companies to stop the flow of this revenue to the junta. We must not continue to allow this illegal junta to
spend the wealth of the people of Myanmar in murdering the people of Myanmar. Therefore, the Government of Japan and the International Community must place sanctions against Myanmar Oil and Gas and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology, and impose an international arms embargo and a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by whatever
means necessary. These measures are critically vital to prevent civil war and another genocide in Myanmar. Our National Unity Government Myanmar is ready, willing and able to help in all of
these coordinated efforts. This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from the Government of Japan and the free countries and leaders from around the world who
believe in freedom, justice and democracy. This is the first time in our history that elected members of Parliament, political parties, ethnic leaders, ethnic armed organizations and grass roots civil society organizations have come together as one united people to oppose the common enemy. This is the greatest opportunity of the
century. We must then seize upon this window of opportunity and put an end to this wicked, illegitimate regime, and begin afresh with a transparent and inclusive federal democratic union of Myanmar. As the true legitimate and democratically elected Government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government of Myanmar is here to help
generate the will of the brave people of Myanmar by whom, and for whom it was elected. This united will of the people is: - Building of a Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar where both Federal States
and Federal Union Governments are by the people and for the people, and where the rights of ALL regardless of race, sex, culture, ethnicity, background, and religion are equally respected, protected and promoted. It will be a place where power and resource sharing will be based on the principles of equality and self-determination, and where the three branches of Parliament, Judiciary and Executive will function independently. - Total eradication of military dictatorship and the current genocidal military which has become a cancer to the country and people of Myanmar, and to replace it with an ethical and inclusive armed force that belong to the people of Myanmar and is led by the civilian government. - Complete nullification of the 2008 constitution created by the junta and for the junta, and repealing and replacing discriminative laws, such as the 1982 citizenship law, with new laws and a federal constitution for the people of Myanmar. This will be done in an inclusive manner and only with the consensus
of ALL the stakeholders. A constitutional convention and referendum will be held on the permanent draft constitution which will be won by the people and belong to the people of Myanmar for generations to come. I am very proud of the courageous people of Myanmar who are on the front lines of this movement to liberate our nation from a brutal military regime, and for their bravery and their commitment to human rights, a federal democracy and freedom for ALL the
people of Myanmar. Mark my words: we, the opposition to the illegal junta, will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military junta, and on the other end of this fight we will emerge an inclusive Myanmar that is committed to democracy,
human rights, and to being a responsible partner in the global community. With the help of the People, Parliament and Government of Japan, our vision and our dream will become a powerful reality and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratefulness.
Sincerely,
Arigatou..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Japan-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
148.34 KB
more
Description:
"Dear Dominic,
The situation in Myanmar is deteriorating rapidly. In recent days, the military regime has escalated their daily cycle of atrocities perpetrated against civilians across Myanmar, with airstrikes in Kayah (Karenni) State. On Monday afternoon (May 31st), the Myanmar military regime launched airstrikes in Kayah for the first time since the 1 February coup. Two helicopters opened fire in Demoso Township,
this was followed by heavy artillery shelling, marking a rapid escalation of violence in the state. 70,000 civilians have already been displaced, fleeing to camps rapidly set up by local communities. The situation for these IDPs has been dire; they are in urgent need of food,
medicine and other essentials. Hiding in the jungle they are also facing seasonal monsoons that are washing away camps.
We welcome the UK Government' s imposition of sanctions against regime leaders; the decision to review aid programmes in Myanmar; the condemnation of the killing o f peaceful protestors, and the unlawful detention of political and civil society leaders. However, this is
not enough. Airstrikes - also used to attack and besiege the Chin state town o f Mindat last month - accompanied by the use of heavy artillery weapons, represent a serious escalation of the violence. In addition to the estimated 70,000 people who have been displaced in Kayah state,
tens of thousands of others in Shan, Chin, Karen and Rakhine States have been displaced and are also in desperate need of food, medicine and humanitarian aid. However, humanitarian access is being prevented by the blocking and destruction by the military of roads and bridges to besieged areas. Regime forces have also cut off access to entrances into Kayah State from Shan State to the north, and transport to Loikaw has now also been cut off, with bridges
destroyed and roads blockaded, further hindering any transport of supplies. The lack of response by the international community is increasing the danger of civil war. The constant threat of military raids, arrests, torture and killings has pushed communities to take up arms.
Dr. Sasa, Spokesperson and Minister for International Cooperation for the National Unity Government said yesterday. "The people of Myanmar have been left with no other choice. They just have no other option left. It is just the beginning . The situation will become out o f
control................The whole country is on the road to civil war.
It is time to take urgent action, not just for the people of Myanmar but for the stability of the region. We urge the British government:
• to recognise the National Unity Government (NUG), who are the democratically elected leaders of Myanmar, and who have promised to enshrine the rights of the country’s ethnic communities. Last week, a NUG representative expressed acute disappointment at Britain’s failure to recognise the NUG: "The junta is dismantling an
elected government by genocidal actions and policies. Not recognising the NUG is a rejection o f the will o f the people o f Myanmar. It is a betrayal o f democracy. When will the world stop the military generals before they commit another genocide?"
• to provide emergency cross-border humanitarian aid.
• to increase pressure for a global arms embargo to cut off the flow of weapons to this brutal regime.
• to intensify diplomatic pressure at the United Nations Security Council to establish an accountability mechanism to bring the perpetrators of atrocities to justice.
• to increase pressure on the military regime to stop its reign of terror.
• to impose more targeted sanctions against military enterprises and a global arms embargo. Whilst the UK has taken some positive initial steps, we urge the Government to implement the above suggestions as a matter of great urgency. It is only thereby that stability can be restored; that civil war might be prevented; and that the best opportunity in 70 years for peace, justice, freedom and democracy for all the people of Myanmar might finally be achieved..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, UK-Burma relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
77.1 KB
more
Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS
As of end of March 2021, there were 13 operational Severe Acute Respiratory Infection Isolation and Treatment Centres (SARI ITC) in the refugee camps, with a total of 502 available beds, in addition to 415 beds that are on standby for COVID-19 case management.
Since the begining of the outbreak; cummulatively, 34,224 COVID-19 tests were conducted among the Rohingya refugees by March 2021. Of these, 438 tested positive.
The Director General of Drug Administration (DGDA), Health Sector partners and WHO conducted a series of meetings and field monitoring visits on 21st and 23rd January to strengthen Post Marketing Surveillance (PMS) by risk based sampling and testing through mini laboratories to enhance access to safe, effective and quality medicines and vaccines for all..."
Source/publisher:
Health Cluster and World Health Organization via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Public Health, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.52 MB (13 pages)
more
Description:
"Thailand is concerned at the violence in many parts of Myanmar and wants to see the implementation of steps agreed by Southeast Asian leaders with the military junta to help end the turmoil since the Feb. 1 coup, the foreign ministry said on Sunday.
Myanmar's junta has shown little sign of heeding the five point 'consensus' agreed among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in April - which calls for an end to violence, political talks and the naming of a regional special envoy.
"We have been following developments in Myanmar closely with much concern, especially incidents of violence in many parts of the country," foreign ministry spokesperson Tanee Sangrat said in a statement.
He reiterated a call for an end to the violence, the release of all detainees and the "concrete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus" as soon as possible.
The junta has failed to impose control since seizing power from elected leader Aug San Suu Kyi, who is among more than 4,500 people detained since the coup. At least 847 have been killed, a rights group says. The army disputes that figure.
Meanwhile, daily protests against the military have evolved in parts of Myanmar into armed insurrections while decade old ethnic conflicts have flared anew.
Opponents of the junta have voiced frustration at the lack of tough action by ASEAN and say the meeting of two representatives of the group with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on Friday gave him greater legitimacy but brought no benefit.
Thailand has a longer border with Myanmar than any other country and fears the conflict could bring a flood of refugees. Its government is itself led by a former army chief who seized power in a coup before holding elections.
"Much of what Thailand has done may not have been made public as we believe that quiet and discreet diplomacy between neighbours would be more effective and in line with traditional Thai diplomacy," Tanee said..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Thailand-Burma relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) is launching a live record of actions taken since the attempted coup in Myanmar by States, businesses, and other entities – including sanctions, operation suspensions and divestments – that contribute to cutting the junta’s finances. SAC-M is calling for a global ‘Three Cuts’ strategy against the junta in Myanmar: cut the weapons, cut the cash, cut the impunity.
The live record can be found here: https://specialadvisorycouncil.org/cut-the-cash/
The junta in Myanmar – once the Myanmar military – is infamous for having a long-established and complex web of commercial interests composed of military-linked companies and subsidiaries, State-owned enterprises, and private crony companies. The wealth generated through this corrupt system that spans Myanmar’s economy creates immense personal wealth for the junta’s leadership and enables its forces to carry out massive human rights violations across the country.
“The junta relies heavily on revenues from domestic and foreign business deals to support its operations and insulate its leaders from the extreme economic hardship they are forcing on the rest of the country” says Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Cutting off the junta’s multi-million-dollar income is essential to support the people’s Civil Disobedience Movement, halt the junta’s massive human rights violations and hold the perpetrators accountable. This live record is intended to highlight who has taken action and who has not.”
Since launching a coup on 1 February 2021, the junta’s forces have murdered at least 840 people – including dozens of children – abducted and detained thousands, and committed brazen acts of torture, sexual and gender-based violence and other forms of extreme brutality. The junta has launched airstrikes and fired heavy artillery into towns and villages in rural areas. Tens, or even hundreds, of thousands of people are newly displaced from their homes both in the cities and towns and along Myanmar’s western and eastern borders.
Responding to the many calls from Myanmar civil society organizations, States, businesses and other entities have begun taking action against the junta such as with targeted sanctions, operation suspensions and divestments. SAC-M acknowledges and welcomes the efforts and actions taken so far and will continue to track future actions as well as their implementation.
“States and business enterprises have international legal obligations to respect human rights and must do the utmost to avoid that their activities and businesses cause adverse human rights impacts,” says Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “In view of these obligations, as part of the UN Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, we called in 2019 for complete economic disengagement from the Myanmar military, military leaders and their families, and corporations and businesses owned or controlled by the military. Those calls remain critical today.”
SAC-M maintains that economic sanctions will work in Myanmar insofar as they are targeted at cutting the junta’s finances. Besides economic disengagement from the Myanmar military, the Fact-Finding Mission also called for the promotion of economic ties and engagement with non-military companies in Myanmar as a means of building the non-military sector of the economy.
The inescapable fact is that at the moment it is impossible to do business in Myanmar. Under the current circumstances, businesses should be supporting the anti-coup resistance by suspending all operations in Myanmar apart from essential humanitarian operations.
However, in time the removal of the junta from the economy will create the legal and economic environment where corruption can be addressed seriously for the first time. It will open up greatly expanded opportunities for non-military businesses, local and foreign. Private business will be needed for the long-delayed economic development of Myanmar.
With the live record, SAC-M intends to provide an overview of actions taken so far by States, businesses and other financial entities since 1 February 2021 towards cutting all direct or indirect financial support to the junta. The record is intended as a living document that SAC-M will continue to maintain and update as necessary. SAC-M encourages business enterprises, including those that may not be mentioned in this record, to inform SAC-M of any relevant action undertaken with regard to their economic activities in Myanmar.
The record lists business enterprises that have proactively taken actions against the junta as a result of the coup and the ensuing human rights violations committed against civilians, who have resisted the unlawful attempted takeover of power. It does not include companies that had to suspend their business activities because of actions of the Civil Disobedience Movement.
“There are already signs that these collective cuts to the junta’s finances are starting to bite,” says Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “It is essential that we continue to build the pressure. A priority is coordinated international sanctions on the junta’s extractive industry so-called State-owned enterprises – including Myanmar Timber Enterprise, Myanmar Gems Enterprise, and of course, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. I first raised my concerns over these entities as UN Special Rapporteur in 2019. They are central to the junta’s finances, and it will use them to exploit every last inch of Myanmar’s natural wealth while oppressing the people and driving the country to ruin.”
Cutting the junta’s finances is part of a global ‘Three Cuts’ strategy that SAC-M is calling for: cut the junta’s arms supply through comprehensive arms embargos, cut the cash flow through targeted economic sanctions, and cut the junta’s impunity through referral to the International Criminal Court and other accountability mechanisms. The progress of all ‘Three Cuts’ will be tracked on SAC-M’s website..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS: The civil unrest and conflict in Myanmar following 1 February has resulted in increased displacement and there are now an estimated half a million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the country, including those displaced before 01 February. In the last two weeks, the estimated number of new IDPs has nearly tripled from 61,000 to 175,000, largely due to new armed clashes and a rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation in Myanmar’s Kayah State.
In Kayah State, located in eastern Myanmar, an estimated 100,000 people have now been displaced since 1 February, most of whom have been displaced since 20 May. The security situation also continues to be particularly tense across southeast Myanmar, with explosions and shelling reported in various locations and intensified clashes also observed in Kayin State and eastern Bago Region. Many of the 149,000 total IDPs in southeast Myanmar remain in hiding. In northern Myanmar, internal displacement has increased due to ongoing fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and Kachin Independence Army, expanding across Kachin State, the northernmost state in Myanmar, and into northern Sagaing Region. In northern Shan State, armed conflict among ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and between EAOs and the MAF continued to displace people across a number of townships.
As a result of recent fighting in Kayah and Shan States, there have not yet been new reported movements from Myanmar toward Thailand. From earlier displacement from Myanmar, Mae Hong Son Province remains the most affected area in Thailand, though humanitarian actors have not yet formally been granted access. The group of over 1,700 arrivals from Myanmar reported on 13 May has now reduced to some 255, who are being accommodated in four temporary safety areas, managed by the Royal Thai Government. The remainder of the group has reportedly returned to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Food Security and militarisation in Burma, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.47 MB
more
Description:
"An estimated 151,000 people in southeastern parts of the country have been internally displaced by insecurity and armed conflict between various parties as of 31 May. In Kayah State, between 85,000 to 100,000 people are estimated to have been displaced by ongoing hostilities between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Karenni Army as well as the Karenni People's Defence Force. Fighting in the area continues to escalate with airstrikes and indiscriminate shelling reported. The majority of the displaced people are concentrated in Demoso, Hpruso and Loikaw townships in Kayah State as well as Hsiseng and Pekon townships in southern Shan State, according to UNHCR. The displacement in Kayah State is in addition to 51,200 people who had been displaced in the south-east, over 47,300 people in Kayin State, with a further 3,900 in parts of Mon State and eastern Bago Region, since 1 February due to insecurity and clashes between the MAF and the Karen National Liberation Army. The humanitarian impact of hostilities in the region remains severe, with people displaced and those who remain in areas affected across the south-eastern parts of the country in urgent need of food, shelter, medicine, water as well as sanitation services. Humanitarian access to people in need is constrained by insecurity, road blockages, landmine risks and lengthy or unclear approval processes. As needs grow, the capacities of local partners are increasingly stretched and require additional financial support. Despite the challenges, operational partners are responding to needs where possible. During the reporting period, a small number of families displaced across several townships in Kayah State, Kayin State, and eastern parts of Bago Region received shelter and emergency kits, hygiene assistance, and basic medical supplies. The partners will continue to explore all possible options to respond to the needs of people displaced and everyone affected..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.9 MB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"The Committee to Protect Journalists today condemned Myanmar authorities’ sentencing of two journalists to prison on charges of incitement, and called for them to be released immediately.
Today, a military court in the southern city of Myeik convicted Aung Kyaw, a reporter with the Democratic Voice of Burma, and Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter with Mizzima News, under Article 505(a) of the penal code, which criminalizes the dissemination of information that could agitate or cause security forces or state officials to mutiny, according to news reports.
The court sentenced each journalist to two years in jail, according to those reports and a statement from the Democratic Voice of Burma, which CPJ reviewed. The journalists do not plan to appeal their sentences, according to those sources.
“Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalists Aung Kyaw and Zaw Zaw,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Reporting the news is not a crime. Myanmar’s junta must stop jailing and sentencing journalists on fabricated charges, and should allow the press to work freely.”
Aung Kyaw represented himself during two hearings after his lawyer came under threat by the military, the DVB statement said. Military authorities banned both independent news outlets on March 9 for covering anti-coup protests, as CPJ documented at the time.
Authorities first arrested Aung Kyaw at his home in Myiek on March 1, and arrested Zaw Zaw in the same city on April 7; both journalists had covered anti-coup protests in Myiek, those news reports and the DVB statement said.
Previously, on May 12, a military court sentenced DVB reporter Min Nyo to three years in prison under Article 505(a).
Two other DVB reporters are being held without charge, according to the outlet’s editor-in-chief, Aye Chan Naing, who communicated with CPJ by email, and said that the outlet preferred not to identify those reporters by name.
Myanmar’s military regime currently holds dozens of members of the press behind bars, according to preliminary data compiled by CPJ based on independent reporting, news reports, and research by the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, a local rights group. The majority have been detained during newsroom raids or while covering anti-coup street protests, and over half face charges under Article 505(a), according to that data.
On April 6, CPJ addressed a public letter to junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing calling on his regime to release all journalists detained in the wake of the February 1 coup.
CPJ emailed the Ministry of Information for comment on today’s sentencing, but did not immediately receive any reply..."
Source/publisher:
Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The Elders today called on the international community to intensify pressure on the military leadership in Myanmar to prevent the country descending into endemic violence and state failure.
The UN, ASEAN and other regional and international actors must urgently step up their level of engagement to prevent consolidation of the coup, and give their full backing to a return to democratic, civilian rule.
The Elders warned that the cost of inaction is high, as can be seen from other protracted conflicts worldwide and their humanitarian consequences. Although international media attention on Myanmar is receding, state violence, repression and coercion continue to be systematically deployed against civilians who stand up against the coup.
More than 800 people have been killed by security forces since 1 February, and violence is escalating in many parts of the country. The impact of the crisis on health, education and other basic services has been devastating, and the economy is on the verge of collapse. Teachers who have been striking as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement have reportedly faced suspensions and threats by the military ahead of today’s deadline for public schools to reopen, risking further tensions and violence.
Mary Robinson, Chair of The Elders and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said:
“Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure. The international community must stand firm in opposition to the military coup. Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends. Regional states and international organisations, notably the UN, should use all the tools at their disposal to convince the military of the urgent need for constructive dialogue between all relevant parties, as the only way out of the crisis."
The Elders noted that divisions within the UN Security Council continue to impede concerted action, and they urged its Permanent Members to enable the Council to fulfil its obligation under the United Nations Charter to maintain global peace and security.
Within the region, more than a month has passed since the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on 24 April, without visible progress on implementation of the commitments in the five-point plan. ASEAN must hold Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, accountable for his adherence to the commitments agreed in Jakarta, without preconditions.
Ban Ki-moon, Deputy Chair of The Elders and former UN Secretary-General, said:
"Unfortunately, ASEAN is failing to live up to its mandate and responsibilities. It must now step up and play the crucial role expected of it by countries around the world in the resolution of this crisis. A visit by a high-level ASEAN delegation, to initiate dialogue with all parties, is long overdue. Myanmar’s regional neighbours have the levers in their hands to change the trajectory of this crisis. Now is the time to use them."
The Elders warned that the State Administrative Council established following the coup does not have the legitimacy or authority to govern Myanmar. The threat by the military-appointed Union Election Commission to dissolve the National League for Democracy, which won an overwhelming majority in elections last November, only diminishes the junta’s legitimacy even further and exposes their fear of Myanmar’s people.
The Elders reaffirmed their solidarity with the people of Myanmar, including those living outside its borders, in their quest for a better future based on democratic freedom, inclusion and prosperity..."
Source/publisher:
The Elders
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
354.92 KB
more
Description:
"1. The National Unity Government has adopted the seals, policies, and programmes of the 13 ministries.
2. The official website of the National Unity Government https://nugmyanmar.org is now launched. It has web pages for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of International Cooperation, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Human Rights. The web pages for other ministries will be available soon.
3. The National Unity Government is releasing today a statement1 regarding the Rohingya. The statement sets out that they will be referred by NUG as 'Rohingya' and that the 1982 Citizenship Law will be repealed and replaced with a new law based on proper
citizenship criteria. It also states that the government will continue working with the international legal system to hold the military accountable for the crimes committed against the people, including Rohingyas, over many decades.
4. The NUG wishes to tell the world that the number of forcibly displaced people in the Kayin State, Shan State, Kachin State, Chin State, and Magway Region from the attempted coup of 1 February 2021 up to 27 May 2021 is 83,900. The number of displaced people up to 29 May 2021 at the IDP camps in the Karenni State is more than
80,000. The Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management has already delivered humanitarian assistance worth around 300 million Kyat to the IDPs in Kayin
State, Karenni State, Yangon Region, Shan State, Kachin State, Mon State, Chin State, Mandalay Region, and Tanintharyi Region.
5. The Ministry of Defence has released Basic Principles of the People’s Defence Force 2 (PDF) and the Military Code of Conduct for the People’s Defence Force 3 (PDF). The Code of Conduct sets out Rules for soldiers, for prisoners of war (POWs) on the relations
with civilians, including women and children. The Ministry has also released a statement 4 on the members of the Tatmadaw.
6. The National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the Chin National Front (CNF) signed an agreement on 29 May 2021 to fight together against the dictatorship and to bring about a shared democratic federal system.1
7. Under the guidance of Ministry of Health, Myanmar doctors in the UK have started delivering weekly online lectures via Zoom from 29 May 2021 and 30 May 2021 for medical students in Final Part II. The lessons are delivered on Saturdays and Sundays.
There were more than 2,000 participants. The lectures are being based on the curriculums of medical schools in Myanmar and those in the UK (Leeds, Nottingham, Manchester etc.) and reflect the context of the present situation in Myanmar, so the lessons will first and foremost focus on emergency care. The schedules for weekly
lectures will be announced in time on the Facebook page of the Ministry of Health 5. The lecturers will work with doctors in the US and Australia to add more lessons.
8. The Ministry of Health's motto is people-centred approach and that we recognise and honour all healthcare professionals caring patients by giving up their lives. A protocol has been set up for the early detection and prevention of COVID 19 third wave in
Myanmar. It includes strict guidelines for the individuals and the families, instructions for the suspects and mild cases, step by step guidelines for how to deal with seriously ill patients. These guidelines and protocols will be available on the Ministry Facebook and
website for public information. There will be more updates on telemedicine centers which will be set up and be opened 24 hours for advice and treatment for the suspects. The preventative measures must be distributed, and the guidelines must be
followed diligently as prevention is far more effective than the cure.
9. The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment welcomes Total’s suspension of their cash dividends, payable to the military junta. This cash dividend suspended by Total is however a small amount compared with the full revenue flows from Total to the regime.
Therefore, the regime will continue receiving substantial amounts of revenue, risking that more money is spent enabling violence. We urge the oil and gas companies to block and cease all payments generated from oil and gas industry as soon as possible. These payments are crucial for the continuation of the military council, an organization of
state terrorists..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
268.91 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
www.nugmyanmar.org
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၃/၂၀၂၁)
၃ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန (၁၃) ခု၏ အမှတ်တံဆိပ်များ နှင့် မူဝါဒများ၊ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အတည်ပြုခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ တရားဝင်အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ(Website)ဖြစ်သော https://nugmyanmar.org ကို ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်ပြီဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ကျန်းမာရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ(Website) များလဲ ပါဝင်ပါသည်။ ကျန်ရှိနေသေးသော ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများ၏ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ(Website) များကိုလဲ မကြာမီအချိန်အတွင်း ဆက်လက်ထုတ်လွှင့်ပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ထားရှိသည့် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက် ၁ ကို ယနေ့ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။ ယခုထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူအား “ရိုဟင်ဂျာ” ဟူသော အမည်ဖြင့်သုံးစွဲသွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ၁၉၈၂ နိုင်ငံသားဥပဒေကို ပယ်ဖျက်၍ နိုင်ငံသားစံနှုန်းများကို အခြေခံရေးဆွဲသော ဥပဒေသစ်ဖြင့် အစားထိုးဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့် အခြားပြည်သူတို့အပေါ် ဆယ်စုနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အပြစ်ရှိသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ တာဝန်ခံမှုများကိုဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံးနှင့် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း များပါရှိသည်။
၄။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို မတရားသိမ်းယူခဲ့သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်၊ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ချင်းပြည်နယ်နှင့်မကွေးတိုင်းတို့မှ အိမ်ယာစွန့်ခွာရွှေ့ပြောင်းရသူများမှာ မေလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့အထိ ၈၃၉၀၀ အထိရှိနေပြီဖြစ်ပြီး ကရင်နီပြည်နယ် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းများတွင် မေလ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့အထိစာရင်းအရ ၈၀၀၀၀ ကျော်ရှိသွားပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ် ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် ကရင်၊ ကရင်နီ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ရှမ်း၊ ကချင်၊ မွန်၊ ချင်း၊ မန္တလေး၊ တနင်္သာရီ ဒေသများမှ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးနေရသူ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ အနေနှင့် သိန်း ၃၀၀၀ ခန့်တန်ဖိုးရှိ အကူအညီများပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF)၏ အခြေခံမူဝါဒ ၂ , စစ်သည်တော် ကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းမျဉ်းများ၊ စစ်သုံ့ပန်းများအပေါ် ပြုကျင့်ရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနှင့် ဆက်ဆံရာတွင် လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် ကလေးငယ်များအပေါ် လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များပါဝင်သည့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ကျင့်ဝတ်များ ၃ ၊ တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သည့် မူဝါဒသဘောထားကြေညာချက် ၄ များကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) တို့အကြား အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ဖော်ဆောင်ကျင့်သုံးရေးအတွက် နှစ်ဖက်သဘောတူညီချက်ကို ယနေ့ မေလ ၂၉ ရက်တွင် အောင်မြင်စွာ လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၅
၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ သဘောထားမှာ ပြည်သူသည်သာအဓိက၊ ပြည်သူ့ ကျန်းမာရေးသည် ပထမဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကိုယ်ကျိုးစွန့်လျက်၊ အသက်ပေးလျက် ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေးကို စောင့်ရှောက်ပေး နေကြသော ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများအား ကျေးဇူးတင်ဂုဏ်ပြုပါသည်။ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ တတိယလှိုင်းကို ကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် ရောဂါဖြစ်ပွားမှုကို စောစီးစွာသိရှိနိုင်ရန် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ဆောင်ရွက်ထားရှိပါသည်။ လူတစ်ဦးချင်းစီနှင့် မိသားစုတစ်စုချင်းစီက ရောဂါကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများ တိကျစွာလိုက်နာရန်၊ ရောဂါသံသယလက္ခဏာရှိသူများနှင့် မပြင်းထန်သော လူနာများ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လုပ်ငန်းများ၊ ပြင်းထန်သော လက္ခဏာရှိသည့် လူနာများအတွက် လုပ်ငန်းအဆင့်ဆင့်ကို ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဖေစ့်ဘွတ်ခ် စာမျက်နှာတွင် ဖော်ပြထားပြီး ပြည်သူများ သိရှိသင့်သည့်အချက်များကို အချိန်နှင့် တပြေးညီ ဖော်ပြသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ သံသယလူနာများ (၂၄)နာရီ ပြသနိုင်ရန် တယ်လီကျန်းမာစင်တာများကို ဖွင့်လှစ်၍ ကုသအကြံပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ရာ သတင်းထပ်မံထုတ်ပြန်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ခြင်းက ကုသခြင်းထက် အဆပေါင်းများစွာ ကောင်းမွန်သဖြင့် ရောဂါကာကွယ်ရေး နည်းလမ်းများကို တစ်ဦးကိုတစ်ဦး အသိပေး၊ သတိပေး၍ သတိမလစ် ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုပါသည်။
၈။ ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်နောက်ဆုံးနှစ် အပိုင်း (ခ) ကျောင်းသားများအတွက် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီး၏ လမ်းညွှန်မှုနှင့်အညီ UK ရောက်မြန်မာဆရာဝန်များမှ အပတ်စဉ် စနေနှင့် တနင်္ဂနွေနေ့ online zoom lecture များကို၂၉-၃၀ မေလ weekend မှစတင်ပို့ချပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်ရှိ CDM လုပ်နေသောဆရာများ၊ US နှင့် Australia ရောက်မြန်မာဆရာဝန်များနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ သင်ခန်းစာ အချိန်များကို တိုးချဲ့သွားပါမည်။ ပထမနေ့တွင် zoom သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ၁၀၀၀ ပြည့်သွားသောကြောင့် ဒုတိယနေ့တွင် zoom live အပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန Facebook page မှ live လွှင့်ရာ ကျောင်းသား ၂၀၀၀ ကျော်တက်ရောက်ပါသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်များ ၏ သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းနှင့် UK ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်များ (Leeds, Nottingham, Manchester, etc.) သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းအပေါ်အခြေခံ၍ ယနေ့မြန်မာပြည်အခြေအနေပေါ်မူတည်၍ သင်ကြားပြီး Emergency အခြေအနေ များကို ရှေးဦးစွာ ဦးစားပေးသင်ကြားပါမည်။ အပတ်စဉ် သင်ကြားမည့် အစီအစဉ်များကို ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန Facebook page ၅ မှ အချိန်နှင့် တပြေးညီ အသိပေးကြေညာပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၉။ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် Total ကုမ္ပဏီမှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသို့ စီးဝင်နေသော ဝင်ငွေတစ်စိတ်တစ်ပိုင်းဖြစ်သည့် အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုအား ရပ်ဆိုင်းလိုက်သည့်အတွက် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ အဆိုပါအမြတ်ငွေများသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် အဓိကအထောက်အပံ့ပြုနေသော ဝင်ငွေများ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုရပ်ဆိုင်းလိုက်သည့် အမြတ်ငွေသည် TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီမှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီထံသို့ စီးဝင်နေသော စုစုပေါင်းဝင်ငွေနှင့် နှိုင်းစာလျှင် မပြောပလောက်သည့် ပမာဏသာဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ရရှိမြဲဝင်ငွေအများအပြားကို ဆက်လက်ရရှိနေမည်သာဖြစ်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ယန္တရားအား ဆက်လက်လည်ပတ် နေမည်သာဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓါတ်ငွေ့ထုတ်လုပ် ရောင်းချသည့် ကုမ္ပဏီများအား အထူးတိုက်တွန်းလိုသည်မှာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ သက်ဆိုးရှည်ရေးအတွက် အဓိက ကျသည့် ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓါတ်ငွေ့ရောင်းချရသည့်ဝင်ငွေများအား ထိရောက်စွာ အမြန်ဆုံးဟန့်တားပိတ်ဆို့ဖြတ်တောက် အရေးယူကြရန် ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.2 MB
Local URL:
more
Topic:
Myanmar coup | Refugees
Topic:
Myanmar coup | Refugees
Description:
"As the ASEAN Secretary-General and a representative of the ASEAN Chair, Brunei, are expected to visit Myanmar this week, parliamentarians across Southeast Asia urge them to hold the military accountable for its blatant disregard of the five-point consensus, and to meet with all major stakeholders in Myanmar, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) said today.
“More than one month since the ASEAN leaders’ meeting on Myanmar, the military has merely carried on with its brutal crackdown against the people,” said Charles Santiago, a Malaysian Member of Parliament (MP) and Chair of APHR. “How many more innocent lives must be lost before ASEAN decides to move beyond words and actually put in place binding measures and lay out consequences for the military’s brutality?”
This visit must also be the occasion for ASEAN to meet with State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, who have been in detention since the military coup on 1 February, APHR said.
“If ASEAN only meets with the military it risks, once again, playing into the junta’s public relations exercise and granting them legitimacy, when all they deserve is admonition,” Santiago added.
To have a genuine and inclusive dialogue with all parties, ASEAN’s delegation must also meet with representatives of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs).
“The delegation must make it clear to Min Aung Hlaing that constructive dialogue cannot be possible while political prisoners remain behind bars. It must demand to see them and urge their release. Otherwise, this trip to Myanmar may be completely worthless,” said Kasit Piromya, a former MP of Thailand and APHR Board Member.
The visit comes more than one month after an ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting was held, at which a Five-Point Consensus was agreed to by all who attended, including Myanmar Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
As the Myanmar army continues its attacks and airstrikes, APHR also urges ASEAN Member States to help address the immediate needs of displaced persons inside the country and protect all persons seeking asylum. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates that 61,000 persons have been internally displaced and over 12,000 refugees have fled Myanmar since 1 February.
“Not only is the military committing serious human rights violations, but they are causing a humanitarian and refugee crisis. ASEAN must urge the military to grant all humanitarian organizations and agencies inside Myanmar and across borders immediate, unfettered and unimpeded access to to all those in need,” Piromya said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
Date of publication:
2021-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
more
Description:
"Highlights: In 2020, the situation in Myanmar was overshadowed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The main focus of all UNICEF’s work was adapting programmes to COVID-19-safe engagement modalities and ensuring critical activities continued. UNICEF Myanmar rapidly repurposed its operations to support a massive coordinated national COVID-19 response, to ensure that children in Myanmar, including the most vulnerable, stayed healthy, able to access critical services, and supported by strengthened systems to mitigate the secondary impacts of the crisis.
As we prepare this annual report, the context in Myanmar has significantly changed as a result of the military takeover on 1 February 2021. However, it is worth noting the results achieved last year, and reflecting on how to continue our critical work for children..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.16 MB (38 pages)
more
Description:
"Officially, Myanmar says there are only a few dozen new COVID infections a day. Observers say that can't be true. There's hardly any testing going on. There are reports of a lack of staff in testing centers.
Hospitals have the same problem, with doctors and nurses joining strikes against the military, which seized power four months ago. There've been attacks on health-care workers. As schools reopen, teachers and students are also making a stand, defying the junta's calls for full classrooms, which would only help the virus spread.
Hundreds of thousands of people across Myanmar have been calling for an end to the military takeover.
The country is in turmoil. And the health-care system is one of the worst-affected sectors. Doctors and nurses were the first to go on strike, thousands refusing to work under a military regime. But that also poses a problem for COVID patients..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Public Health, Health Workers Strike, Spring Revolution, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
National team lost 10-0 in Japan after mainstays including an experienced goalkeeper refused the head coach’s call
Description:
"Second-division games in Malaysia don’t make many international headlines but that changed in March when the Myanmar under-23 winger Hein Htet Aung gave a three-fingered salute after scoring for Selangor II. Popularised by The Hunger Games film franchise, this gesture of resistance was adopted by pro-democracy protesters in Thailand and Hong Kong in 2014 and then by Myanmar, after the military took back power in a coup on 1 February.
Before Myanmar’s 2022 World Cup qualifier against Japan last Friday, the goalkeeper Kyaw Zin Htet had called for players to copy Hein’s handiwork. “It would be good if some of them came out and gave the three-fingered salute to an international audience,” the 31-year-old told AFP.
There weren’t many opportunities for the national team to follow in Hein’s footsteps during the game as a ruthless Japan won 10-0 to inflict Myanmar’s biggest defeat. The only protests seen and heard came outside the stadium from a few dozen Myanmar residents in Tokyo. There are, though, more chances to grab headlines in Japan (where all the group’s games are being held to reduce travel) against Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on 11 and 15 June respectively.
There were mitigating circumstances regarding the size of Friday’s loss. Kyaw, an experienced goalkeeper, did not go to Japan, one of many mainstays who refused the call from the head coach, Antoine Hey, a development that delayed the team’s departure by a week. Kyaw made clear on 13 February during a protest with other footballers in Yangon that he was not going to represent the nation under the regime headed by Gen Min Aung Hlaing.
“If the entire group of players had opted out, it would have had an impact,” said Kyaw. “Younger players are also being threatened on their future if they choose not to play the game, so they might be worried about it.” The Myanmar Football Federation said on its website that players who refused could be suspended.
Prominent figures have been put under pressure. In April, the junta stepped up a campaign against celebrity protest supporters – some of whom have been imprisoned – by publishing a list of their names in state media and warning broadcasters and agencies against working with them.
According to the human rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, as of 1 June 841 people had been “confirmed killed by this junta coup”. Chit Bo Bo Nyein, the Paul Pogba-loving captain of the under-21 team of Hantharwady United, one of Myanmar’s leading clubs, was shot and killed on 27 March, a day when 150 were reported to have died in protests.
Hey, the German is in his second spell as head coach, is trying not to get drawn into the issue. He told the Guardian that he respected the players’ decisions but that football owed it to future generations to continue. After the heavy defeat by Japan he said: “We are concentrating on our job, on our team, on our players; we are not taking any political stand or side,” Hey said. “We just do what we are here for – playing football as good as we possibly can.”
Club football has ground to a halt in Myanmar, which rarely features in the south-east Asian summer itineraries of European club giants. Hantharwady and Shan United recently withdrew from Asian club competitions and federation officials say many players have returned to their home provinces and some are undergoing military training to learn how to fight back.
The 2022 World Cup would be out of the question even if Myanmar had all their players available but with the road to Qatar doubling as the route to the 2023 Asian Cup in China, there is a chance of making it to the continental tournament for the first time since 1968. It has been a while since Myanmar were a force even in south-east Asia, with Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia and, these days, Vietnam leading the way. There had been promising signs. The talent that has always been there has started to move overseas in increasing numbers and when the Under-20 team qualified for the 2015 World Cup, the people took to the streets to celebrate. It feels like a long time ago now..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"A Thai court has sentenced three Myanmar journalists for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and their two associates to seven months imprisonment and a 4,000 baht fine each for entering Thailand illegally.
They were arrested in Chiang Mai in northern Thailand in early May, after fleeing Myanmar following the junta’s order to close DVB’s news-gathering operations in the country.
Press freedom advocacy groups and the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand had urged the Thai authorities not to deport them back to Myanmar.
Thai media reported that a public prosecutor filed a case against them at a Chiang Mai court and on the same day the court approved the indictment and sentenced them.
In March, the military regime revoked DVB’s license to operate in Myanmar in response to their coverage of the junta’s atrocities against anti-coup protesters. Four other media organizations also lost their licenses, making reporting for them an illegal act.
The lawyers for the journalists and their associates said that they had confessed and been taken into custody by Thai immigration in Bangkok. Their lawyers are negotiating for them to be released on bail.
Over 80 journalists are among the more than 5,500 people arrested by security forces in Myanmar since the junta’s Feb. 1 coup. The vast majority remain in detention amid widespread reports of torture and extrajudicial killings..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-06-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Punitive sanctions policies should be recalibrated
Description:
"International calls for the restoration of democracy in strategically located Myanmar obscure an important divide between that country's neighbors and the West.
The sanctions-centered approach of the United States and the European Union has sought to punitively isolate Myanmar, while neighboring countries favor a policy of constructive engagement with the military junta.
After a gradual, decadelong democratization process, Myanmar's military, or Tatmadaw, seized power on Feb. 1 and began cracking down on those peacefully protesting the coup. The continuing unrest has carried important international implications, including the flight of political dissidents and ordinary refugees to neighboring countries.
The cross-border impacts explain why neighbors view engagement as essential, including urging Myanmar's military rulers to address the domestic unrest through political reconciliation.
Myanmar's land frontiers are porous, with cross-border ethnic linkages with communities in India and Thailand making the transboundary movement of people common. Trade, investment and counterinsurgency cooperation also link Myanmar with the countries that surround it.
Can anyone imagine the U.S. seeking to isolate and squeeze its southern neighbor Mexico? U.S. President Joe Biden, in fact, is relying on the Mexican government to address the present border crisis precipitated by the tide of mainly Central American refugees trying to enter the U.S. since he took office.
Likewise, it is inconceivable that Myanmar's immediate neighbors, saddled with a refugee influx since the coup, would embrace the punitive approach adopted by the U.S. and the EU. Yet, the Biden administration initiated a sanctions campaign against Myanmar without consultations with neighboring countries.
There is truth in the common diplomatic view that the farther a country is from Myanmar, the more likely it will favor a punitive approach, while those nearby will keep the channels of communication open through calibrated engagement. The history of sanctions shows that punitive actions have rarely worked without some form of engagement.
In this light, the presence of junta leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing at the Apr. 24 in-person Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit in Jakarta -- and the carefully nuanced summit statement on Myanmar that emphasized the "ASEAN family" -- represented a rebuff to the U.S.-led approach to isolate Myanmar.
According to the five-point consensus that emerged from the summit, ASEAN will mediate to help resolve the crisis. This is, however, easier said than done. ASEAN, for example, has failed to resolve the crisis in Thailand, where the leader of the 2014 coup remains ensconced in power -- in civilian garb -- by cracking down on pro-democracy protesters, including using a feared lese-majeste law to imprison those who insult the royal family.
More broadly, the retreat of the Myanmar spring exemplifies how democracy is under siege around the world. The wave of rollback of democracies highlights the growing threat from a fusion of autocratic politics and crony, state-guided capitalism.
Today, all the countries of continental Southeast Asia -- Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam -- are under authoritarian rule, like their giant northern neighbor, China. In fact, only two of ASEAN's 10 members are true democracies with judicial independence and free media.
Still, Myanmar's generals are discovering the hard way that rolling back democratic freedoms once people take them as their right carries enduring challenges. Although Myanmar had been under military rule for 50 of its 73 years since independence, the continuing protests show that many of its citizens are unwilling to accept a return to military rule.
Only the military can return Myanmar to the path of democratization. After all, it was the military that voluntarily ushered in the country's democratic transition that began in 2011. It is thus critical for outside states, including in the West, to maintain lines of communication with Myanmar's top generals.
One of the world's most ethnically diverse countries, Myanmar has long been an easy sanctions target because it has remained a weak, divided state torn by ethnic insurgencies. Its failure to construct an inclusive national identity has allowed old ethnic rivalries to fester, stifling the resource-rich country's potential.
As past experience has shown, however, an uncompromisingly harsh approach toward Myanmar has had the perverse effect of weakening America's hand while strengthening China's.
China values Myanmar as a strategic gateway to the Indian Ocean. Like India, Myanmar has long complained about the flow of Chinese arms to guerrilla groups, accusing Beijing of backing several of them as levers against it. The nationalistic military is wary of reliance on China. But international isolation could leave it with no choice.
As Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen told Nikkei's Future of Asia 2021 conference earlier this month: "If I don't rely on China, who will I rely on? If I don't ask China, who am I to ask?" Cambodia is a cautionary tale of how international isolation pushes an economically vulnerable nation into China's arms. Myanmar could be next, unless the U.S. recalibrates its sanctions policy.
The international divide over how to deal with Myanmar also represents a division between Western and Asian values. In contrast to the West's interventionist impulse and democratic evangelism, the Asian way of standing up for one's principles and beliefs does not extend to imposing them on others through coercive activism.
Today, with little prospect that the West could engineer a color revolution in Myanmar, friendly conversations with that country's generals to persuade them to halt their crackdown and release political prisoners are likely to make more headway toward influencing future events than the current heavy-handed approach..."
Source/publisher:
"Nikkei Asian Review" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"One week ago, on May 24, Frontier Myanmar’s managing editor Danny Fenster, a 37-year-old American citizen, was detained at Yangon International Airport shortly before boarding a flight to Kuala Lumpur. We understand that he is now in Insein Prison in Yangon.
Despite multiple attempts, Frontier has still not been able to confirm with the authorities why Danny has been detained. We have not been told what charges he is facing, if any, and have not been able to contact him. We have received no information whatsoever from the authorities about his detention.
Danny joined Frontier in August 2020 and is a much-loved colleague. He is thoughtful and compassionate and cares deeply about Myanmar, its people and and his work as an editor at Frontier. We are shocked and frustrated that Danny has been detained for no apparent reason.
We know that Danny has done nothing wrong and we demand his immediate and unconditional release. Our thoughts are with his family and friends at this difficult time, and we will continue to do whatever we can to support him..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The Elders today called on the international community to intensify pressure on the military leadership in Myanmar to prevent the country descending into endemic violence and state failure. The UN, ASEAN and other regional and international actors must urgently step up their level of engagement to prevent consolidation of the coup, and give their full backing to a return to democratic, civilian rule.
The Elders warned that the cost of inaction is high, as can be seen from other protracted conflicts worldwide and their humanitarian consequences. Although international media attention on Myanmar is receding, state violence, repression and coercion continue to be systematically deployed against civilians who stand up against the coup.
More than 800 people have been killed by security forces since 1 February, and violence is escalating in many parts of the country. The impact of the crisis on health, education and other basic services has been devastating, and the economy is on the verge of collapse. Teachers who have been striking as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement have reportedly faced suspensions and threats by the military ahead of today’s deadline for public schools to reopen, risking further tensions and violence.
Mary Robinson, Chair of The Elders and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said:
“Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure. The international community must stand firm in opposition to the military coup. Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends. Regional states and international organisations, notably the UN, should use all the tools at their disposal to convince the military of the urgent need for constructive dialogue between all relevant parties, as the only way out of the crisis."
The Elders noted that divisions within the UN Security Council continue to impede concerted action, and they urged its Permanent Members to enable the Council to fulfil its obligation under the United Nations Charter to maintain global peace and security.
Within the region, more than a month has passed since the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on 24 April, without visible progress on implementation of the commitments in the five-point plan. ASEAN must hold Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, accountable for his adherence to the commitments agreed in Jakarta, without preconditions. Ban Ki-moon, Deputy Chair of The Elders and former UN Secretary-General, said:
"Unfortunately, ASEAN is failing to live up to its mandate and responsibilities. It must now step up and play the crucial role expected of it by countries around the world in the resolution of this crisis. A visit by a high-level ASEAN delegation, to initiate dialogue with all parties, is long overdue. Myanmar’s regional neighbours have the levers in their hands to change the trajectory of this crisis. Now is the time to use them."
The Elders warned that the State Administrative Council established following the coup does not have the legitimacy or authority to govern Myanmar. The threat by the military-appointed Union Election Commission to dissolve the National League for Democracy, which won an overwhelming majority in elections last November, only diminishes the junta’s legitimacy even further and exposes their fear of Myanmar’s people.
The Elders reaffirmed their solidarity with the people of Myanmar, including those living outside its borders, in their quest for a better future based on democratic freedom, inclusion and prosperity..."
Source/publisher:
Elders via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Dozens of grassroots people’s defence forces have emerged to take on brutal military
Description:
"Myanmar is on the verge of a new civil war, a spokesperson for the country’s parallel government has warned, as communities increasingly take up arms to protect themselves from a relentless campaign of military violence.
Conflict has raged for decades in Myanmar’s borderlands, where myriad ethnic armed groups are fighting with the military for greater autonomy. Since February’s coup, however, dozens of new, grassroots people’s defence forces have emerged to oppose the junta, with battles occurring in areas of the country that were previously peaceful.
“The people of Myanmar have been left with no other choice. They just have no other option left,” said Dr Sasa, spokesperson for Myanmar’s national unity government (NUG), which was set up by pro-democracy politicians.
The constant threat of military raids, arrests, torture and killings had pushed communities to take up arms, he said.
“It is just the beginning. The situation will become out of control. Even if it is one man in a village, they will not just bow in front of these murderers. It is the whole country on the road to civil war,” Sasa said.
Over the past week, tens of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern Kayah state by intense fighting between the military, the newly formed Karenni People’s Defence Force and the Karenni Army, an established ethnic armed group. On Monday evening, the military used helicopters to bomb and fire at civilian fighters, the Karenni People’s Defence Force told local media. “We attacked with light weapons but they responded with artillery shells,” a the KPDF member told the independent outlet Myanmar Now.
At least 58 defence forces have formed across the country, of which 12 are active, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (Acled), a non-profit that tracks conflict. These groups are formed at a local level and are not necessarily officially linked to the NUG. Groups have revealed little about the nature of their training, but their resources and intensity vary.
In the town of Mindat in Chin state, one of the poorest areas of the country, volunteers armed with little more than traditional hunting guns rose up against the military in May. Elsewhere, young city dwellers have fled to the jungle to learn how to make homemade explosives. Celebrities are among those who have announced that they are joining training – from a former beauty queen who represented Myanmar in the Miss Grand International contest, Htar Htet Htet, to Han Htoo Lwin, known as Kyar Pauk, the lead singer of punk rock band Big Bag.
In Myanmar’s biggest city, Yangon, members of the security forces have been targeted in a wave of attacks over the past week, including shootings and explosions. A wedding party was also targeted, reportedly because the groom was suspected of being a military informant. Four people were killed – including the bride – after a bomb was disguised as a gift, according to local media. No one has claimed responsibility for the blasts.
Schools across the country, some of which have been occupied by the military, have been bombed or set alight by unknown perpetrators, in what may be an attempt to reinforce the shutdown of the education system by anti-coup protesters. The junta has ordered parents to register their children to return to school, but the vast majority have not done so. More than half of the teachers working in state schools are on strike, according to local media.
Such attacks, including the targeting of individuals suspected of colluding with the military, were a worrying trend, said Richard Horsey, senior Myanmar adviser to Crisis Group. “It will be difficult to contain once this kind of violence becomes the norm. It’s hard to shut these dynamics down again later.”
The NUG, which has spoken of plans to build a new federal army, has urged anti-coup groups to follow ethical guidelines and not target schools or hospitals. It released a video on Saturday showing the first batch of defence force troops who have finished training.
Some ethnic armed groups have offered support to anti-coup forces, though others are ambivalent. Groups could seek to exploit the coup for their own territorial gains, further complicating the crisis.
Advertisement
Anti-coup defence forces face an infamously brutal military that has an estimated 400,000 armed personnel, making it the second largest in south-east Asia after Vietnam’s. It is supplied primarily by China and Russia, drawing on generous state funding as well as its lucrative business networks – which campaigners are trying to weaken by placing pressure on international companies.
Sasa is calling for the international community to recognise the NUG as the official leaders of Myanmar. Doing so, he said, would help the body to demand that oil and gas companies, such as Total and Chevron, hand over payments to democratic officials rather than army generals.
“It is an insult to us that the gas that is from the land of Myanmar is being used by these military generals, and being paid for by Total company or [other] western companies, to buy weapons from Russia and China to kill the people of Myanmar,” he said.
Nine neighbouring south-east Asian countries have reportedly proposed that a draft UN resolution be weakened by removing a call for an arms embargo.
Sasa called for like-minded countries to push for the measure, and to introduce tougher, targeted sanctions. The more the international community delayed, he added, “the more bloody it will become, the closer we get to civil war and genocide”.
More battles are already reported to have taken place in Myanmar in the first half of 2021 than in the entirety of last year, according to Acled. It has also tracked sharp increases in reports of attacks on civilians, and reports of explosions and other forms of remote violence, which include the deployment of artillery, shelling, grenades or IEDs.
Previously, conflict was concentrated in Rakhine state and northern Shan state, but it has now spread more widely across the country. This is likely to place pressure on local commanders, said Horsey, but it is hard to know what impact it will have on the military as a whole.
“They are quite large, they have a lot of military resources and they are not concerned at all about civilian casualties. In fact, their whole approach to internal conflict over the decades has been to deliberately target civilians as part of a quite brutal counter-insurgency strategy,” Horsey said.
Salai Za Uk Ling, deputy executive director of the Chin Human Rights Organization, said people from Mindat reported the military had used civilians as human shields during recent clashes. Thousands of people from the town remain stranded just as the rainy season was beginning, he said.
“They say they are getting very, very desperate. There has been some delivery of food aid and basic medical aid from volunteers, but there has been no large-scale delivery,” he added, warning of an impending humanitarian crisis. Covid-19 is also spreading along the Indian border.
At least 833 people have been killed by the military since it seized power in February, according to estimates by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma. Thousands have been detained, often in unknown locations where they are at risk of torture.
An activist who has met young people who are training to fight the military, and who asked to remain anonymous, said volunteers believed violence was the only language the military understood. “They want to scare the soldiers coming into their communities making arrests, beating and torturing,” she said. “Some people are hoteliers, some have their own restaurants, bars – and they have now left all their businesses.”
One young medical student had fled alone to train, the activist said. “She was so passionate because her friends got killed. Her place was terrorised under martial law. She saw people burning alive in front of her. That experience pushed her to pick up the gun.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights Defenders, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"On 1 June, it will be four months since a military coup overthrew Myanmar's elected government.
Tens years of democratic reforms have been upended and bloody attempts to silence opposition have shocked the world.
Those on the front line attempting to stand up to the regime are trying to delicately navigate through a new life of protest and safety.
While pro-democracy demonstrations have mostly left the streets, the movement against the junta exists through other means of expression in other realms.
In particular, it has made being an artist in Myanmar a dangerous business.
"I'm sorry that I couldn't turn my camera… messy situation right here", illustrator Raven told RTÉ News over a secure line.
Raven is one of many artists in Myanmar’s largest city Yangon who have been using art as a weapon against the country’s ruling junta, by exploring a digital canvas to showcase political messages against the February coup.
Protests through paint, illustrations, images and words are a more secure place of demonstration, away from the violence on the streets.
However, that is not to say it doesn’t come with its own risks. The sheer level and reach of this expression caught those in power off guard which has led to a clampdown to squeeze out any opposition voices.
According to artists in Myanmar, art studios have been burnt down and state-sponsored news channels broadcast arrest warrant lists regularly that include influencers, actors, film makers, artists and graphic designers.
The New York Times has reported that four poets have been killed and dozens imprisoned in the last couple of months.
Poet Khet Thi, whose work declared resistance to the military, died in detention recently. His family said that his body was returned with the organs removed.
Raven has a reluctance to give anything away about herself, out of fear for her safety.
While working a full-time job she has been leading a double life, shielding herself online by using a fake name so she can "work harder and longer".
She said: "I have been protesting physically on the streets, but when the shooting became serious and brutal, I kind of stopped going outside in person.
"I've been illustrating a lot of stuff every day…listening to people listening to their stories, their ideas and trying to illustrate them and spread the message because it's the only thing you know I can do."
Demonstrations against the coup have been the largest and bloodiest in decades.
Myanmar was ruled by the armed forces from 1962 until 2011, when a new government began ushering in a return to civilian rule.
However in February, the junta seized control again following a general election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party won by a landslide.
It was a vote the military claimed was rigged. Hundreds of people, including children, have been killed in the last four months.
While the streets have become too risky for protest, the pro-democracy movement continues to live through art in the online world.
The Hunger Games' three-fingered salute has become one of the major symbols, a defiant pose that gripped demonstrators from the beginning with interpretations of the move making its way through digital art.
"Our objective is trying to reflect the people's voices as much as we can so that other people see it, hear it, because not everybody can go out" said Nyi Maw, a Myanmar filmmaker.
He continued: "[The three-fingered salute] is a symbol that people can hold onto. It aligns with the people who in the beginning were demanding the three main objectives: to get democracy, to release the leaders, and to give the people's power back to the people".
Red, the colour of danger, anger and violence, floods most of the imagery.
Art collectives like the Raise Three Fingers group in Yangon have been founded through the frustration by artists and creatives - hoping to bring the global art community together and highlight the crisis happening in the country.
"Clearly art has some kind of power, right? Because it's causing some kind of fear in the eyes of the junta" said a representative from the group to RTÉ News, who is also on the call with Raven.
"We know that art is powerful because it transcends language", they said.
"It can, it's emotional. It can get people to act. You don't need words, right? Anyone can feel moved by a piece of art you might ask", they added.
The Raise Three Fingers (RTF) group lives online with creatives posting their work anonymously from countries around the world, in solidarity with the movement.
TikTok, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram have served as platforms to spread their message far and wide, allowing this movement and many others, to grow, flourish and connect with users globally.
They say access to the world at their finger trips has helped keep the situation in Myanmar on people’s agenda.
It is what separates it radically from the previously pro-democracy movements that have come before in Myanmar.
Unlike the revolutions of 1988 and 2007, the current protests in Myanmar are being led by a digitally savvy generation using hashtags, memes, visual graphics and social media to fight and shape the direction of the movement on a day-to-day basis.
More than a decade ago SIM cards were exceptionally expensive, but after a series of reforms in the country during Aung San Suu Kyi’s time in government, this opened up the digital domain to the people of Myanmar.
"There are figures to show that there are more SIM cards than people in Myanmar. In fact, Facebook is the internet in Myanmar and that's the way in which people, particularly the young, process news", Vijaya Nidadavolu, a gender and development specialist who recently worked in the country, told RTÉ News.
Even now with regular patchy internet access, creatives have the ability to organise, engage and spread the message online across interactive communities.
They can paint, draw, sculpt, animate, sing or dance and share works instantly within their networks through digital platforms.
"The revolutions in 1988 and 2007 was very different because we didn't have this type of access to the Internet. But now it feels like the playing field is different because since day one of the coup, we saw that there was a huge outpouring of art. People were able to like organise protests around a certain theme and get people together", said the RTF spokesperson in Yangon.
This online world of protest has also opened up the movement to more diverse voices.
Iconography surrounding other political mobilisations revolved solely around the figure of politician Aung San Suu Kyi, who became famous in the late 1980s for campaigning to restore democracy.
In 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi led the NLD to victory in Myanmar's first openly contested election in 25 years.
Posters, calendars and billboards all carried her image prominently as a symbol of hope as she spent nearly 15 years in detention between 1989 and 2010, after organising rallies calling for democratic reform and free elections.
"There was no alternative imagery in the public domain," said Vijaya Nidadavolu.
"The current protests have enabled a diverse set of other voices to express themselves and seize the political space, including through art. Aung San Suu Kyi’s image is not the only visible symbol of protest. People are rallying around a diversity of images and iconography, which is a defining feature of the current protest", Ms Nidadavolu added.
That changing political landscape can be seen in the art that has been produced and floods the Raise Three Fingers website.
"It's making room for diversity and inclusion and reparations for a lot of communities, including for the Rohingya communities" said the Raise Three Fingers spokesperson.
"So I think people are making different demands. It's not just about get rid of the dictatorship, we want democracy. We want a better democracy because the democracy we had before failed us", they said.
According to the RTF, Generation Z have been the most active as they have known nothing other than a country moving towards a free nation.
It’s in stark contrast to other age groups who have only gotten a taste of life outside a dictatorship, some of whom are disappointed with Aung San Suu Kyi's record and are still haunted by previous regimes.
"We want this to be the last generation under a dictatorship because we're sick of it quite frankly. For even young adults like me, it just feels like you have to do something because you don't want to go through this anymore", they said.
However, four months since the military coup, the junta still holds a tight grip on the Myanmar and Aung San Suu Kyi remains detained after being hit with a string of criminal charges including flouting coronavirus restrictions during last year's election campaign and possessing unlicensed walkie-talkies.
Social media may offer an alternative reality and solace for those who are trying to keep the pro-democracy movement alive as life on the streets of Yangon and elsewhere are still very different and difficult.
The spokesperson from RTF said: "I feel like I was more confined than during Covid. At least during Covid, if I had my mask on and I was keeping safe, I could go out [and] see friends. But now you know I'll go to the grocery store and I'll visit my parents house and that's about it.
"For for some people life has returned to normal. I see people eating at restaurants."
Many are living with a constant fear of being arrested.
"They're still stopping people checking cars in this street, and there is a feeling of constant anxiety, knowing that you could be arrested at any moment for everything. For having a phone, for having social media accounts" they added.
For Raven, she still puts her pen to digital paper every day with the hope that her images will keep the spirit of the movement alive.
"I definitely believe that we're going to win because we have to. Otherwise it will never win" she said..."
Source/publisher:
RTÉ News
Date of publication:
2021-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Political History, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Statement to TOTAL'S Press Release, stopping MGTC's dividend payments: In my capacity as Minister of Planning, Finance, and Investment of Myanmar's civilian-led democratic National Unity Government, I welcome the recent decision made by TOTAL and others to suspend the distribution of dividend payments to all shareholders of the Moattama Gas Transportation Company Ltd (MGTC). These distributions are a part of the oil and gas revenues are now being used to finance the military's campaign of terror and gross human rights abuses against the people of Myanmar, under
the illegitimate State Administration Council (SAC).
We welcome this action as a step in the right direction, with both TOTAL and Chevron having now acknowledged that it is wrong to continue supporting the military. The SAC steals from the people of
Myanmar to fund its crimes against the same people of Myanmar.
TOTAL was right to condemn the violence and human rights abuses perpetrated by the Myanmar military. I also note TOTAL'S affirmation that the company will comply with applicable sanctions
issued by EU and US authorities. We welcome both TOTAL and Chevron have now publicly acknowledged that facilitating such
payments is at odds with their commitment to responsible business practices that respect the law. protect human rights, and benefit the communities in which they work. However suspending cash distributions to pipeline shareholders will deny the military only a
small portion of the substantial revenues that the military receives from TOTAL'S ongoing operations in Myanmar.
Based on recent financial data, the dividend payment amounts to roughly USD 40 million per year. This is a very small portion of overall revenues flowing to MOGE and state institutions under
SAC's control from the Yadana project operated by TOTAL. In 2020/2021 FY, for instance, an estimated 400 million USD will flow to state institutions that are now under the direct control of the
SAC. It must also be noted that other offshore oil/gas projects provide significant revenue streams to the military, the combined payments from these projects to the MOGE amount to over USD 1 billion
per annum. Despite the action announced by TOTAL. SAC will still receive the vast majority of revenue that accrues to state institutions from the Yadana project, and from the other projects that export of
Myanmar's natural resources. This constitutes single most significant flow of funds to SAC. allowing it to use such funds procure weapons, jet fuel, and other strategic necessities as part of its campaign of terror and gross human rights abuses. It does not stop payments that are now accruing to the military through SAC from Myanmar's natural resources, including royalties, production shanng payments and tax obligations. It bears repeating - while the National Unity Government and I do welcome this decision, it must be understood that this step does little to stop most payments that are now accruing to the military
from Myanmar’s natural wealth, including royalties, production sharing payments, and tax obligations. Yet. with actions such as these, the tides are now turning. Cracks are emerging. Some of the
largest companies in the world have now acknowledged that it is unacceptable to provide material support that directly benefits the Myanmar military through its present control of the state apparatus.
We are not calling for production to stop, but for payments to be withheld from institutions that are presently under the military's control. This is, in fact, the only way for the oil and gas contractors to
honor their obligations to the people of Myanmar. By acknowledging this reality — that providing financial resources to military-controlled
institutions conflicts with their commitment to responsible business practices — TOTAL and Chevron have set a precedent for cutting the junta’s access to crucial funds. All who continue to fund the
military can and must follow this approach, out of basic respect for human dignity. With new US government sanctions announced on May 17, 2021, oil and gas companies should be on notice that of there are legal and reputational risks arising from their failure to stop payments to MOGE and other state institutions under the control of the SAC. There is still a long way to go to protect the people of Myanmar from a military regime which has illegally attempted to seize power from the legitimate government of Myanmar. Denying them funds will ensure that they are unable to maintain their illegal and illegitimate regime. This work is just beginning, but we are confident we will succeed..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Sanctions - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
86.58 KB 146.14 KB
more
Description:
"ကြေညာချက် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
မေလ ၃၀ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်။
===============
TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီက မုတ္တမဓာတ်ငွေ့သယ်ယူပို့ဆောင်ရေးကုမ္ပဏီလီမိတက် ( MGTC) ၏ အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုအားဆိုင်းငံ့လိုက်ကြောင်း ကြေညာခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ သဘောထားမှတ်ချက်ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း။
--------------------------
၁။ ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းလမ်းတကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအဖွဲ့၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေး နှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီး အနေဖြင့် TOTAL နှင့် မိတ်ဖက်ကုမ္ပဏီများ စုပေါင်းဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် မုတ္တမဓာတ်ငွေ့သယ်ယူပို့ဆောင်ရေး ကုမ္ပဏီလီမိတက် (MGTC) က အစုရှယ်ယာရှင်များအား အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှု ဆိုင်းငံ့လိုက် ခြင်းအပေါ် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါအမြတ်ငွေများသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ကျုးလွန်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ် မှုများနှင့် ဆိုးရွားလှသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများအတွက် အဓိက အထောက်အပံ့ပြုနေသော ရေနံနှင့်သဘာ၀ဓါတ်ငွေ့မှ ရရှိသည့် စုစုပေါင်းဝင်ငွေ၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်းတစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဆက်လက်ထောက်ပံ့ပေးနေခြင်းသည် မှားယွင်းသည့် လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်ဟု TOTAL နှင့် CHEVRON ကုမ္ပဏီတို့က တရားဝင်ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုလျက် ယခုကဲ့သို့ မှန်ကန်သော ရွေးချယ်ဆုံးဖြတ်မှုအတွက် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၎င်းတို့ ခိုးဝှက်ယူထားသည့် ပြည်သူ့ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများအား ပြန်လည်သုံးစွဲ၍ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းသာဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများအား ပြစ်တင် ရှုံ့ချရန် တာဝန်ရှိသည့်အပြင် EU နှင့် US တို့၏ ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူမှုများနှင့်အညီ လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဟု အတိအလင်း ထုတ်ဖော် ပြောဆိုထားမှုအားလည်း မှတ်တမ်းတင်စောင့်ကြည့် နေပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီထံသို့ ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများ ပေးဆောင်နေခြင်းသည် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိသော စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းမျာ ၏ စံတန်ဖိုးများဖြစ်သည့် ဥပဒေကိုလေးစားလိုက်နာမှု၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းတည်ရာဒေသရှိ လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်း၊ ဒေသခံပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကျိုးကျေးဇူး ဖြစ်ထွန်းစေမှု စသည့်အချက်များနှင့် ဖီလာဆန့်ကျင်လျက်ရှိသည် ဟု TOTAL နှင့် CHEVRON ကုမ္ပဏီတို့က တရားဝင် ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုသည့်အတွက်လည်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုပါသည်။
၆။ သို့သော် ယခုဆိုင်းငံ့လိုက်သည့် အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုသည် TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီထံမှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီရရှိနေသည့်စုစု ပေါင်းဝင်ငွေနှင့် နှိုင်းယှဉ်လျှင် မပြောပလောက်သည့် ပမာဏသာဖြစ်ကြောင်း စိစစ်တွေ့ရှိရသည်။
၇။ ယခုအခါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထိန်းချုပ်မှုအောက် လုံးလုံးလျားလျား ရောက်ရှိနေသည့် မြန်မာ့ ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓာတ် ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်း (MOGE) ထံသို့ TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီ၏ ရတနာ သဘာဝဓါတ်ငွေ့တူးဖော် ထုတ်လုပ်ရောင်းချရေးစီမံကိန်းမှ နှစ်စဉ် ပေးဆောင်နေရသည့် ဘဏ္ဍာငွေပမာဏမှာ တရားဝင် ကိန်းဂဏန်း အချက်အလက်များအရ ၂၀၂၀/၂၀၂၁ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှစ် အတွက် ခန့်မှန်းခြေ အမေရိကန် ဒေါ်လာ သန်း ၄၀၀ ခန့်ရှိပြီး၊ ဆိုင်းငံ့လိုက်သည့် အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုသည် အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာသန်း ၄၀ ခန့်သာ ရှိပါသည်။
၈။ အထူးသတိပြုရန်မှာ အခြား ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ ဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံတကာ ကုမ္ပဏီကြီးများကလည်း လွန်စွာများပြား လှသည့် ဝင်ငွေပမာဏကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအတွက် ဖန်တီးရှာဖွေပေးနေသည့် အချက်ဖြစ်သည်။ TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီအပါအဝင် အဆိုပါ ကုမ္ပဏီကြီးများထံမှ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့် သဘာ၀ဓါတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်း (MOGE) က နှစ်စဉ်ရရှိနေသည့် ဝင်ငွေစုစုပေါင်းမှာ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ သန်းပေါင်း ၁၀၀၀ ကျော် ရှိပါသည်။
၉။ ထို့ကြောင့် ယခုကဲ့သို့ TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီမှ အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုအား ဆိုင်းငံ့ထားလိုက်သည်ဟု ကြေညာသည့်တိုင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပုံမှန်ရရှိမြဲ ဝင်ငွေအများစုအား ဆက်လက်ရရှိနေမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းဝင်ငွေများဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ယန္တရား သက်ဆိုးရှည်စေရန် အဓိကလိုအပ်သည့် စစ်လက်နက်များ၊ လေယာဉ်ဆီများ ဝယ်ယူခြင်း အပါအဝင် အခြားစစ်အသုံးစရိတ် များစွာအတွက်လည်း ဆက်လက်ဖြည့်ဆည်း သုံးစွဲနိုင်မည်သာ ဖြစ်သည်။
၁၀။ ထပ်လောင်း ပြောကြားလိုသည်မှာ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် သဘောဝဓာတ်ငွေ့သယ်ယူ ပို့ဆောင် ရေးကဏ္ဍ၏ အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုအား ဆိုင်းငံ့လိုက်သည့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အားကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ယင်းဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မှ အစပြု၍ သယံဇာတ ထုတ်ယူမှုကဏ္ဍမှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီရရှိနေသည့် အခြားများပြားလှသော ဝင်ငွေများဖြစ်သည့် ခိုင်ကြေးများ၊ ထုတ်လုပ်မှုအပေါ်ခွဲဝေခြင်းများ နှင့် အခွန်အကောက်များကိုပါ အလားတူဆိုင်းငံ့ရန် ထပ်တိုးဆောင်ရွက်သွားနိုင်မည်ဟု နားလည် ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။
၁၁။ ယခုအခါ ကမ္ဘာ့အကြီးဆုံး ကုမ္ပဏီတချို့သည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထိန်းချုပ်စီမံမှု အောက်တွင်ရှိနေသော လက်အောက်ခံအဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ ယန္တရားများမှတဆင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီထံ တိုက်ရိုက်အကျိုးဖြစ်ထွန်းစေသည့် ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်နှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ကူညီမှုမှန်သမျှကို လက်မခံနိုင်ကြောင်းနှင့် ပေးအပ်ရန်မသင့်ကြောင်း ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသား အသိပေး ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားလျက် ရှိပါသည်။
၁၂။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အစဉ်တစိုက် တောင်းဆိုနေသည်မှာ ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ တူးဖော်ထုတ်လုပ်ရောင်းချသည့် ကုမ္ပဏီများ၏ ထုတ်လုပ်မှုအား ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် မဟုတ်ဘဲ ပြည်သူ့ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ ထံသို့ ၎င်း၏လက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှတဆင့် စီးဝင်မှုမရှိစေရေး တားဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းထားရန်သာ ဖြစ်သည်။
၁၃။ TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီနှင့် CHEVRON ကုမ္ပဏီတို့အနေဖြင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့တောင်းဆိုသည့်အတိုင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ ထိန်းချုပ် ထားသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့ စီးဝင်လျက်ရှိသည့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးအရင်းအမြစ်အားလုံးအား ဖြတ်တောက်ခြင်းသည် မိမိတို့၏ တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိသော စီးပွားရေး ကျင့်ဝတ်များအား လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးခြင်းသာဖြစ်ပြီး အခြားအလားတူ နိုင်ငံတကာ ကုမ္ပဏီများ အတွက်လည်း အတုယူ လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရန် စံနမူနာကောင်း တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ပေါ်ထွန်းလာစေမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
၁၄။ ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ကုမ္ပဏီများ အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်း (MOGE) အပါအဝင် အခြားအလားတူ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့ ငွေကြေးလွှဲပြောင်းမှုများ ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေခြင်းသည် အမေရိကန် အစိုးရ၏ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၁၇ ရက်တွင် ချမှတ်ကြေညာခဲ့သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအပေါ် အရေးယူပိတ်ဆို့ ကန့်သတ်မှုများအရ မိမိတို့အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ ကျင့်ဝတ် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာပိုင်းအရသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေရေးရာအရ သော်လည်းကောင်း အရင်းအနှီးကြီးမားစွာ ပေးဆပ်၍ စွန့်စားလုပ်ဆောင်ရာကျနေကြောင်းကို အထူးသတိပြုစေလိုပါသည်။
၁၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်ကာ နိုင်ငံ၏ ကြွယ်ဝမှုများအား ခိုးဝှက်ယူနေသော တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရန်မှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားများအား ကာကွယ်နိုင်ရေးသည် ခရီးရှည်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်နိုင်ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား မည်သည့်ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေမျှ မရရှိစေခြင်းသည် ၎င်းတို့ ကျရှုံးစေရေးအတွက် လွန်စွာ အရေးပါသော လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခု ခြေလှမ်းသည် အစကနဦးသာဖြစ်သော်လည်း အောင်မြင် ရမည်ဟု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
264.94 KB
more
Description:
"Nearly four months after the military seized power in Myanmar, people are struggling to access healthcare.
Hospitals are closed or occupied by the military and many facilities are severely understaffed, while COVID-19 remains a threat.
The economic fallout of the military takeover has also resulted in reduced or uncertain access to services, including healthcare and clean water.
MSF urges the military government to ensure people have unhindered access to healthcare, and to allow health workers to provide care without fear or intimidation.
Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) calls on Myanmar’s de facto military government, and other groups, to take all steps to ensure people have safe and unhindered access to healthcare, regardless of where they seek it. Equally, medical staff must be able to provide lifesaving care without attacks, detention or intimidation.
Patients typically must choose between seeking treatment at a private facility they may not be able to afford, or at a military-controlled hospital where their safety could be at risk, particularly if they have been involved in protests or the civil disobedience movement.
Non-government organisation clinics do exist in some locations, but they are unable to cover all needs and have had their activities restricted by the military authorities. An MSF-supported clinic was told by security forces it could not treat protesters. The security forces visited the facility, ordered the emergency beds removed and insisted all injured people be taken to the military or military-controlled hospitals. Police also arrested one of its volunteers for being involved in protests and demanded names and addresses of others working there. The facility was forced to temporarily close and is now barely functioning, operated by a skeleton staff.
Patients in Myanmar are forced to travel farther to get care at a time when risks are much greater. Security forces at checkpoints scrutinise those moving around, search their belongings, intimidate them and contribute to a climate of fear. For patients with conditions requiring regular and long-term care, such as HIV, tuberculosis and hepatitis C, the ongoing insecurity and delays in accessing medicines could be life-threatening.
“What patients are worried about now is if they can access the clinic to get medication,” an MSF doctor in Kachin state said. “If the security forces at the checkpoints don’t let the patients pass, what can the medical personnel do for their patients?”.....Attacks on healthcare workers: Doctors and nurses continue to be targets of violence. Staff working in medical facilities MSF has provided support to have shared reports of medical staff being arrested and detained.
There have been 179 attacks on health staff and facilities since the start of the military takeover, and 13 people have killed in these attacks, according to the World Health Organizations’s Surveillance System of Attacks on Healthcare.
Media reports have shown emergency medical workers and first responders on the frontlines of peaceful protests being shot at with live rounds, while trying to help the wounded. Our partners have also witnessed raids on organisations providing first aid to injured protesters, and their supplies destroyed.
As Myanmar approaches four months of military rule, public health services remain severely disrupted. Many public hospitals and clinics are closed or occupied by the military, and those that are open have limited services available while medical staff are on strike. MSF has few options for referring people for specialised treatment. These challenges leave many people struggling to access healthcare.
If a wave of new COVID-19 infections grips Myanmar, it will be a public health disaster given the country’s capacity to test, treat and vaccinate is a fraction of what it was before the military seized power.....Economic fallout threatens humanitarian response: As the public health system in Myanmar deteriorates, its economy is also collapsing. Cash is increasingly difficult to obtain, with people facing huge queues at sporadically filled ATMs. The kyat – the local currency – has fallen 17 per cent against the US dollar, pushing up the cost of imports and goods like cooking oil, rice and fuel.
Humanitarian agencies are not immune to this liquidity crisis. Facing shortfalls in cash and increased costs can prevent organisations, including MSF, from buying supplies and medications, paying staff salaries and moving goods around.
We are already seeing the impact of this in our HIV programme in Kachin state. Before 1 February, we had been gradually shifting our HIV patient cohort to the government's National AIDS Programme. However, these clinics are no longer open, and MSF has seen nearly 2,000 patients return to our facilities for consultations and drug refills, and over 200 new HIV-positive patients register.
In Rakhine state, water and sanitation has long been a problem in camps for the Rohingya, where people rely on humanitarian aid for access to clean water. Now that many organisations are scaling back their activities as they struggle to access cash and get supplies into the camps, we are seeing a spike in people seeking treatment for acute watery diarrhoea.....Reignited conflict exacerbates humanitarian crisis: An estimated 60,000 people in Myanmar have been displaced within the country and 10,000 more in neighbouring nations since the 1 February seizure of power, according to data from UNHCR. This is largely due to a resurgence of conflict in Myanmar’s borderlands, particularly in Chin, Kachin and Kayin states – predominantly between the military and ethnic armed groups, but also increasingly including pro-democracy people’s defence forces. Airstrikes and shelling are forcing people to flee their homes and have caused an unknown number of civilian casualties.
MSF had to withdraw staff from one town in Kachin state due to fighting, temporarily interrupting our services, while the sound of shelling and gunshots are commonplace in several locations. This impacts our activities and staff wellbeing, and raises significant concerns for people’s ability to travel to seek healthcare. Medical staff and humanitarian organisations must be protected from violence and given unhindered access to conflict areas to ensure those at risk can access lifesaving care.
MSF fears for the people of Myanmar in this worsening crisis. All obstacles preventing sick and wounded people from seeking healthcare, including the violence, detainment and intimidation of health workers, must be dismantled.
MSF has been working in Myanmar since 1992, with our medical and humanitarian programs growing and developing significantly. Today, over 1,100 staff provide high-quality care through a network of health facilities and mobile clinics..."
Source/publisher:
Médecins Sans Frontières via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"This is Part Two of a two-part interview with the newly-appointed Minister of Human Rights for the National Unity Government, U Aung Myo Min. Read Part One here.
[Editor’s Note: This post is part of a collaboration between Tea Circle and the Institute for the Study of Human Rights at Columbia University, to share transcripts and reports from a series of seminars on Myanmar that ISHR is hosting.]
Thursday, May 13th at 10:30 EST/20:00 IST/21:00 MMT
Kristina Eberbach: Thank you, we have a couple of questions we received in advance or in the chat, some relate to the international community, and some more specifically, with respect to the International Criminal Court. I’ll begin with the international community in the sense that the UN Security Council, ASEAN, as well as individual countries have taken insufficient action in response to the situation in Myanmar. And so, one of the questions is how do you see the NUG working with these mechanisms going forward? There was also a question specifically about China, and the role of China. I know you’ve been working and calling on some sanctions against the junta, but beyond sanctions, what do you see the international community doing? And then a second question related to the role of the international community: What do you see civil society being able to do, including individuals on this call who want to support the human rights and democracy movement––what would you like to see them do?
U Aung Myo Min: Ok, on the international front, at least we have strong countries supporting us. They have been the champions of condemnation, they have called for the release of detainees and for an end to the violence. So, these are very friendly countries. And though some countries are not that strong, they support and call for peaceful dialogue and things like that, so we have different degrees of commitment. And then on the other side, China is, you know, always a protector of the military. They have a long history of these things because they have many interests in Myanmar. On the other hand, India is monitoring the relationship between China and Myanmar and measuring the pros and cons, because they are both regional giants and Myanmar is sandwiched between the two countries. So, they are thinking about checks and balances. Also, ASEAN’s role now is much more outspoken than before. In the past, ASEAN never considered the issues in Myanmar to be a regional issue, only internal. But at least there was a session, and some discussion about Myanmar; they made 5 recommendations for the military to follow up on. The military did not follow them, that is a kind of failure, but as long as you are not supporting the Myanmar military, that is fine, that is the bottom line.
But for the other strategies, we also should have a carrot and stick approach. The carrot means it is very unlikely the junta will listen to you, say yes or very politely follow (recommendations), because many countries and people have called on them to stop the violence but it is still going on. But there is kind of a ‘carrot way’, with a dialogue between the NUG, the military and other stakeholders to come together and find a solution––this is like, a good ending story, we would like to see a happy ending at the end.
This is one strategy. The second strategy is under the ‘stick’ category. Condemnation, and also some actions including selected sanctions, embargos, and ensuring accountability issues are put on the international criminal justice docket. These are the things we can do.
What we need is for countries to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government. We have support from the people, I would say, and it also has a mandate [from the CRPH], but in order to get other countries to recognize it as a legitimate government, we really need to work hard. We have sympathy and we have support, but not as a government yet. So, recognizing the NUG as the legitimate government and coordinating and supporting, for example, humanitarian assistance or other support for education help. We can work together on things like that.
Besides that, we have other issues where we need to talk with the international community, including sensitive issues from the previous government, like the Rohingya issue. We need to have a clear policy paper. The new government must have a clear policy toward the Rohingya. And we need to clarify how this kind of policy will be accepted, respected, and implemented. This process is also important. Right now, our ministry is preparing draft positions on our policy towards the Rohingya. So there are three areas: one is Rohingya being able to be called Rohingya, unlike under the previous government, where there was a denial of their identity rights. We can promise that the Rohingya will be recognized, as with the name and terminology. Second, no one––including the Rohingya––will be subject to violations of their civil rights. Arrest, torture, forced relocation, sexual violence, no one should be subjected to these. These rights are protected for Rohingya, like all other people. Third, we want to clearly implement the recommendations of the Kofi Annan commission for reconciliation of the Rakhine State issue. We recognize that these are good solutions, and we will set up a process for implementation. But those recommendations were made in 2017, almost four years ago. There should be another situational analysis, considering other things through consultation with the Rohingya people. We are in the process of meeting with different groups and people from Rakhine State, even Rohingya IDPs and refugees from the refugee camps, to get their ideas. I promise that our clear policies on the Rohingya will be released in two weeks.
And on this, I will say, I will try my best to meet the international standards and to uphold the dignity and rights of the Rohingya people after consultation with them.
Ben Fleming: Myo, may I jump in and ask a question from the audience related to this? We know that the NUG has vowed to rewrite a new constitution, to get rid of the 2008 constitution. We have a question from the audience about the NUG’s position on the 1982 citizenship law. Is that something that the NUG also wishes to reform? Rewrite? And then one quick question is when the members of the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) will be announced.
U Aung Myo Min: Thank you. We are conducting a review, consulting with many people, with the stakeholders and one of the recommendations is on the 1982 citizenship law. I studied it, I can recite it by memory almost, truly, because I was a human rights activist, so all my homework from before helps! In my view, the 1982 citizenship law is very discriminatory. It is also based on ethnicity. It was created by U Ne Win based on the 135 nationalities, so in this respect, it is already flawed. The 1982 citizenship law and other laws that are not in line with international standards are now under review and under consideration to repeal, revise or replace with a new law. I can promise that, as the Minister of Human Rights, I will try to propose to repeal or amend the 1982 citizenship law. For the NUCC, they have already established who will be on the council but some of them cannot be made public for security reasons because many are still inside the country. We expect to announce this within 2 weeks, when it is safe to make this information public.
Kristina Eberbach: Thank you. Another question we received in advance relates to human rights as a meaningful terminology and meaningful framework within the country. This person is asking how you, as the Minister of Human Rights, would communicate the idea of human rights to people and convey its relevance to their everyday concerns? How will you adapt the international terminology to more localized understandings? And finally, how do you address the role of the state, given the problematic relationship, to say the least, that the state has had with Human Rights, and given the fact that within the framework of human rights, the state is one of the primary duty-bearers for respecting human rights? How do you go about approaching the role of the state in protecting or enforcing Human Rights alongside the role of local community practices in enforcement?
U Aung Myo Min: The motto of my ministry is equality, peace, and justice. Those are the basic principles of human rights. Equality means nobody is subject to discrimination. We will stay committed to Articles 1 and 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 1 deals with equality and Article 2 is related to non-discrimination. Thees are our principles. Whether you are from, one of the 135 ‘so-called’ nationalities or not, no one should be subject to any kind of violence or abuse, or rights violations from state or non-state actors. This is our commitment: no one should be left behind. If we have a marginalized group or disenfranchised group, like LGBT is one of them, and other minorities or persons with disabilities, these people are considered for temporary special measures, affirmative action, so their status would be upgraded, (to ensure they receive) equal treatment, justice, and peace. So this is my thing.
I set up my first organization, Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB) in 2000. This year is the 20th anniversary. We planned to celebrate our 20 years of service in Human Rights Education, but unfortunately, it will not happen. First, because of COVID, and second, the coup. The 2 C’s make it very difficult for us, but at least we can celebrate amongst ourselves. We have more than 20 years of Human Rights Education materials, including our TV channel, which we broadcast weekly through the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). This kind of groundwork and community-based action is good, and we can use them. We have trained more than 300 experienced trainers across the country. My role was a director to many staff before I joined the cabinet, but now my role is to make sure that these kind of Human Rights Education programs keep running. Not with lectures, but participatory learning based on the everyday situation of the country.
We have what we could call a “three H” approach. One is Head, putting in the international standards, teaching what the UDHR, CEDAW, CRC, and CRPD is. The second one is Heart, so people can practice the three values of non-discrimination, equality, and respect for diversity. So people can feel it and they can also think about what social norms and taboos are not in line with everyday life. For example, calling someone Kalar (foreigner) is very discriminatory; calling someone achauk (gay) is horribly discriminatory; taw thar (rural) is also this kind of discriminatory language. We have been working on changing this language. That’s why you can see that in the Spring Revolution many women are actively participating, and LGBT flags, rainbow flags everywhere. This is the significance of the groundwork we’ve done, so we will keep doing that.
And finally, putting a Human Rights curriculum in the new system, from the primary level to high school. A faculty of Human Rights, or maybe, the Institute for the Study of Human Rights (ISHR) Myanmar! This is my passion. This is my dream. This was my dream as an activist before. Now that I’m the dreammaker, maybe, to put this into our government’s policy.
Ben Fleming: On that note, Myo, do you have any thoughts on the sort of efforts that the NUG and others are taking for a federal university to stand in for the CDM students and faculty. We know that thousands upon thousands of faculty have refused to return to work, and many thousands have been fired. Those who have returned to work have returned to empty classrooms. What role––and we are happy to play whatever part we can––can we play in supporting an effort to keep education alive for those in CDM?
U Aung Myo Min: Thank you, Ben. This is my request I was going to make, but you already answered that, Great! We are real Columbia, we know each other!
Our Ministry of Education (MoE) has that kind of alternative education and institution already in mind from the liberated areas. When I recall my experience back in ‘88, we were the students that left the classroom; we were eager and hungry for education. We didn’t have any proper institutions from which we could learn, we only had small libraries. That’s where I picked up a copy of the UDHR and started learning myself. And I don’t want that [situation] for the new generation!
Our MoE plans are to have alternative education at the institute level, and the university level in some areas. Because, you know that we have totally ethnic-controlled areas along the border. From Kachin State to the border along Thailand, in some areas, the education institutions are well-established. They have their own universities, their own teachers’ college, and system. In some areas, it is not a teachers’ college, but they have their own traditional teachers training that they can multiply in other areas, so based on some of these ideas, our MoE will set up one university in one particular liberated area. So, my work, my years-long work of Human Rights curriculums, Human Rights teaching will be adapted/adopted in that university. Further, with my association with the ethnic education committees, we can work together and my team is happy to contribute and distribute. But this is from the Myanmar context.
Ben Fleming: We have lots of people on this call from a number of universities, so it is a call to arms for all of us to play our part in keeping education alive for the people of Myanmar.
U Aung Myo Min: Yeah, and welcome…for Human Rights, I’m open to working with any organization. For other non-Human Rights education, I can convey that message in the cabinet meetings, particularly with the MoE.
Kristina Eberbach: Thank you. We only have a few more minutes left, and we want to be respectful of your time, we know you are very busy! There were two questions about the ICC and you talked a little bit about it in terms of the hope to engage the ICC in pursuing accountability. And then there was the question of the jurisdiction in terms of the time frame – are you hoping to pursue accountability not only for recent events, but for those in the past?
U Aung Myo Min: Oh yes, thank you. We are in consultation with a legal firm to study and analyze how we can be a member of, or ratify to be a member state of the ICC. So, we see the legitimacy issue, the process issue, and the jurisdiction issue, too. Wo have support and advice from this legal group, but we need also to think about it ourselves, and the process is already ongoing at the NUCC stage.
To any of you, when I met some Burmese students from Columbia University I also said, please, give me your input and ideas, I’m open to listening and different ideas can help enrich my understanding and thinking about the best and possible ways. I’m open to that sort of thing.
On jurisdiction: We’ve thought about it, because usually only criminal acts committed after ratification can be held accountable. But some legal experts have said that you can request special circumstances. For example, this is the criminal, he’s not doing this just after February 1st, but there’s a long history of these things, so there is another special procedure we can request. And identifying the perpetrators, the criminals, and a long history of involvement in these kinds of crimes, these are special requests we are seriously considering, with regard to labeling it as ongoing crimes.
The ICC also accepted the case taking place inside Bangladesh against the Rohingya because Bangladesh is a member of the Rome Statute. Myanmar is not, but they have already carried out IIMM and the Independent Fact Finding Mission, set up to collect (and document) all the previous Human Rights violations and abuses. We are collaborating on that, and we can extend its jurisdiction to inside the country.
Ben Fleming: We have some questions about the military or future possible military. I know the NUG has said clearly that any future armed forces will be civilian led. Is that going to be reflected in a constitution? Also, have you gotten, or do you know if there is much buy-in from the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) about a civilian-led military and what that should look like from an inclusive standpoint?
U Aung Myo Min: Well, the PDF (People’s Defence Force) is founded as an “NUG Armed Forces.” And you might be surprised to learn that the Defence Minister was a former poet and the Deputy Minister is the first woman Deputy Minister of Defence, and with an academic background! So, this is already a civilian leadership, when you know traditionally, “macho” men-in-uniform would take these places, so this is one such change.
I think that kind of civilian-led institution is being established and that kind of militarized history has been broken already. This is the first step. But this kind of PDF, it is something like the small, first cell of the federal union, or the federal army that we are looking for. In this case, we are working with the Defence Minister, at least to have a code of conduct for members of the PDF. Because sometimes, when you are carrying arms and you want revenge, anything could happen. But that kind of PDF is meant to defend the people, and also work for the people, not to threaten or even do something bad to the people. This military code of conduct will be finished very soon, [and will] respect the dignity and the rights of the people based on international humanitarian law and also the law of armed conflict.
We are in the process of talking with different ethnic armed groups. We don’t want them to come and work under the PDF because they are more senior, they have their own thing, and they have sacrificed their lives for their struggles. But what we need is cooperation and coordination. How can we put all the forces together, with a strong chain of command, military strategies, and mutual understanding? We need to guard against possible conflicts of interests, conflicts of power, and that is the purpose of the discussion with individual ethnic armed groups. Some are ready to go, but some are not ok because of a long history of mistrust between Bamar and other ethnic people. We are solving the problem, showing that the federal union and federal democratic constitution is not only for the Bamar, but for all the peoples of Burma, of Myanmar! We are at different stages of consultation and making sure that everyone is coordinating and complementing each other under the federal union. It’s a long process, because our country is a very complicated country with very complicated issues.
(Featured image courtesy of the Institute for the Study of Human Rights)..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Popular participation: analysis, standards and mechanisms, Right to life: standards and mechanisms, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
more
Description:
"This is Part One of a two-part interview with the newly appointed Minister of Human Rights for the National Unity Government, U Aung Myo Min.
[Editor’s Note: This post is part of a collaboration between Tea Circle and the Institute for the Study of Human Rights at Columbia University to share transcripts and reports from a series of seminars on Myanmar that ISHR is hosting.]
Thursday, May 13th at 10:30 EST/20:00 IST/21:00 MMT
Kristina Eberbach: In response to the coup that took place 102 days ago, the Institute for the Study of Human Rights (ISHR) began organizing a series of webinars focused on human rights and democracy in Myanmar. We are planning a number of further webinars over the coming months with leading Myanmar and International activists, academics, and policy-makers. To receive additional information about upcoming events in this series, please sign up for our newsletter at humanrights.org
My name is Kristina Eberbach, and I’m Deputy Director of the Institute and adjunct assistant professor at SIPA. I’m also the co-developer and co-director of the Institute’s University Human Rights Education in Myanmar.
I’d like to welcome U Aung Myo Min, who was recently named Minister of Human Rights for the National Unity Government in Myanmar by the CRPH (Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw). He is a long-standing human rights advocate and was a student leader in Myanmar’s 1988 revolution. He is also the founder of Equality Myanmar, a leading human rights organization in the country, and has been awarded seven international awards for his work in human and LGBT rights. In 1993 he also participated in ISHR’s Human Rights Advocate’s Program and we have had the pleasure of collaborating with U Myo and EQMM as part of the Institute’s University Human Rights Education in Myanmar program and SIPA’s capstone program.
I’d also like to introduce my colleague Ben Fleming, who will be co-moderating this discussion. In addition to co-developing and co-leading our Human Rights Education in Myanmar initiative, he is an Adjunct Assistant Professor of International and Public Affairs (SIPA) and an Adjunct Professor at South Texas College of Law Houston.
Ben Fleming: Hey everybody, thanks, Kristina. Sayar Myo, good to see you, welcome everybody, and Mingalaba.
Kristina Eberbach: How did the formation of the ministry come about within the NUG? Can you describe for us the relationship that you believe will exist with the NUG and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint if/when they are released? And finally, what is your envisioned role in this position?
U Aung Myo Min: It’s a good question. The NUG was founded by CRPH, a composition of the elected members of Parliament in the 2020 elections. The military did not want the Parliament to set up a new government according to the procedures. So they took a stage, staged a coup before the new government was founded. The first thing they did was arrest Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the President, and many other cabinet members. They are still under arrest right now, but the CRPH was brave enough to set up their interim government. It is just for the legislation process. We needed the executive body to make to prepare us. Since the state counselor and the President are under arrest, we did not have any communication. But the CRPH thinks this is the right move to act as a legitimate government because they are the legitimate members of Parliament, and they have a duty and responsibility to set up a legitimate government.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not in the consultation during the formation of the NUG, but she heard about it through other sources. She didn’t say anything. The new stance of the NUG is a bit different from the old NLD (National League for Democracy) led government. The NLD-led government was recommended by many of the groups because this is the only party-dominated government, and there are some ministers and deputy ministers, mainly from the NLD supporters and President appointed.
The CRPH decided to make a better, more diverse NUG. Inclusion is a big issue. People want to see that. There should be more diverse and multiple ethnic representation in the new government. This is the lesson we learned from the past. Myanmar is known as a very diverse country. By diverse, what I mean is that we have diversity of ethnicity, diversity of religion, and diversity of social status. If we learn from the past, we see one-party dominated politics without any active participation from ethnic parties. Hence, the CRPH decided to set up the new government with someone from the non-political, non-NLD parties. They also wanted to include representation from people with ethnic backgrounds, who are supported by ethnic people, women, and the Gen Z participation. During this spring revolution, many from Gen Z are at the forefront. So the leaders and young generation should be in the cabinet to represent them and to make good policy.
See, I am an openly gay person in the country, and I am part of the new NUG. This is great. This is a very diverse and multicultural government. This is the lesson we learned. And we are trying not to repeat the mistakes and take recommendations from civil society.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would accept it, too, I think. I say this because she always said respect for diversity is the basis of human rights. The ethnic issue is very important, especially at a time like this, because the country is building a new federal democratic union. Without the ethnic representative or other diverse people in the government, it would be meaningless. This is in line with the guidance and statements Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has made before, so even though we have no direct communication or consultation with her, I believe that she would be happy.
The question is not that the new government has different ethnicities and the new generations involved. I think she might be more interested to know our future plan. What is our draft constitution going to look like? What is our new government going to look like?
For example, the ministry of human rights is the first of its kind in the history of Myanmar. Similarly, the federal affairs ministry is new too. So, I think she may personally be interested in our mission/vision and to know our plan. We need to explain and get her updated, but we are on the same mission and vision even if we don’t have direct communication. This government is an interim government during this revolution time, but we will make a better government when we have the space and more consultation with other leaders.
Kristina Eberbach: Thank you. You touched on this a little bit in terms of the importance of diversity and ensuring respect for minority rights, but could you speak about your mission and vision and what your priorities will be in this new position?
U Aung Myo Min: Ok, after I accepted this appointment, I’m thinking about what are my vision, mission, and strategies. This is a new ministry, and it is a cross-cutting one because a lot of the issues are interrelated.
The military is committing everyday violations across the country. Many people have been killed. Right now, about 800 people have been killed. People have been shot dead, including young children. Around 4000 people are in detention, many arrested without proper legal procedure. They are committing military offensives, including airstrikes in the ethnic minority areas. This has forced thousands of already civil-war-affected people. New waves of IDPs (internally displaced persons) have been created. Such incidents are taking place everywhere.
My background in human rights documentation came to my mind because it is important to collect all the human rights violations. I would say that not only are they committing human rights violations, but they are committing crimes against humanity. They are ordering systematically. Order and command are being passed out from the military to all the military, the police forces. This is taking place all over the country, not only in Yangon or Mandalay but everywhere! This kind of criminal act and various human rights violations should be well-documented and securely stored. There should be a strong database system so we can easily learn what is going on and the different trends and think about our next steps, as well as on the issue of accountability.
In Myanmar, we have long histories of the culture of impunity. We have more than five decades of civil war, and many people were arrested and detained, but the perpetrators were never taken to trial. The culture of impunity is so well-established that the survivors feel they have no protection and feel hopeless. They get used to it, but they think no one cares or will stop these things. On the other side, the perpetrators said, ok, we’ve got the license to kill, license to rape, because they don’t have to worry about any legal action against them. So, this is very dangerous, not only right now but for any future generation to face the culture of impunity. Stopping impunity and building justice is another step.
The judicial system in Myanmar has totally collapsed. No court is running properly. There are military tribunals where there is no legal protection or witnesses or testimonies allowed. So military officers just listen to the reports by the police and make a long sentence. It is hard for us to take legal action or exercise justice domestically. We need to beyond that. Regional countries and associations like ASEAN need to utilize their HR mechanisms to hold the perpetrators accountable. They can take some bilateral or regional intervention towards the military to start to bring the power back to the people.
Another issue is the international level. Myanmar is known as a long champion of violations of war crime against ethnic people and genocide against the Rohingya people. Now again, we have crimes against humanity. They are criminals. They should proceed and be treated according to the international criminal process. There are so many ways to do this. The UN can use the mechanisms of the human rights council. The security council can be pushed for responsibility/accountability for global/un-led intervention, but unfortunately, China and Russia are not supporting that one. Another way is the ICC, which already accepted the file of Myanmar for the genocide against the Rohingya people. Bangladesh is a signatory of the Rome statute, but not Myanmar. So, we are thinking, the NUG, as the legitimate government, can ratify the Rome statute.
This is all difficult and challenging. As I mentioned, the Human Rights Ministry is a cross-cutting ministry. Everything relating to Human Rights is our responsibility. For example, if we have the Ministry of Interior to propose the citizenship law under their mandate, but it is not only the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Interior but also related to the Human Rights ministry. We have a long history of citizenship lawthath is discriminatory against minorities. For example, the people who are born in Thailand but live in Myanmar for a long time have no rights. So, we have to see this law from the perspective of human rights.
All the international human rights standards and considerations should be well-reflected, so I have to work with them. If we have another ministry, for example, the humanitarian affairs ministry, and if they decide to deliver humanitarian assistance along the border, then this is their job. But my ministry has to make sure no one is left behind. Everyone will need to be treated from a humanitarian perspective. There should be no discrimination and no abuse of power in food distribution or any kind of religious system. This is where my ministry is the focal ministry for every single ministry to ensure that every policy and program and action by ministers is in line with international standards. We have to check if this is not the right way and if there is something missing. For example, if the ministry of women, while drafting the violence against women law, exclude transgender woman, that’s not acceptable. I am doing this monitoring of every single policy, and you can see the responsibility for our ministry, just like the other ministries in the cabinet.
My background is from civil society. I duly respect the role of civil society, their commitments, their inputs, and ideas to make government better. That is what I had done when I was outside of the government. Government should listen to and coordinate with civil society. I have a series of consultations with different civil society members—by secretary, by ethnicity, by gender, you know, like women, and disabled, other minorities. Every day I have a series of
consultations to listen, and my duty is to make sure their recommendations and suggestions are well-reflected and implemented in the everyday policy of the government.
Ben Fleming: It is a very big portfolio, Myo. I don’t envy the number of meetings that you will have if we can switch gears quickly, in 1988, you went to the jungle to train, but you realized that your talents lie elsewhere. We now know that many young people are going to the jungles or taking up arms in their village. We know there was violence today in Mingyan, and in Chin State, the NUG has set up a People’s Defense Force and is negotiating with the EAOs [Ethnic Armed Organizations] in the hope that one day they can form a federal armed force. What are your thoughts on the process of defeating the junta? How would you speak to Gen Z? Is armed conflict a foregone conclusion, or can there still be a peaceful process, given the inequality of arms, what is it you hope for people to do?
U Aung Myo Min: Ok, you remind me of the days when I was a Gen Z back in 1988. I understand why many Gen Z have decided to leave for the border like me and want to take some kind of military action. There are two ways, the conventional military army and also the guerilla strategies. Young people think that we are left defenseless on the streets during the military crackdowns, and many are killed because they don’t have weapons to defend themselves. So they really want to fight back. They need weapons. I understand how they feel. Taking up arms is one of the strategies, but this isn’t the only solution to solve the problem.
We have so many other strategies and actions taken by different people every day at different stages. Some of the Gen Z are still out on the street every day. There is no massive peaceful demonstration like before, but there are still hit-and-run demonstrations. Youngsters are showing how they want their voices to be heard. They look for the flag. They are ready to join. They are showing the defiance of the people. The military has got the message that you cannot run the country like this.
First, that’s also opposition. Second, the civil disobedience movement (CDM), mainly by the staff, thousands of doctors, nurses, teachers, professors, and government servants, are still taking part in CDM. They are not going to work under the military government. There are huge numbers refusing to go even though the military is desperately saying everything is running well. We know that they cannot manage the situation while the massive CDM movement stays strong. This is another strategy. And this also is effective. You can see the military every day announces the list of people that got fired because they are part of the CDM. They threaten people who join the CDM. So, these are two strategies.
Third, the NUG is trying to work on the diplomatic strategy, using all kinds of international cooperation, trying to get the legitimate vote as the legitimate government. They are looking for international or bilateral cooperation for the NUG movement. This is also another strategy. That is why we are calling for intervention. We are asking ASEAN, EU, or the US government to take action on the military’s ‘three-cuts’ policies.
First, please cut the financial support to the military. Don’t do any economic transactions that benefit the military. Don’t do investments that directly benefit the military. Second, cut their weapons. For example, a small arm embargo can stop any kind of military training. It can stop any military-related support to the government. Third, cut the immunity to the military as a legitimate government. Bring these perpetrators to the stage of the international justice criminal system. With these three weapons and tools, we are working on our diplomatic strategy.
So maybe armed struggles and federal people’s defense forces are one of the strategies, but I would say it should be a combined strategy. Whatever path you take, our goal is to stop the human rights violations, abuses by the military, and step them down and bring in the normal civilian government.
Ben Fleming: To carry on from that, about the CDM. What are your thoughts on if and when the junta is defeated? What does national reconciliation look like? How do we reintegrate the Tatmadaw, in which case there needs to be a criminal process? But we are already getting so many messages from people who remain in CDM, those who have returned to work from the CDM, and also those who were never part of the CDM. We hear that these personal relationships have been broken, in some instances, beyond repair. How would you speak to those who remain in CDM, those who have left, and those who never were believed in the hopes of unifying the country and overcoming the junta?
U Aung Myo Min: How to deal with the CDM non-CDM and former CDM – good point! We have been discussing this issue.
For those who are committed to continuing CDM, the NUG is supporting them. Financially, at least with some international donations and through the overseas Burmese support, we are giving them the minimum amount. The money is not that much. But more so, we give them the recognition and moral support for their participation in the movement. But we cannot reach every single person who is part of the countrywide CDM. Communication is very difficult, and supporting CDM is considered a ‘crime’ by the military. We sometimes, we didn’t know the personal information of individuals, but at least we are providing some small token of appreciation to the CDM movement.
Second, we understand it has been 100 days already. Some people are having a hard time being in the CDM. Their whole family is kicked out of from the government. They have lost their quarters, jobs, salaries. They have to support their children and the elderly. We understand that one from a humanitarian perspective, humanitarian reason, and you know no one can be 100% committed, sacrificing their whole life. It happens, so we understand.
So long people are not being double agents, for example like informing on the other CDM people, and making reports, or forcing the other CDMs to return home, it’s fine. There are some people who are motivators for harassing the CDM movement staff. We are recording all these kinds of activities and making a list. The Ministries of Education and Health are also making a list. Such people might be expelled from the government jobs with the NUG side. We never encourage anyone to kill or abuse. We need to keep the dignity of the people even though they don’t have the same ideas or same side as us.
In the future, we can promise that we will compensate the CDM people who are still on strike to get their jobs back, get compensation and reparation, so we can make sure they are safe, that they can get their job back. We will give some kind of recognition to these people.
But for the people who are totally at the forefront of opposing the CDM movement, really, we cannot forget. There should be some kind of action. I don’t mean legal action, maybe not social action but some action by the government..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to life: standards and mechanisms, Human rights organisations, networks: resources, training, methodology and other links, Theory and practice of national human rights institutions, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"A group of musicians in Myanmar have been on the streets performing in the country’s anti-coup demonstrations. Their new song, ‘Revolution,’ aims to encourage young people to fight the military dictatorship..."
Source/publisher:
"South China Morning Post" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-02-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments in conflict-affected areas from 24 April to 24 May, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UNHCR. The next update will be issued towards the end of June 2021.....HIGHLIGHTS: Around 46,000 people were displaced in the south-eastern part of Myanmar between April and May due to the conflict and insecurity, about 37,000 of them displaced in late May following the clashes in Kayah State.
In Chin State, thousands have been internally displaced following an escalation of hostilities in the town of Mindat since 12 May.
In northern Shan, clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and among EAOs continue and around 2,800 people were displaced in May. A total of 8,400 people who have fled since January 2021 remain displaced.
In Kachin State, there has been no new displacement during the reporting period, despite the active armed conflict between the MAF and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA); about 8,500 people who fled insecurity since mid-March remain displaced.
No new population displacement has been reported in Rakhine State. Cases of acute watery diarrhea (AWD) are reported in IDP camps in Mrauk-U, Paukaw and Sittwe townships.
Humanitarian response remains severely constrained in all conflict-affected areas due to insecurity, banking disruptions, road blockages and pre-existing access challenges.
Myanmar Humanitarian Fund First Standard Allocation of US$10 million launched on 13 May has been amended with an additional $0.35 million to scale up response in Chin State.
A total of US$40.2 million has been mobilized under the 2021 Humanitarian Response Plan, which seeks $276.5 million to address the needs of around 1 million people in conflict-affected areas. This represents less than 15 per cent of the funds required.
KEY FIGURES
85.9K people internally displaced in the South-east due to clashes and insecurity in 2021
15K people internally displaced in northern Shan due to armed clashes in 2021
10K people internally displaced in Kachin State due to armed clashes in 2021
10K people hosted in sites in Chin State and Magway Region due to hostilities in Mindat in May
SITUATION OVERVIEW
UPSURGE IN DISPLACEMENT IN THE SOUTH-EAST: Around 46,000 people were displaced in the southeastern part of the country between April and May, according to data obtained by UNHCR from various sources. This includes the displacement of an estimated 37,000 persons across 57 locations in Kayah State where violence had erupted in late May between the MAF and the Karenni Army, the armed wing of the Karenni National Progressive Party, as well as the Karenni People’s Defense Force, an armed group formed by civilian resistance fighters.
There have been additional displacements, mainly in Kayin State due to insecurity and the clashes between the Karen National Liberation Army and the MAF. Around 45,000 people are currently internally displaced in Kayin State. The majority of them are hiding in jungles with some 8,000 sheltering in caves along Salween River at the border with Thailand. A further 3,900 people remain displaced in Mon State and Bago Region since February. This makes 85,900 the total number of people who have been internally displaced in the region due to armed clashes as well as insecurity as of 24 May.
The internal displacement comes in addition to cross-border movement that remains fluid. Around 7,000 people from Kayin State have crossed the border to seek safety in Thailand since late March and some 1,000 remain in temporary areas in Mae Hong Son Province in Thailand as of 23 May, according to UNHCR.
Humanitarian needs include food, shelter and access to hygiene and sanitation facilities. Additionally, there have been reports of cases of water-borne diseases among the displaced population in the jungle as result of extended lack of access to hygiene and sanitation facilities compounded by the early arrival of the rainy season. Local sources warn of a looming food security crisis if people are unable to return to their villages of origin to tend to their crops and livestock.
Humanitarian partners are doing their best to respond to these needs, both within Myanmar and across the border. For example, in Kayah State, partners provided food and basic households items, child protection and health interventions to a small number of IDPs. However, access restrictions due to insecurity, road blockages, remote terrain, landmine contamination and other bureaucratic impediments continue to impede programme delivery across Kayah and elsewhere.
INCREASING HUMANITARIAN NEEDS IN CHIN STATE: Thousands of people have been displaced following an escalation of violence between the MAF and the Chinland Defense Forces (CDF) in and around the town of Mindat in Chin State on 12 May. The MAF deployed heavy artillery, military helicopters and snipers to the area, and despite the reported retreat of the CDF the following day, the MAF reportedly continued its attacks, including against civilian areas and infrastructure in the town of Mindat, which is home to about 25,000 people (2014 data).
Over 9,000 IDPs are currently hosted in 16 sites, mainly in churches and monasteries, in and around Mindat and 7 sites in Saw in Magway Region. Thousands more had reportedly fled to nearby forests and mountains in search of safety and protection. There are also reports of civilian casualties, damage to and occupation of civilian infrastructure, incidents of the MAF using civilians as human shields and alleged cases of sexual assault against women and girls. Clashes also occurred between the MAF and the CDF in Loklung Village near the capital city of Hakkha on 18 May. This has led to the displacement of around 1,000 people to neighboring villages, according to local partners.
The displaced population and those who remain in town are in urgent need of food, water, medicine, shelter and protection services, such as gender-based violence and psychological support. Local communities and religious institutions are making efforts to provide humanitarian assistance; however, this is not reaching everyone in need. Access restrictions, including due to road blockages and insecurity, are complicating the efforts to verify the reports of displacement, casualties and other incidents, as well as assess needs and respond. The Myanmar Humanitarian Fund (MHF) is supporting an operational partner in Chin State to scale up response, by topping up with an additional funding an existing humanitarian programme.
MORE PEOPLE DISPLACED IN NORTHERN SHAN: Population movement remains fluid in northern areas of Shan State with new displacements and small-scale returns reported on a regular basis. In Hsipaw Township, around 2,510 people fled from their homes to safe areas due to hostilities between the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army and the allied forces of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army on 18 May. Small-scale population movements were also reported in Nawnghkio and Namtu townships and over the course of May, 2,800 people were internally displaced due to various clashes. A total of 15,151 people have been internally displaced in northern Shan since the start of 2021. While almost half of them returned to their places of origin within weeks, some 8,400 people remain displaced in 34 sites in Hsipaw, Kyaukme, Momeik, Namtu, Namhkan and Nawghkio townships. The IDPs are unable to return due to damage to their property and livelihoods as well as insecurity and risks from landmine contamination.
Humanitarian partners organized three missions to the displacement sites and protracted IDP camps over the course of May to assess people’s needs and strengthen response coordination. Despite some assistance provided by host communities and local partners, the needs of families newly displaced remain largely unmet. The IDPs currently require temporary shelter, food, basic household materials, including mosquito nets, blankets, and mats, as well as access to water and sanitation facilities.
NO NEW DISPLACEMENT IN KACHIN DESPITE INSECURITY: There has been no new population displacement in Kachin during the reporting period. Close to 10,000 people have been displaced across Kachin State following the resumption of clashes in mid-March. While many have returned to their places of origin since then, over 8,500 people remain displaced in Bhamo, Hpakant, Injanyang, Momauk, Myitkyina, Sadung, Shwegu and Waingmaw townships. Local communities and operational partners are responding to the needs of newly displaced people; however, access challenges and insecurity are complicating these efforts.
The security situation remains volatile in Kachin State, with regular armed clashes between the MAF and the KIA in several townships and general insecurity across the state. Hostilities were reported across as many as 13 townships; however, clashes were intense in Momauk Township in particular, where fighting around the Ah Law Bum mountain area, currently controlled by the KIA continues unabated, with reports of aerial strikes by the MAF and artillery shelling by both sides. Since March, over 100 armed engagements were reported across Kachin. According to public sources, 11 civilians were killed and 22 others injured between 11 March and 12 May. The details of these incidents could not be verified at the time of reporting due to access challenges.
ACUTE WATERY DIARRHEA IN CENTRAL RAKHINE: AWD cases were reported in IDP camps in MraukU, Pauktaw and Sittwe townships with majority of cases affecting children under five. Based on available information, the cases were reported to be highest during the week of 3 May, with 1,200 cases, and majority reported from six IDP camps. Over 2,000 cases of AWD have so far been reported as of 25 May. The situation has started to stabilize as the number of cases started to go down since 16 May, following robust response by operational partners who are coordination with relevant entities to scale up awareness raising efforts of good hygiene, testing of water quality, chlorination of the boreholes, and cleaning of solid waste and disinfection of latrines. Disease surveillance is ongoing and operational hours of mobile clinics have been extended in certain camps with larger caseloads. Case investigation and laboratory sample collection were also conducted with relevant entities and findings were directly shared to frontline health partners for appropriate clinical management.
NO NEW DIPLACEMENT IN RAKHINE: There has not been any new clashes between the MAF and the AA since November 2020 and no new displacement has been reported. Some small-scale returns among IDPs continue to take place in a number of townships. Close to 82,000 people remain displaced at 147 sites and 27 host communities in 10 townships across Rakhine State. This is in addition to 126,000 IDPs hosted in protracted camps established in 2012..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Internal displacement/forced migration of Shan. Palaung and Wa villagers, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karen villagers, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Various groups, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
643.58 KB (8 pages)
more
Topic:
Business , Crisis and Conflict
Sub-title:
Governments Should Take Stronger Steps to Cut Natural Gas Revenues
Topic:
Business , Crisis and Conflict
Description:
"Governments and energy companies should follow up a recent decision by Chevron and Total SA to suspend payments from a gas pipeline project in Myanmar with additional steps to cut off funding to the country’s military junta, Human Rights Watch said today. While the May 26, 2021 announcement reflects a shift in corporate dealings with the junta that seized power on February 1 and has engaged in a brutal crackdown since, the payments are just a modest amount of the military’s overall gas revenues.
Governments and all energy companies operating in Myanmar should take stronger action to block natural gas revenues flowing to the Myanmar military. Natural gas revenue is the military’s largest source of foreign currency income, including approximately $1 billion in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, tariffs, and other profits. The dividends suspended by Chevron and Total are a minimal part of the overall payments the government receives from natural gas.
“Chevron and Total’s recent decision is a step in the right direction, but it affects less than 5 percent of the natural gas revenue the Myanmar junta receives,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director. “To have real impact, governments and companies need to go further to stop the junta from receiving funds or accessing bank accounts that receive payments.”
The decision announced by Total and Chevron concerns only a 15 percent dividend paid by a pipeline company, the Moattama Gas Transportation Company (“Moattama”), from profits from transportation fees it earns moving gas from Myanmar’s offshore Yadana gas field to Myanmar and Thailand. Total said the payments were suspended as of April 1.
Total and Chevron together are the majority owners in Moattama, with 31.2 percent and 28.3 percent of the project, respectively. The military-controlled company Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), owns 15 percent, and the Thailand state-owned gas company PTT owns 25.5 percent. Total acts as the “operator” of the Yadana wellheads and Moattama’s pipeline infrastructure. The suspended payments are dividends to these companies based on their ownership share. According to Moattama financial records, the company paid MOGE about $38 million in 2018 and approximately $52 million in 2019, consistent with EITI reporting indicating that MOGE’s overall gas transportation dividends from gas operations are less than 7 percent of overall state revenue from natural gas.
Total’s and Chevron’s statements do not mention the hundreds of millions of dollars in additional tariffs, fees, and tax payments that Moattama pays to Myanmar military-controlled bank accounts. The statement does not apply to hundreds of millions of dollars more that MOGE receives from its share of revenues from selling gas to PTT.
“While only a modest amount of the overall revenues was suspended, Total and Chevron’s decision signifies that at least some companies in Myanmar recognize that their cash payments to junta-controlled accounts create major reputational risks,” Sifton said.
Total acknowledged the dire situation in Myanmar and suggested in its statement that further action might be taken: “Total condemns the violence and human rights abuses occurring in Myanmar and reaffirms that it will comply with any decision that may be taken by international and national authorities, including applicable sanctions issued by the EU or US authorities.”
Chevron’s statement noted that the company “condemns the violence and human rights abuses occurring in Myanmar. We stand with the people of Myanmar and the global community in urging for a peaceful resolution that respects the will of the people.” The company said that it would respect sanctions imposed on additional gas revenue but cautioned against them.
Total and Chevron should provide more information on the value of the dividends that have been suspended. They and other energy companies operating in Myanmar should also clarify their positions on sanctions and explain why carefully applied sanctions would not allow their operations to continue while revenues to the junta were blocked. The companies should also adhere to applicable international sanctions and make public information about all payments they make to military-controlled and state-owned entities.
Total has not yet replied to a May 11 letter in which Human Rights Watch asked about the potential effects, if any, of the United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and others imposing sanctions on Myanmar military-controlled entities or imposing economic measures to block Myanmar military-controlled bank accounts from receiving revenues. Specifically, the letter asked whether such measures would prevent Total from continuing to operate in Myanmar.
Governments considering new sanctions on gas revenue should focus more attention on PTT, a shareholder and primary purchaser of the gas that Moattama transports, and the banks that send and receive its payments to Myanmar military-controlled accounts. All the revenue from Total’s joint ventures in Myanmar come from PTT in the first instance, and the company separately pays military accounts hundreds of millions of dollars yearly.
PTT alone also operates a separate smaller gas field, Zawtika, which provides the Myanmar junta hundreds of millions of dollars in additional payments.
Another gas production and pipeline venture run by the South Korean company POSCO operates in the country’s third major field, Shwe, and receives payments from a Chinese-owned company that pays the junta several hundred million dollars per year.
Total, Chevron, PTT, and POSCO should signal support to authorities in the US, EU, Thailand, and other jurisdictions for sanctions or other measures to block royalties, share dividends, tariffs, and tax payments to Myanmar military-controlled accounts.
“If governments effectively sanction or suspend the natural gas revenue generated for the military junta, it will lose $1 billion a year being used to hurt Myanmar’s people,” Sifton said. “That kind of economic impact could put real pressure on the military to stop its brutal repression and return the country to a democratic path.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-05-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Formal Sanctions, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"When Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations Kyaw Moe Tun took the floor of the General Assembly on Feb. 26 to condemn the weeks-old military coup and announce his loyalty to the elected government, he not only shocked all those tuning in who expected a pro forma defense of the Tatmadaw’s power grab and denunciation of U.N. interference. He also provided Myanmar’s democratic movement a potentially powerful new tool, both to help secure their legitimacy, and to shift the historic dynamics of U.N. failure in Myanmar. To make the most of this tool, the nascent National Unity Government (NUG) must quickly learn how to work with the U.N. system and leverage it for its intrinsic utility as well as to build out their footprint internationally. To date, the results have been mixed, but there are signs that the NUG is learning. Whether these efforts ultimately will be effective also depends on whether the U.N. system can learn from its own failures in Myanmar and make the necessary course corrections at this pivotal moment.....Past Imperfect: The U.N.’s history with Myanmar has been a multi-decade case study in the moral hazards that international organizations face when dealing with regimes that do not care about either the welfare of their own people or the opinions of outsiders. After being one of the first of the newly independent post-colonial countries to join the U.N., Myanmar enthusiastically participated in U.N. activities during the parliamentary democracy period. It even requested the U.N.’s help in dealing with spillover from the Chinese civil war, when both Kuomintang (KMT) and Communist troops breached Myanmar’s border.
After Ne Win’s 1962 coup, however, successive military regimes rigorously limited their engagement with international organizations out of an almost fanatical devotion to neutrality. Like other autarkic dictatorships, the Ne Win regime deeply distrusted the U.N. and particularly eschewed involvement with its field-based activities, even though his countryman U Thant served as U.N. Secretary General during much of the first decade of Burmese Socialist Program Party (BSPP) rule. It was not just the U.N. that drew Ne Win’s suspicions: nearly all foreign organizations were kicked out of Myanmar during the 1960s and diplomats based in the country were heavily restricted. The BSPP’s fetishization of neutrality was such that Ne Win withdrew Myanmar from the Non-aligned Movement in 1978 because he was concerned it had become too partisan toward the Soviet Union. Given the role of Southeast Asia as a major theater of Cold War contestation, and China’s mercurial role in these geostrategic games, one can hardly blame Myanmar for wanting to remain aloof from it all. But Ne Win’s autarky also ensured that Myanmar essentially was suspended in amber for more than a decade.
Faced with a ruinous economic situation, however, the post 1974-BSPP and its successors in the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), while no less xenophobic, recognized that the U.N.’s rapidly expanding aid agencies could be useful as they attempted to address the country’s disastrous economic situation. The Tatmadaw generals seemed to innately grasp that these various humanitarian and development agencies cared more about their agency’s particular development and humanitarian mission set than about the quality of Myanmar’s governance and these agencies were competing for “clients” in the developing world. Having been locked out of Myanmar at the height of the BSPP’s autarky, these agencies were desperate to experiment on its broken economy and what they viewed as a tabula rasa society ripe for their modernization efforts. This gave the BSPP the ability to arbitrage aid agencies’ ambitions and silos, strictly limiting their staffing and physical access and insisting on a high degree of control over their activities in the country. Even after Ne Win resigned as BSPP chairman in 1988, the SLORC and SPDC continued to use humanitarian access as a bargaining chip to ensure that agency operations were compliant. In the most striking—but far from the only– example of its extreme suspicion toward the U.N., the Burmese regime initially rejected U.N.-led humanitarian assistance in the wake of 2008’s devastating Cyclone Nargis, which killed tens of thousands of people, wiped out the critical Irrawaddy Delta rice production zone, and left millions homeless.....Political Battles at – and Over – the U.N.: In contrast to the aid agencies ostensibly apolitical approach, the U.N.’s Member State bodies have periodically attempted to involve themselves in Myanmar’s politics, especially after the Tatmadaw’s violent suppression of the 1988 uprising. The end of the Cold War and concurrent rise of liberal internationalism were rocket fuel to the U.N.’s political engagement in Myanmar. After the SLORC ignored the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) landslide victory in the 1990 elections, the United States and other western democracies supported various resolutions in the U.N. Human Rights Commission and General Assembly, condemning the military’s brutal usurpation of democracy and appointing Special Rapporteurs to investigate its wrongdoings. The United States and other major donors also restricted U.N. agencies’ and international financial institutions’ cooperation with the military. U.N. agencies, in turn, complained bitterly about what they saw as the negative impact of these donor efforts to ensure aid was not instrumentalized by the military regime.
For their part, Burmese regimes did not appear to differentiate between the component parts of the U.N. system. The Secretary General’s Special Envoys typically were given privileged access to both junta members and detained opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, so long as they kept their public statements anodyne and their “negotiations” efforts within prescribed limits. Human Rights Special Rapporteurs, on the other hand, were forced to negotiate access on the narrowest of terms and often subjected to rough treatment on the ground. Special Rapporteur Paulo Pinheiro found a barely concealed listening device in the room where he was holding interviews with political prisoners. A violent mob attacked his successor Tomas Quintana’s motorcade during a field visit to Rakhine State following 2012 anti-Muslim violence there. Likewise, after she spoke out on the situation of the Rohingya, Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee was subjected to a steady stream of virulent misogynist verbal abuse before seeing her access cut off altogether.
For the U.N. agencies and personnel deployed in-country after 1988, efforts to navigate between their ‘apolitical’ aid and development missions and the extremely political Member-State activities in New York and Geneva—all while dealing with a distrustful and mercurial junta-often proved untenable. The treatment of the U.N. during the Saffron Revolution of 2007 is a case in point. As anti-regime protests intensified in the summer and fall of 2007, the dual-hatted Resident Coordinator/ Humanitarian Coordinator (RC/HC) in Myanmar was Charles Petrie, a U.N. veteran who had been an eyewitness to the international community’s moral failure in the Rwandan genocide, was under pressure to speak out about the situation on the ground. His home agency, the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), was often a target of criticism from human rights groups and the pro-democracy movement as soft on the military regime due to their focus on economic development. Even after the military started shooting at unarmed protesters and arresting U.N., Petrie studiously avoided direct criticism of the junta. It was only after thousands had been killed that Petrie issued a U.N. Day statement that obliquely linked economic hardship in Burma with the protests, after which the junta forced him to leave the country.....The Consequences of Contested Engagement: In trying to manage the sensitivities of both Burmese juntas and subsequent quasi-civilian governments, the U.N. generally has ended up pleasing no one and failing in its most basic tasks. The Tatmadaw was never going to embrace the U.N., given its innate xenophobia and the decades of General Assembly and Human Rights Commission and Council resolutions criticizing its ruinous and abusive rule. Prior to 2010, democratic forces and ethnic civil society criticized U.N. humanitarian and development programs on the ground as doing little more than legitimizing military rule. After a brief post-2010 honeymoon period, Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy came to view the U.N. as unhelpful because she felt they consultation with treated her as a ‘box-checking’ exercise as they rushed to expand the UN presence under the Thein Sein government. After the NLD took power in March 2016, Suu Kyi’s negative view of the U.N. hardened in the face of Member State bodies’ condemnations of atrocities against the Rohingya while she was the de facto head of government. Suu Kyi’s antipathy towards the U.N. was undoubtedly fueled by veteran diplomats such as Kyaw Tint Swe who spent their careers vigorously defending military regime abuses and pushing back on the U.N. in Geneva and New York. By the time the August 2017 atrocities against the Rohingya began, there was little trust and empathy between the U.N. and the NLD government.
Once again, the U.N. Resident Coordinator in Yangon, Renata Lok-Dessallien, was caught in these cross currents. A development expert by training, Lok-Dessallien was sent to Yangon to oversee the major expansion of U.N. agency partnerships with Myanmar’s government. In the end, her efforts to soft-pedal concerns about the Rohingya and other human rights issues prior to the 2017 atrocities did little to overcome the deep reservoir of hostility and distrust that colored the government’s view of the U.N. Her development-focused approach did, however, trouble her staff, especially those charged with implementing the U.N.’s “Human Rights Up Front” initiative. As the scale and scope of the atrocities in Rakhine state spiraled and international condemnation grew, Lok-Dessallien was spectacularly ill-equipped to deal with the situation. Although the U.N. secretariat in New York was aware she was flailing, they took no steps to recall or replace her until it was too late. This was all well documented in both contemporaneous media reports on the 2017 Rakhine crisis and the U.N.’s Rosenthal Report on the U.N.’s failure to anticipate or prevent the genocide.
Despite this checkered history, in 2021 protestors in Myanmar initially called on the U.N. to act against the Feb. 1 coup and live up to its founding ideals. Invoking the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) and seizing on condemnatory statements by U.N. officials, many young protesters looked to the U.N. to send in peacekeepers or take other steps to restore the elected government. But so far, the U.N. has spectacularly failed to rise to the occasion. Blame for this failure has largely centered on the Security Council, where the United Kingdom and other so-called like-minded countries have taken a cautious incremental approach, ostensibly due to fear of a joint Chinese and Russian veto of any resolution they might table. As time passes since the coup and humanitarian needs rise, there also are growing concerns among the anti-coup forces that various U.N. agencies may be falling back into old habits of willingness to work with the junta in order to retain access to their projects in country.....A New Hope at the U.N.? Options for Constructive Engagement: Yet even as the U.N. has proven unable to stop the junta’s illegal coup or ameliorate the situation on the ground, it does have some specific utility for the democratic movement. For the first time, those facing off against a military junta have a Burmese ambassador in New York who has declared his loyalty to the democratic movement and is empowered to work with the entire U.N. system, including and especially on human rights issues. Practically speaking, control over the U.N. seat in New York can be a beachhead for the NUG’s broader efforts towards international recognition even as the struggle on the ground continues and the democratic leadership builds out its own institutions. Because many other governments will recognize whatever authorities are recognized by the U.N., controlling the General Assembly seat is critical.
Moreover, Permanent Representatives (PRs) in New York hold a privileged position within the U.N. system, surpassed only by ministers and heads of state and government from a protocol standpoint. As long as Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun remains credentialed to the U.N. as Myanmar’s PR, he is the senior-most Burmese diplomat accredited to the U.N. system. As a result, he can represent Myanmar at U.N. meetings not only in New York but also in Geneva, Vienna, Rome, Bangkok, Nairobi, or any other venue where the U.N. convenes Member States. The U.N.’s continued reliance on virtual meetings due to the pandemic is helpful in this regard, as Kyaw Moe Tun and his designates can remain in New York to defend his seat while representing Myanmar at U.N. events around the world.
On the programmatic side, the Civil Disobedience Movement’s (CDM’s) efforts to shut down economic activity in Myanmar and the NUG’s demand that humanitarian assistance not flow through military controlled channels have highlighted the need to establish parameters for cooperation with U.N. agencies, funds, and programs accustomed to dealing with Member State governments. To this end, the NUG can use their foothold in New York to pull through cooperation with U.N. agencies, including negotiating Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) on access, financing, and other modalities. By aligning these efforts with outreach to bilateral donors and multi-lateral development banks, the NUG can begin to demonstrate governance capabilities to their own people and the international community alike.
Working together with CDM diplomats in Geneva and elsewhere, the New York mission can coordinate diplomatic engagement across the entire U.N. system on everything from credentialling for meetings to negotiating MOUs with U.N. agencies. The NUG will need to provide strategic and policy guidance, including on where within the U.N. system to prioritize limited human resources for maximum impact. This was recently and unfortunately demonstrated when the junta successfully sent its murderous police chief to a U.N. Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) senior officials’ meeting. That event seems to have served as a wake-up call for the NUG on the need to track and manage such U.N. Member State-driven activities more effectively. On May 26, for instance, the World Health Assembly (WHA) refused to seat the junta’s delegate after the NUG submitted a competing credential request. While not a total victory, having the Myanmar chair empty is preferably to having the junta represent the country. The WHA’s decision also kicked the issue back to the General Assembly, highlighting the stakes for keeping the New York mission in the NUG’s hands.
Given the complexity of the task and the small number of diplomats the NUG currently has, both the New York mission and the NUG leadership will need to be creative and disciplined about staffing and other resource allocation decisions. For instance, civil society groups that work on human rights and humanitarian action have substantial resources and influence that make them potential force multipliers in these areas of alignment. While many small Member State missions in New York and Geneva have deep experience working with their own and international allied civil society partners, many experienced Burmese diplomats are more accustomed to seeing civil society as adversarial and both sides will have to overcome both a trust deficit and a learning curve to work together effectively.
The CDM diplomats are fortunate, however, that Burmese civil society has decades of experience partnering with regional and global advocacy groups and diplomats from other governments, especially in the priority areas of human rights and humanitarian assistance. The New York mission should look beyond the Secretary General’s Special Envoy and engage the various Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council that have an interest in Myanmar, including Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews, and Special Representatives of the Secretary General on issues such as the Responsibility to Protect, Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict, and Children in Armed Conflict. These U.N. experts can be both resources for information and potential allies in the system.
Finally, the NUG must have a clear plan for holding on to Myanmar’s U.N. General Assembly seat when the next General Assembly session begins in September. The NUG and the junta are likely to submit competing credentials for the session, and the U.N. Credentials Committee and ultimately the General Assembly itself will likely be drawn into a credentials fight. While the technical and protocol aspects of U.N. credentialling are relatively straightforward, those credentials fights that have taken place over the 75-year history of the U.N. have largely followed a pattern where initially ‘possession is 9/10ths of the law’ but the representation usually ends up aligning with political reality on the ground—regardless of the legitimacy of that reality. The refusal to seat representatives of South Africa’s apartheid government is one of the few cases where the U.N. acted from a moral imperative.
The situation of Myanmar is likely to challenge the U.N., both institutionally and among its individual member states. By working now to establish Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun as an active and credible representative of the Burmese people across the U.N. system, the NUG can create facts on the ground that may prove dispositive when his credentials are challenged in September. The more his counterparts in New York see him as the legitimate representative, the more likely they are to support him, if for no other reason than they themselves would not wish to be arbitrarily replaced as the result of an illegal coup. For its part, the U.N. system should recognize that they have an historic opportunity to align with the Burmese people’s democratic aspirations and contribute positively to this hinge moment in Myanmar’s history. By drawing lessons from the missed opportunities and failures of the past, the system can try to turn a new page.
For the programmatic pillars of the system, this means being more cognizant and tolerant of political risk than they are typically comfortable being. The UNDP—both because of its past issues in Myanmar and because it has specific responsibilities with regard to governance—should stake out a leadership role in supporting the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people and work with both the NUG and civil society on urgent governance challenges that have resulted from the coup. UNDP also has an existing MOU to work on Rakhine State, signed with the NLD government, that can provide the basis for addressing that troubled region. Likewise, agencies such as U.N. Fund for Children (UNICEF) and the World Food Program (WFP) can work directly with the NUG to address urgent humanitarian needs. In the past, these agencies have been more adept at handling political ambiguity and demonstrating flexibility, and these skill sets will be necessary to navigate the current situation.
On the Member State side, creativity will also be required, including looking beyond the politicized Security Council and Human Rights Council (HRC). One potential solution is to empower entities such as the Independent Investigative Mechanism on Myanmar (IIMM), that were created by Member States but operate as independent technical bodies. The IIMM’s mandate should be interpreted (or expanded) as needed to allow it to provide technical assistance directly to the NUG, including by confidentially sharing evidence about the atrocities against the Rohingya. Helping the NUG and its ministers to understand and come to terms with the scope and scale of atrocities the Tatmadaw committed during the NLD’s watch could help to advance the cause of recognition and reconciliation that ultimately is core to Myanmar’s nation-building project. This is a delicate task, but one that the IIMM – as a technical body that is built on collecting and following the evidence rather than advocating for any particular outcome – is uniquely qualified to undertake. Given that the overwhelming majority of Member States have supported resolutions in the General Assembly condemning the atrocities against the Rohingya, the NUG’s inability to date to adequately address the Rohingya issue remains a major stumbling block as countries consider whether to recognize it. A successful two-way partnership between the IIMM and the NUG could help to address this issue in a more constructive way.
In light of the many challenges facing Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement at the moment, leveraging the country’s U.N. General Assembly seat may not be top of mind for the NUG. Nonetheless, the seat – and the source of legitimacy that comes with it – represents a major tangible asset that has real value to other countries that otherwise may be inclined to pay the NUG little attention. Whether the NUG can deploy this asset strategically and successfully could make the difference as it struggles to establish itself on the international stage. After decades of awkward and all-around frustrating engagement, the U.N. also needs to step forward with a more flexible and conscious approach that shows it has learned from past mistakes. Even if both sides can break old habits, there is no guarantee that the outcome will be successful for the Burmese people. But if the NUG and U.N. squander this opportunity by repeating old patterns, it is virtually guaranteed that everyone stands to lose..."
Source/publisher:
Just Security (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations, Political History, Anti-coup protesters, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"Lux et veritas. Light and truth. These are the words proudly emblazoned on the banners that adorn Yale’s New Haven buildings, stamped in the seals imprinted in the diplomas we earn after graduating, guiding us during the years we pore through books and listen to lectures, always to learn more, to do better, to thrive for the most.
I went to Yale for my undergraduate studies where I took classes on conflict resolution and was mentored by pre-eminent academics in understanding root causes and patterns of genocide. I tried to understand how and why people commit mass atrocities, and what political and social forces enable them. I believed that the more we study atrocities, the more we can do to prevent them. I have since realized that a key element in the enablement of mass atrocities is the mobilization of financial resources that powers and legitimizes oppressive regimes. I’ve been dismayed to see a representative of a Yale-founded institution linked to the funding of the Myanmar military.
Here is a truth: in 2011, Kay Kuok Oon Kwong, the Director of Shangri-La Hotel Limited and niece of Malaysia’s richest man, was announced as the Chair of the Yale-NUS Governing Board. Yale-NUS was jointly founded by Yale and NUS in 2011 and Yale-NUS graduates join the ranks of the Yale Alumni Association as international affiliates. When Kuok joined the Governing Board, she was also the Director of the Trader Square Group (a subsidiary of Shangri-La Asia), which signed a land lease agreement with the Quartermaster General, an office of the Myanmar military under the Ministry of Defense. The land lease agreement was to develop an office tower and retail mall, Sule Square, in Yangon. As the Director, Kuok was responsible for overseeing the agreement. The following year, in a public ceremony, Kuok thanked the Quartermaster General for leasing the land. In October 2017, the Sule Square development was opened, with Kuok present at the ceremony.
Myanmar’s Quartermaster General plays a key role in managing the military’s business, and is responsible for purchasing arms and for Ministry of Defense budget requests to the Parliament. Due to its role in managing supplies and budgets, it is responsible for managing leasing arrangements for military-owned land across the country. The defense budget, managed by the Quartermaster General, is used to fund the purchase of weapons and military supplies, such as a missile director system, that in turn has been used to commit genocide against the Rohingya and vast crimes against humanity against ethnic groups in Myanmar.
Kuok’s opening ceremony of the Sule Square took place 2 months after the Rohingya clearance operations committed by the Myanmar military, which, in September 2017 alone, resulted in the deaths of at least 6,700 Rohingya, followed by the exodus of 742,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh and the internal displacement of over 130,000 Rohingya. In December 2019, the Myanmar military was brought to the International Court of Justice for genocidal acts against the Rohingya.
Here is some light: By leasing land from and engaging in business with the Myanmar military, Kuok is directly contributing to the financing of the military, which may amount to aiding and abetting the commission of their international crimes. The UN Fact Finding Mission on Myanmar in 2019 examined the military’s sources of revenue that “enhances its ability to carry out gross violations of human rights with impunity”. The report assessed how the military uses its own businesses in addition to foreign companies to support military operations. The Mission examined military owned businesses, such as MEC and MEHL, and named Shangri-La’s land lease in its report. It found that “any foreign business involving the Tatmadaw poses a high risk of contributing to or being linked to violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law”. It recommended that foreign businesses sever ties with the Myanmar military to ensure they were not complicit in crimes against humanity. The Mission stated it “puts companies on further and effective notice of the human rights implications that arise from maintaining business connections with the Tatmadaw”. Yet Kuok continued to maintain her business with the Myanmar military, paying likely significant amounts in land leasing that go directly to the Myanmar army. Although the exact terms of the Sule Square land lease are unknown, a different shopping and hotel complex in Yangon brings in about $20 million a year to the military.
On February 1 2021, the Myanmar military attempted a coup d’etat and has escalated its crimes nationwide, which, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, almost certainly amount to crimes against humanity. The violence since the coup is part of a continuation of decades of extreme violence perpetuated against ethnic and religious minorities, including the Rohingya. Over the 3 months since the coup, the Myanmar military has killed over 780 people, including over 40 children, arbitrarily imprisoned over 3800 people, internally displaced 50,000 individuals, and has injured and tortured countless others. There is video evidence of men being burnt alive, rescue workers and doctors being shot and abducted for helping the injured, and the bodies of the murdered being held for ransom by military soldiers, depriving families of closure. Many activists, politicians, ordinary people who are holding on to hope for a future free of repression and fear are on the run. Yet they continue to fight for their rights, and they demand that, at the very least, the international community stop providing the military with the finances to brutalize them.
Given the escalation of violence since the coup, various companies have been assessing their business connections to the military more seriously. The Singapore Stock Exchange (SGX) has announced suspension of trading of ETC, a company that is involved in leasing land from the Quartermaster General. Civil society organizations, including Human Rights Watch, sent a submission to the UN Working Group on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Businesses inquiring into the land lease agreements of Japanese businesses with the Quartermaster General. Kuok’s tenants, Coca Cola and McKinsey & Company, stated they would terminate their lease from the Sule Square office, and Reuters and the World Bank Group stated they were reviewing their plans.
And while this is happening, Kuok, the Chair of the Yale-NUS Governing Board, allegedly continues her business with the Myanmar’s military junta.
The Governing Board of Yale-NUS provides “oversight of the College and its development and management,” and is responsible for overseeing the operations and establishing policies for the college. As the Chair of the Governing Board, Kuok thus plays a very important role in the strategic direction of the college, which makes it all the more paramount to assess whether and how her business interests might be impacting the college.
In particular, although Yale-NUS’ spokesperson Jeannie Tay Meow Sein has stated that Kuok’s business affairs are distinct from her role on the Governing Board, Kuok’s role raises questions about whether Yale-NUS is receiving donations from her, and whether these donations are tainted with the carnage of the Myanmar military. It raises the question overall about the finances of Yale-NUS, and where these finances come from.
There were concerns from students and professors about Yale extending its outreach to Singapore due to limits on freedom of expression in the country, nonetheless Yale established Yale-NUS and continues to play an ancillary role in the school. Yale’s mission states that it is “committed to improving the world today and for future generations”. Yale President Peter Salovey, who sits on the Governing Board of Yale-NUS, has written that “the country and the world need the very best from Yale – right now”. The best cannot entail doing business with a murderous regime.
As one of the founders of Yale-NUS, it is past time that Yale shed light and truth on its school in Singapore, conduct a thorough investigation into Kuok’s business affairs in Myanmar, and assess whether she is representing or compromising Yale’s mission to improve the world..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Genocide, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Total and Chevron halt some payments to military in wake of coup but advocacy groups say more needs to be done
Description:
"Advocacy groups have called on French fossil fuel giant Total and US company Chevron to further cut ties with Myanmar’s military, after announcing they would suspend dividend payments to the junta from a large gas project in the wake of February’s coup.
“Total condemns the violence and human rights abuses occurring in Myanmar and reaffirms that it will comply with any decision that may be taken by the relevant international and national authorities, including applicable sanctions issued by the EU or the US authorities,” the company said in a statement.
But advocacy groups said 90% of the money the junta makes from the Yadana gasfield joint venture with Total and Chevron – as well as the gas itself – continues to flow.
Since the military deposed Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, more than 5,400 people have been arrested, according to monitoring group AAPP Burma, with the majority still in detention, often in unknown locations. At least 824 people have been killed by the junta, including dozens of children, sparking global outcry and calls for international companies to cut their business ties with the military.
Total told a shareholder meeting this month that Moattama Gas Transportation Company Limited (MGTC) – a joint venture that pipes gas from the Yadana field in the Andaman sea to Myanmar – had decided to stop making dividend payments to the junta.
The resolution was put forward by Total, which owns 31.24% of MGTC, and Chevron, which owns 28.26% of MGTC – shareholdings that give the two multinationals a controlling stake.
The rest of MGTC is owned by PTTEP, which is controlled by the Thai state (25.5%) and Myanmar government company Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (15%).
However, advocacy group Justice for Myanmar pointed out oil was still flowing through the pipeline and the vast majority of payments to the junta have not been affected.
The junta, which seized power on 1 February, still earns the state’s share of gas revenue, royalties and cost recovery from the Yadana gas field operation and corporate income tax from the MGTC.
MGTC’s suspension of dividends accounts for a tiny proportion of the estimated US$1.5bn Myanmar earns annual from offshore oil and gas projects.
Spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar Yadanar Maung said the decision to suspend dividend payments would curb one source of revenue for the illegitimate military government in Myanmar.
“Total and Chevron have made enormous profits in Myanmar in the past while simultaneously bolstering brutal military regimes … [they] have made the right choice by finally acknowledging that MOGE [Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise] is under the control of the military and finances the junta’s crimes.”
Anti-corruption group Publish What You Pay Australia said Total and Chevron’s decision to stop dividends was “a positive first step in supporting the people of Myanmar and will begin to limit the murderous Myanmar military regime’s access to vital foreign currency”.
“We urge them to stop the other 90% of payments flowing to the military from the pipeline,” the group’s director, Clancy Moore, said.
He said that in the 2017-18 financial year, MGTC paid $141m to MOGE in taxes and dividends, made up of $41m in dividends and $100m in taxes.
“Total and Chevron must stop financing the military generals who have blood on their hands and put payments into escrow accounts,” he said.
Chevron said it was aware of calls to shut off the gas and put all payments due to MOGE into an escrow account instead of paying the regime.
“Any actions should be carefully considered to ensure the people of Myanmar are not further disadvantaged by unintended and unpredictable consequences of well-intentioned decisions,” it said in a statement.
“Gas produced by the Yadana project is used to supply electricity for approximately half the population of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, and also for people in Thailand.
“Effectively turning off the power to half of Yangon’s homes, schools and hospitals – in the middle of a state of emergency and a pandemic – risks creating even more hardship.”
In its statement, Total did not address the other payments made to the junta. “Total continues to act as a responsible operator of the Yadana field, maintaining the production of gas in accordance with applicable laws, so as not to disrupt the electricity supply that is vital to the local populations of Myanmar and Thailand,” it said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Oil and gas, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Sanctions - general, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"An American journalist working in Myanmar was detained by local authorities Monday, his family and his news organization told CNN.
Danny Fenster, 37, was stopped at the Yangon airport as he tried to board a flight out of the country, his brother Bryan Fenster said.
Fenster, a US citizen originally from Detroit, Michigan, works for the news site Frontier Myanmar in Myanmar's largest city, Yangon.
"Frontier's managing editor, Danny Fenster, was detained at Yangon International Airport this morning shortly before he was due to board a flight to Kuala Lumpur," the news organization said in a statement.
"We do not know why Danny was detained and have not been able to contact him since this morning. We are concerned for his wellbeing and call for his immediate release. Our priorities right now are to make sure he is safe and to provide him with whatever assistance he needs," the statement said.
The news organization also said it understands Fenster has been transferred to Insein Prison near Yangon. Insein is one of the country's most notorious prisons, known for its deplorable conditions.
Speaking to CNN Monday evening, Bryan Fenster said the family doesn't have much information on his brother's situation.
"I can only assume being a journalist in a country that's run by the military who wants to control the narrative, he was flagged being a journalist when he was at the airport. Can't begin to imagine why it happened," he said. "He was on valid work papers, valid visas, passports, everything. He was voluntarily leaving the country to come visit family, so we can't see what the issue is."
Bryan Fenster said the family are working with elected officials in Michigan and said the US state department is aware of his brother's case.
"We're very hopeful with all the support, we'll be getting him out as soon as possible," he said.
Bryan Fenster said earlier that his brother was flying to the United States to surprise his parents, whom he had not seen for over two years. The family had been concerned about the safety of being a journalist in Myanmar following February's military coup, and felt shocked and worried at the news of his detention, Bryan said, calling it a "nightmare."
A US Department of State official, who used another name for Myanmar, said the agency was monitoring the situation. "We are aware of reports of a US citizen detained in Burma. We take seriously our responsibility to assist US citizens abroad, and are monitoring the situation. Due to privacy considerations, we have no further comment."
The detention comes almost four months after Myanmar's military seized power in a coup on February 1, overthrowing the democratically-elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and detaining government officials. Junta security forces have brutally suppressed almost daily protests across the country, killing more than 820 people and arresting more than 5,400, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
The junta has also attempted to silence the country's media by revoking independent publishing and broadcast licenses, raiding newspaper offices and targeting journalists for arrest. Among the thousands of people detained since the coup are 85 journalists, including 48 still in detention, according to Reporting Asean.
Fenster is among a number of foreign journalists to be detained in Myanmar since the coup.
Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi was arrested in April and charged with spreading false information. He was held in Insein Prison until the junta released him two weeks ago and returned him to Tokyo.
Many detained reporters are charged with crimes under section 505a — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison for publishing or circulating comments that "cause fear" or spread "false news."
In a statement, the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT) said it was not clear whether Fenster had been charged with any offense.
"The arrests of journalists and the violence used by the security forces on anyone caught trying to report or record their actions, constitute an extraordinary attack on freedom of expression in Myanmar, and should be widely condemned," the FCCT statement said.
The detention comes as ousted civilian leader Suu Kyi attended a court hearing Monday and met with her lawyers — her first appearance in person since the coup.
In its nightly news bulletin, Myanmar state TV aired the first images of Suu Kyi since the coup. She was detained in the early hours before the military seized power and had not been seen in public since.
The images showed Suu Kyi in the dock with her hands in her lap and wearing a surgical mask. Beside her sat ousted President Win Myint and the former mayor of the capital Naypyidaw, Myo Aung.
Suu Kyi faces a range of charges, from illegally possessing walkie-talkie radios to violating the official secrets act -- the most serious charge which carries a potential prison sentence of up to 14 years.
Last week, Myanmar's junta-appointed election commission said it would dissolve the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) party because of what it claims was election fraud. The military overthrew the NLD government alleging mass voter discrepancies, though the electoral commission at the time rejected the army's complaints.
According to her lawyer Khin Maung Zaw, Suu Kyi struck a defiant note, saying of the NLD: "Our party grew out of the people so it will exist as long as people support it."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Resolution Should Be Adopted, Urging States to Halt Arms Transfers
Description:
"The United Nations Security Council, entrusted by the UN Charter to be the world’s guardian of international peace and security, has done little to help the people of Myanmar besides issuing statements asking the junta to end the violence and release prisoners. But the UN General Assembly can help motivate the council take action to stem the rampant abuses.
In the absence of robust Security Council action, the 193-nation General Assembly should adopt a resolution condemning the junta’s rights violations and calling on all UN members to halt arms transfers to Myanmar. While not legally binding on states, such a resolution would carry significant political weight. As the UN’s most representative body, it would send a powerful signal to the junta and press members of the Security Council to adopt a legally binding resolution – as recently urged by a group of 205 nongovernmental organizations, including Human Rights Watch.
Governments should recognize that arms and materiel sold to Myanmar’s military will likely be used to commit abuses against the population. Arms embargoes can help prevent such crimes, a possibility recently highlighted by UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet who warned Myanmar could escalate into a “full-blown conflict” like in Syria.
Last week, a scheduled vote on a draft resolution circulated by Liechtenstein calling “for an immediate suspension of the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and munitions” to Myanmar was postponed. A vote could come as early as this week, though a revised version by members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) removes mention of suspending arms sales.
The United States, France, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, and other sponsor countries should work with Liechtenstein to ensure a vote is rescheduled as soon as possible, with the language on halting arms sales. They should not play the game of saying this is a regional issue and hiding behind ASEAN to avoid their own responsibilities; ASEAN is built on the principle of noninterference and will never deliver on Myanmar. Instead, they should lobby UN members to ensure a robust resolution receives support from the General Assembly. Concerned governments should then use the resolution to press the Security Council to act.
Inaction by UN member states will only embolden Myanmar’s military and encourage more abuses. General Assembly action is needed now..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-05-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, International Relations, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
‘They will condone and fund a military coup just to keep their profits flowing. We want Chevron to stop funding the coup,’ a protest organiser says
Description:
"Protests against US oil giant Chevron were held in multiple locations on Friday and Saturday as part of “Anti-Chevron Day,” in the lead-up to the company’s annual shareholder meeting scheduled for Wednesday.
At the El Segundo oil refinery in California, organisers estimated that 80 people participated in a Saturday demonstration against Chevron’s business in both Myanmar and the Amazon rainforest in South America, and its role in contributing to climate change.
Protest organiser Jack Eidt from SoCal 350 Climate Action told Myanmar Now that Chevron should work in concert with the US government to pressure Myanmar’s junta to restore democracy.
“We are concerned by [Chevron’s] environmentally corrupt business practices. The case in Myanmar fits with their business model – the pursuit of profits no matter the cost to people and planet. They will condone and fund a military coup just to keep their profits flowing. We want Chevron to stop funding the coup,” Jack Eidt said.
In the San Francisco Bay Area, protesters gathered outside the Chevron Richmond Refinery on Friday.
In a statement, Nyunt Than, a member of the Burmese American Democratic Alliance, demanded US sanctions be imposed against Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
“More than 800 people have been killed since the military coup in Myanmar on February 1st. Chevron is funding slaughter in Myanmar and to stop it, President Biden must sanction MOGE to make such payment illegal,” he said.
MOGE, a state-owned enterprise under the Ministry of Electricity and Energy, came under direct military control as a result of the February 1 coup.
Other Anti-Chevron protests were held in Australia and the Philippines.
Civil society groups are also pressuring Chevron through an online petition to CEO Michael Wirth, demanding that the company “stop bankrolling the Myanmar military.” It has received more than 15,000 signatures.
Chevron, headquartered in California, is one of the world’s biggest oil companies with a market capitalisation of more than US$200 billion.
In Myanmar, Chevron owns 28.3 percent of the offshore Yadana gas field, operated by Total. The company is also an investor in the Yadana pipeline.
Chevron subsidiary Unocal was sued by Karen villagers in US courts in 1996 for human rights violations linked to the Yadana pipeline, including killings, forced relocation, forced labour and rape. They received compensation in an out of court settlement..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
History of the Tatmadaw, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Family of Danny Fenster voice concern for his welfare after he was held by authorities in Yangon international airport
Description:
"An American journalist has been detained in Myanmar as he tried to board a flight at Yangon International Airport, the latest of dozens of reporters and editors to be arrested since the coup.
Danny Fenster, managing editor of the independent outlet Frontier Myanmar, had been due to board a flight to Kuala Lumpur on Monday morning, his employer said, adding it believed he had been taken by the authorities to Insein Prison in Yangon.
In a statement, Frontier Myanmar said: “We do not know why Danny was detained and have not been able to contact him since this morning. We are concerned for his wellbeing and call for his immediate release. Our priorities right now are to make sure he is safe and to provide him with whatever assistance he needs.”
More than 70 journalists have been detained by the military over recent months, as it attempts to crush independent coverage of anti coup protests, and of the reign of terror the security forces have inflicted on communities.
The military has revoked the licenses of some publications, raided journalism offices and announced arrest warrants against reporters. Many outlets have continued their coverage regardless, with journalists operating in hiding.
Fenster is among several foreign journalists to be detained since the coup. Nathan Maung, editor-in-chief of Kamayut Media and a US citizen, is also being held at Insein Prison, according to Associated Press. Freelance journalists Robert Bociaga of Poland and Yuki Kitazumi of Japan, were recently detained and expelled.
According to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which monitors arrests in Burma, 48 journalists are still being held by the junta.
On Monday, the relatives of a journalist who was detained almost three months ago while working for the independent news site Myanmar Now told the outlet they were increasingly worried about her wellbeing. Family members of Kay Zon Nway said they had been refused permission to meet with her and were concerned about her health. She has been charged under Section 505a of the Penal Code, which criminalises comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news”, and could face three years in prison.
The Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand strongly condemned the crackdown on journalists. In a statement, it said: “The arrests of journalists, and the violence used by the security forces on anyone caught trying to report or record their actions, constitute an extraordinary attack on freedom of expression in Myanmar, and should be widely condemned.
The Committee to Protect Journalists has also called for Fenster’s release. “This unlawful restriction of a foreign journalist’s freedom of movement is the latest grave threat to press freedom in Myanmar,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative.
According to AAPP Burma, 5,408 have been arrested since the coup, and the majority remain in detention, often in unknown locations. At least 824 have been killed by the junta, the groups has estimated, including dozens of children.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who is among those being held, appeared in person at a court hearing on Monday for the first time since her government was overthrown.
According to reports by Reuters, Suu Kyi “wished people good health” in her meeting with her lawyers and also made a reference to her National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which could be dissolved soon.
“Our party grew out of the people so it will exist as long as people support it”, one of her lawyers, Khin Maung Zaw, quoted Suu Kyi as saying.
She faces charges that range from illegally possessing walkie-talkie radios to violating a state secrets law, punishable by 14 years in prison..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The headline of the Jakarta Post’s editorial last Wednesday said it best: ‘ASEAN, hurry up’.
It’s been a month since ASEAN’s heads of government met in an informal summit in Jakarta to discuss their collective response to the February coup in Myanmar.
It was an achievement that, despite the presence of the coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, the group was able to come to a five-point consensus. Now, observers — and those who continue to face a brutal crackdown — are getting impatient to see follow-through on the plan.
By inviting junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing to April’s mini-summit, ASEAN accepted the risk of legitimising the junta in exchange for its engagement with an ASEAN-brokered dialogue and aid plan. Like clockwork the junta has been using the general’s visit to Jakarta as fodder for its propaganda.
It would be a travesty if the April ASEAN summit gave a veneer of legitimacy to the coup leaders without leading to concrete follow-through on ASEAN’s five-point ‘consensus.’ The most urgent — and one would think the most straightforward — element of this plan was the appointment of a Special Envoy for the ASEAN Chair, who would spearhead a process of dialogue between the junta and the deposed government and coordinate ASEAN’s delivery of humanitarian aid as the Myanmar economy collapses.
That envoy has yet to be named. Commentators have called on Brunei, which holds the ASEAN Chair this year, to cut through the bureaucracy and make the appointment quickly; the Jakarta Post’s editors labelled the delay ‘ridiculous’.
It is appropriate that such calls are being heard from Jakarta. Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo and Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi have prosecuted Indonesia’s natural leadership role within ASEAN ably throughout the crisis. But the fact is that their eagerness for action is not matched by other quarters in ASEAN, as Barry Desker explains in the first of two lead articles this week.
Whereas ‘Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore [have] emphasised the unacceptability of the use of force against unarmed civilians’, Desker writes, ‘Thailand and Vietnam, supported by Cambodia and Laos, have advocated acceptance of the Myanmar fait accompli’, invoking ASEAN’s tradition of non-interference.
Because ‘ASEAN’s influence lies in its capacity to persuade Myanmar’s military authorities, not the presence of rules which could be enforced’, that apparent divergence is bad news. ASEAN’s ability to exert its influence is only as strong as the internal consensus it can forge on the need for change in Myanmar.
As was observed in the aftermath of the coup in February, the same goes for the international response more broadly. Unanimity is the only weapon in the arsenal. The United Nations is largely toothless given the protection China and Russia will offer the junta at the Security Council; economic sanctions and arms embargoes, meanwhile, have limited utility because Myanmar’s biggest trading partners and arms suppliers aren’t interested in them.
‘The reality’, Desker reminds us, ‘is that ASEAN remains the only game in town.’ Its five-point consensus is the only viable set of lowest-common-denominator demands on which ASEAN, Asian and western democracies, and potentially even China, can and should collectively pressure the junta.
If the ASEAN-process doesn’t get results, there are alternative options, but likewise these are dicey. In a second feature article this week, Greg Poling lays out the grounds for scepticism about ASEAN’s ability to shift the facts on the ground in Myanmar, arguing that the momentum from the April summit has quickly dissipated and that member states and ASEAN partners need to get creative in finding pressure points independent of ASEAN processes. ‘That would not be an assault on ASEAN’s centrality, but a recognition of its limitations’, argues Poling.
No matter what form diplomacy takes, if a partial or whole reversal of the coup isn’t negotiated then things could unravel even further within Myanmar. The anti-coup National Unity Government has linked up with the ethnic organisations that operate in the country’s periphery, raising the prospect of the continuing strife between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armies being augmented by terrorist tactics in urban areas. Myanmar’s economy is in freefall and may be a source of economic refugees as well as those fleeing violence.
The failure of diplomacy to arrest Myanmar’s downwards spiral could have very serious implications for Southeast Asia’s regional architecture as well. It was immediately apparent in the aftermath of the February coup how much was at stake for ASEAN’s relevance and credibility. As violence continues on the streets of Myanmar, this remains the case. Brunei will host the ASEAN Regional Forum in August and the East Asia Summit in November. Having a coup leader at the table whose soldiers are gunning down civilians in the streets would not be a good look.
Amid the Myanmar crisis we’re seeing a familiar but increasingly stark set of gaps — between ASEAN member states’ interests and ambitions in the international arena; and between what many expect of ASEAN and what its institutional processes can deliver.
Within those gaps lie considerable hazards for the ability of Southeast Asia’s homegrown regional association to safeguard its centrality in regional affairs. That will only be tested more as great power rivalries escalate. ASEAN doesn’t have a moment to waste.
The EAF Editorial Board is located in the Crawford School of Public Policy, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2021-05-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"H.E.Dr Sasa urgently appeals for strong actions and prayers
H.E. Dr Sasa urgently appeals to the international communities and the responsible Governments around the world to pray for and make immediate actions and intervention efforts to end this senseless killing of civilians in Myanmar, destruction of Churches and targeting of already oppressed and marginalized ethnic communities, and to help and support the brave people of Kayah and of Myanmar overcome this brutal reign of terror by the junta ‘SAC’ forces and restore democracy, human rights, and freedom to ALL, and build "A new future in a New Myanmar where a Federal Democratic Union flourishes; and all the people of Myanmar, regardless of ethnic backgrounds, religion, race, culture or gender will be equals.” We have been doing everything we can around the clock, and now we need the support, recognition, actions and intervention from the international communities before more innocent civilians are slaughtered.
Myanmar will forever be an ally, friend and partner of all those who help us during this darkest hour of our history..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Inter-Communal violence and discrimination - Myanmar - General articles and analysis, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
183.3 KB
more
Description:
"We are deeply moved and would like to express our sincere appreciation for the support of Headache Stencil in making revolutionary art that has been and will continue to be used to support the brave people of Myanmar in this darkest time of our history. Your works of art will not only continue to help and support the people in these dark hours, but these historic works will continue to live on and serve as a testament to the bravery, courage, and strength of “we the people.” I want to also sincerely thank every artist, both in Myanmar, and around the world, who has helped heretofore with the most amazing, inspirational and breathtaking art, and I urge all artists everywhere continue on and to take up the cause of the brave people of Myanmar, and channel support to those who have lost everything to this cruel reign of terror. It’s time for us to end this terrorist regime, and we need your continued support in every way possible. Together, WE WILL WIN! H.E. Dr. Sasa Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation & NUG Spokesperson..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
155.37 KB 80.39 KB
more
Description:
"More than 125,000 school teachers in Myanmar have been suspended by the military authorities for joining a civil disobedience movement to oppose the military coup in February, an official of the Myanmar Teachers' Federation said.
The suspensions have come days before the start of a new school year, which some teachers and parents are boycotting as part of the campaign that has paralysed the country since the coup cut short a decade of democratic reforms.
A total of 125,900 school teachers had been suspended as of Saturday, said the official of the teachers' federation, who declined to give his name for fear of reprisals. He is already on the junta's wanted list on charges of inciting disaffection.
Myanmar had 430,000 school teachers according to the most recent data, from two years ago.
"These are just statements to threaten people to come back to work. If they actually fire this many people, the whole system will stop," said the official, who is also a teacher. He said he had been told that the charges he faces would be dropped if he returns.
Reuters was unable to reach a junta spokesman or the education ministry for comment. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper has called on teachers and students to return to schools to get the education system started again.
The disruption at schools echoes that in the health sector and across government and private business since the Southeast Asian country was plunged into chaos by the coup and the arrest of elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Around 19,500 university staff have also been suspended, according to the teachers' group.....PARENTS KEEP CHILDREN HOME: Registrations begin next week for the school term that starts in June, but some parents said they also plan to keep their children out of school.
"I am not going to enrol my daughter because I don't want to give her education from military dictatorship. I also worry about her safety," said 42-year-old Myint, whose daughter is 14.
Students, who have been at the forefront of daily protests at which hundreds of people have been killed by security forces, also said they planned to boycott classes.
"I will only go back to school if we get back democracy," said Lwin, 18.
Myanmar's education system was already one of the poorest in the region - and ranked 92 of 93 countries in a global survey last year.
Even under the leadership of Suu Kyi, who had championed education, spending was below 2% of gross domestic product. That was one of the lowest rates in the world, according to World Bank figures.
A National Unity Government, set up underground by opponents of the junta, said it would do all it could to support the teachers and students itself - calling on foreign donors to stop funding the junta-controlled education ministry.
"We will work with Myanmar's educators who are refusing to support the cruel military," Sasa, who goes by one name and is a spokesman for the national unity government, said in an email to Reuters. "These great teachers and brave teachers will never be left behind."..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Human Rights and international relations, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Topic:
Protection and Human Rights
Topic:
Protection and Human Rights
Description:
"With over 10,000 refugees fleeing Myanmar in just three months since February 2021 because of violence and the deteriorating situation in Myanmar, neighbouring countries in the region are witnessing increasing arrivals of people from Myanmar seeking international protection.' UNHCR and partners stand ready to support host countries and communities that have generously provided safety to these refugees to assist them and to find solutions to their plight. Persons already abroad who fear return to Myanmar should also have access to protection.
Key protection messages
Words matter. The men, women and children fleeing Myanmar because violence since February 2021 are refugees. As refugees, they should be allowed access to the territory to seek asylum and be protected against refoulement, which means that they should not be returned to their country as long as it is not safe. People from Myanmar already abroad should not be returned when seeking international protection and should be referred to the appropriate authorities. Refugees have the right to return to their homes voluntarily, in safety and with dignity.
While a solution to this crisis lies in Myanmar, the international community must provide protection and support to fleeing refugees. Governments are encouraged to keep their borders open and allow refugees from Myanmar safety and protection in line with long traditions of offering sanctuary to those in need. In order to respond to humanitarian needs, it will be important to provide support and adopt an inclusive approach in responding to the problems of refugees fleeing their country, including access to territory, protection from detention and abuse, and access to basic services. Humanitarian access to arriving refugees is essential to provide the necessary assistance. As the identification of individuals with specific needs and vulnerabilities is a key element of any humanitarian response, it is important to strengthen existing systems for the identification of unaccompanied minors and separated children, survivors of violence and torture and persons suffering from trauma amongst others.
Where COVID-19 related bans or border closures are implemented, such measures must not result in denying refugees an effective opportunity to seek asylum or result in refoulement.
As in any humanitarian crisis, the importance of upholding the civilian and humanitarian character of asylum is paramount and States would need to assess the situation of arrivals from Myanmar carefully so as to identify armed elements and separate them from the civilian refugee population..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations, UN System humanitarian assistance
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
518.99 KB
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s military authorities must drop all charges against Nathan Maung, a U.S. citizen, and Hanthar Nyein, co-founders of the privately held local news website Kamayut Media, and immediately release them from detention, where their families report they have been physically abused, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.
Authorities first arrested Maung, the outlet’s editor-in-chief, and Hanthar, a news producer, on March 9, according to news reports at the time.
They are currently being detained at Yangon’s Insein prison on charges under Article 505(a) of the penal code, which punishes the dissemination of information or “fake news” that could agitate or cause security forces or officials to mutiny with a maximum three-year prison term, according to the journalists’ families, who communicated with CPJ via an intermediary who requested anonymity to avoid reprisals.
Authorities physically abused them during their initial two weeks of detention at the Yay Kyi Ai interrogation center in Insein Township, the intermediary told CPJ by email. According to the intermediary, the journalists’ families said they were severely beaten around their heads, burnt on their belly, thighs, and buttocks with lit cigarettes, and made to kneel on ice while their hands were cuffed behind them during interrogations.
“Myanmar authorities must drop their charade of a criminal trial against Kamayut Media journalists Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein, and set them free,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “The abuse their families report in detention is unconscionable and the authorities involved must be identified and prosecuted.”
CPJ initially reported that Maung was arrested covering a protest, but local news reports said that he and Hanthar were arrested in a raid of the Kamayut Media office in Yangon. Kamayut Media stopped its bureau operations after the raid but its remaining staffstill publish online from undisclosed locations, the intermediary told CPJ. Maung and Hanthar appeared in a Yangon court on May 17, and at least four more weekly hearings are scheduled for police to present evidence, according to the intermediary. They are currently being held in individual cells in the same wing of Insein prison, the families said via the intermediary.
Myanmar’s military regime currently holds dozens of journalists behind bars, according to preliminary investigations by CPJ based on reporting, news reports, and research by the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, a local rights group. The majority have been detained during newsroom raids or while covering anti-coup street protests, and over half face charges under Article 505(a), that reporting shows.
On April 6, CPJ addressed a public letter to junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing calling on his regime to release all journalists detained in the wake of the February 1 coup.
CPJ emailed the Ministry of Information for comment on Maung and Hanthar’s legal status and allegations they have been abused in detention, but did not immediately receive any reply..."
Source/publisher:
Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"PetroChina International Singapore Pte Ltd sold a cargo of jet fuel into Myanmar in April, according to government import data reviewed by Reuters, the first such shipment since before the military seized power in a coup in February.
Industry sources say suppliers have been particularly wary of selling jet fuel because it could be used in planes to bomb ethnic armed groups that have been supporting anti-junta protesters, as well as in civilian airliners.
The shipment could raise new questions over China's role in Myanmar at a time when it has been accused by the junta's opponents of backing coup leader Min Aung Hlaing - an accusation rejected by Beijing.
China's foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment. PetroChina, a listed company controlled by state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPET.UL), did not respond to requests for comment about the fuel shipment.
The import data, which hasn't been published, shows PetroChina International shipped 13,300 tonnes of jet fuel and 4,000 tonnes of gasoline onboard tanker MT Yu Dong for discharge at Myanmar's Thilawa terminal on April 15.
Western nations including the United States and Britain have condemned the junta for killing hundreds of civilians and have applied limited sanctions, but there are currently no international measures outlawing oil product shipments.
And while the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to which Myanmar belongs, has called for an end to violence and dialogue among the parties, it stopped well short of calling for sanctions in an April statement.
China has not been so forceful in condemning the junta and has simply said it wants to see stability in its neighbour, drawing accusations from some of the junta's opponents that it is supporting the military authorities.
"Given Beijing's desire to boost its influence in Naypyidaw, it seems unlikely that any Chinese state firm would be too concerned by the threat of backlash from the international community over doing business with Myanmar's government," said Henrick Tsjeng, an associate research fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Singapore's Nanyang Technological University.
Activist group Justice for Myanmar condemned the fuel sale.
"We're appalled that PetroChina is exporting jet fuel to Myanmar, doing business with the war criminals who are conducting indiscriminate air strikes against ethnic communities," said spokeswoman Yadanar Maung.
Data from Singapore trade agency Enterprise Singapore confirmed a mid-April shipment of aviation turbine fuel into Myanmar. The fuel can be used by both commercial and military planes, possibly needing to be blended depending on the grade.
Reuters saw no evidence that the fuel was destined for military jets. The junta spokesman did not respond to calls requesting comment.
Military jets have carried out frequent bombing raids against ethnic armies opposed to the junta in northern and eastern Myanmar as fighting has surged since the Feb. 1 coup that toppled elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
One of the forces that has been bombed, the Kachin Independence Army, told Reuters it had attacked seven oil trucks it suspected of bringing aviation fuel in by road from China this week. It did not comment on the PetroChina shipment.
The Myanmar data showed PetroChina International sold the jet fuel to National Energy Puma Aviation Services Co Ltd (NEPAS), a joint venture between Puma Energy and Myanma Petroleum Enterprise (MPE). The gasoline went to three other local fuel importers.
Puma Energy told Reuters NEPAS arranged for delivery of a cargo at the Thilawa terminal on April 15, but declined to comment on the type of fuel being offloaded.
Puma Energy, a fuel storage and retail firm majority-owned by global commodities trader Trafigura, said it had suspended operations in Myanmar on Feb. 10 to ensure employee safety.
Since then, operations of the NEPAS joint venture are being carried out by majority shareholder MPE, Puma Energy's spokesman said.
MPE, owned by the Ministry of Electrical and Energy (MOEE) which is now under junta control, did not respond to a request for comment.
In addition to the jet fuel, 79,500 tonnes of gasoline and 110,700 tonnes of diesel were shipped to Myanmar last month from Asia's oil trading hub, Enterprise Singapore's data showed.
Myanmar last imported about 13,800 tonnes of jet fuel in February, according to government data. Monthly imports in 2019, before the COVID-19 pandemic, were about 14,500 tonnes.
PetroChina International Singapore is the Singapore-based trading unit of PetroChina Co Ltd (601857.SS), ..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Oil and gas, Burma's economic relations with China, Economic activities of the Myanmar Military, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The Tatmadaw, Myanmar's powerful army, controls every aspect of its soldiers' lives. And those who leave pay a heavy price. DW spoke to three defectors.
Description:
"As he witnessed the brutal crackdown on unarmed civilians protesting the army's takeover, the young lieutenant felt increasingly disgusted. Soon after, he left without saying goodbye to his parents, fleeing the country first on motorbike and then on foot, aided across the border by local villagers.
Along the way, he stuck to smaller roads, carefully avoiding checkpoints and detection.
For if caught, he knew he would pay a heavy price for his desertion: In Myanmar, army defectors are usually sentenced to death — which is then commuted to life in prison, as the death penalty has not been carried out in over three decades.
That could, however, change as the army faces opposition within its ranks to its power grab.....Rare insight into Myanmar's military: The lieutenant is one of three defectors DW has spoken to in recent weeks, exchanging almost daily messages with them. The man, who peppers his messages with laughing emojis, is in hiding in India. The other two, both high-ranking officers, are on the run in Myanmar, moving from one safe house to the next. Their accounts provide rare insight into an otherwise opaque institution that is known for committing gross human rights violations against its own citizens — and shows the army's stranglehold on soldiers' lives, minds and, DW has learned, also finances.
The interviews were conducted via messenger apps, including patchy video and audio calls, given that the army's ongoing internet crackdown hampers most communication with the outside world.
DW has not been able to independently verify their accounts, but the interviews corroborate each other in key aspects. In two cases, military identification cards were shown.
Their identities are not disclosed in this report due to fears for the defectors and their families' safety.....'Every move monitored': The three men describe a cloistered, strictly controlled life, based on a stringent, overarching hierarchy. Soldiers, they say, are required to live on army bases and are only allowed to leave if granted permission by superiors. The army dictates what soldiers and their families "wear, say and believe in, even how to decorate your home," one man said. "They can check your house at any moment," he added.
The wives of soldiers, he explains, are not allowed to wear the color red, which is associated with Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), or spout any other political symbols.
"Everything is monitored," says another defector, who was deliberate with each word used to recount his experience. "They want to turn people into robots, who don't think (for themselves)."
A monitoring team within the army using Facebook, all three sources say, watches over soldiers and their families' activities, scrutinizing every single like, share and post. Soldiers, one defector says, have to hand over their log-in details for Facebook, including sign-up phone numbers.
"If people post political things, they can be arrested and put in jail for three or four weeks," one defector tells DW. Another says that soldiers have been denied promotions after sharing social media posts criticizing the leadership of the Tatmadaw — as Myanmar's military is known — or voicing support for the NLD party.
One man recalls taking part in a training course a few years ago, where officers were shown how to tap into CCTV and intercept phone calls using Russian and Chinese technology — although he did not know the extent of surveillance.
Low-ranking soldiers, one defector says, were treated "like slaves," with their wives forced to clean high-ranking officers' homes without pay. Another said he had witnessed a superior asking the wife of a low-ranking soldier to give him a massage. He says the woman acquiesced, knowing that refusing could have negative repercussions for her husband.....Anti-Muslim propaganda: According to DW's three sources, soldiers are fed a steady stream of propaganda that views the Tatmadaw as the guardian of the embattled Buddhist nation of Myanmar. The enemies, according to this propaganda, are made up of a shadowy cabal of Muslims, Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD party, who are bent on destroying the Buddhist country.
It's an ideology that has been forged in a decades-long, at times brutal battle against a myriad of ethnic insurgencies that have been fighting for independence from the Burmese majority and, at times, each other.
In Myanmar, a state with 135 different ethnic groups, where roughly 90% of the population adheres to Buddhism, politics and religion are closely interwoven. Generals have long built pagodas, erected Buddha statues, and paid homage to influential monks to legitimize their claim to power as a unifying force. Anti-Muslim sentiments are widespread, which the Tatmadaw is adept at exploiting for political capital.
And this anti-Muslim, Buddhism-first propaganda is instilled into soldiers of all ranks. Soldiers, one source says, are being "brainwashed" into buying the army's worldview. Another said while he did not believe the propaganda, he did not speak out against it, for fear of being punished. One defector recalled how he had been verbally abused when he dared to question the narrative that Rohingya — a Muslim minority long denied full citizenship rights — were "terrorists" bent on destroying the country and that they had no place in Myanmar.
One of the men, who, like many officers hails from a military family and had grown up on an army base, said that he had long believed the Tatmadaw's propaganda: When friends dared to question the army, he would defend the military, recalling his anger at anyone who spoke negatively of the institution he had been taught to revere.
His views, he said, only changed following the coup when he witnessed the army's crackdown on peaceful protesters — unarmed men, women and children that the army labels "terrorists.".....Myanmar army is a state within the state: The Tatmadaw's outsized role is intertwined within Myanmar's political and economic life — a lucrative advantage that succeeded colonial rule.
Following independence from Britain in 1948, a military junta took control in 1962, ushering in a prolonged period of iron-fisted rule characterized by strict censorship, imprisonment of opponents and international isolation.
While in power, the army — as well as individual officers and their families — amassed great wealth. This included land, economic and financial assets.
The generals only eased their grip on power in 2010, which culminated in elections that allowed for Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party to form a government.
Even after ceding some control to elected politicians, it continues to play a vast role in both the political and economic field: The constitution guarantees the military 25% of parliament seats, meaning that the army can block any constitutional amendments it dislikes.
It also retains control of important ministries, including defense and home affairs.
Likewise, it continues to own and run a myriad of lucrative business interests without any independent oversight. The Tatmadaw runs its own schools, universities, hospitals and court system.
In short: The army has established what is basically a powerful state within the state. And, since the coup, it is now formally back in power.
In absolute terms, this professional army is the 11th largest in the world, with some 406,000 soldiers in active duty as of 2019, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies.....Economic exploitation: The Tatmadaw not only tries to control soldiers' ways of thinking — but also their finances. Military personnel of all ranks, DW has learned, are forced to support military-owned companies through two mandatory schemes: This includes, the three defectors say, requiring soldiers to sign up for a life insurance policy with Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company Ltd. The policy, which they are forced to select, renews automatically every five years — with no way for soldiers to opt-out.
The company is an alleged subsidiary of one of the military's two conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Holding (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (MEHL), according to a 2019 UN report. These conglomerates, benefit both the Tatmadaw and high-ranking individual officers and their families.
The company did not respond to DW's requests for comment.
Soldiers are also forced to make mandatory payments into MEC and MEHL, which are converted into shares. In return, soldiers receive a small dividend every year, defectors say.
It is likely a way to both generate revenues for the military and individual generals — whilst buying loyalty. Many high-ranking officers upon retirement are often awarded posts in the two holdings, their subsidiaries and affiliated companies. Others are given posts in the civilian administration.
The army does not respond kindly to those who attempt to leave its fold. One of the defectors tells DW that soldiers "cannot leave the army."
In theory, another explained, soldiers can submit a letter of resignation after 10 years. "But that is only in the law," he explained drily. "In practice, it is not easy and it takes three to four years to submit the process (of leaving the army)." And even then, he added, it was not a given that the army would let the soldier go.
He says he regrets his decision to join the army in the first place.
The Myanmar Embassy in Berlin did not respond to DW's request for comment.....Tatmadaw hunting down defectors?: All three men are aware of the Tatmadaw's reach, as the army pursues defectors. One man says he had heard from a contact in the Tatmadaw's headquarters that it had compiled a list of some 300 defectors and was going after them and their families. It was, he says, "a manhunt."
DW cannot verify the claim, however, given that the authorities have compiled a wanted list of activists and journalists that is broadcast every night on state television, it's likely that the same is happening with army defectors.
One man describes how his family receives threatening phone calls. "They said: Where is your son? If you support him, you will get arrested." Soon after, he severed all communication with his family, fearing for their safety.
Another source refuses to acknowledge whether he is still in contact with his family, fearing it would risk their safety.
Despite all the high risks, one defector has no regrets. Life on the run and hiding in a different house each night to keep safe is, for him, a consequence of maintaining integrity. He stands by his decision to leave the army he had served for so many years, saying he did not want his future children to "think I did nothing to stop this illegal coup."..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-05-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political role of the Tatmadaw, The Military's political role, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Human Rights and international relations, Military History, Political History, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"In my capacity as the Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation of the National Unity Government (NUG), I hereby announce Dr. Maung Zarni as the director of Department of Advisory Cooperation of the Ministry of International Cooperation (MOIC-AC) which will identify and engage expert and scholars’ advisors
from all fields relevant to the work of the MOIC and the needs of the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. The MOIC-AC is special support department and shall work closely with all the Ministries in an advisory role to provide professional expertise from qualified individuals, institutions and stakeholders on the wide range of issues such as international accountability, core
policy, ethnic issues, racism/exclusion, religious bigotry, state-violence issues, and building Myanmar as an inclusive society befitting a federal democracy with guaranteed the rights for ALL. Dr. Zarni is Co-founder of multiple activist platforms including the Free Burma
Coalition (1995-2004), Free Rohingya Coalition (2018-present) and (pro-democracy) and Forces of Renewal Southeast Asia (2018), a Fellow of (Genocide) Documentation Center - Cambodia and an adviser to the Genocide Watch (USA). He has held visiting
and research fellowships at UCL Institute of Education, Oxford, Harvard, and London School of Economics, and taught in USA, Europe and Southeast Asia. He is a wellknown whistle-blower on both the Rohingya atrocities, the military’s sham democratic reforms, bringing three-decades of scholarly expertise, honest &
principled perspectives, and first-hand experience in Myanmar’s politics. We are glad to welcome Dr. Zarni to our team, and together with you, the brave people of Myanmar, we WILL win!
H.E. Dr. Sasa Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation & NUG Spokesperson..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
21.73 KB 211.99 KB
more
Description:
"This is the first Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) e-newsletter since the military took over on 1 February. Rather than the usual format, this message to MCRB stakeholders takes a wider look at responsible business in the current political crisis, and what this means for MCRB’s future activities.
Since 1 February MCRB has been focused on our team’s welfare and safety. We have seen that employee and customer safety is also the top priority of all businesses, both local and foreign. We have shared tips with companies and other organisations how they can support staff digital safety and mental welfare, including responding to detention of loved ones. The MCRB team has also taken up the opportunity of a group workplace counselling session to share their feelings. Counselling Corner also have regular free online sessions.
We know the other main priority of business in Myanmar right now is commercial survival. The survey undertaken in April by ten Chambers of Commerce demonstrated very clearly the massive economic impact of the coup on the Myanmar economy and employment, and showed this to be far more significant than COVID-19. Main challenges for business are disruptions to banking (77%), internet (70%) and employee safety (66%). The survey also showed that the biggest impact has been felt by Myanmar companies, particularly SMEs which unlike multinationals, have little ability to absorb it. Against this very negative business outlook, and with foreign investors now scaling back and avoiding Myanmar, MCRB has been reflecting on what responsible business means in the current crisis and how the Centre can be useful to our stakeholders.....ဤ အီလက်ထရောနစ် သတင်းလွှာသည် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် တပ်မတော်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး သည့်နောက် မြန်မာ့စီးပွားရေးကဏ္ဍ တာဝန်ယူမှုရှိရေး အထောက်အကူပြုဌာန (MCRB) မှ ပထမဆုံးအကြိမ် ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် သတင်းလွှာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဤ တွင် MCRB နှင့် ပတ်သက်ဆက်နွယ်သူများ (stakeholders) အတွက် ပုံမှန်ထုတ်ပြန်နေကြပုံစံထက် လက်ရှိနိုင်ငံရေး အကျပ်အတည်းကာလနှင့် ဆိုင်သော တာ၀န်ယူမှုရှိသော စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်း အကြောင်း ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ကြည့်ရှုရန် နှင့် MCRB ၏ အနာဂတ် လုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် မည်သို့ဆိုလိုသည်ကို တင်ပြရန်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ MCRB သည် MCRB အဖွဲ့သားများ ၏ အဆင်ပြေစိတ်အေးချမ်းမှု (welfare) နှင့် ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှု (safety) ကို အဓိကထားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုနည်းတူစွာ ပြည်တွင်း နှင့် နိုင်ငံခြား စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်း အားလုံးအတွက်လည်း ၎င်းတို့၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ဝယ်ယူစားသုံးသူများ/ ဝန်ဆောင်မှု ဌားရမ်းသူများ (customer) ၏ ဘေးကင်း လုံခြုံမှုသည် ပထမဦးစားပေး ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် ကုမ္ပဏီများ၊ အခြားသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများ အတွက် ချစ်ခင်သူများ အထိန်းသိမ်းခံရပါက မည်သို့လုပ်ဆောင်သင့်ကြောင်း အပါအဝင် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် လုံခြုံရေး (digital safety) နှင့် စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ကောင်းမွန်အဆင်ပြေစေရေး (mental welfare) အတွက် မည်သို့ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီပေးနိုင်ကြောင်း အကြံဥာဏ်များကို မျှဝေခဲ့ပါသည်။ MCRB အဖွဲ့သားများ အနေဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ စိတ်ခံစားချက်များကို မျှဝေရန် လုပ်ငန်းခွင်အတွင်း အဖွဲ့လိုက် ကောင်းစလင်း ဆွေးနွေးခြင်း အစီအစဥ် (workplace counselling session) တစ်ခု ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ Counselling Corner တွင်လည်း အခမဲ့ အွန်လိုင်း အစီအစဥ်များ ပုံမှန်ရှိပါသည်။
လက်ရှိတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ အတွက် အခြားသော အဓိကဦးစားပေးမှာ စီးပွားရေးဆက်လက်ရှင်သန်နိုင်ရန် (commercial survival) ဖြစ်ကြောင်းသိရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအခြေစိုက် နိုင်ငံတကာကုန်သည်အသင်း ၁၀ ခု မှ ဧပြီလတွင် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့် စစ်တမ်းကောက်ယူမှု အရ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် မြန်မာ့စီးပွားရေးနှင့် အလုပ်အကိုင်အပေါ် ကြီးမားသော ဆိုးကျိုး သက်ရောက်မှုမှာ COVID-19 ထက်ပို၍ သိသာထင်ရှားကြောင်း ရှင်းလင်းစွာ ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပါသည်။ စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် အဓိကစိန်ခေါ်မှုများမှာ ဘဏ်လုပ်ငန်း (၇၇%)၊ အင်တာနက် (၇၀%) နှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှု (၆၆%) ဆိုင်ရာ မငြိမ်မသက်မှုများကြောင့်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းစစ်တမ်း ဖော်ပြချက်အရ မြန်မာကုမ္ပဏီများ၊ အထူးသဖြင့် နိုင်ငံစုံကုမ္ပဏီများနှင့်မတူသည့် ခံနိုင်ရည်မရှိသော အသေးစားနှင့် အလတ်စား စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ အပေါ် အကြီးမားဆုံး သက်ရောက်မှုများ ဖြစ်စေခဲ့ပါသည်။ ဤ အနုတ်သဘောဆောင်သည့် စီးပွားရေးအလားအလာကို မလိုလားကြသော နိုင်ငံခြား ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုများသည် ယခုအခါ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ရှောင်ရှားခြင်းနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ ပြန်လည်ဆုတ်ခွာခြင်း တို့ကြောင့် MCRB သည် လက်ရှိ အကျပ်အတည်းတွင် တာ၀န်ယူမှုရှိသော စီးပွားရေး လုပ်ငန်းဆိုသည်မှာ မည်သည်ကို ဆိုလိုကြောင်းနှင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နှင့် ပတ်သက်ဆက်နွယ်သူများ အတွက် စင်တာ (Centre) မှာ မည်သို့ အသုံးဝင်နိုင်မည်ကို အလေးအနက်ထား စဉ်းစားသုံးသပ်နေပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business
Date of publication:
2021-05-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Economy: general, analytical, statistical (various sources), Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar's junta-appointed election commission will dissolve Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party (NLD) because of what it said was fraud in a November election, news outlet Myanmar Now said on Friday, citing a commissioner.
Myanmar Now said the decision was made during a meeting with political parties that was boycotted by many parties including the NLD.
The election fraud conducted by the NLD was illegal "so we will have to dissolve the party's registration", the chairman of the junta-backed Union Election Commission (UEC), Thein Soe, was cited in the report as saying. "Those who did that will be considered as traitors and we will take action," said Thein Soe.
A spokesman for the junta and for a pro-democracy national unity government, which includes ousted members of the NLD, did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
A spokesman for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party said it had representatives at the meeting, which was still going on, and he was not aware of the outcome.
Myanmar's army took power alleging fraud in a November election that was swept by the party of Suu Kyi, who fought for democracy for decades before tentative reforms began a decade ago. The electoral commission at the time had rejected the army's complaints.
The security forces have killed more than 800 people since a wave of protests broke out after coup, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group says.
Fighting has also flared between the security forces and ethnic minority guerrilla groups.
The turmoil has alarmed Myanmar's neigbours and the broader international community, but the generals have shown no sign of any intention of seeking a compromise with the pro-democracy movement.
Since her arrest hours before a Feb. 1 coup, Suu Kyi has been held in detention and faces numerous charges filed in two courts, the most serious under a colonial-era official secrets act, punishable by 14 years in prison.
Suu Kyi, 75, has been permitted to speak with lawyers only via a video link in the presence of security personnel. Her co-defendant is Win Myint, the ousted president.
Opponents of the military have formed a National Unity Government, which operates under cover or through members based abroad. It has announced it is setting up of a People's Defence Force to challenge the junta.
Japan, a major donor to Myanmar, will have to rethink its aid provision to Myanmar if the situation in the Southeast Asian nation does not improve, Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi said in Tokyo..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Burma/Myanmar's political parties, Articles on the NLD, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews on Thursday urged all countries to follow the path taken by the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada.....Ramp up sanctions: “It is imperative that the international community ramp up the size and scope of sanctions as the junta ramps up its repression of the people of Myanmar”, he said.
Myanmar’s military leaders, known as the State Administrative Council (SAC), seized power in a coup in February and have launched brutal crackdowns against pro-democracy demonstrators.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres has repeatedly called on the military to respect the will of the people, and his Special Envoy, Christine Schraner Burgener, continues ongoing dialogue with key stakeholders in the region.....‘A new blow’: Mr. Andrews particularly highlighted the US decision to target the SAC and 16 individuals, announced on Monday, which freezes their assets and bars US nationals from providing funds, goods or services that benefit the coup leaders.
“This week the United States has taken one of the most significant steps to date against the Myanmar junta, first by sanctioning not only individuals but the State Administrative Council itself; and second, by opening the door to targeting those who continue to do business with the junta and therefore aid and abet their relentless attacks against the people of Myanmar,” he said.
“The designation of the SAC strikes a new blow to the junta’s finances. It is a significant step in the right direction.”.....A wake-up call: Mr Andrews added that the naming of the SAC paves the way for further designations of individuals or entities determined to have “materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for, or goods or services to” the Council.
“This is a warning to all those who are willing to conduct business as usual with the junta,” he said. “Those who continue to aid and abet this murderous enterprise — be they international businesses, banks, arms traffickers, or government entities providing financial, technological or other support — are now on notice that they themselves could face sanctions.”
The rights expert added “I am hopeful that this action will be a wake-up call. Not only is doing business with the junta morally reprehensible, it could now mean being cut off from the U.S. financial system and/or facing criminal or civil penalties in the United States. If doing the right and just thing is not a factor in one’s decision making, then perhaps protecting one’s self interest will be.”.....Step up now: Mr Andrews also welcomed fresh sanctions imposed on Monday by the UK and Canada, including those which target the military from profiting from the timber and gems trade.
“The coordination of these sanctions by the US, UK, and Canada is a welcome development”, the UN expert said. “Hopefully it will lead to a tough, fully coordinated multilateral sanctions regime that enables nations to deliver the most powerful blow possible against the horror that is being inflicted on the people of Myanmar.”
He said, however, more must be done, and quickly.
“The revenue that they continue to seize from the oil and gas sector has become a lifeline for the junta. Profits from this sector are estimated to be close to what is needed to supply the forces that are keeping them in power,” he said.
“We know the junta’s sources of funds are limited and that the income from oil and gas sales helped previous juntas withstand international sanctions. The people of Myanmar cannot afford for history to repeat itself.”
Mr Andrews also called for other nations to take action. “I urge those countries that have yet to impose costs on the junta for its illegal coup and its systematic atrocities and human rights violations to reconsider,” he said. “Now is the time to step up.”.....Role of Special Rapporteurs: Special Rapporteurs, like Mr. Andrews, are appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor specific countries or thematic issues.
They serve in their individual capacity and are not UN staff, nor are they paid by the Organization..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions - general, Economic activities of the Myanmar Military, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"On Saturday, May 15, 2021, the Myanmar military – known as the Tatmadaw – launched a coordinated attack against the town of Mindat in Myanmar’s western Chin State. This latest crackdown was precipitated by several weeks of sustained fighting between the Tatmadaw and civilian defense forces in Mindat, formed in March in response to increasing military violence against civilians participating in the peaceful nationwide anti-coup resistance. Following an imposition of martial law on the grounds of insurgency, the siege of Mindat has been characterized by indiscriminate deployment of heavy weaponry by land and air, widespread use of forced labor and human shields, and active obstruction of delivery of basic humanitarian necessities for civilians, including food, water, and access to medical care and supplies.
In response to escalating violence against civilians in Mindat, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) issued the following statement:
“The reports out of Mindat, including the Tatmadaw’s blocking of humanitarian and medical aid and access to clean water, expose the horrifying reality of ongoing violence against tens of thousands of civilians in Mindat by the Myanmar military. These actions further echo the unconscionable actions and severe breaches of international human rights law perpetrated by the Tatmadaw since the group seized power in a February 1 coup d’état. Physicians for Human Rights is appalled by the Myanmar military’s unlawful implementation of martial law in Mindat, who has pushed civilians into Mindat’s surrounding jungles to escape detention, and the reported obstruction in access to clean drinking water.
“Through an unlawful and violent campaign to seize power, directly violating security forces’ responsibility and duty to protect, the Tatmadaw continues to violate the basic human rights of Myanmar’s people. Mindat civilians, mostly men, who have reportedly been forced into the forested areas around Mindat, have little to no access to shelter, water, food, or medical care. Their forced absence has left women and children in Mindat vulnerable to the brutal tactics of war deployed against the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities by the Myanmar military, including sexual and gender-based violence, which PHR has long documented and corroborated.
“This new wave of violence in western Chin State has further contributed to the displacement of tens of thousands of people, both internally and across the Indian border. The escalating crisis critically compounds already strained access to humanitarian and medical aid experienced by internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar. Medical personnel are reportedly unable to reach IDPs in Mindat without coming under artillery fire by the Tatmadaw, and are prevented from tending to patients in critical condition due to a lack of safe medical facilities available for emergency surgeries. PHR condemns the Myanmar military’s obstruction of critical medical and humanitarian aid, and the impediment of medical personnel’s duty to administer care to civilians desperately in need.
“Physicians for Human Rights demands that the Tatmadaw immediately cease attacks against the Mindat community, reestablish access to clean water and medical supplies, and end the obstruction of medical and humanitarian aid, which is in grave violation of international human rights law. As well, PHR calls on international and regional actors, including the United Nations Security Council and the Association for Southeast Asian Nations, to urgently negotiate an agreement to establish a safe and secure demilitarized humanitarian corridor into Mindat and other similarly afflicted territories across Myanmar. PHR emphasizes the acute need for humanitarian and medical personnel to fully access affected civilians without encumbrance, as is necessary to provide health care to the sick and wounded, to deliver humanitarian aid more broadly, and to ensure the safety and security of surrounding communities.
“The latest human rights violations demonstrate that ongoing sanctions and justice and accountability efforts are not sufficiently serving as deterrents. International actors that have been leading the effort to advance targeted sanctions against perpetrators of these abuses – such as the United States and European Union – should build a broad, international coalition comprised of governments and businesses in support of a sanctions regime that will prevent the Tatmadaw and other security forces from accessing resources to continue perpetrating abuses against the Myanmar people.”
Dr. Maung,* a volunteer surgeon based in Mandalay and a PHR medical partner, said that he had spoken with medical colleagues on the ground in Mindat who have reported on the dire need for immediate medical aid. “Several patients are in need of emergency surgery. Without it, they won’t survive for long. Surgeons are traveling from Mandalay to try and assist the wounded, but first they must be able to transfer the patients to a safe zone, as there is little they can do in the jungle,” he said.
In a statement responding to the Myanmar military’s coup, PHR condemned mass arbitrary arrests and detention of civilian leaders and human rights defenders in Myanmar, and called for an immediate de-escalation of the situation, the prompt release of political prisoners, and the restoration of communications networks. Following escalating violence directly after the coup, PHR additionally condemned attacks against protestors and the reported detention of medical professionals.
PHR reprises its call to the international community to hold the Myanmar military and other responsible actors accountable for its August 2017 campaign of widespread and systematic violence against the Rohingya ethnic minority in “clearance operations” that forced more than 720,000 Rohingya into neighboring Bangladesh. The Tatmadaw has an egregious history of human rights violations against civilians, including perpetrating forced labor, sexual violence, torture, extrajudicial killings, child labor, and other abuses in Myanmar’s ethnic territories, including Chin State, which PHR documented in 2011. International efforts to quell the violence are critically important as the perpetrators of these grave violations increase their political power and continue to operate with impunity within Myanmar.
*Dr. Maung asked that we use only his surname for security reasons..."
Source/publisher:
Physicians for Human Rights (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Chin State, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Topic:
Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Shelter and Non-Food Items, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Topic:
Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Shelter and Non-Food Items, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Description:
"In the first half of May, heavy fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), particularly in Kayin, Kachin and Chin states, killed dozens of combatants and internally displaced thousands of civilians. Approximately 61,000 people have now been displaced internally in Myanmar since the military takeover on 1 February 2021, of whom some 56,000 remain displaced, representing a 10 percent increase since the beginning of May. This number includes an estimated 42,000 in south-eastern Myanmar and 14,000 in Kachin and northern Shan states. Thousands of people are also additionally believed to be internally displaced in Chin State and Sagaing Region.
Since late March, some 6,900 Myanmar nationals have also sought safety from armed clashes in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son province, with 1,800 refugees currently being accommodated in temporary safety areas along the Thai-Myanmar border. In India, refugees from Myanmar continue crossing into Mizoram and Manipur to seek refuge, including as the COVID-19 outbreak in the border areas becomes worse..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and human rights in Burma, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Food Security and displacement in Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.59 MB
more
Description:
"Min Nyo, a reporter at Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) was sentenced to three years in jail under Section 505(a) of Myanmar's Penal Code on May 12. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) urges Myanmar’s military to release Min Nyo immediately.
Nyo was arrested on March 3 while covering anti-military demonstrations in the town of Pyay. He was then “taken into custody and brutally beaten by police” according to a statement from DVB.
He is the first journalist to be sentenced under section 505(a) of Myanmar’s Penal Code, a new provision that has been created since the military coup began. The provision makes it a crime to publish a ‘statement rumour or report with intent to cause, any officer, soldier, sailor or airman, in the Army, Navy or Air Force to mutiny or otherwise disregard or fail in his duty as such’.
IFJ reporting can reveal that from the start of military coup began on February 1, 86 journalists have been arrested, 44 have been detained and 44 have been prosecuted. At least eight of these prosecutions have been made under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Only one out of 86 journalists has been released.
Journalists are facing an existential threat in Myanmar as they are required to hide their identities or be attacked by Myanmar’s military. This comes at a time when ASEAN is facing increasing pressure to quell the humanitarian and democratic crisis erupting in Myanmar.
The IFJ said: “We call upon Myanmar’s military to release Min Nyo immediately. The repressive Section 505(a) of the Penal Code must be repealed and journalists must be allowed to operate and move freely within Myanmar. Press freedom is paramount in Myanmar as the world needs to know what is happening on the ground.”..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Journalists
Date of publication:
2021-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Opinion and Expression - tools for change in Burma/Myanmar, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Topic:
Human rights, Rights and freedom
Sub-title:
Thuzar Wint Lwin, in dress of besieged Chin minority, highlights brutal repression since coup in Myanmar
Topic:
Human rights, Rights and freedom
Description:
"In the months leading up to the Miss Universe pageant, most contestants were busy making promotional films and rehearsing for their moment in the limelight. Thuzar Wint Lwin of Myanmar was on the streets of Yangon, protesting against the country’s brutal army.
As the military used increasingly deadly force to crush rallies opposing its February coup, she visited the relatives of those who had been killed, donating her savings. Online, she raised awareness of military violence, despite the risk of retaliation.
On Thursday, Thuzar Wint Lwin appeared on stage in Florida, where she sent a powerful message to viewers around the world. Striding out in the traditional dress of the Chin ethnic minority, she unfurled a banner that read: “Pray for Myanmar.”
“Our people are dying and being shot by the military every day,” she said in a video message filmed for the pageant.
Thuzar Wint Lwin, 22, had been determined to take part in the competition, she said on Facebook, because she wanted to use her platform to “let the world know of our country and how our freedom, human rights and right to live are threatened”. She managed to pass safely through Yangon airport earlier this month.
She won the prize for best national costume, for a traditional dress worn by Chin women in north-west Myanmar. The dress, which features intricate weaving, and is worn with a crown of feathers adorned with beads, is associated with the Khwang Cawi festival, when tributes are paid to courageous and admirable women.
Dr Sasa, a spokesperson for Myanmar’s national unity government, which was set up by pro-democracy politicians, including some who have been detained, praised Thuzar Wint Lwin “for her bravery in the face of so many obstacles”. Her actions had helped raise awareness of “the plight of Myanmar’s brave citizens under the hand of these cruel terrorist murderers,” he said in a statement.
Over recent days, thousands of people in Myanmar’s Chin state have been forced to flee their homes, following escalating fighting between the military and activists opposed to the coup, who have formed the Chinland Defence Force.
The group used traditional hunting guns to fight the army in the town of Mindat, while the military fired artillery shells into the town and used helicopters to bring in extra troops. Chinland Defence Force told Reuters earlier this week that it had pulled back to spare civilians from being caught in the crossfire.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said providing humanitarian assistance to people fleeing the violence, or those still in the town, was challenging due to the insecurity.
The US condemned the military’s use of violence against civilians, describing it as “a further demonstration of the depths the regime will sink to to hold on to power”. It has tightened sanctions against the ruling generals, placing more members of the junta on a financial blacklist.
More than 800 people have been killed by the junta, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Thousands more have been detained, including elected politicians, pro-democracy activists and protesters.
The military has also cracked down on cultural figures who have criticised the coup, announcing wanted lists on military TV in the evenings. Celebrities – from poets to beauty bloggers and influencers – are among those sought or held by security forces.
Many are taken during night raids, when security forces stalk the streets and search the homes of anyone they suspect of supporting protesters. There have been repeated reports of torture inside detention facilities.
It is not clear where Thuzar Wint Lwin will stay after the pageant. There were unconfirmed reports on social media that the Myanmar regime had issued an arrest warrant since her Miss Universe protest.
In an online video message, she said: “Myanmar deserves democracy, and we will keep fighting and I also hope that the international community will give us the help that we desperately need.”
Thuzar Wint Lwin was not the only contestant to make a political point at the Miss Universe pageant. Bernadette Belle Ong, who represented Singapore, walked on to the stage wearing a cape in the colours of her country’s flag then turned to reveal the message painted on the back, “Stop Asian Hate”, in a reference to rising numbers of racist attacks on Asian Americans.
Lola de los Santos, the Miss Universe contestant for Uruguay, showed support for LGBTQ+ people with a rainbow outfit and a skirt that read: “No more hate, violence, rejection, discrimination.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, International Relations
Language:
more
Description:
"In my capacity as the Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation of the National Unity Government (NUG), I hereby announce Mr. Rubicon Ngwazah as the Department director of the Department of Emergency Response Cooperation of
the MOIC. The Department of Emergency Response Cooperation of the Ministry of International Cooperation (MOIC-EM) shall cooperate with the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management, and other Ministries for the coordination of the International Community and organizations to assist with
improving the emergency medical and rescue response infrastructure of the Federal Union, and to assist with soliciting, sourcing and securing necessary equipment, supplies, personnel, and training services as needed for this objective. Rubicon Ngwazah has over 15 years experience in the Emergency Response and Humanitarian sector, and has been instrumental in the founding and daily operations of numerous emergency medical, rescue, and relief organizations, both in Myanmar and internationally. Additionally he has served as an international EMS provider, remote expedition coordinator, instructor and team leader in humanitarian, security and disaster relief operations. We are glad to welcome Rubicon Ngwazah to our team, and together with you, the brave people of Myanmar, we WILL win!
H.E. Dr. Sasa Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation & NUG Spokesperson..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
31.22 KB 181.09 KB
more
Description:
"I wrote the following piece after 3 March 2021, on which 38 people died from the crackdown. Now the protest is over 100 days, and 782 people (as of 10 May), including children, have been killed. Over 3,740 people are in detention. Ordinary people all over Burma are living on edge due to the random acts of violence by “security forces.”
When I got up on 1 February, I heard about the coup in Burma, my country. I tried to identify an assortment of feelings: anger, despair, distress, sadness, hopelessness. None of them seemed to fit precisely what I felt. Since I am not in Burma, I rely on Facebook, the communication channel most Burmese use for information, to stay informed. With those unnamable feelings in my chest, I started checking Facebook almost hourly to catch up with the ongoing situation. When a 19-year-old girl died, the first death of the protest, I could finally name the assortment of emotions I was feeling – trauma. A few years ago, a former political prisoner told me the whole country was experiencing trauma because of the violent suppression of resistance over five decades. Her words now came back to me as I tried to understand the emotions running through me.
We are re-experiencing the collective trauma of living under the grip of the military. Every day the violence against protesters escalates and reminds those of us who lived and grew up under the military regime and who witnessed many violent crackdowns since 1962, of “the dark times.”
I was born two years after the coup in 1962. I remember talking with my friends about politics and rumours we heard from adults, when we were about ten years old. Had Ne Win died? How much we children and the adults around us wanted him to be gone, the former dictator. My overriding memories of growing up in Burma under the military dictatorship involve a sense of lacking – of lacking necessities, and above all lacking rights and freedom. Economic struggles, censorship, martial laws, fear of the military and people associated with them; these were a big part of our everyday life. In the backdrop, there were ongoing wars with various ethnic groups. I can still recall watching tanks drive through our township to suppress the student demonstrations in 1974. The next day, we heard many young people had been killed or arrested. The atmosphere was full of fear and suppression, and it was suffocating. Then in 1988, the military killed thousands of people during a massive popular uprising for democracy. My mother went into depression in 1988 at the loss of life she witnessed. This is etched deeply in my memory.
History has shown us again and again that it is always the young people who fight back, and now like before, they can be killed, beaten, tortured, raped. Still, these young people go on and take the front line. Now in 2021, Burma is a different country, but it is still beset by endless political, social and economic problems. Despite these problems, people have some freedom and hope, and communication with the outside world. There is also the widespread use of social media, which we didn’t have access to in 1988. Hence today’s young people, Generation Z, live in a very different political, social, and economic context. However, like many generations before them, they are the ones who dare to start the fight back and sacrifice their lives. The pain, sadness, anger, and anxiety of the families of those young people killed and arrested are unfathomable.
Many people are saying that the revolution is close to victory. I want to believe that the people will win in the end, but at this point, it is not easy to see how the whole debacle is going to unfold. How do you fight an institution that does not hesitate or express remorse about using any weapon available to kill their own people—who are simply asking for their rights to be respected?
People, especially Generation Z, persist despite the violence. On 3 March, Burma mourned the death of Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old girl who got shot in the back of her head. The words on her T-shirt said “Everything will be OK.” She left a note asking for her organs to be donated if it were not possible to resuscitate her.
I felt devastated at the death of Kyal Sin and other youths on 3 March. However, it was seeing an emotional video posted on Facebook by a young woman, and recognising her own trauma, that led me to write this piece. In the video, the young woman films herself narrating her experiences of helping protesters on the frontline. This first-hand account is a plea for others to understand the violence that protesters face every day.
This young woman has been helping protestors to flee from police violence. She repeatedly saw young people being brutally beaten up by the police. She had been using her car to block the road to delay the police vehicles so that she could assist the protesters to safety. It had been getting more and more difficult for her to do this because fewer people were turning up for the protests. The increasing use of tear gas, stun grenades, and live bullets emptied some of the main streets, and it was easier for the police vehicles to get through quickly to attack the protesters. Sometimes the makeshift roadblocks put up to deter police forces or police cars from passing through accidentally blocked her from reaching protesters. Other times people taking videos of the protests ignored her request to let her car pass through. Not being able to get through to the people she intended to help, and seeing police beat up her colleagues brought her to breaking point that day. She repeatedly said, “They asked the kids (protestors) to put up their hands on the heads and then they relentlessly beat them on their backs.” This broke her heart more than anything else.
This woman knows she might die helping them, but she puts herself at risk to rescue the core young protestors. She wants more people to participate in protests to fight against the military and shield the front-line protestors. Since 1 February, she has hardly slept and has only eaten one meal a day because she is too tired. For her, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is not helping unless everybody participates in the protests. Like most young people, her fear of losing out to the military is far greater than her fear of dying. Her emotional response on Facebook to those criticizing young protestors for confronting the police instead of having small protests near their places of residence, and her plea to people, gave me a glimpse of what young protestors are going through.
There are good days and terrible days in the over-a-month-long ongoing protests. On good days, most protestors get away unscathed, inspired, hopeful, and with renewed aspirations. On terrible days, some get killed, wounded, arrested, but the people do not give up. Every day, they come out to protest the coup. They are determined to make sure the military goes down. That’s when you can see the best of Burmese people, their resilience. The younger generation fights with creativity, resilience, and humour that keeps them going even though they are putting their lives on the line. You can see messages or posts on Facebook that encourage unity, such as “we can have different opinions but we are not divided.” People set aside religious and ethnic tensions to fight the common enemy – the military, and, by doing so, they have more compassion and understanding of years of atrocity and violence directed at ethnic groups, including the Rohingya.
I have learned from a good friend of mine, a survivor of violence, that post-traumatic growth and resilience emerge in the aftermath of violence. Dealing with trauma is not a walk in the park. There are good days and bad days. Bad days can take you to the edge, but resilience can bring you back to embracing life. Sometimes it comes from inside. And sometimes the help from outside is necessary to keep on going.
More than ever, people in Burma need every possible form of assistance from the international community to continue their long struggle. The UN, ASEAN, China, Russia, India, Japan, and other countries need to take action. Every country can take action if they take their mind off trade, regional competition, and geopolitical influence. The Burmese people have shown their spirit and resilience in the face of the violent suppression by the military. Day by day, people in Burma realize they cannot depend on outside help, not even the UN. Regardless, they are determined to continue their revolt against the military. The protests have grown so large and spread across the country that they have become transformed into revolution. Even if the international community fails to help Burma, the “Early Summer Revolution” (named by the protestors) will go on.
People of Burma have experienced collective trauma, but they have tremendous resilience, and the world needs to stand by them.
The following is an English translation of a post by a poet that was shared on Facebook:[1]
I am afraid of mornings.
When he wakes up, he goes straight to the bathroom, has a shower, changes his clothes, picks up his bag, and gets ready to go out of the door.
He doesn’t even notice the breakfast I prepared for him.
I ask, Where are you going today?
He used to tell me whether he was going to Hledan, Sule, Sanchaung, or Bargyar.
Now he only says where the protest is.
I warn him they are going to shoot today.
He said they are shooting every day. Don’t spread that kind of talk. Instead of 100 people, only 50 will come to protest. Don’t make me afraid. It’s not the time for fear.
Looking thin and sunburned, no gun, no bullet, just a backpack and the three fingers salute.
He: Don’t keep calling me.
He goes, and I go. I can exhale when everybody comes back home in the evening.
Exhausting days since the coup.
I have absolute empathy for the fallen heroes and their families. Salute to them!..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History, Political History, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK is calling on the British government to reverse cuts in international aid, and to protect the aid budget for Burma in light of the military coup and growing humanitarian crisis in the country.
No announcement has yet been made on expected cuts in the Burma aid budget. The 2020-2021 aid budget for Burma was £88 million.
The humanitarian situation in Burma was already dire, with hundreds of thousands of people homeless because of attacks and human rights violations by the military, and millions living in poverty.
Since the military coup in February the situation has got much worse. More than half the population is living in poverty and another 60,000 people have fled their homes because of bombing attacks by the military. It is highly likely that conflict will escalate and the humanitarian crisis will get worse.
“Aid to Burma needs to be increased, but instead it’s going to be cut at a time when the need has never been greater,” said Karin Valtersson, Campaigns Officer at Burma Campaign UK. “The aid budget for Burma must be protected. Aid should be given to local civil society organisations who know best how to help their own communities.”
Following the coup, the British government was right to stop development aid in cooperation with the government, as the military controls the machinery of government. However, stopping these projects should not be seen as an easy way to cut money from the aid budget. Instead the money should be redirected to the most vulnerable in the country.
As a result of successful campaigns by Burma Campaign UK, there were already strict rules in place to prevent aid reaching the military.
In particular Burma Campaign UK is asking for aid to be prioritised for:
Internally displaced people (IDPs), and refugees from Burma. The support for these groups was already underfunded before the coup.
Increasing cross-border aid, which is often the only way to reach the most vulnerable people in ethnic states.
To channel support to and through local, grassroots organisations, which have real knowledge about the needs on the ground. These groups have always been underfunded and are playing a crucial role right now in supporting activists fleeing central Burma to hide from the military in the jungle, as well as providing food and shelter for the increasing numbers of IDPs.
To support local grassroots organisations documenting human rights abuses.
“Dominic Raab’s aid cuts coming on top of the military coup, and the human rights violations and economic damage which has followed, would be a cruel blow to the people of Burma and a betrayal by the British government,” said Karin Valtersson..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
more
Description:
"Thousands of residents of a hill town in northwest Myanmar were hiding in jungles, villages and valleys on Monday after fleeing an assault by state troops, witnesses said, as the army advanced into the town after days battling local militias.
Mindat, about 100 km (60 miles) from the Indian border in Chin state, has seen some of the most intense fighting since a Feb. 1 coup that has led to the emergence of ragtag local armies that are stifling the junta's bid to consolidate power.
Martial law was declared in Mindat on Thursday before the army launched its assault, using artillery and helicopters against a newly formed Chinland Defence Force, a militia armed mainly with hunting rifles, which said it had pulled back to spare civilians from being caught in the crossfire.
Several residents reached by Reuters said food was in short supply and estimated as many as 5,000 to 8,000 people had fled the town, with roads blocked and the presence of troops in the streets preventing their return.
"Almost everyone left the city," said a volunteer fighter who said she was in a jungle. "Most of them are in hiding."
A representative of the local people's administrative group of Mindat said he was among some 200 people, including women and children, who had trekked across rocky roads and hills carrying blankets, rice and cooking pots.
He said the group was attacked with heavy weapons when troops spotted smoke from their cooking fires.
"We have to move from one place to another. We cannot settle in a place in the jungle," he told Reuters by phone.
"Some men were arrested as they went into town to get more food for us. We cannot get into town currently. We are going to starve in few days."
The Chinland Defence Forces in a statement on Monday said it had killed five government troops in Hakha, another town in Chin State.
The United Nations children's fund UNICEF in a tweet urged security forces to ensure safety of children in Mindat, the latest international call for restraint after human rights groups, the United States and Britain condemned the use of war weapons against civilians.
MULTIPLE FRONTS
The United States, Britain and Canada on Monday announced more sanctions against businesses and individuals tied to the junta. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken urged more countries to follow suit. read more
Myanmar has been in chaos since the coup, with the military battling armed and peaceful resistance on multiple fronts, adding to concerns about economic collapse and a humanitarian crisis from old conflicts reigniting in border regions.
The fighters in Chin State say they are part of the People's Defence Forces of the shadow government, which has called on the international community for help.
In an effort to coordinate the anti-junta forces, the shadow government on Monday issued a list of instructions to all the civilian armies, which it said must operate under its command and control.
Aid groups in direct contact with residents of Mindat made urgent calls on social media on Monday for donations or food, clothing and medicine.
Salai, 24, who has been organising an emergency response, said she had spoken to people hiding in a valley and on farmland who had fled the advance of soldiers.
"They looted people's property. They burned down people's houses. It is really upsetting," said Salai.
"Some in the town were injured by gunshots, including a young girl. She cannot get medical treatment."
A military spokesman did not answer calls or messages seeking comment.
In its nightly news bulletin, state-run MRTV said security forces returned fire after coming under attack from insurgents in Mindat, who fled, and that government troops had been attacked elsewhere in Chin State.
So far, 790 people have been killed in the junta's crackdown on its opponents, according to the activist group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
The military disputes that figure. Reuters cannot independently verify arrests and casualty numbers.
The military says it intervened after its complaints of fraud in a November election won by Aung San Suu Kyi's party were ignored.
An international monitoring group on Monday said the results of that election "were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar"..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Chin State, Chin (Zo) discussion groups, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Sanctions - general, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Myanmar's peaceful protests are morphing into a hit-and-run resistance movement against military rule
Description:
"Another military airbase has come under rocket attack in central Myanmar, a shadowy but strategic assault that even tightly censored, military-controlled media felt compelled to report.
On May 15, three 107mm rockets were fired at Toungoo airbase, situated just 95 kilometers from the capital Naypyitaw, according to the state mouthpiece Global New Light of Myanmar. The rocket attack follows similar assaults on air bases at Magwe and Meiktila in late April.
No group has claimed responsibility for the attacks, but they come after recent Tatmadaw aerial bombardments in Kayin and Kachin states, where ethnic armies are battling the military and anti-coup protesters have recently taken refuge from rising, lethal military violence in urban areas.
Myanmar’s civil wars, until now confined mainly to relatively remote ethnic frontier regions, are now spreading to the country’s heartland and urban areas. Rather than ethnic army fighters, recent attacks have more likely been launched by new-age militants from the ethnic Bamar majority.
Shadowy attacks on military soft and hard targets are mounting. On May 18, a local junta-appointed official was assassinated in Yangon’s Lanmadaw district after two bomb blasts at his office. According to Yangon-based sources, the official was known to be a key military informant and his actions had led to the arrest of several pro-democracy protesters.
Bombs have also detonated in various towns in Sagaing and Mandalay Regions and in Shan, Mon and Chin states. When the coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, visited Sagaing City on May 18 a bomb exploded even there despite tight security.
A clear example of this new resistance to military rule was recently seen in Mindat, a town in Chin State but close to the border with the central region of Magwe. The Chinland Defense Force (CDF), a newly formed local militia, took over the town and retreated only after heavily armed Tatmadaw units counterattacked with artillery and helicopter gunfire.
Before those reinforcements arrived, local militants armed with only hunting rifles and homemade bombs killed several Tatmadaw soldiers. Until now, Chin state is the only ethnic state in Myanmar that has not seen widespread insurgency. (The ceasefire Chin National Front was never a formidable force.)
What began as peaceful, even joyful demonstrations against coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s democracy-suspending February 1 coup is now morphing into shadowy armed resistance across the country. The list of anti-military counterattacks is growing by the day.
For instance, a bomb exploded at the Daik-U township’s education office in the Bago Region on May 16. That same day, another bomb detonated at the Mogok township general administrator’s office in the Mandalay Region.
On May 17, the Htone Bo Ward administration office in Sagaing township was burned down. On May 18, a truck carrying food supplies for Myanmar army soldiers was torched on the Mogaung-Tanai Ledo road in Kachin State.
The shift from peaceful to violent protest came only after demonstrators were violently and lethally attacked by soldiers and police, with snipers shooting teenagers and even killing children as young as five, according to news reports.
Nearly 800 people have been killed by the police and Tatmadaw since Min Aung Hlaing seized power from an elected government. Close to 5,000 have been arrested, including politicians, journalists, lawyers and community workers. An unknown number are now in hiding or have fled to border areas or across the border into exile.
Yangon residents say the persistent unrest appears to be taking a toll on the mental health of front-line police and soldiers who are ordered by their superiors to use lethal force against the general population.
“They are staying inside hospitals, schools, police stations and secluded compounds and when they venture out of those, local activists inform their comrades in other parts of Yangon,” one Yangon-based source said.
Three and a half months after the coup, anti-coup demonstrators are still marching in the streets in defiance. Many others, sources say, are getting ready for more violent action.
They say the assassination of the official in Lanmadaw is probably only the beginning of what could quickly turn into urban warfare scenarios in major cities nationwide. According to some reports, automatic weapons and grenades have already been sent to activists in Yangon.
Myanmar may not become a full-blown failed state — much of the economy is and has always been run underground and thus not measured in official statistics — but the nation is definitely now a failing state.
Tens of thousands of health workers and teachers have been fired for taking part in the so-called Civil Disobedience Movement. Banks are reportedly running out of cash as people — if they are lucky — withdraw their savings. Many have imposed fees of 8%-9% to withdraw funds or imposed outright limits on the amount that can be taken out.
A brain drain has also begun as many well-educated people have leveraged various channels to leave the country. What happens next is not clear, but Min Aung Hlaing’s power-grab is measuring up as perhaps the most unsuccessful military coup in modern Asian history.
To be sure United States (US) and European Union (EU) sanctions have so far had no deterrent effect on the military’s onslaught. The severest action that can be taken by the United Nations (UN) would be a resolution calling for an “immediate suspension” of weapons transfers to the junta.
Although recently introduced by the tiny European principality of Liechtenstein, which is not an EU member, and supported by the EU, UK and US, it will inevitably be vetoed at the UN Security Council by permanent members China and Russia.
What is clear, however, is that Min Aung Hlaing has ruined his chance of becoming a credible political leader. As military commander-in-chief, he traveled more widely than any of his predecessors on what the Tatmadaw called “goodwill missions.”
According to a study compiled by the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies, a Yangon-based think tank, his trips took him to China, Russia, Vietnam, Thailand, India, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Cambodia, Laos, Nepal, Japan, South Korea, Israel, Belarus, Serbia, Brunei, Pakistan and even Belgium, Austria, Germany and Italy.
He won’t likely be welcome again in many of those countries. His future standing in Myanmar is also on shaky ground, with critics and commentators saying he has single-handedly destroyed his legacy as an armed forces commander while making the military even more an object of contempt in the public’s eye.
But even if the Tatmadaw moved to oust him from his positions of power in a face-saving counter-coup – for now, more wishful thinking than likely scenario – there is no guarantee that his military successors would be in favor of the kind of openness Myanmar enjoyed from 2011 until this year’s disastrous coup..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more