Human Rights and international relations
Individual Documents
Description:
"Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government submitted the Report on serious
crimes of international concern committed by the illegal military junta to 49th session of United
Nations Human Rights Council.
Myanmar calls on the UN Human Rights Council to take urgent and deliberate action to address
the escalating atrocities in the country when it meets to discuss the human rights situation on
18 and 21 March.
The military junta’s failed attempt to seize control in a coup d’etat on 1 February 2021 has
plunged Myanmar into human rights, humanitarian, political and economic crises. This grave
deterioration has been accompanied by escalating atrocities and acts of terror.
In a report addressed to the Human Rights Council, Myanmar’s Ministry of Human Rights sets
out emblematic incidents of military atrocities across the country, including massacres and
unlawful killings, indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery attacks, large scale arson and destruction
of civilian property, and the use of deadly force against peaceful protesters. It also provides
information on the humanitarian situation, with the junta’s violence having displaced more than
half a million people since its failed coup, driving up needs to critical levels.
The Ministry of Human Rights finds that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the junta’s
ongoing atrocities constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. They form a widespread
and systematic pattern of attacks against civilians directed by and conducted in the knowledge
of the junta’s senior leadership. Similar conclusions have already been reached by the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in
Myanmar, and the Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Indeed,
junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has long been known to the Human Rights Council. In September
2018, the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar called for him to be
investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes directed
against the Rohingya and other ethnic communities.
The people of Myanmar repeat their demands for renewed and coordinated international
action to stop the atrocities and to hold the perpetrators, including the junta’s leaders, to
account.
The Human Rights Council’s discussions on Myanmar must culminate in the adoption of a
stronger resolution that:
• Requests the UN Secretary-General to explore the feasibility of the establishment by
the General Assembly or the Human Rights Council of an ad hoc tribunal to support
accountability for alleged violations of international law in Myanmar and to advise on
its potential scope, powers, composition and its relationship with existing
international, regional, and national courts and mechanisms
• Requests the Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the ICC, and
condemns the military junta’s continuing atrocities, which constitute crimes under
international law
• Requests the Security Council to commence proceedings to list the Myanmar junta as
a terrorist organization
• Requests all States to enforce a comprehensive arms embargo against the Myanmar
armed forces, including the transfer of weapons, munitions, and dual-use and other
military equipment
• Renews and strengthens the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
Human Rights in Myanmar
• Increases the human and financial resources available to the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
human rights in Myanmar to enable an expanded focus on the human rights situation
in Myanmar, commensurate to the scale of the crisis and gravity of crimes
• Calls upon the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United
Nations Country Team (UNCT) in Myanmar to prioritise humanitarian access to
affected populations, including in partnership with the National Unity Government,
and requests neighbouring States to facilitate humanitarian access across their land
borders with Myanmar
• Repeats its demand for the immediate and unconditional release of all political
prisoners and persons who have been arbitrarily detained, charged, arrested,
convicted or sentenced on specious grounds, in particular since 1 February 2021
• Condemns the historic systematic and institutionalized discrimination against
members of ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar, in particular relating to the
Rohingya; supports the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable return of all
refugees to Myanmar; and promotes the rights of all Myanmar communities to equal
access to services and opportunities • Requests all business enterprises operating in Myanmar and the home States of those
enterprises to ensure that their activities do not contribute to or cause human rights
violations or abuses in Myanmar, and to suspend all business relationships with the
Myanmar armed forces or any enterprise owned or controlled by them or their
individual members
• Calls on the General Assembly, including its Credentials Committee, to formally
confirm the credentials of representatives of the National Unity Government as the
representatives of Myanmar to the seventy-sixth and subsequent sessions of the
General Assembly
• Requests the UNCT in Myanmar to report on progress made in the implementation of
the recommendations set out in the Rosenthal Report, and on its actions to comply
with the Engagement Guidelines to ensure that legitimacy is not granted to the
military junta..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
UN rights office warns military has shown ‘flagrant disregard for human life’ and has deliberately targeted civilians since it seized power on 1 February 2021
Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta has committed widespread and systematic abuses against civilians that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, according to the first comprehensive report to be produced by the UN’s human rights office since last year’s coup.
The UN rights office warns the military has shown “flagrant disregard for human life” and has deliberately targeted civilians since it seized power on 1 February 2021.
The report details numerous atrocities by the military, including the bombardment of populated areas with airstrikes and heavy weapons, and a series of mass killings of civilians. It cites cases where civilians have been shot in the head, burned to death, arbitrarily arrested, tortured or used as human shields.
“The appalling breadth and scale of violations of international law suffered by the people of Myanmar demand a firm, unified, and resolute international response,” said Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations high commissioner for Human Rights.
Many western countries have imposed sanctions on members of the military and military-owned businesses, while the Association of South-east Asian Nations has led attempts at negotiations, though with virtually no progress.
At least 1,600 people have been killed by security forces in Myanmar since the coup, according to the UN, which says airstrikes, helicopter gunships, artillery, and mortars are being used indiscriminately in populated areas. The report also refers to series of massacres by the security forces, including the killing of up to 40 women, men, and children in Kayah State in December. Those who discovered the victims’ remains said some bodies were in positions that suggested they had tried to escape and had been burned alive, according to the UN.
The military junta, which is widely opposed by the people, has imposed brutal violence and repression in an attempt to maintain control of the country. Despite this, the public remains defiant in its refusal to accept military rule. Alongside a peaceful protest movement, many civilians – from poets and farmers, to IT workers and students – have taken up arms in response to military atrocities.
Raids on the homes of anyone suspected of dissent “occur with unrelenting regularity”, according to the report. At least 12,500 have been detained over the past year, with “hundreds if not thousands having been subjected to torture”.
About 325 people, including 16 children, have been killed in detention.
The report is based on interviews with more than 155 victims, witnesses, and advocates, as well as satellite imagery and video footage. The junta has previously accused the UN of bias and seeking to interfere in its domestic affairs, and has rejected past death toll estimates cited by officials. It has also accused the UN of downplaying violence by anti-coup groups.
The UN report said at least 543 people have been killed due to their perceived support for the military, but that the majority of human rights abuses it had documented were carried out by security forces.
Bachelet said the public was defiant in its demand for an end to military rule. “Throughout the tumult and violence of the past year … they remain committed to seeing a return to democracy and to institutions that reflect their will and aspirations,” she said.
“Meaningful action by the international community is urgently needed to stop yet more individuals from being stripped of their rights, their lives and their livelihoods,” said Bachelet..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် နိုင်ငံတကာက အရေးယူရန် လိုအပ်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဆိုးရွားသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အစီရင်ခံစာကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ (၄၉) ကြိမ်မြောက်အစည်းအဝေးသို့ တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
" The international community must take concerted, immediate measures to stem the spiral of violence in Myanmar, where the military has engaged in systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said in a new report today.
The report,* released for the 49th regular session of the UN Human Rights Council, said Myanmar's military and security forces have shown a flagrant disregard for human life, bombarding populated areas with airstrikes and heavy weapons and deliberately targeting civilians, many of whom have been shot in the head, burned to death, arbitrarily arrested, tortured or used as human shields.
Citing the determination of Myanmar's people in their opposition to the coup, Bachelet called on the international community to do all it can to resolve the crisis and hold perpetrators of gross violations of international human rights law accountable.
"Throughout the tumult and violence of the past year, the will of the people has clearly not been broken. They remain committed to seeing a return to democracy and to institutions that reflect their will and aspirations," Bachelet said.
Covering the period since the 1 February 2021 military takeover, the report is based on interviews with over 155 victims, witnesses, and advocates, whose accounts were corroborated with satellite imagery, verified multimedia files, and credible open-source information. Its findings, however, represent only a fraction of the violations and abuses Myanmar’s people have been subjected to since the coup.
At least 1,600 people have been killed by security forces and their affiliates and more than 12,500 people have been detained. At least 440,000 others have been displaced and 14 million are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance, the delivery of which has largely been blocked by the military in new and pre-existing areas of need.
The report concluded that there were reasonable grounds to believe the military, the Tatmadaw, had engaged in violence and abuse as part of a widespread and systematic attack directed against civilians – patterns of conduct that may amount to crimes against humanity.
Mass killings have taken place. In July in Sagaing Region, soldiers killed 40 individuals in a series of raids; villagers found the remains of some victims with their hands and feet still tied behind their backs. In December in Kayah State, soldiers burned the bodies of up to 40 men, women and children; villagers described discovering the remains in several trucks, with bodies found in positions indicating they had tried to escape and were burnt alive.
Detainees reported facing torture and other forms of ill-treatment during lengthy interrogations in military detention centres across Myanmar. This reportedly included suspension from the ceiling without food or water; being forced to stand for extended periods while in solitary confinement; electrocution, sometimes alongside injection of unidentified drugs; sexual violence, including rape; and forcing Muslim detainees to ingest pork.
While most of the gross human rights violations documented were carried out by security forces, at least 543 individuals – including local administrators, their families and alleged informants – were also reportedly killed due to their perceived support of the military. Anti-coup armed elements claimed responsibility for 95 of the incidents.
"Meaningful action by the international community is urgently needed to stop yet more individuals from being stripped of their rights, their lives and their livelihoods," Bachelet said.
"The appalling breadth and scale of violations of international law suffered by the people of Myanmar demand a firm, unified, and resolute international response."..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Human Rights Council
Forty-ninth session
28 February–1 April 2022
Agenda items 2 and 4
Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General
Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention
Introduction and methodology
In resolution 46/21, the Human Rights Council requested, inter alia, the High Commissioner for Human Rights to provide a comprehensive report on the overall human rights situation in Myanmar at its 49th session, with a particular focus on accountability regarding alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, rule of law and security sector reform since 1 February 2021, as well as on implementation of recommendations on the human rights situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities.
The present report covers human rights concerns documented by OHCHR since 1 February 2021. It analyses the most egregious violations committed by the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw), highlighting trends and patterns over a year of martial rule, and coming to preliminary conclusions as to violations of international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law.
This report relies upon primary and secondary source material collected and subjected to credibility assessments. Without access to Myanmar, OHCHR applied consistent methodology of information-gathering, including remote interviews and meetings with over 155 victims, victims’ advocates, and witnesses of human rights violations. First-hand information was corroborated with satellite imagery, verified multimedia files, and credible open-source information. Factual determinations of cases, incidents, and patterns were made where there were reasonable grounds to believe that incidents had occurred as described. Given the serious security risks that individuals in Myanmar have been exposed to since 1 February, OHCHR has prioritized the safety of victims, witnesses, and interlocutors above other considerations..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, Statements and reports by Myanmar at regular sessions of the Human Rights Council
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"The private Myanmar military arms broker, Miya Win International, has procured parts for Camcopter S-100 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) via Russia since the military’s attempted coup.
The parts come from the Austrian company, Schiebel Corporation, which previously sold the UAVs to the Myanmar military, and was identified by the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar for its sale of dual-use goods to the Myanmar military.
Schiebel Corporation’s business with the Myanmar military has likely breached the EU arms embargo on Myanmar, with the support of Miya Win International.
The original purchase of UAVs was also facilitated by Miya Win International.
Camcopter S-100s can fly for up to 6 hours and provide the Myanmar Navy and Air Force with surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.
Miya Win International and its network of companies has been exposed in a Justice For Myanmar feature, using records from the trade database, ImportGenius, and leaked documents.
Other Miya Win International deals with EU companies that are likely to violate the arms embargo include a flight simulator from the Austrian company, Axis Simulation, and a hyperbaric chamber from the German company, Haux Life Support.
The flight simulator is owned by the Myanmar Air Force and used for both military and civil pilot training.
The hyperbaric chamber was procured for use by Myanmar Navy Seals.
Justice For Myanmar’s exposé of Miya Win International follows an investigation into the arms broker, Dynasty International, which has procured aircraft in 2015 from the Germany company, Grob Aircraft SE, and continued to work with Grob for parts and maintenance.
Since the attempted coup, Dynasty International has imported parts for Mi-17 aircraft from the Russian company, Ural Avia.
The Myanmar military primarily uses Mi-17 helicopters for transportation.
Justice For Myanmar calls for targeted sanctions against Miya Win International, Dynasty International, their directors and all other suppliers of the Myanmar military, and a global arms embargo.
Justice For Myanmar urges the Austrian and Germany governments to investigate companies that have supplied arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military, and to hold companies to account for any breaches of the EU arms embargo.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “One year since its illegal attempted coup, the Myanmar military has killed over 2,000 civilians and arrested more than 12,000.
The illegal junta has been committing crimes against humanity and war crimes with total impunity, including deliberately targeting civilians with airstrikes and artillery shelling, forcing over 440,000 civilians to flee from their homes.
Yet, companies like Schiebel Corporation, Miya Win International and Dynasty International are continuing to do business with the junta, despite their acts of aggression against the people.
The military’s atrocities are enabled by continued revenue and arms flows. These must be cut to end the military’s campaign of terror.
All arms brokers and suppliers must be sanctioned, including Miya Win International, Dynasty International, and their related companies.
Despite the EU arms embargo, companies from member states including Austria and Germany have sold arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, following the Rohingya genocide and after the attempted coup.
The EU and its member states must urgently act to strengthen and enforce the arms embargo and make sure no businesses in their territory remain complicit with the terrorist junta.
Those who have violated the arms embargo must be held accountable..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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132.05 KB
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Description:
"လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာ အတွဲ(၁)၊ အမှတ် (၈)
ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း ( ၈ မတ် ၂၀၂၂)
"လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။"
- နယ်သာလန် သည်ဟ်ဂ်မြို့က ရိုဟင်ဂျာအရေး သတင်းစာ ရှင်းလင်းပွဲ
- နိုင်ငံတဝန်းရှိ ဖမ်းဆီး၊သတ်ဖြတ်၊ ဖိနှိပ်နေမှုများ
- စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ
- နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးများစသည့် စကားလုံးများ သုံးနေစေကာမူ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု့များကို မည်သို့မျှ ဖုံးကွယ်၍ မရနိုင် Op-Ed
- Code of Conduct..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-03-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Discrimination against the Rohingya, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.74 MB
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Sub-title:
Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
Description:
"HUNDREDS OF CIVILIANS KILLED IN UKRAINE AS RUSSIAN INVASION CONTINUES
Since Russia’s 24 February invasion of Ukraine, violence has spread across cities resulting in increasing civilian casualties from the use of indiscriminate explosive weapons. From 24 February to 8 March the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) verified 516 civilian deaths, including 37 children, and hundreds of people injured. OHCHR has warned that the actual death toll is undoubtedly much higher. According to the World Health Organization, at least 20 attacks on healthcare facilities, workers and ambulances have been recorded. Deliberate attacks against civilians and healthcare, as well as the use of indiscriminate weapons in civilian areas, are forbidden under international law and may amount to war crimes and/or crimes against humanity.
More than two million people have fled so far, with millions more trapped or unable to flee. On 6 March Russian forces repeatedly shelled an intersection on an evacuation route in the city of Irpin, killing eight people, including two children. Although Ukrainian and Russian forces agreed on humanitarian corridors to allow civilians to flee from besieged cities like Kharkiv, Mariupol and Sumy, shelling has continued. On 8 March Russian forces reportedly shelled designated evacuation routes in Mariupol, leaving hundreds of thousands trapped without food and water.
On 7 March the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Martin Griffiths, said that, “simply put, millions of lives shattered… even as the TV cameras roll, many can’t flee in safety… It’s been 11 days of escalating violence, fear and pain.” Griffiths alerted that UN agencies are unable to meet growing humanitarian needs.
The international community has continued to rapidly respond to the crisis. On 3 March representatives of the International Criminal Court arrived in Ukraine to begin the Court’s investigation of the situation. On 4 March the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) established a Commission of Inquiry to investigate systematic violations and abuses of human rights and International Humanitarian Law. On 7 March the International Court of Justice held its first hearing in the case Ukraine brought against Russia under Article IX of the Genocide Convention.
Amidst the ongoing conflict, member states must continue to assist refugees, as well as support aid delivery and the evacuation of civilians. The UN General Assembly should suspend Russia from its seat on the HRC for violating its fundamental responsibilities as an HRC member. The UN Security Council must work on an agreement ensuring safe passage and the delivery of humanitarian aid in conflict affected areas. Parties to the conflict should reconvene ceasefire talks and adhere to agreed-upon humanitarian pauses.
TATMADAW ALLEGEDLY PREPARING “KILL ALL, TORCH ALL” CAMPAIGN IN SAGAING REGION
Since October 2021 Myanmar’s (Burma) military – the Tatmadaw – has concentrated its ongoing scorched earth campaign in Sagaing Region, as well as other areas with strong opposition. On 7 March local media reported that the military may have plans to escalate its offensive and launch a so-called “kill all, torch all” campaign in Sagaing Region. News reports indicate that clashes have broken out daily in Sagaing Region in recent weeks and that the military allegedly wants to eliminate all resistance in the region before the annual Armed Forces Day on 27 March.
The Tatmadaw has recently escalated its raids on villages in Sagaing Region, including with air strikes, the torching of civilian infrastructure and killing of civilians. In February alone the military killed at least 47 civilians suspected of supporting armed resistance groups in seven of the region’s townships. On 26 February a large group of civilians, including at least 80 children, were detained amidst clashes with local resistance groups in Chin Pone village in Yinmabin township, Sagaing Region. The Tatmadaw allegedly detained the civilians as human shields against a counterattack from a local armed resistance group. The use of human shields is a violation of International Humanitarian Law and a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
Amidst the intensifying assault, the region’s internet blackout has been expanded, cutting internet access “indefinitely” to all of Sagaing Region’s 34 townships, except for four urban centers. Communities are becoming isolated and residents have reported that the lack of internet access has limited their capacity to flee and avoid the military’s raids.
Liam Scott, Research Associate at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, stated that, “the military has already cracked down especially hard on Sagaing Region, so a major offensive would be devastating for the region’s civilian population. The ‘kill all, torch all’ rhetoric presents a grave warning that the military is preparing to indiscriminately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.” To limit the Tatmadaw’s capacity to perpetrate atrocities in Sagaing Region and throughout the country, the UN Security Council should urgently impose an arms embargo on Myanmar, and member states should immediately impose sanctions on Myanmar’s oil and gas sector.
DOZENS KILLED AS ATROCITIES CONTINUE IN CENTRAL MALI
On 4 March the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali (MINUSMA) announced the opening of an investigation into allegations that at least 35 people were killed in Diabaly commune, Ségou Region. A video circulating on social media last week shows dozens of burned bodies with their eyes blindfolded and hands bound together. Some of the victims appear to have holes in the back of their heads. According to a local official, the bodies were found on 1 March and are believed to be people who were arrested earlier by Malian soldiers. The Malian Armed Forces have denied allegations of their role in the killings and announced their own investigation into the situation.
Malian defense and security forces have been fighting Islamist armed groups in Diabaly for years. Fulani villages in central Mali have frequently been targeted and persecuted due to their perceived support for Islamist armed groups. Although Islamist armed groups and community self-defense militias are the primary sources of violence and insecurity in central Mali, defense and security forces have also committed atrocities. The UN has previously accused Malian soldiers of war crimes, including targeted killings, torture and rape, during the decade-long crisis in the country.
Despite counterterrorism and military operations, the security situation in Mali has continued to deteriorate. The center and north of the country are marked by increasing attacks targeting civilians and peacekeepers. Following a visit to the country in February, Alioune Tine, UN Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Mali, emphasized that, “the international and African community must recognize the need to rethink security responses in the Sahel and I call for the development of more integrated security strategies, focused on the protection of civilian populations and their fundamental human rights.”
MINUSMA is one of the largest and most dangerous UN peacekeeping operations, with 154 peacekeepers killed in hostile acts since 2013, including 20 in 2021. On 7 March two peacekeepers were killed by a roadside bomb in central Mali. Targeting UN peacekeepers may constitute war crimes under international law.
It is essential that the Malian transitional authorities ensure their operations against Islamist armed groups do not further exacerbate inter-communal tensions and are undertaken in strict compliance with international humanitarian and human rights law. Malian authorities, with the support of MINUSMA, must increase their security presence in central Mali and strengthen capacity to prevent future atrocities. All attacks against civilians and MINUSMA must be properly investigated and the perpetrators brought to justice. Ending the current climate of impunity is crucial..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"Naing Naing Oo remembers meeting a group of children who had survived being stranded at sea.
In a small boat, with little food, they drifted for days.
"When we talked to them, we were inspired – they had been so strong," says Naing Naing. "They had survived."
In her role working for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) from Maungdaw in Myanmar's Rakhine State, Naing Naing was one of many who helped the children following the incident.
"Now, when they see me, they recognise me," she says. "I cannot forget this thing." Naing Naing works as part of a team in Maungdaw that provides a range of support for families separated by violence.
A parent who needs financial help to visit a son or daughter in prison. A person recently released from a police lockup who needs assistance making the long journey home. Families looking for lost loved ones after a clash.
These are just some examples of cases where Naing Naing and her colleagues seek to provide support. It is work that is collaborative and unceasing. Naing Naing has been with the team since 2017, joining just as outbreaks of violence resulted in waves of displacement impacting hundreds of thousands of people in Rakhine.
At that time, colleagues from across Myanmar were called in to help respond to the massive spike in humanitarian needs. Years later, working as part of a close-knit team remains a highlight for Naing Naing.
"The first thing I think of is the working environment, which is amazing," she says. "I have lots of support from my colleagues."
Beyond the team, it is also the ability to work directly with people in northern Rakhine that is most rewarding. "I can work with communities – I can talk with and learn from them," Naing Naing says.
"I feel great working for the ICRC because we are an organisation that doesn't take sides – I feel really comfortable explaining who we are to villagers, to other people, to my family."
The ICRC has worked in Maungdaw, not far from the border with Bangladesh, since 2015.
Activities range from emergency assistance – like food and health services – to helping communities build sustainable livelihoods, often together with partners such as the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS).
"Here, lots of people know about the ICRC because of our food distributions," Naing Naing says. "People also know our support in reconnecting families well."
The communities surrounding Maungdaw, and neighbouring Buthidaung, are multilingual and multifaith. Naing Naing grew up here, with neighbours and classmates reflecting this diversity.
Her familiarity with Maungdaw, and the communities' familiarity with the ICRC, helps with the work.
"I can explain our organisation is a humanitarian organisation," she says. "I explain we don't take sides; we don't discriminate based on belief or colour of skin – but they already know this from our activity."
In 2022, the dual impacts of COVID-19 and the 2021 military intervention still overlay the legacies of ongoing conflicts across the country to make life more challenging for people in Myanmar.
Despite the obstacles these overlapping impacts also pose for humanitarian work, the numbers tell a story of hope. Across Myanmar in 2021, we were able to help more than 4000 recently released detainees return home. We helped families visit loved ones behind bars more than 200 times and delivered close to 250 written messages.
For Naing Naing, helping people feel comfortable enough to share their stories and needs is key to this work.
"It depends on the person – I don't ask hard questions, I ask 'how are you?'" she says. "That's how we start the conversation..."
Source/publisher:
International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
Language:
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Description:
"New UN study says fear, violence, and isolation prevents Myanmar women from accessing income and healthcare
Bangkok -- Rising violence and insecurity are forcing women in Myanmar to stay away from jobs and healthcare services, says a new UN survey of over 2,200 women, which signals a deterioration of development gains in the country.
"Regressing Gender Equality in Myanmar: Women Living Under the Pandemic and Military Rule", which launched today on International Women's Day, finds that women are losing ground on development gains, due to fear of violence. The survey conducted in December 2021 found that one-third of women are afraid of walking in their neighbourhoods, even during the day.
This is a sharp departure from what women in Myanmar said in 2019, when only 3.5 percent of women reported feeling unsafe during the daytime, in their communities. Half of the women surveyed said they do not feel safe outside their neighbourhoods, and a full third reported feeling unsafe in their own homes, at night.
"The survey sends a clear and chilling message that the fear of violence is preventing the women of Myanmar from living a normal life. This must be addressed right away," said Kanni Wignaraja, UNDP's Director for the Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific. The pandemic and heightened insecurity from the military takeover has gravely impacted women's finances and health. Without investments in their safety, agency, and capacities, women will be unable to take ownership of their lives and take care of their families. This will have a direct adverse effect on future generations and on the overall prosperity of Myanmar."
The survey also paints a bleak view on the economic front. Nearly seven out of 10 women report that household income has fallen since the coup, exacerbated by the pandemic. Women living in rural areas are experiencing a continual decline in their incomes. With shrinking household incomes, women report skipping meals, taking out loans, and selling off anything valuable to make ends meet.
This drastic fall in economic prosperity for women must immediately be halted and the wider health and welfare of women in Myanmar must be prioritized for the country to rebound following COVID-19.
"The women of Myanmar have played a key role in the development of their country," said Sarah Knibbs, Officer-in-Charge for UN Women Asia and the Pacific. "Women drove the response to Cyclone Nargis in 2008 and the transition to democracy after 2012. They rushed to the front lines to help battle waves of COVID-19, and now they have been leading the peaceful movement demanding a return to democracy. They are the future of this country, as this report shows, and we need to give priority to their needs and concerns."
Women's health is also affected by the rising insecurity in Myanmar. Half the women reported that access to healthcare services is becoming more difficult. One out of ten pregnant or breastfeeding women had a pregnancy or childbirth issue for which public or private health services could not be accessed. This is an extremely troubling statistic for infant mortality and maternal health in Myanmar.
The report adds that the compounding effects of COVID-19 and the political unrest on women's security, finances, and health will not disappear quickly. Women are likely to face setbacks for years to come. It is important to reverse this trend quickly to recoup the gains that were being made towards gender equality..."
Source/publisher:
UN Development Programme and UN Women via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNDP - Burma/Myanmar, UN Women, Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
Format :
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1.51 MB (Original version), 1.36 MB (Reduce version) - 70 pages
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Description:
"On International Women’s Day, the UN in Myanmar reaffirms its solidarity and commitment to the women and girls across Myanmar.
As we mark the occasion of International Women’s Day, the United Nations in Myanmar reiterates its commitment to put women and girls at the centre of its development and humanitarian work in response to the ongoing crises in the country, to ensure that their needs are met, and to support their role and agency in shaping a future path for their country.
The theme for 2022 is “gender equal today for a sustainable tomorrow”, recognizing that gender equality and women's rights are fundamental to global progress on peace and security, human rights, and sustainable development. Throughout history, the women of Myanmar have played a key role in the development of their country. In the past two years, they have both assumed a leading role in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic and been at the forefront calling for a return to democracy and respect of human rights while being disproportionally affected by the compounded crises that the country is going through.
According to the latest humanitarian update from the United Nations in Myanmar, as of 28 February 873,000 people are displaced in Myanmar, including 502,600 people who have fled their homes since 1 February 2021 and 370,400 people from previous conflicts. The majority of IDPs are women and girls. Both the World Bank and International Labour Organization analyses show that the socio-economic impact of the crisis has disproportionally affected women and girls. According to the ILO, 580,000 women were estimated to have lost their employment in just the first six months of 2021.
A recent Study by the UN Development Programme and UN Women reveals that women are bearing the brunt of the impact of COVID-19 and the military takeover with its unprecedented impact on the economy. Women have adopted drastic coping mechanisms to deal with falling incomes and nearly half of women report a significant increase in their unpaid care and domestic work, reducing their chances to earn a livelihood. Women are also reporting increased difficulty in reaching services including maternal health services.
To address this reality, the members of the United Nations Country Team have worked tirelessly with local women civil society organizations and their partners to prioritize the need of women and girls in their response to the crises.
In 2021, the United Nations delivered sexual and reproductive health services for 46,158 women and gender-based violence services for 28,611 women across the country and supported 6,502 maternal emergency referrals, helping women in hard-to-reach and conflict-affected areas to receive essential health care. The UN also delivered food and nutrition assistance including school feeding and resilience building support for about 1.5 million women and girls across the country, reached more than a quarter of a million women and girls with critical water, sanitation and hygiene supplies and provided more than 120,000 conflict-affected women and girls with access to safe water. Together with partners, over 14,000 girls and 3,500 women were also provided with mental health and psychosocial support services, delivered in communities and through child-friendly spaces.
With support from donors, the UN has provided the equivalent of 1.7 million USD in cash transfers to 39,042 vulnerable garment workers, overwhelmingly women. Financial inclusion partners also provided loans totaling more than 498 million USD to 2.4 million clients, 91 per cent of whom were women, in the first half of 2021. In additional 5.2 million USD in loans were disbursed to more than 257,000, 93 per cent women, in conflicted-affected areas.
On International Women’s Day, the UN in Myanmar reaffirms its solidarity with women and girls, and its commitment to stand by their side as they forge the future of their country. We also echo the words of the UN Secretary-General in recognizing the contribution of women and girls, their ideas, innovations, and activism that are changing our world for the better, and their leadership across all walks of life. Without gender equality today, a sustainable future, and an equal future, remains beyond our reach..."
Source/publisher:
UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Women's rights, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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275.8 KB 309.69 KB
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"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council’s urgent debate on the situation of human rights in Ukraine stemming from the Russian aggression, and the adoption of its corresponding resolution.
Myanmar adds its voice to the collective condemnation of the unprovoked acts of war directed against Ukraine and its people. These acts are a flagrant violation of the United Nations (UN) Charter and international law.
The Russian Federation’s escalating attacks on Ukraine – conducted from air, land and sea – have claimed an unknown number of lives and driven hundreds of thousands of civilians into hiding and across borders. Shelling is destroying homes. Airstrikes are targeting critical civilian infrastructure. Armed troops are flooding city streets. Early reports of war crimes are also emerging, including the use of prohibited weapons.
Expansionist aggression has provoked a human rights crisis in the heart of Europe, and its cost will be borne out in civilian lives.
Accordingly, Myanmar supports the resolution – adopted with overwhelming support – including its calls for:
• immediate, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access, including across conflict lines
• the swift and verifiable withdrawal of all Russian Federation troops and Russian-backed armed groups from Ukraine territory; and
• the urgent establishment of an independent international commission of inquiry to investigate all alleged violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law and to support accountability.
The political independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine and the fundamental and democratic rights of its people are protected by international law and must be defended by the international community. To this end, Myanmar also welcomes the General Assembly’s adoption of its resolution entitled ‘Aggression against Ukraine’, which Myanmar cosponsored, as well as the decision of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to open an investigation into the Situation in Ukraine.
In the words of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “we are all diminished by conflict.” Consistent with the UN Charter, every effort must be made to stop the bloodshed.
Myanmar stands in solidarity with the people of Ukraine..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
86.82 KB 307.46 KB
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Description:
"Media release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
The Argentinian judiciary has asked the social media giant Facebook to clarify its role in fuelling the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya people and to share evidence crucial to holding the Myanmar military to account, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) said today.
In an order issued on 24 February, but only recently shared with BROUK, the Federal Court in Buenos Aires requested Facebook to share evidence of anti-Rohingya hate speech on its platform, including from accounts linked to senior Myanmar military officials.
The move is part of the universal jurisdiction case on the Rohingya genocide that was opened in Argentina last year after a petition from BROUK.
“For years, Facebook has put profit before the lives of the Rohingya people. When military forces rampaged through Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, Facebook turned a blind eye to the hatred that was being spewed on its own platform,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK.
“This order by the Argentinian judiciary is a crucial step towards accountability for a genocide that is still going on today. Facebook must come clean about what evidence it has gathered and what steps it has taken to ensure that its platform will never again be used to facilitate some of the worst crimes known to humanity.”
In 2016 and 2017, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) launched vicious operations in Rakhine State which killed thousands of Rohingya women, men and children, and drove close to 800,000 to flee into Bangladesh.
There is much evidence that Facebook, the overwhelmingly most popular social media platform in Myanmar, was used to vilify the Rohingya before, during and after the campaigns. The UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar in 2019 concluded that “Facebook is the leading platform for hate speech in Myanmar” and that the company has a responsibility to tackle its spread.
While Facebook has since taken some positive steps – including strengthening monitoring in Myanmar language and banning military-linked accounts – activists and human rights groups have consistently said that the company’s efforts fall short of what is required.
The Argentinian judiciary now plans to reach out to Facebook to ask for evidence of which accounts and pages have been blocked or deleted since 2016 for spreading anti-Rohingya propaganda. The order further asks which pages belong to specific senior military and civilian officials, including Min Aung Hlaing, the Tatmadaw Commander in Chief and architect of the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021.
Facebook will also be asked to spell out how its own algorithms might have facilitated the spread of hatred against the Rohingya, and what steps the company has taken to prevent the dissemination of hate speech in the future.
The request from the court order will proceed under the treaty signed by the Governments of Argentina and the USA on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters in 1990.
“This order by the Argentinian judiciary is crucial in demonstrating that Facebook must do much more to stem the flow of hatred, not only against Rohingya but against repressed people all over the world,” said Tun Khin.
“Facebook must also be transparent and share what information it has collected about anti-Rohingya propaganda on its platform. Such evidence will be key in holding the Myanmar military to account for its crimes against the people of Myanmar. Only justice can break the cycle of violence in Myanmar, and Facebook must play its part in making this a reality.”
Background
On 13 November 2019, BROUK petitioned Argentinean Courts to open an investigation into the role of Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, such crimes can be investigated anywhere in the world regardless of where they were committed.
On 28 November 2021, the Argentinian judiciary took the historic decision to accept the case and begin the first-ever universal jurisdiction trial anywhere in the world regarding the Rohingya..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Genocide, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
Language:
more
Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS: As of 28 February 2022, the number of people internally displaced in Myanmar since the military takeover in 2021 have crossed the half-million mark, reaching some 503,000, up from 451,000 the previous week. These include 230,800 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in South-East Myanmar – 93,800 in Kayah State, 56,300 in Shan State (South-all towns except Kyethi, Laihka and Mongkaing), 68,900 in Kayin State, 7,500 in Mon State, 3,500 in Tanintharyi Region and 800 in Bago Region and 6,600 in Shan State (North). In addition, there are 171,000 IDPs in Sagaing Region, 42,300 in Magway Region and 33,200 in Chin State.
In the South-East, return movements of internally displaced persons to their areas of origin continue to be reported from Shan State (South) to Kayah State. IDPs have been obliged to return due to the lack of shelter, food, water and winter items in displacement areas. Given the ongoing armed conflict, it is anticipated that returnees might be displaced again. Conflict has intensified in Demoso and Loikaw townships, Kayah State, resulting in civilian casualties and reportedly some 100 properties set on fire. Access and movement restrictions are limiting UNHCR and its partners’ ability to respond to the dire needs of displaced populations, especially for food and healthcare.
In the North-East, armed clashes have displaced some 1,000 people in Mamauk Township, Kachin State.
In the North-West, the security situation remains volatile due to an escalation of armed conflict and increased presence of armed forces. Harvesting and other livelihood activities have been seriously disrupted, leaving IDPs with an urgent need for food, healthcare, and other basic services. Increased displacement was observed in Chin State.
In Rakhine State, the stateless population continues to face restrictions on freedom of movement, impeding their ability to seek medical care and further entrenching their segregation. Similarly, a number of displaced persons in Sittwe and Pauktaw IDP camps continue to suffer from outbreaks of acute water diarrhoea (AWD) due to inadequate access to health facilities. They in turn rely on traditional healers..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Public Health
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
11.14 MB
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Description:
"We, the undersigned 116 Myanmar civil society organizations (CSOs), urgently call for the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) to explore all possible routes to seek accountability for Myanmar through the establishment of a jurisdiction for atrocity crimes mandated by the UN.
We express our disappointment at the resolution of the HRC on 24 March 2021 and Special Session resolution on 12 February 2021, and call for the adoption of a robust resolution on Myanmar during the 49th Regular Session of the Council that reflects the gravity of the crisis Myanmar is facing and focuses on efforts to finally establish a jurisdiction to prosecute international crimes. The UN continues to fail the people of Myanmar by allowing justice and accountability to languish, and in some instances failed to call out impunity entirely, thereby further emboldening the Myanmar military.
For over 15 years, the UN HRC has passed over 20 resolutions on Myanmar, mandating monitoring, documentation and reporting on human rights violations by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Most importantly, in March 2017, the UN HRC created the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (IIFFMM) which found credible evidence of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Myanmar military. Following the findings of the IIFFMM, the UN HRC, in 2019, established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) to collect, consolidate, preserve and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes and violations of international law in Myanmar and prepare files for criminal prosecution. The wealth of information documented and reported by these different mechanisms point to the entrenched impunity of the Myanmar military for grave international crimes. Despite the overwhelming evidence of grave crimes that continue to be committed by the military with complete impunity, none of these mechanisms are mandated to or have jurisdiction to initiate judicial proceedings to hold the military accountable. Unless a full jurisdiction for Myanmar is established, accountability and justice remain distant for victims of the world’s most heinous crimes.
The human rights situation in Myanmar has reached its nadir, in which the military junta routinely commits extrajudicial killings, airstrikes, massacres, sexual and gender-based violence, mass arbitrary arrests, torture in detention and other atrocities against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
In September 2021, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Mr. Tom Andrews, stated that “the junta, in sum, directed its forces to engage in widespread and systematic attacks against the people of Myanmar. There was therefore a compelling case that the military junta was committing crimes against humanity”. Following the massacre of at least 42 people including children and two Save the Children staff members in Karenni State on Christmas Eve, the Security Council issued a statement stating that there is a “need to ensure accountability for this act.”
The HRC must immediately act to seek all possible ways for the UN to establish jurisdiction to prosecute grave crimes in Myanmar. The work of the IIMM must be put to use, perpetrators must be held to account, and end the cycle of impunity. The UN must not continue to respond with a business as usual approach to grave violations of human rights in Myanmar, and take up its responsibility to promote and protect human rights.
It cannot be reiterated enough, that the same military that perpetrated genocide against the Rohingya in 2017 and grave atrocity crimes against ethnic communities for decades, is now committing crimes against humanity and war crimes carte blanche across the country.
To date, the military junta has slain 1,603 people, including at least 100 children – with hundreds more killed in addition to this number as a result of ground attacks and fierce targeted airstrikes. From 1 February 2021 to 25 February 2022, there have been total of 9,441 armed clashes and attacks involving civilians, forcing communities to flee for safety or over the border into India or Thailand. As of end of 31 January, 2022, there are estimated over 811,900 internally displaced people across Myanmar.
In their craven effort to suppress the Spring Revolution, the military junta has arbitrarily arrested 12,534 people, while 9,507 remain in detention, and continue to be subjected to torture, death, starvation, deprivation of healthcare, food and water and sexual and gender-based violence.
The Myanmar people are determined to end the military tyranny and bring the country back to the path towards democracy. For this, the support of the international community and particularly the UN is crucial. Yet, amidst all that has happened during this crisis, the UN has continued to fail to take meaningful actions to halt the military junta’s brutal campaign of terror.
The UN’s engagement in Myanmar remains fraught with systemic failures, continuing a legacy of ineffectuality over the past decades, which came to the fore prominently leading up to and during the Rohingya genocide, all of which were detailed in the Rosenthal Report. Among other conclusions, the report found UN Agencies in Myanmar chose to keep quiet about the genocidal atrocities being committed in Rakhine State, in the hope of maintaining access and continuing their programs. Many issues and recommendations outlined within the Rosenthal Report to this day remain unaddressed by the UN. Thus, it is vital that reporting continues to ensure that concrete actions are taken to address the report’s findings, as the present unfolding crisis in Myanmar is partly borne out by the failures of the UN to swiftly act to hold the Myanmar military to account for its past crimes.
Moreover, with the current crisis continuing to unfold, it is extremely important for the people of Myanmar to have their legitimate representative at the UN. The UN General Assembly deferred its credentials decision on Myanmar, unequivocally rejecting the military junta’s attempt to claim the seat, leaving Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun to continue as Myanmar’s UN representative. The ambassador, appointed by the National Unity Government (NUG), must be allowed to take his rightful seat to represent Myanmar at the UN Human Rights Council. Leaving Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun from representing Myanmar in the 49th Regular Session of the Human Rights Council is not acceptable and would deny the people of Myanmar their legitimate representative.
The UN must fully support the will of the people of Myanmar for a federal democracy, and bring about justice and accountability, and end the impunity of the Myanmar military. The path forward in achieving this must be through the establishment of a jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute international crimes.
Therefore, we call on the Human Rights Council to:
Explore all possible routes to seek accountability for Myanmar through the establishment of a jurisdiction for atrocity crimes mandated by the UN.
Recommend the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution referring the situation in Myanmar to the ICC.
Call on the ICC to accept the declaration lodged by the Myanmar government, the NUG, under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute accepting the Court’s jurisdiction with respect to international crimes committed in Myanmar territory since 1 July 2002.
Support Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, appointed by the NUG whose credential has been retained by the UNGA, to represent Myanmar at the HRC..."
Source/publisher:
116 Myanmar Civil Society Organizations
Date of publication:
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
194.97 KB
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"Please check against delivery
Statement by Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, Permanent Representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar at the Emergency Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on the Situation in Ukraine (New York, 2 March 2022)
Mr. President,
At the outset, we welcome the convening of this emergency special session. We thank the President of General Assembly and the Secretary-General of the United Nations in this regard. This emergency special session is timely, and it would allow all countries, small and big, to raise our voices on the serious situation Ukraine is facing and our concerns in this state of affairs of this universal organ, the United Nations.
Myanmar always adheres to and takes firm position on the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of all countries. Therefore, Myanmar condemns the invasion of Ukraine and unprovoked attacks against the people of Ukraine. These acts are flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and international law. Myanmar calls on to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
We have been following with great concern the situation on the ground in Ukraine. It is regrettable that the situation is further escalating with intensified attacks of the Russian Federation. As a result, many people have been killed, andhundreds of thousands of people left their homes. The people are suffering even in the severe cold weather. We call on immediate cessation of hostilities and attacks on Ukraine.
Myanmar understand and share more than others the suffering that the people of Ukraine are encountering. The people of Myanmar are facing similar suffering resulted from the inhumane acts, atrocities, crimes against humanity committed by the Myanmar military.Due to the military’s excessive use of force and indiscriminate attacks on people as well as their inhumane and brutal acts, many houses, religious facilities, healthcare facilities, schools and farmland have been destroyed, and accordingly hundreds of thousands of people have to leave the respective places and became displaced people in addition to number of people death and injured. The displaced people and victims include people from vulnerable groups such as people with disability, elderly people, women, girls and children.
I wish to commend the neighbouring countries of Ukraine which open their borders and extend warm reception of Ukrainians and other nationals who escaped from the terrifying attacks. We also thank all member states who support Ukraine in every possible ways. I appeal them to continue to do so and do more.
Mr. President,
The UN Charter clearly begins with “We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. I wish to further recall that “We the peoples of the United Nations determined to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security and to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest.”
Excellencies, dear colleagues, it is time for all of us to stand with justice and stand with the principles of the UN Charter.
Myanmar stands in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. In doing so, Myanmar cosponsored the draft resolution and will vote YES.
Justice, freedom and peace must prevail all over the world..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
202203-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Format :
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568.64 KB 832.91 KB
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"သို့
ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ၏ အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများ နှင့် လေ့လာသည့်နိုင်ငံများ
အိတ်ဖွင့်ပေးစာ
ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ ဆိုးရွားလှသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တရားစွဲဆိုနိုင်ရန်အတွက် တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ် တည်ထောင်ရေး နည်းလမ်းများ ရှာဖွေရန်
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၇ ရက်
လေးစားရပါသော ဂုဏ်သရေရှိလူကြီးမင်းများရှင်/ခင်ဗျား
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော ဆိုးရွားလှသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာ အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားစီရင်ရေးတစ်ရပ် တည်ဆောက်ပြီး တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေး ဖြစ်နိုင်သော လမ်းကြောင်းများအားလုံးကို ရှာဖွေရေး ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ (United Nation Human Rights Council – UNHRC) မှ ရှာဖွေဖော်ထုတ်သွားရန် အောက်တွင်လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးထားသော မြန်မာအရပ်ဘက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်း (CSO) ၁၁၆ ဖွဲ့မှ အရေးတကြီး တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။
မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြုလုပ်သည့် အထူးအစည်းအဝေး၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် နှင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် ချမှတ်သည့် UNHRC ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် တို့အပေါ် စိတ်ပျက်ရကြောင်း ဖော်ပြလိုပြီး ယခုပြုလုပ်နေသည့် ၄၉ ကြိမ်မြောက် UNHRC ၏ ပုံမှန်အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ လက်ရှိရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော အကျပ်အတည်း၏ နက်ရှိုင်းမှုကို ထင်ဟပ်သည့် ခိုင်မာသော ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်တစ်ခုကို ချမှတ်ရန်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တရားစွဲဆိုနိုင်မည့် တရားစီရင်ရေးတစ်ရပ် တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှုများအပေါ် အလေးပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် တောင်းဆိုသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂသည် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု မရှိစေခြင်းအားဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဆက်လက်ပျက်ကွက်နေပြီး တချို့ဖြစ်စဥ်များတွင် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် ရနေမှုအပေါ် ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုရန်ပင် လုံးဝပျက်ကွက်နေခဲ့ခြင်းများကြောင့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်ကို ပိုမိုအတင့်ရဲလာစေသည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သည့် ၁၅ နှစ်ကျော်ကာလအတွင်း UNHRC သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် ၂၀ ကျော် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights – OHCHR) နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအခြေအနေဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် (Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar) တို့အား လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို လေ့လာစောင့်ကြည့်ရန်၊ မှတ်တမ်းတင်ရန် နှင့် အစီရင်ခံရန် တို့အတွက် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် အရေးကြီးဆုံး အချက်တစ်ခုမှာ ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ် မတ်လတွင် UNHRC က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လွတ်လပ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာ အချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးမစ်ရှင် (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar – IIFFMM) ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးခဲ့ပြီး ယင်း IIFFMM က မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှု၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ထားသည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ရနိုင်ဖွယ် အထောက်အထားများကို ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။ IIFFMM ၏ တွေ့ရှိချက်များနောက်ပိုင်း ၂၀၁၉ ခုနှစ်တွင် UNHRC သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အဆိုးရွားဆုံးသော နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ ချိုးဖောက်မှုများဆိုင်ရာ အထောက်အထားများကို သိမ်းဆည်းရန်၊ စုစည်းရန်၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းရန်နှင့် ခွဲခြမ်းစိတ်ဖြာသုံးသပ်မှု လုပ်ဆောင်ရန်၊ နှင့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ တရားစွဲဆိုမှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အချက်အလက်များကို ပြင်ဆင်ထားရန် တို့အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လွတ်လပ်သောနိုင်ငံတကာစုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေယန္တရား (Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar – IIMM) ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးခဲ့သည်။ ဤမတူကွဲပြားသော ယန္တရားများမှ မှတ်တမ်းတင် အစီရင်ခံထားသည့် ပြည့်စုံလုံလောက်သော အချက်အလက်များက မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ဆိုးရွားသော နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများသည် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေး အရေးယူခြင်း မခံရဘဲ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရနေမှု အမြစ်တွယ်နေခြင်းကြောင့် ဖြစ်သည်ကို ထောက်ပြနေသည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးအရေးယူခံရမှု ကင်းလွတ်စွာဖြင့် ထိုဆိုးရွားသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း ခိုင်မာသည့်အထောက်အထားများ ရှိနေသော်လည်း ယင်းယန္တရားများကို စစ်တပ်မှ တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံလာစေရေး အရေးယူနိုင်သော တရားဥပဒေကြောင်းဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်သည့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာ သို့မဟုတ် တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့် ပေးထားခြင်း မရှိပေ။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် ပြည့်ဝသော တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ်ကို မတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ပါက ကမ္ဘာပေါ်တွင် အဆိုးရွားဆုံးသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ရင်ဆိုင်ခံစားနေရသည့် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအတွက် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှုနှင့် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိနိုင်ရေးမှာ ဆက်လက်အလှမ်းဝေးနေမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာစစ်အုပ်စုသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဥပဒေမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျား-မအခြေပြု အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ အကျဥ်းထောင်များတွင် ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းနှင့် အခြားသော ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများကို ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးအရေးယူခံရမှု ကင်းလွတ်စွာဖြင့် ပုံမှန်ကျူးလွန်နေသည်ဖြစ်ရာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအခြေအနေသည် အောက်ဆုံးအဆင့်သို့ ရောက်ရှိနေပြီ ဖြစ်သည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးအခြေအနေဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် မစ္စတာတွမ် အင်ဒရူးစ်က “ခြုံငုံပြီး ပြောရမယ်ဆိုရင် စစ်အုပ်စုဟာ သူ့ရဲ့ တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေကို မြန်မာပြည်သူတွေအပေါ် ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နဲ့ စနစ်တကျတိုက်ခိုက်ဖို့ ညွှန်ကြားထားတာ ဖြစ်တယ်။ အဲဒါကြောင့် ဒီဖြစ်ရပ်ဟာ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေနဲ့ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်တဲ့ ရာဇဝတ်မှုတွေကို ကျူးလွန်နေတယ်ဆိုတာ ထင်ရှားတဲ့ ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခု ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ခရစ္စမတ် အကြိုနေ့တွင် ကရင်နီပြည်၌ ကလေးများနှင့် Save The Children အဖွဲ့မှ ဝန်ထမ်းနှစ်ဦး အပါအဝင် အနည်းဆုံး လူ ၄၂ ဦးကို အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု ဖြစ်ပွားပြီးနောက်တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီက “၎င်းအပြုအမူအတွက် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေး သေချာစွာလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် လိုအပ်သည်” ဟု ဖော်ပြထားသည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် တစ်စောင်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
UNHRC အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ ဆိုးရွားသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တရားစွဲဆိုနိုင်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှ တရားစီရင်ရေးတစ်ခု တည်ထောင်နိုင်ရေး ဖြစ်နိုင်သမျှ နည်းလမ်းများ ရှာဖွေပြီး ချက်ချင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်။ IIMM ၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ထားချက်များကို အသုံးပြုရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ကျူးလွန်သူများကို အရေးယူမှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းအားဖြင့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေး အရေးယူခံရမှု ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ကို အဆုံးသတ်ရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ ဆိုးရွားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ယခင်လုပ်နည်းအတိုင်း ချဥ်းကပ်တုံ့ပြန်ခြင်းမျိုး ဆက်မလုပ်ဘဲ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ပေးရမည့် ၎င်း၏တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများကို ဝင်ရောက်လုပ်ဆောင်ရပါမည်။
၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအပေါ် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် တခြားတိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူလူထု အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများအပေါ် ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများကို ဤတစ်ခုတည်းသော စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့သည် ယခုအခါ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ဆန့်ကျင်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများကို နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲ ပြောနေရုံဖြင့် လုံလောက်နိုင်မည် မဟုတ်ပေ။
လက်ရှိအချိန်အထိ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အနည်းဆုံး ကလေး ၁၀၀ ဦးအပါအဝင် လူဦးရေ ၁,၆၀၃ ဦးကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ပြီးသည့်အပြင် မြေပြင်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများနှင့် လေကြောင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် ကြောက်မက်ဖွယ် ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် နောက်ထပ်သော ရာပေါင်းများစွာမှာလည်း ထပ်မံသေဆုံးကြရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလမှ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန္နဝါရီလအထိ လက်နက်ကိုင်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုနှင့် အရပ်သားများအပေါ် တိုက်ခိုက်မှု စုစုပေါင်း ၉,၄၄၁ ကြိမ် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ပြီး အရပ်သားပြည်သူများမှာ ၎င်းတို့၏ လုံခြုံရေးအတွက် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရကာ အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံ သို့မဟုတ် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံ အတွင်းများသို့ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ရမှုများကို ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေသည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန္နဝါရီလ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့အထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် ပြည်တွင်းနေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ရသူ ဦးရေ ၈၁၁,၉၀၀ ကျော်ရှိပြီဟု ခန့်မှန်းသိရှိ ရသည်။
နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအား နှိမ်နှင်းရန် ပြင်းထန်သော ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှုများတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူပေါင်း ၁၂,၅၃၄ ဦးကိုဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ၉,၅၀၇ ဦးတို့မှာ ဆက်လက်ထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်း ခံရကာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု၊ သေဆုံးမှု၊ ငတ်မွတ်မှု၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ငြင်းပယ်မှု၊ အစာရေစာဖြတ်တောက်မှုနှင့် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျား-မအခြေပြု အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ခံစားနေကြရသည်။ ထိုရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် ကျူးလွန်မှုများအားလုံးကို လုပ်ဆောင်နေသော်လည်း အားကောင်းပြီး စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်သည့် ခုခံတော်လှန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုကြောင့် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် နိုင်ငံအပေါ်တွင် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး သို့မဟုတ် နယ်မြေထိန်းချုပ်မှုကို မရနိုင်ဘဲ ဖြစ်နေသည်။
မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံကို ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းပေါ် ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရေးအတွက် လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် စိတ်ပိုင်းဖြတ်ထားကြသည်။ ထိုသို့လုပ်ဆောင်ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် အထူးသဖြင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှုသည် အလွန်ပင်အရေးကြီးသည်။ သို့ရာတွင် ယခုအကျပ်အတည်းအတွင်း ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အရာအားလုံး ရှိနေသည့်တိုင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်လှုပ်ရှားမှုကို ရပ်တန့်ရန် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ဆက်လက်ပျက်ကွက်နေခဲ့သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်လျှင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံမှုများသည် စနစ်ကျသောပျက်ကွက်မှုများ နှင့် ပြည့်နှက်နေပြီး ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအပေါ် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်ရန် ဦးတည်နေချိန်နှင့် ဖြစ်နေသည့်ကာလတွင် ထင်ရှားစွာ မြင်တွေ့ရသော ဆယ်စုနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ ထိရောက်မှုမရှိသည့် အစဉ်အလာ ဆက်လက်ရှိနေမှုကို Rosenthal အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် အသေးစိတ်ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ အခြားသော ကောက်ချက်ချမှုများထဲတွင် တွေ့ရှိရသည့်အချက်တစ်ခုမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအေဂျင်စီများသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ လုပ်ငန်းအစီအစဉ်များ ရှေ့ဆက်လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရေး မျှော်လင့်ချက်ဖြင့် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်တွင် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုမြောက်သော ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှု များအပေါ် နှုတ်ဆိတ်နေရန် ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့ခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ Rosenthal အစီရင်ခံစာထဲတွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော ကိစ္စရပ်များနှင့် အကြံပြုတိုက်တွန်းချက်များကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် ယနေ့တိုင်အောင် ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းသည့် ဆောင်ရွက်မှု မရှိသေးပေ။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏အတိတ်တွင် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများအပေါ် လျင်မြန်စွာ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှု လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့မှုများက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် လက်ရှိဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် အကျပ်အတည်း၏ အကြောင်းရင်း တစ်စိတ်တစ်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်သောကြောင့် အစီရင်ခံစာ၏ တွေ့ရှိချက်များကို ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းရန် လိုအပ်သော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် လိုအပ်ကြောင်းကို ဆက်လက်အစီရင်ခံတင်ပြသွားရန် အလွန်ပင် အရေးကြီးသည်။
ထိုမျှသာမက လက်ရှိအကျပ်အတည်း ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပွားနေခြင်းကြောင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ထားရှိနိုင်ရန်မှာ အလွန်ပင်အရေးကြီးသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေညီလာခံသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကိုယ်စားလှယ် စိစစ်လက်ခံရေး ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကို ရွှေ့ဆိုင်းလိုက်ပြီး မြန်မာစစ်အုပ်စု၏ နေရာရယူရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှုကို ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသား ပယ်ချကာ သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ် ဆက်လက်ထားရှိခဲ့သည်။ သံအမတ်ကြီးကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (National Unity Government – NUG) က ခန့်အပ်ထားခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ၎င်း၏ တရားဝင်ရပိုင်ခွင့်ဖြစ်သော UNHRC တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကိုယ်စားပြုခွင့် ပေးရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ UNHRC ၏ လက်ရှိ ၄၉ ကြိမ်မြောက် အစည်းအဝေးတွင် ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအား ကိုယ်စားပြုရေးကို ဖယ်ချန်ထားခြင်းမှာ လက်ခံနိုင်စရာမရှိဘဲ ယင်းမှာ မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကို ငြင်းပယ်လိုက်ရာရောက်သည်။
ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ သဘောထားဆန္ဒ၊ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် နှင့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးအရေးယူခံရမှု ကင်းလွတ်နေခြင်းကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန် တို့အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှ အပြည့်အဝ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီရမည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ရာ မိမိတို့သည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီအား အောက်ပါအချက်များကို တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာ အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားစီရင်ရေးကို တည်ထောင်ခြင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန် ဖြစ်နိုင်ခြေရှိသော လမ်းကြောင်းများအားလုံးကို ရှာဖွေရန်၊
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အခြေအနေကို ICC သို့ လွှဲပြောင်းနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီမှ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်တစ်ခု ချမှတ်ရေး အကြံပြုတိုက်တွန်းရန်၊
၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံပိုင်နက်အတွင်း ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ICC တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာကို လက်ခံခြင်းအားဖြင့် ရောမသဘောတူစာချုပ် အပိုဒ် ၁၂(၃) အရ မြန်မာအစိုးရဖြစ်သော NUG မှ တင်သွင်းသည့် ကြေညာစာတမ်းကို လက်ခံရေး ICC အား တောင်းဆိုရန်၊
ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံမှ ဆက်လက်အတည်ပြုထားသော NUG မှ ခန့်အပ်ထားသည့် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းကို လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကိုယ်စားပြုနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ပံ့ပိုးပေးရန်။..."
Source/publisher:
116 Myanmar Civil Society Organizations
Date of publication:
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Military History, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
278.79 KB
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Description:
"ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ကျူးကျော်မှုဆိုင်ရာ (၁၁) ကြိမ်မြောက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ အရေးပေါ်အထူးအစည်းအဝေး၌ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် စစ်တပ်၏ လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသည့် အလားတူဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့်အတွက် ယူကရိန်းပြည်သူများ ကြုံတွေ့နေရသောဒုက္ခများကို တခြားသူများထက် ပိုမိုနားလည်မျှဝေခံစားနိုင်ပြီး ယူကရိန်းပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ခိုင်မာစွာရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိကာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအပေါ်ကျူးကျော်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အဆိုမူကြမ်းအား ပူးတွဲအဆိုရှင်အဖြစ်ပါဝင်၍ ထောက်ခံမဲပေးခဲ့ (နယူးယောက်မြို့၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၂ ရက်)
၁။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၂ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင်ပြုလုပ်သော ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၏ ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ကျူးကျော်မှုအရေးပေါ်အခြေအနေဆိုင်ရာ အထူးအစည်းအဝေးသို့ တက်ရောက်၍ မိန့်ခွန်းပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ မိန့်ခွန်းတွင် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါအဓိကအချက်များ ပါဝင်ပါသည်-
(က) ဤအရေးပေါ်အထူးအစည်းအဝေးခေါ်ယူခြင်းကို ကြိုဆိုပါကြောင်းနှင့် အစည်းအဝေးခေါ်ယူခြင်းနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံသဘာပတိနဲ့ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်တို့ကို ကျေးဇူးတင် ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ ယခုအထူးအစည်းအဝေးသည် အချိန်နှင့် တစ်ပြေးညီဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ယူကရိန်းရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော ဆိုးရွားသည့်အခြေအနေများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ နိုင်ငံကြီး၊ ငယ်မဆို နိုင်ငံအားလုံး မိမိတို့၏ အသံနှင့် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မှုများကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားခွင့်ရမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း၊
(ခ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် နိုင်ငံတိုင်း၏ နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးရေး၊ လွတ်လပ်ရေးနှင့် အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာတို့အပေါ် အမြဲတမ်းခိုင်မာစွာ ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံကို ကျူးကျော်ဝင်ရောက်ပြီး ယူကရိန်း ပြည်သူများအပေါ် တရားမျှတမှုမရှိသော တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ရှုတ်ချပါကြောင်း၊ ယင်းလုပ်ရပ်များသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို သိသာထင်ရှားစွာ ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံ၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ၊ လွတ်လပ်ရေးနှင့် ပိုင်နက်နယ်မြေကို လေးစားရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အနေဖြင့် တောင်းဆိုပါကြောင်း၊
(ဂ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ယူကရိန်း၏ မြေပြင်အခြေအနေများအပေါ် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်ခြင်းကြီးစွာဖြင့် စောင့်ကြည့်လျက်ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ ရုရှားဖက်ဒရေးရှင်း၏ ပြင်းထန်သောတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အခြေအနေ များ ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာနေခြင်းသည် ဝမ်းနည်းစရာပင်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ဤတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် လူအများအပြား သေဆုံးကာ သိန်းနှင့်ချီသော လူအများအပြားသည် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးသွားကြရသည့်အတွက် အအေး လွန်ကဲသော ရာသီဥတုတွင် လူအများဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြပါကြောင်း၊ ယူကရိန်းအပေါ် စစ်မက်ပြုတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ချက်ချင်းရပ်တံ့ရန် တောင်းဆိုပါကြောင်း၊
(ဃ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ် အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသည့် အလားတူဆိုးရွားသော ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့်အတွက် ယူကရိန်းပြည်သူများ ကြုံတွေ့နေရသောဒုက္ခများကို တခြားသူများထက် ပိုမို နားလည်မျှဝေခံစားနိုင်ပါကြောင်း၊
(င) မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အင်အားအလွန်အကျွံသုံးစွဲ၍ ခွဲခြားဖိနှိပ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများအပြင် လူမဆန်စွာရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် နေအိမ်များ၊ ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု အဆောက်အအုံများ၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများနှင့် လယ်ယာမြေများ ပျက်စီးခဲ့ပြီး သိန်းနှင့်ချီသော ပြည်သူများသည် မိမိတို့နေရပ်များမှ စွန့်ခွာခဲ့ရသည့်အတွက် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်ခဲ့ရကြောင်း၊ လူပေါင်းများစွာ သေဆုံးဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ပါကြောင်း၊ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ဆုံးရှုံးနစ်နာသူများတွင် မသန်စွမ်းသူများ၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ မိန်းကလေးများနှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များကဲ့သို့သော ထိခိုက်လွယ် သောအုပ်စုများ ပါဝင်ပါကြောင်း၊
(စ) တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများမှ လွတ်မြောက်အောင် ထွက်ပြေးလာကြသည့် ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံသားများနှင့် အခြားနိုင်ငံသားများအား နယ်စပ်များဖွင့်ပြီး နွေးထွေးစွာလက်ခံပေးသော ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံ၏ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံ များကို ချီးကျူးလိုပါကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် ယူကရိန်းကို တတ်နိုင်သမျှ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ပံ့ပိုးပေးသော အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံ များအားလုံးကိုလည်း ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ ယခုထက်ပို၍ ဆက်လက်ပံ့ပိုးပေးရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံ ပါကြောင်း၊
(ဆ) ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းကို အစချီရာတွင် “ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများ၏ ပြည်သူများဖြစ်သည့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် မျိုးဆက်သစ်အဆက်ဆက်ကို စစ်ဘေးဒဏ်မှ ကယ်တင်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်သည်” ဟူသော စာသားဖြင့် ရှင်းလင်းတိကျစွာ စတင်ခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း၊ “ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများ၏ ပြည်သူများ ဖြစ်သည့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် နိုင်ငံတကာငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးကို ထိန်းသိမ်းရန်အတွက် မိမိတို့အင်အားကို ပေါင်းစည်းရန်၊ အခြေခံသဘောတရားများကို လက်ခံရင်း၊ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများခိုင်မာအောင် ဆောင်ရွက် ရင်း လက်နက်ကိုင်အင်အားကို အသုံးမပြုရေး၊ ဘုံအကျိုးစီးပွားကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်သည်” ဆိုသည့်အချက်ကို ထပ်လောင်းသတိရစေလိုပါကြောင်း၊
(ဇ) ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အားလုံးသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်အခြေခံမူများနှင့်အညီ ရပ်တည်ရန်၊ တရားမျှတမှုဘက် ရပ်တည်ရန်အချိန် ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း၊
(ဈ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ယူကရိန်းပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ခိုင်မာစွာရပ်တည်ပါကြောင်း၊ ထို့ကြောင့် ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ကျူးကျော်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အဆိုမူကြမ်းတွင် ပူးတွဲအဆိုရှင်အဖြစ်ပါဝင်၍ ထောက်ခံမဲ ပေးမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း၊
(ည) ကမ္ဘာ့တစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် တရားမျှတမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးရှိရမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း။
၃။ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့် မိန့်ခွန်းအပြည့်အစုံ (အင်္ဂလိပ်ဘာသာ) အား ပူးတွဲဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ကျူးကျော်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အဆိုမူကြမ်းကို ထောက်ခံမဲ (၁၄၁) မဲ၊ ကန့်ကွက်မဲ (၅) မဲ၊ ကြားနေမဲ (၃၅) မဲ ဖြင့် ၂-၃-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ အရေးပေါ်အထူးအစည်းအဝေး၌ အတည်ပြုခဲ့ပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံပေါင်း (၁၀၀) နီးပါးက ပူးတွဲအဆိုရှင်အဖြစ် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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pdf
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Description:
"As the Russian invasion of Ukraine dominates the headlines, the deteriorating situation in neighbouring Myanmar that has been dragging on for over a year must not be forgotten. In fact, there are still major issues that need reporting, such as the movement of refugees and regional efforts to secure peace.
Mainstream media coverage of the Ukraine-Russia issue has highlighted the importance of upholding democratic principles as well as solving the problem of refugees. The public is being bombarded by news and images of destroyed buildings, troops deploying and Ukrainian civilians arming themselves to defend their country.
Every day, we hear harrowing tales about the plight of the Ukrainian people in the face of Russian aggression. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky through his savvy PR campaign has become the face of resistance against Russian President Vladimir Putin's military might, resulting in support from the United States and its European allies.
The coverage of Ukraine's conflict has been so thorough that even some people in Thailand are considering joining the fight in eastern Europe.
Recently, the government in Kyiv opened a military legion for foreign nationals to join the resistance, but it is unclear whether the Thais will fight Russian troops in Ukraine. However, the message of resistance has resonated among people in other countries. According to Kyodo, 70 Japanese nationals answered Ukraine's call to use arms against the Russian invaders.
Amid this shift in global news coverage, we must not forget about the atrocities perpetrated in our neighbourhood. As the crisis in Myanmar passed the one-year milestone, resistance towards the junta snowballed into guerrilla warfare involving civilians joining militia groups to fight the junta.
The actions of the junta have driven about 300,000 from Myanmar, with hundreds of civilians arrested, beaten, tortured, or killed by the authorities, according to the United Nations. On top of that, the UN projects that up to 25 million people of the country's more than 55 million population will fall into poverty this year.
One must surely understand that in a conflict between two sides, both parties must sit at the table for talks. Yet the Myanmar military sternly insists that it is the only legitimate governing body in Myanmar, denying access to Aung San Suu Kyi and her officials, who are sitting in detention on trumped-up election fraud charges and convictions no one believes to be true.
Myanmar's military leaders are adamant about staying in power, claiming that ousting Suu Kyi's civilian-led government was the correct response to alleged fraud in her landslide general election victory at the end of 2020.
The junta claims that new elections will be held at some point after the situation "stabilises".
For two years, bringing the junta to the table for peace talks hasn't been easy -- officials have been blocking regional efforts to stop the violence and find a resolution to the political conflict.
The junta has agreed to Asean's Five-Point Consensus peace plan "in principle" but its actions clearly show it moving in the opposite direction. Requests by Asean envoys to meet Suu Kyi were met with the cold shoulder. The junta is trying to delegitimise Suu Kyi's civilian government.
The junta even fought over who gets to represent Myanmar in the Rohingya genocide hearings at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, where Suu Kyi personally defended Myanmar's generals when the case opened in December 2019.
Now she is on house arrest and her officials are in disarray, with the world unsure of whether she will ever lead Myanmar again or whether democracy will return.
Asean has its work cut out, and more news outlets should pay attention. Regional leaders are now taking the lead to ensure the junta in Myanmar follows through on the promise it made in April to fulfil the bloc's Five-Point Consensus peace plan.
Cambodia has a chance to help return democracy to Myanmar, with Foreign Affairs Minister Prak Sokhonn's three-day visit on March 20.
Prak Sokhonn is expected to try to inch closer to finding a solution. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen previously visited Myanmar but that was considered more a mere icebreaker than an attempt to make solid progress.
The people of Myanmar need the world's attention as well as humanitarian help more than ever.
The media, mainstream or otherwise, must continue to be the eyes and ears on the ground and ensure that the plight of the Myanmar citizenry is not buried beneath other major world headlines.
After all, who will keep leaders in check if the world is looking away?..."
Source/publisher:
"Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-03-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"In 2021, the ICRC in Bangladesh continued its humanitarian response.
Working closely with the Bangladesh Red Crescent Society (BDRCS), we conducted regular visits to places of detention while engaging in continuous and confidential dialogue with the detention authorities; helped reconnect people who have lost contact with their family; provided assistance for the people with disabilities; supported vulnerable people and communities in Cox's Bazar (CXB) and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT).
In CXB, we maintained our support to the health structures, including the district's main hospital facility – the Sadar Hospital, dedicated to both host communities and displaced people from Rakhine. Moreover, in CHT we continued livelihood-support projects for communities in need, while also maintaining and upgrading public infrastructure to help the communities benefit from clean water and better hygienic conditions.
As our regular activities, we sought to promote knowledge and respect for international humanitarian law (IHL) among authorities, armed and security forces, academia, religious circles, and other key stakeholders in the country.
Here is a snapshot of our humanitarian response in Bangladesh in 2021.
77,208 Detainees in 68 prisons benefited from a programme to prevent and control the spread of COVID-19
119 Missing people traced and put in contact with their families as part of the Restoring Family Links programme
112 Health workers and first responders benefited from training sessions enabling them to manage stress
3,613 People with disabilities fitted with prostheses and orthoses and provided with physiotherapy services and/or assistive devices
4,000 Displaced people from Rakhine assisted with food and essential household items on a monthly basis..."
Source/publisher:
International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
2.96 MB 410.11 KB
more
Description:
"Jennifer Leigh, Alexander Blum, Agnes Petty, Andrea Woods, Parveen Parmar & Chris Beyrer
Conflict and Health volume 16, Article number: 9 (2022)
Abstract
Background
Documenting perpetrators of human rights violations enables effective prosecution and can help prevent future atrocities. Doing so calls for collecting reliable data using verifiable and transparent methodology. We present methods used to document crimes and identify alleged perpetrators implicated in the 2017 attacks against Rohingya civilians in Myanmar. The findings and lessons-learned have relevance to contemporary crises with widespread atrocities.
Methods
A mixed-methods assessment conducted from May to July 2018 included: (1) cross-sectional quantitative surveys among leaders of affected hamlets in northern Rakhine State, (2) qualitative interviews to record hamlet-level accounts, and (3) clinical evaluations of survivors of violence. Survey respondents who reported violence and destruction in each hamlet were asked to identify perpetrators of those acts, including known role or affiliation. The reported names were reviewed for clarity and divergent spellings, repeated references were aggregated, and the names and roles were analyzed and classified by location and affiliation.
Results
143 individuals were implicated in atrocities committed across three Northern Rakhine townships. Each was independently identified by at least three separate survey respondents as directly committing violence or destruction in their hamlet of origin, or as witnessed while fleeing to Bangladesh. Two-thirds (69%) of identified perpetrators were reported by four or more participants and 47% by five or more. Some form of additional identifying information, was provided for 85% of names. The most common affiliations were: Myanmar army (n = 40), Border Guard Police (n = 32), Village Tract Administrators (n = 17), and extremists (n = 25).
Conclusions
The methodology presented here yielded a unique record of individuals purported to have directly committed acts of violence and destruction in Rakhine State in August 2017, forming the most extensive record of individuals implicated in ground-level perpetration of those crimes. This methodology can play a key role in accountability mechanisms for the Rohingya, and in other settings in which perpetrators are many and documentation of their crimes is difficult. The use of survey methods and standardized data collection amongst affected populations to comprehensively characterize crimes committed and to identify individuals implicated in those crimes can serve as a key tool in documentation and an important component of accountability..."
Source/publisher:
BioMed Central (London) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-03-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
953.78 KB
more
Description:
"Following the decision by Apple to remove RT and Sputnik apps from all countries except Russia, Burma Campaign UK today repeated its call to Apple to remove apps by the Burmese military-owned company Mytel.
Mytel is a mobile phone network which is a joint venture between the Burmese military and Vietnamese military. It is highly profitable for the Burmese military.
The United Nations has repeatedly reported on the role Burmese military owned companies play in funding the Burmese military and the violations of international law committed by the Burmese military. The UN Fact-Finding Mission report on the economic interests of the Burmese military is available here.
The Burmese military is facing charges of genocide at the International Court of Justice and being investigated for crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.
Apple hosts seven apps from Mytel and refuses to remove them. The apps are a critical part of Mytel’s marketing strategy to attract customers and increase profits.
Alphabet/Google and Huawei also host Mytel apps.
Since 2019, Apple has been on the Burma Campaign UK ‘Dirty List’ of companies linked to the Burmese military. Apple has not responded to correspondence.
“Apple need to explain why they think propaganda by the Putin regime is unacceptable, but at the same time think it is acceptable for Apple to help the Burmese military fund genocide,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Just like Putin, the Burmese military use Russian jets and Russian bombs in airstrikes against civilian targets. By hosting Mytel apps, Apple are in a business relationship with a military which has committed genocide and rapes children. Apple must stop helping the Burmese military make money and remove all Mytel apps. No form of business relationship with the Burmese military is acceptable...”
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-03-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"On Sunday, 27 February 2022, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court ("ICC" or "the Court"), Mr Karim A. A. Khan QC, concluded a five-day visit to Dhaka and Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh. This represented the first visit by the Prosecutor of the Court to Bangladesh.
During the visit, Prosecutor Khan emphasised that the investigation being conducted by his Office into crimes within the Court's jurisdiction allegedly committed against the Rohingya from Myanmar would be a priority during his tenure. He confirmed to all stakeholders that he had allocated additional resources to the investigative team and was seeking to accelerate the collection and analysis of evidence, which had previously been impacted by the COVID-19 global pandemic.
Prosecutor Khan delivered this message directly to survivors and affected communities during his visit to Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, home to hundreds of thousands of members of the Rohingya community who have fled violence in Myanmar. In meetings with Rohingya women and youth activists, Prosecutor Khan discussed how his Office can further empower them to contribute to the investigation. During a meeting with local Imams and other religious leaders, the Prosecutor also addressed ways that Rohingya leaders can support victims of sexual and gender-based violence to come forward with their accounts in the context of the Office's ongoing investigations.
"We are here to work with you to build the foundations of justice. The road to accountability will not be simple, but it is a goal we can only achieve by working together, as a partnership between us", stated the Prosecutor.
During the course of the visit, Prosecutor Khan also held several productive meetings with officials of the Government of Bangladesh, and engaged with diplomatic corps and representatives of civil society organisations in Dhaka. Meetings were held with their Excellencies, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina; Minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, Mr Anisul Huq; State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Abdul Momen; Foreign Secretary, Mr Masud Bin Momen, and Secretary for Maritime Affairs, Rear Admiral (retd.) Khurshed Alam.
In his meeting with the Prime Minister, the Prosecutor recognised the crucial role that Bangladesh had played in providing refuge to the Rohingya as they fled Myanmar in 2017. "That decision represented a moment of true empathy and courage. It also demonstrated the understanding among the Bangladeshi people of the impact of atrocity crimes, based on their own lived experience. This approach of courageous solidarity continues to be reflected in the assistance provided by Bangladesh to our work in pursuit of justice for the Rohingya community", stated the Prosecutor.
The Prosecutor expressed his sincere appreciation to the authorities of Bangladesh for facilitating his visit. He also expressed his gratitude to the non-governmental organisations and United Nations partners that had supported his direct engagement with survivors and affected communities in Cox's Bazar.
The Prosecutor held a press conference in Dhaka at the conclusion of his mission to Bangladesh, fielding questions from local and international media present. During the press conference, the Prosecutor announced his intention to undertake additional visits to Bangladesh in order to further support and advance the work of his Office in relation to this investigation.
The Prosecutor had the following message at the conclusion of his visit:
"I am profoundly grateful for the generosity and support shown to me by the Bangladeshi people and the Rohingya community during this visit. As I stated to survivors in Cox's Bazar: We are here to serve you and help deliver justice. I am leaving here confident that with the renewed focus of my Office on this investigation, combined with the strengthened partnerships we have developed with survivors and national actors, we can now enter a phase of accelerated action. It is my hope and expectation that this will ultimately lead to those that may be responsible for atrocity crimes committed against the Rohingya community being held accountable in accordance with the law."
Background:
In November 2019, ICC Judges granted the former Prosecutor Bensouda's request to open a full investigation into alleged crimes within the ICC's jurisdiction in the Situation in Bangladesh/Myanmar (read her statement following the Judges' authorisation to proceed with an investigationby clicking here).
The Prosecutor may investigate any crimes which fall within the ICC's jurisdiction - and which were committed at least in part on the territory of Bangladesh (or any other State Party or State formally accepting the jurisdiction of the ICC), insofar as the crimes are sufficiently linked to the situation, and irrespective of the nationality of the perpetrators. In this context, the investigation may cover alleged crimes committed since 1 June 2010, the date of entry into force of the Rome Statute for Bangladesh (or from the date of entry into force of the Rome Statute for any other relevant State Party), and includes any future crimes, as long as they are sufficiently linked to the situation..."
Source/publisher:
International Criminal Court
Date of publication:
2022-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Criminal Court, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK has today added 28 more companies to the ‘Dirty List’ of companies which are linked to the Burmese military, human rights violations, or environmental destruction in Burma. The additions mean there are now 116 companies on the list.
The list is available here: https://burmacampaign.org.uk/take-action/dirty-list/
“Even genocide and a military coup has not been enough to persuade these companies to cut their links to the Burmese military,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK.
New companies added include Japanese companies such an KDDI Corporation, Daiwa House, and the Japan Bank for Overseas Co-operation for their involvement in projects on military-owned land.
Two more American tech companies have been added, Sectigo/Sitelock, and OnlineNIC, for hosting or providing services to Burmese military websites. They join Alphabet/Google and Apple, which host apps for military companies.
Telegram, the messaging service, has also been added for hosting military channels and allowing hate speech and doxing.
Companies added come from 12 countries, 8 from Japan, 8 from Vietnam, 3 from USA, and one each from Russia, Singapore, Hong Kong, India, China, Canada, UAE, Turkey and Thailand.
All companies were written to in advance of being placed on the list, to give them the opportunity to correct any incorrect or out of date information and to end their involvement and avoid being placed on the list.
The new edition of the ‘Dirty List’ was first published in 2018 and has been regularly updated since then. Many companies have cut their links to the Burmese military or projects linked to human rights violations to avoid being placed on the list or after being placed on it. Companies removed from the list include EDF, Maersk, Evergreen, Western Union and Infosys.
“The Burmese military has committed genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, doing any form of business with them is completely unacceptable,” said Mark Farmaner. “The Dirty List exposes the role companies all over the world are playing in helping to finance the military and supply it with arms..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"THE HAGUE, 28 February 2022. The public hearings on the preliminary objections raised by
Myanmar in the case concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment
of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar) were concluded today. The Court will now
begin its deliberation.
During the hearings, which opened on Monday 21 February 2022 at the Peace Palace, the seat
of the Court, the delegation of Myanmar was led by H.E. Mr. Ko Ko Hlaing, Union Minister for
International Cooperation of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as Agent. The delegation of
The Gambia was led by H.E. Mr. Dawda Jallow, Attorney General and Minister of Justice, as Agent.
The Court’s decision on the preliminary objections will be delivered at a public sitting, the
date of which will be announced in due course.
___________
Submissions of the Parties
At the end of the hearings, the Agents of the Parties presented the following submissions to
the Court:
For Myanmar:
“For the reasons given in Myanmar’s written preliminary objections and in its
oral arguments at the hearing of the preliminary objections, and for any other reasons
the Court might deem appropriate, Myanmar respectfully requests the Court to adjudge
and declare:
1. that the Court lacks jurisdiction to hear the case brought by The Gambia against
Myanmar; and/or
2. that The Gambia’s Application is inadmissible.”
For The Gambia:
“In accordance with Article 60 of the Rules of Court, for the reasons explained
in our Written Observations of 20 April 2021 and during these hearings, the Republic
of The Gambia respectfully asks the Court to:
(a) Reject the Preliminary Objections presented by the Republic of the Union of
Myanmar;
(b) Hold that it has jurisdiction to hear the claims presented by The Gambia as set out
in its Application and Memorial, and that those claims are admissible; and
(c) Proceed to hear those claims on the merits.”
History of the proceedings
The history of the proceedings can be found in press releases Nos. 2019/47, 2019/49, 2019/54,
2020/3, 2020/4, 2020/14 and 2022/1, available on the Court’s website (www.icj-cij.org).
Note: The Court’s press releases are prepared by its Registry for information purposes only
and do not constitute official documents. The complete verbatim records of the hearings held from
21 to 28 February will be published on the Court’s website.
___________
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations.
It was established by the United Nations Charter in June 1945 and began its activities in April 1946.
The Court is composed of 15 judges elected for a nine-year term by the General Assembly and the
Security Council of the United Nations. The seat of the Court is at the Peace Palace in The Hague
(Netherlands). The Court has a twofold role: first, to settle, in accordance with international law,
through judgments which have binding force and are without appeal for the parties concerned, legal
disputes submitted to it by States; and, second, to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred
to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and agencies of the system..."
Source/publisher:
International Court of Justice ( The Hague, Netherlands)
Date of publication:
2022-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Genocide, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
209.11 KB 207.32 KB
more
Description:
"MONTHLY HIGHLIGHTS:
● 234 diaspora, CBOs/CSOs, & nonprofit
organizations urged President Biden to
implement a coordinated response against
the Burmese junta on the Feb 1st coup
anniversary.
● 247 CSOs rejected UN Special Envoy Dr.
Noeleen Heyzer’s proposal that those
defying the military must negotiate
power-sharing as a solution.
● Kirin Holdings announced withdrawal
from joint venture with Burmese junta.
● Burmese junta’s approved transfer of
Telenor sale to Lebanon’s M1 Group and
junta-backed Shwe Byain Phyu - putting
18 million civilians’ data at risk.
● Opening of public hearings for the
Rohingya genocide case at the ICJ began
on Monday, February 21st.
● On February 21st, the EU enacted a fourth
round of sanctions targeting 22 individuals
and 4 entities, including MOGE....RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Impose immediate targeted sanctions on the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and the
Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank;
2. Provide immediate cross-border assistance directly to local civil society organizations,
particularly those working in ethnic areas and conflict zones;
3. Recognize and engage with the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate
government of Burma instead of the illegal military junta;
4. Exert all possible pressure through every available means, including multilateral, regional
and bilateral engagement, to ensure that the military allows humanitarian assistance in the
impacted areas, immediately stops offensives throughout the country, and unconditionally
releases all arbitrarily detained protesters and political prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
US Campaign for Burma
Date of publication:
2022-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.57 MB
more
Description:
"Braving the junta’s brutal crackdowns, democracy activists in Myanmar staged protests over the weekend to show solidarity with the people of Ukraine as they attempt to repel the ongoing invasion of their country by Russia.
Dozens of young protesters holding pro-democracy banners and Ukrainian flags held flash-mob protests in Myanmar’s commercial hub Yangon, as well as in Dawei in Tanintharyi Region in the country’s deep south and Kachin State in the north on Sunday, as their civilian counterparts in Ukraine grabbed automatic rifles to push back the invading Russians.
Myanmar has been under a military dictatorship since February last year. Since then the whole country has been resisting the regime by all means at their disposal, from peaceful protest to armed struggle. So far, more than 1,500 civilians have been killed by the regime.
Until May last year, Ukraine had links with the Myanmar military, with arms exports and technology transfers. Despite this, the Russian invasion of the second-largest country in Europe last week has enraged Myanmar democracy activists, who feel a connection with Ukraine’s civilians as they take up arms to defend their land.
On the surface, Sunday’s protests in Myanmar were a denunciation of military bullying and an offer of encouragement from one group of civilians who have been fighting for freedom and democracy to another. Beyond the moral support, however, Myanmar and Ukraine have a common enemy. To the Ukrainians, Russian President Vladimir Putin is their invader. To the Myanmar people, Russia is a close ally of the Myanmar regime, supplying it with military hardware, among other kinds of support.
Raising a three-finger salute, Raymond, a member of the Democracy Movement Strike Committee (Dawei), said Myanmar’s anti-regime movement, known as the Spring Revolution, felt solidarity with the oppressed people of Ukraine.
“We are inspired by Ukraine’s war in defense of democracy. Like them, the Myanmar Spring Revolution will continue to fight for our freedom until we win,” he said in a video. Behind him a group of young activists held placards reading “Glory to Ukraine” and “Putin Must Fail.”
He said if Putin won in Ukraine, it would give a boost to the military regime in Myanmar and to the enemies of democracy everywhere.
“The world is a scary place right now. But we’re all in this together, and when people unite we can accomplish anything. Slava Ukraini! Democracy must prevail!” he said.
In Yangon, a more challenging environment for protesters, given the regime’s brutal crackdowns in the city, a group of young activists staged a flash mob protest, shouting anti-regime slogans and waving placards bearing slogans like “In Solidarity with Ukraine.” Fortunately, the protest was uninterrupted and protesters successfully dispersed.
In Kachin State in Myanmar’s north, more than a dozen ethnic Kachin young people held a rally to show their support for Ukraine. Some rally participants painted their faces in the Ukrainian flag while others held placards reading “Save Ukraine” and “Stop War.”
Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government said on Friday that it condemned the Russian war against Ukraine and its people, adding “Myanmar stands in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.”
While Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been globally condemned, the Myanmar regime has taken a different approach.
In an apparent attempt to show its gratitude to Russia for its support, the regime said Russia was acting to maintain its sovereignty and praised Moscow for what it called its role in balancing global power..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"Serbia has continued to supply arms to the Myanmar military since the coup, despite the fact that those weapons are being used to attack and kill civilians, including children.
Tom Andrews, the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, identified Serbia, along with China and Russia, as UN member states that are continuing to sell arms to the junta in a report issued on Tuesday.
On the same day, the independent rights group Myanmar Witness also issued its own report revealing that air-launched rockets were exported by Serbia to Myanmar after the February 1, 2021 coup.
Serbia and the Myanmar military have a close relationship that goes back decades to when Serbia was part of the former Yugoslavia. A Serbian delegation reportedly visited Myanmar in January 2022 to discuss sales of artillery to the junta.
The Myanmar Witness report said that a Belarussian plane carrying some 1,644 80mm aerial rockets from Serbia landed at Yangon Airport at 6.30pm on February 9 last year, eight days after the junta’s coup. The rights group also revealed that the rockets were exported officially by Serbian arms manufacturer Jugoimport-SDPR, which was granted an export license by Serbia’s Ministry of Trade, Tourism and Communication.
Images from social media appear to show crates of rockets being unloaded from the plane at Yangon Airport on February 10, 2021.
80mm aerial rockets are used by the Myanmar military’s Russian-made Yak-130 fighter jets and Mi-24/35 attack helicopters, which have been involved in numerous airstrikes against civilian targets, especially in Sagaing Region and Kayah, Karen and Chin states, where armed resistance to the junta is strongest.
On Wednesday afternoon two civilians were killed when junta jets bombed villages in Kayah State’s Demoso Township.
“Serbia’s transfers of these arms likely breach Serbia’s Geneva Convention obligations and may also violate Serbia’s responsibility under customary international law given the virtual certainty that rockets of the sort Serbia has authorized would be used against civilians and the prominent role that rockets have played in Myanmar’s attacks on civilians,” said Tom Andrews in the UN report.
Last June, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution calling on member states to stop the flow of arms to the junta.
However, the UN report identified China and Russia – both permanent members of the UN Security Council – as having supplied fighter jets and armored vehicles to the regime since the coup. Serbia has supplied artillery shells, as well as aerial rockets.
Andrews urged weapons exporting nations to suspend immediately all arms sales to the junta, and called for the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution banning the transfer of arms that the regime is using to attack and kill civilians.
“It should be incontrovertible that weapons used to kill civilians should no longer be transferred to Myanmar. These transfers truly shock the conscience,” Andrews said. “Stopping the junta’s atrocity crimes begins with blocking their access to weapons. The more the world delays, the more innocent people, including children, will die in Myanmar.”
The London-based rights group Burma Campaign UK condemned the Serbian government for its sales of rockets being used to target civilians.
“By supplying arms to the Burmese military, Serbia is complicit in violations of international law,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The Serbian government knows that the weapons it supplies to the Burmese military are used against civilians, with children and babies being injured and killed.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Myanmar and the investigative organisation Myanmar Witness have both published evidence this week exposing arms sales to the Burmese military since the military coup last year.
This follows a Briefing paper from Burma Campaign UK last month detailing the decades long relationship between the Burmese military and Serbia.
“By supplying arms to the Burmese military, Serbia is complicit in violations of international law,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The Serbian government knows that the weapons it supplies to the Burmese military are used against civilians, with children and babies being injured and killed.”
Tom Andrews, The UN Special Rapporteur, stated in a new report, Enabling Atrocities: UN Member States’ Arms Transfers to the Myanmar Military:
“The Special Rapporteur has learned through credible sources that throughout at least 2020 and even after the coup, the Serbian Government has granted arms export licenses to Serbian arms manufacturers to sell thousands of rockets (57mm and 80mm) and artillery shells (105mm, 122mm, and 155mm) to the Myanmar military. Specifically, since the coup, Serbia authorized export licenses for multiple shipments of rockets and artillery in February 2021, March 2021, April 2021 and June 2021. Credible information indicates that at least one shipment of 80mm rockets was transferred to the Myanmar military on 9 February 2021. The 80mm rockets are used in the Yak-130 trainer/fighter jets and Mi-24/35 attack helicopters that are actively bombing civilians in Myanmar, while large calibre artillery shells of the sort Serbia has authorized have killed numerous civilians.”
The report is available here.
Tom Andrews states that:
“Arms transfers to the Myanmar military after 2018 were done with the full knowledge that they would likely be used in attacks against civilians. As such, Member States had an obligation under international humanitarian law, customary international law, and the Arms Trade Treaty to prevent arms transfers from their respective jurisdictions to Myanmar…”
“Serbia’s transfers of these arms likely breach Serbia’s Geneva Convention obligations and may also violate Serbia’s responsibility under customary international law given the virtual certainty that rockets of the sort Serbia has authorized would be used against civilians and the prominent role that rockets have played in Myanmar’s attacks on civilians.”
Myanmar Witness, with the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) and the Center for Investigative Journalism of Serbia (CINS), have also published a new investigation confirming the export of missiles to the Burmese military since the attempted military coup in 2021. The report is available here.
They stated that they have:
“…identified information indicating that Serbian-manufactured air-launched rockets were exported from Serbia to Myanmar, using a Belarussian airline, after the military coup of 1 February 2021.”
“Official documentation from the Serbian Ministry of Trade, Tourism and Communication, flight tracking data, and analysis of social media footage shows that two batches of unguided aerial rockets are likely to have been flown by Belarussian air company Rada Airlines from Serbia’s Nikola Tesla Airport in Belgrade to Myanmar’s Yangon Airport on 9 February 2021.”
Serbia, which is supposed to be aligning itself with European Union foreign policy, including an arms embargo on Burma, is ignoring its obligations and violating international law.
“The government of Serbia appears to be saying one thing and doing another,” said Anna Roberts. “Serbia must now unequivocally state that it is imposing an arms embargo and make public details of equipment it had been supplying to the Burmese military.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar condemns the unprovoked acts of war directed against Ukraine and its people. These acts are a flagrant violation of the United Nations (UN) Charter and international law.
The terrifying, escalating attacks on Ukraine – conducted from air, land and sea – have already claimed an unknown number of lives and driven tens of thousands of civilians from their homes.
Myanmar calls on to respect the territorial integrity, independence, and sovereignty of Ukraine. Current situation in Ukraine is a violation of the United Nations Charter and international law and is not a good example in the 21st century. Moreover, it will be a major obstacle to the maintenance of international peace, security, and human development.
Myanmar stands in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.
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ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်းသည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
၂၅ရက်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၂၀၂၂
============
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ယူကရိန်းနှင့် ၎င်း၏ပြည်သူ များအပေါ် ဆင်နွှဲလာသည့် စစ်ပွဲကို ရှုတ်ချသည်။ ယင်းလုပ်ရပ်များသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ထင်ရှားစွာ ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ကြောက်မက်ဖွယ်ရာ ပြင်းထန်သော တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများသည် လေကြောင်း၊ ကုန်းမြေနှင့် ရေကြောင်းတို့မှ လုပ်ဆောင်နေပြီး အဆိုပါ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးမှုများ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ပြီး ထောင်နှင့်ချီသော အရပ်သားများကို ၎င်းတို့၏ နေအိမ်များမှ စွန့်ခွာစေခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။
ယူကရိန်း၏ နယ်နမိတ်တည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာတို့ကို လေးစားရန် မြန်မာက တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ အချုပ်အခြာပိုင် နိုင်ငံတခု ကိုကျူးကျော်ခြင်းသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပဋိညာဥ်ပါ ပြဌာန်းချက်များကို ချိုးဖေါက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး (၂၁) ရာစု ကမ္ဘာ အတွက် ကောင်းမွန်သည့် နမူနာ တရပ်မဟုတ်ပါ။ ထို့အပြင် ကမ္ဘာငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ၊ လုံခြုံရေး နှင့် လူသားဖွံ့ဖြိုး တိုးတက်မှုကို ကြီးစွာသော အဟန့်အတားဖြစ်စေမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ယူကရိန်းပြည်သူများနှင့် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာ ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-25
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"Myanmar's military deployed ground troops and launched air and artillery strikes against rebel forces in the country's east, witnesses, local media and an aid group said on Thursday, prompting thousands of people to flee.
Bombardments were carried out for a second day in Nan Mei Khon village in Kayah, a state bordering Thailand where soldiers have met months of resistance from the Karenni National Defence Force (KNDF), one of several militia groups that is challenging the junta's rule.
Myanmar's military council could not immediately be reached for comment on Thursday, and state media outlets have not mentioned the fighting.
The Free Burma Rangers, a relief organization operating in the area, shared footage from a day earlier of houses ablaze in the village with the sound of artillery exploding nearby.
"Bombing again today on 24 February 2022. Also mortar attacks and infantry assault in this area. Thousands fleeing again," the group's founder, David Eubank, said in a text message.
Eubank said two people were killed and three were wounded on Wednesday. The Myanmar Now news site reported three were killed in another village attacked by a jet on Wednesday.
A KNDF representative was unable to confirm reports of casualties but said heavy fighting had taken place since Wednesday. Reuters was unable to independently verify the information.
The military ruled Myanmar for five decades until 2011 but is struggling to consolidate power this time as it faces protests in cities, armed conflict on several fronts and sanctions imposed to isolate generals who overthrew a democratically elected government last year.
At least 90,000 people have since been displaced by fighting in Kayah state, according to the United Nations humanitarian agency, which estimates 441,000 people have fled unrest in Myanmar since the coup.
Human rights groups have accused the military of using disproportionate force in civilian areas. The military says it is fighting "terrorists."
A rescue worker, who declined to be identified for safety reasons, told Reuters that heavy bombardment was complicating efforts to move civilians to relief camps.
"Thousands of people are stuck," the rescue worker said.
"We weren't able to get them out of the area yet... They are attacking the people by air, by land and also with heavy weapons."..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Freedom in the World 2022 finds that autocracy is making gains against democracy and encouraging more leaders to abandon the democratic path to security and prosperity, with countries that suffered democratic declines over the past year outnumbering those that improved by more than two to one.
Authoritarians in every region are working together to consolidate power and accelerate their attacks on democracy and human rights, according to Freedom in the World 2022: The Global Expansion of Authoritarian Rule. Political rights and civil liberties have declined worldwide for each of the past 16 years, raising the prospect that autocracy could overtake democracy as the governance model guiding international standards of behavior.
Checks on abuse of power and human rights violations have eroded within nations and international organizations alike, dealing a serious blow to democracy’s foundations and reputation. Authoritarian regimes in China, Russia, and elsewhere have gained greater power in the international system, and freer countries have seen their established democratic norms challenged and fractured. The military coup in Myanmar and the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan ended fragile experiments in elected civilian rule and led to the steepest country declines for the year, with a dramatic 19-point drop in Myanmar’s score on the report’s 100-point scale, and a similarly alarming 17-point loss for Afghanistan.
A total of 60 countries suffered declines in political rights and civil liberties over the past year, while only 25 improved. Fewer countries experienced net improvements in 2021 than in any other year since the current period of global democratic decline began. As of today, some 38 percent of the world’s people live in countries rated Not Free, the highest proportion since 1997. Only two in 10 people live in Free countries.
“Democracy is in real danger all over the globe,” said Michael J. Abramowitz, president of Freedom House. “Authoritarians are becoming bolder, while democracies are back on their heels. Democratic governments must rally to counter authoritarian abuses and support the brave human rights defenders fighting for freedom around the world. At the same time, democracies should also be looking inward to strengthen their own institutions and prevent homegrown efforts to undermine the separation of powers and the integrity of elections, which are both indispensable to democracy."..."
Source/publisher:
Freedom House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2022-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"About UNHCR
Since 1950, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, has led international action to protect people forced to flee because of violence, persecution, war or disaster at home. Our work is entirely humanitarian and non-political, guided by the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence.
UNHCR’s primary purpose is to safeguard the rights and wellbeing of people who have been forced to flee. Together with partners and communities, we work to ensure that everybody has the right to seek asylum and find safe refuge in another country. UNHCR also protects and assists internally displaced people (IDPs) as well stateless persons. These groups are collectively known as our persons of concern.
In more than seven decades of existence, the organization has helped tens of millions of people globally restart their lives. In Myanmar, UNHCR has been present since 1993 and maintains an operational presence of over 200 staff at 10 locations nationwide. Today, we care for the needs of over 1.2 million persons of concern in Chin, Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Mon, Rakhine and Shan states as well as Bago, Magway, Sagaing and Tanintharyi regions.
By collaborating closely with partners such as sister UN agencies, international and local NGOs as well as local communities, UNHCR plays a key role in the provision of life-saving interventions, particularly in the areas of assistance coordination, services to mitigate protection risks and delivery of emergency relief in the form of non-food items such as shelter, blankets and household goods.
We also advocate for the fundamental human rights of persons of concern and host communities, and work towards sustainable solutions that ensure people have a safe place to call home and build a better future in cohesive and resilient communities..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
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1.62 MB 1.52 MB
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Sub-title:
Governments, UN Should Do More to End Abuses, Ensure Protection, Provide Assistance
Description:
"Older people are often at heightened risk of abuses during armed conflict, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. All parties to armed conflict should end abuses against older people and facilitate humanitarian assistance to older people in need. The United Nations Security Council should ensure that the UN addresses the need for enhanced protection of older civilians in armed conflict in its work.
The 49-page report, “No One Is Spared: Abuses against Older People in Armed Conflict,” describes patterns of abuses documented by Human Rights Watch between 2013 and 2021 against older people affected by armed conflicts in Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Mali, Mozambique, Nagorno-Karabakh, Niger, South Sudan, Syria, and Ukraine. The report also draws on the serious protracted violence in two English-speaking regions of Cameroon, Myanmar security force atrocities against older ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, and the experiences of older refugees in Lebanon displaced by conflict in Syria.
“Older people face serious abuses, including summary execution, rape, and abduction, during conflicts,” said Bridget Sleap, senior researcher on the rights of older people at Human Rights Watch. “There is an urgent need for governments and the UN to recognize the specific risks and assistance needs of older people and act to protect them.”
Government forces and non-state armed groups have attacked and committed serious abuses against older civilians in conflicts around the world, including unlawful killing, summary executions, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and other ill-treatment, rape, abduction and kidnapping, and destroyed their homes and property. Older civilians have been killed and injured by small arms, heavy weapons, explosive weapons with wide area effects, and chemical and other banned weapons. Older people are often at heightened risk when they are unable or chose not to flee attacks.
In Burkina Faso and Mali, armed Islamist groups, government forces, and ethnic militias have killed numerous older people, including prominent elders. On January 27, 2022, the Malian army executed two men in their 80s and 12 others in the village of Touna, Mali, in apparent retaliation for the death of two soldiers whose vehicle drove over an improvised explosive device.
In South Sudan, a rape survivor in her late 50s said that during government operations against rebel forces in February 2019, a soldier made her carry looted property, beat her with a gun, and raped her repeatedly.
Between December 2016 and April 2017, Syrian government warplanes carried out four aerial attacks with apparent nerve agents, a group of chemicals that includes sarin. Older people were among those who reportedly died in the attacks from chemical exposure.
During hostilities, in many instances older people with limited mobility or other disabilities did not have support from others to flee when fighting neared and had to remain behind. In 2017, Rohingya who were forced out of Myanmar described security forces pushing older people who could not flee back into burning houses. "I saw them push my husband's uncle into the fire. I saw them push him back into the burning house,” one woman said. “He is weak, maybe 80 years [old].... I think they wanted everyone to leave and those that could not leave they put into the fire.”
Other older people chose not to flee their homes because they wanted to protect their property. During the conflict in 2020 over Nagorno-Karabakh, the ethnic-Armenian majority enclave in Azerbaijan, most younger civilians fled. Those remaining, with few exceptions, were older people. An older woman and her husband, Arega and Eduard, both in their 70s, remained in their village to protect their property. In October, Azerbaijani soldiers found the couple at home and aggressively detained them, holding them initially in abandoned houses without food and water, then taking them to a detention facility in Azerbaijan’s capital, Baku. Officials denied Arega medication for her high blood pressure. Eduard died in detention. When Arega viewed his body shortly after his death, she described his face as black and blue.
Displaced older people can also face abuse and barriers to obtaining humanitarian assistance. In South Sudan in 2017, a 70-year-old man who was blind said aid was inaccessible on the island to which he was displaced. “Some organizations have registered older people, but I never got registered because they did not come to this particular island,” he said. “There’s no health clinic either on the island. To get medical assistance, I must travel to another island or to the mainland.”
International humanitarian law, the laws of war, recognizes the protection of older civilians during armed conflict. It requires to the extent feasible the safe removal of older civilians, among others, from the vicinity of military targets, and the provision of suitable accommodations for detained civilians on the basis of age among other factors. Older people are also protected at all times by applicable international human rights law.
“UN agencies, peacekeeping missions, and humanitarian actors should ensure that all protection and assistance activities are inclusive of older people and their specific needs,” Sleap said. “Older people, with their unique protection needs, should no longer be invisible victims of armed conflict..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-02-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Rights of people with disabilities, Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar
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Size:
1.86 MB 1.13 MB
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Description:
"Following the military-led "clearance operation" that forced 750,000 Rohingya to flee neighbouring Bangladesh, the West African nation of Gambia brought a case to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in November 2019 accusing Myanmar of violating the 1948 Genocide Convention.
In response to the court's unanimously indicated and legally binding provisional measures to protect the Rohingya from further atrocities, Myanmar's then-civilian government filed a preliminary objection to the jurisdiction of the court and the admissibility of the application in January 2021.
On Monday, the ICJ started a fresh round of hearings in the Great Hall of Justice. In the hearing, which will wrap up at the end of this month, the regime's leaders are contesting the Rohingya case. This has sparked speculation that the court is implicitly taking a position in the ongoing civil war and legitimising the unrecognised military regime. It is worth noting that the junta-formed State Administrative Council (SAC) and the National Unity Government (NUG) have been struggling for recognition from the international community since the coup d'état in February 2021.
On the first day of the hearing, Myanmar's junta was set to replace Aung San Suu Kyi, who had previously represented Myanmar's arguments at the ICJ since the case was first handled in December 2019. It is reported by Myanmar state's media that the junta has appointed new delegation led by Ko Ko Hlaing, the international cooperation minister, and Thida Oo, its attorney general, who would attend the hearing virtually. Both have faced US sanctions in relation to the coup.
When UN investigators concluded the military's crimes against Rohingya Muslims in 2017 had "genocidal intent", both the civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the military denied the accusation. In 2019, Ms Suu Kyi personally attended hearings to defend the military against genocide and crimes against humanity charges. However, the army's takeover has put an end to Myanmar's "quasi-democratic process", preventing her from representing the country at the ICJ, the UN's top judicial body. Meanwhile, the military administration has organised a new legal team led by its foreign minister, U Wunna Maung Lwin, to handle the genocide case.
Yet, acknowledging such representation by the illegitimate military regime under the United Nations (UN) system would contradict the mandate of the UN. The General Assembly's stance taken in December 2021 firmly rejected the junta's credentials, leaving U Kyaw Moe Tun (aligned with the NUG) as Myanmar's incumbent permanent representative to the international body. This is because it would imply the ICJ has acknowledged the Tatmadaw as the rightful representatives of Myanmar, despite the fact that no UN member state, UN agency, or other international organisation has formally recognised the junta government. Though the ICJ has no jurisdiction to decide who lawfully represents Myanmar, UN General Assembly Resolution 396 (V) (1950) specifies that the decision of the Credentials Committee should be taken into consideration by other UN bodies when deciding on member state representation.
Again, the court cannot disregard the UN resolution passed in June 2021 that condemned the coup in the "strongest terms" and demanded a fully inclusive civilian government.
Whoever represents Myanmar must represent its people. However, following the junta's atrocities in the ethnic states of Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Shan and Kayin since the coup, the people of Myanmar have clearly rejected the regime, which could be charged with "crimes against humanity" by the International Criminal Court (ICC). So, allowing the Tatmadaw, which is responsible for overthrowing civilian governments, would thus undermine the UN charter and call the court's role in promoting the rule of law into question. According to a recent statement issued by the NUG, the court risks setting a "dangerous precedent" that would be detrimental to Myanmar and its people, including the Rohingya.
It is understandable that the junta will leverage the hearings to gain substantial de jure recognition as the legitimate government of Myanmar within other UN bodies and beyond. As a result, the moral and strategic positions of international state actors to deny the junta's recognition-seeking will be weakened to some extent. Similarly, it would send a terrible message to the civil society groups that are demanding the restoration of democracy and human rights in Myanmar. In a joint letter to the ICJ's president, Legal Action Worldwide (LAW), along with Fortify Rights and the Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP), argued that the court's acceptance of the junta to represent the country "would risk legitimising the junta's unlawful seizure of power". Importantly, in a letter, 807 Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar camp urged the president of the ICJ to reconsider any act that could give legitimacy to the junta and move forward with substantive hearings on the case.
The junta's representation in the legal proceedings could further complicate the implementation of the ICJ ruling. The regime, however, lacks effective control over the administration of the Arakan state's key functions like taxation, revenue collection, and territorial stability. The Arakan Army (an anti-junta ethnic armed organisation based in Arakan) claims to control 60% of the Rakhine state administration and collects household revenue from both the Rohingya and the rest of the population.
The ICJ should also note the junta's failure to uphold the "provisional measures of protection". In a flagrant violation of the ICJ's decisions, new evidence revealed in an order issued by the junta-run General Administration Department of Buthidaung Township in Rakhine State demonstrates the draconian denials of freedom of movement, preventing the Rohingya from accessing jobs, health care, and other aspects of basic survival. The NUG, on the other hand, has proposed two sustainable solutions. The first is agreeing to grant full citizenship rights to all Rohingya, and the second is formally withdrawing all preliminary objections in the case by admitting past atrocities committed against them.
However, it is unlikely that the NUG's or junta's representation in the ICJ has any direct practical ramifications in the court proceedings. Because defining the legal authority of Myanmar is not the subject of the Gambia vs Myanmar case. So, whoever represents Myanmar, the ICJ should proceed on substantive grounds that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and/or genocide have occurred in Rakhine..."
Source/publisher:
Bangkok Post (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-02-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Genocide, Human Rights and international relations
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"Myanmar: UN expert urges Security Council resolution to stop weapons fueling spike in military attacks on civilians
New report reveals weapons transfers to military junta by UN Member States
GENEVA (22 February 2022) – The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, issued a report to the UN Human Rights Council today that identifies States, including two permanent members of the Security Council, who have supplied weapons used against civilians since Myanmar’s military coup.
The independent expert appealed to weapons exporting nations to immediately suspend their weapons sales and urged the convening of an emergency Security Council session to debate and vote on a resolution to, at minimum, ban those arms transfers that the Myanmar military are known to use to attack and kill Myanmar civilians.
“It should be incontrovertible that weapons used to kill civilians should no longer be transferred to Myanmar. These transfers truly shock the conscience,” Andrews said. “Stopping the junta’s atrocity crimes begins with blocking their access to weapons. The more the world delays, the more innocent people, including children, will die in Myanmar.”
The Special Rapporteur identified China, Russia and Serbia as Member States who have, since the coup, been supplying the junta with weapons of the sort that are being used to attack civilians.
“The people of Myanmar are imploring the UN to act,” he said. “They deserve an up-or-down vote on a Security Council resolution that will stop the sale of weapons being used to kill them. Too many families are finding themselves in the cross-hairs of weapons of war that Member States are supplying. This must end.”
The report, titled Enabling Atrocities: UN Member States’ Arms Transfers to the Myanmar Military, also names States who have authorized the transfer of weapons since 2018 when Myanmar military atrocity crimes against the Rohingya ethnic minority were widely documented and a UN Fact Finding Mission called for an immediate arms embargo. It includes the types and, where known, the amounts of weapons that have been transferred to the Myanmar military.
“Despite the evidence of the military junta’s atrocity crimes being committed with impunity since launching a coup last year, UN Security Council members Russia and China continue to provide the Myanmar military junta with numerous fighter jets, armored vehicles, and in the case of Russia, the promise of further arms. During this same period, Serbia has authorized rockets and artillery for export to the Myanmar military.
Last June the General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for Member States to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar. “This was welcomed by the people of Myanmar, civil society organizations, and international human rights advocacy groups,” Andrews said. “The failure of the resolution to have any discernable impact on the crisis and the capacity of the junta to launch attacks on civilians, however, has led to anger and despair.
“It is imperative that Member States and the Security Council act urgently to stop weapons sales to the military junta. Human lives, and Security Council credibility, are on the line.
“While not a single member of the Security Council voted against the General Assembly resolution, the Security Council has not considered, let alone voted, on a resolution that could make the resolution binding on Member States.
“I appeal to Member States of the UN Security Council who are appalled by the killing of Myanmar civilians to put forward a resolution to stop it. Transparency matters. The Security Council should consider, at the very least, a resolution to ban weapons that are being used by the Myanmar military to kill innocent people.”
The report also calls for coordinated action by Member States to cut the junta’s access to revenue, just as the people of Myanmar are doing through widespread boycotts on goods linked to the military.
“Without legitimacy and against broad opposition among the people of Myanmar, the military junta operates as if it is a hostile military power. Military force is therefore its only means of attempting to exert control,” Andrews said.
“While perceived by junta leaders as a strength, this large military is also a vulnerability as it requires significant resources to equip and sustain. If the revenues necessary to maintain such a military are reduced, the junta’s capacity to assault and terrorize the people of Myanmar will diminish.”
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.54 MB (Original version), 1.18 MB (Reduce version) - 39 pages
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Description:
"INTRODUCTION: Member States of the United Nations endorsed gender mainstreaming as the global strategy for gender equality and women’s rights and empowerment at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in September 1995 and called for its implementation in all areas of development. In the 25-plus years since the Beijing Conference (Beijing +25),
Member States of the United Nations have consistently reaffirmed the importance of the strategy and have noted the need for accelerated implementation of the gender mainstreaming strategy. Most notably, the transformative potential of gender mainstreaming was reaffirmed in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development with its call for accelerated implementation. This was complemented by an explicit acknowledgement by Member States that sustainable development cannot be achieved in any area without gender equality and women’s rights and empowerment.
There were great expectations for the potential of gender mainstreaming to achieve the goals of gender equality and women’s rights and empowerment when the strategy was globally endorsed at the Beijing Conference. This new strategy was perceived as a way to move beyond the earlier, fragmented “women in development” project-based approach towards a deeper and more sustained impact on development policy and practice. Since Beijing, assessments of the status of implementation indicate that some progress has indeed been made. There have been significant efforts to implement gender mainstreaming in many sectors and policy areas by Member States and organizations at national, regional, and global levels. And there have been notable improvements in promoting and protecting the rights of women and girls, in facilitating their empowerment and attaining substantive equality between women and men.
This Handbook on Gender Mainstreaming for Gender Equality Results has been developed with the aim to encourage and support more systematic and effective mainstreaming implementation for the achievement of gender equality and women’s empowerment throughout the United Nations system and within all sectors. It is intended for use by practitioners, policymakers, gender focal points and technical managers with varying levels of awareness and knowledge of gender mainstreaming. It is also a resource for gender specialists and advisors, who play a critical role in guiding and mainstreaming for gender equality results. By consolidating knowledge on gender mainstreaming and by identifying promising practices and positive trends to strengthen its implementation, this publication can provide a powerful incentive to build on the gains that have been made in the Beijing+25 period..."
Source/publisher:
UN Women (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.7 MB (Original version) - 101 pages
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Description:
"This case study summarises an analysis conducted by Save the Children, UK using the Dioptra tool to assess the cost-efficiency of Psychosocial Support in Myanmar. The analysis revealed that:
Psychosocial Support (PSS) in Myanmar cost between €14 to €54 per child reached. Delivering PSS through volunteers at mobile CFS is more cost-efficient than through fixed CFS, suggesting that it can be scaled up to address immediate needs.
Leveraging on community volunteers and reutilising existing training materials may reduce costs and enhance efficiency.
One-time infrastructure costs at fixed CFS are required to address children’s multidimensional needs, but such costs are expected to decrease in subsequent years..."
Source/publisher:
Save the Children (London)
Date of publication:
2022-02-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
455.55 KB
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Sub-title:
New report reveals weapons transfers to military junta by UN Member States
Description:
"The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, issued a report to the UN Human Rights Council today that identifies States, including two permanent members of the Security Council, who have supplied weapons used against civilians since Myanmar’s military coup.
The independent expert appealed to weapons exporting nations to immediately suspend their weapons sales and urged the convening of an emergency Security Council session to debate and vote on a resolution to, at minimum, ban those arms transfers that the Myanmar military are known to use to attack and kill Myanmar civilians.
“It should be incontrovertible that weapons used to kill civilians should no longer be transferred to Myanmar. These transfers truly shock the conscience,” Andrews said. “Stopping the junta’s atrocity crimes begins with blocking their access to weapons. The more the world delays, the more innocent people, including children, will die in Myanmar.”
The Special Rapporteur identified China, Russia and Serbia as Member States who have, since the coup, been supplying the junta with weapons of the sort that are being used to attack civilians.
“The people of Myanmar are imploring the UN to act,” he said. “They deserve an up-or-down vote on a Security Council resolution that will stop the sale of weapons being used to kill them. Too many families are finding themselves in the cross-hairs of weapons of war that Member States are supplying. This must end.”
The report, titled Enabling Atrocities: UN Member States’ Arms Transfers to the Myanmar Military, also names States who have authorized the transfer of weapons since 2018 when Myanmar military atrocity crimes against the Rohingya ethnic minority were widely documented and a UN Fact Finding Mission called for an immediate arms embargo. It includes the types and, where known, the amounts of weapons that have been transferred to the Myanmar military.
“Despite the evidence of the military junta’s atrocity crimes being committed with impunity since launching a coup last year, UN Security Council members Russia and China continue to provide the Myanmar military junta with numerous fighter jets, armored vehicles, and in the case of Russia, the promise of further arms. During this same period, Serbia has authorized rockets and artillery for export to the Myanmar military.
Last June the General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for Member States to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar. “This was welcomed by the people of Myanmar, civil society organizations, and international human rights advocacy groups,” Andrews said. “The failure of the resolution to have any discernable impact on the crisis and the capacity of the junta to launch attacks on civilians, however, has led to anger and despair.
“It is imperative that Member States and the Security Council act urgently to stop weapons sales to the military junta. Human lives, and Security Council credibility, are on the line.
“While not a single member of the Security Council voted against the General Assembly resolution, the Security Council has not considered, let alone voted, on a resolution that could make the resolution binding on Member States.
“I appeal to Member States of the UN Security Council who are appalled by the killing of Myanmar civilians to put forward a resolution to stop it. Transparency matters. The Security Council should consider, at the very least, a resolution to ban weapons that are being used by the Myanmar military to kill innocent people.”
The report also calls for coordinated action by Member States to cut the junta’s access to revenue, just as the people of Myanmar are doing through widespread boycotts on goods linked to the military.
“Without legitimacy and against broad opposition among the people of Myanmar, the military junta operates as if it is a hostile military power. Military force is therefore its only means of attempting to exert control,” Andrews said.
“While perceived by junta leaders as a strength, this large military is also a vulnerability as it requires significant resources to equip and sustain. If the revenues necessary to maintain such a military are reduced, the junta’s capacity to assault and terrorize the people of Myanmar will diminish.”
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-02-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"၁။ နိုင်ငံတကာပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံး (International Criminal Court - ICC) နှင့် မတူဘဲ ICJ သည်
ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ အဓိက တရားစီရင်ရေး ယန္တရားဖြစ်သည်။1 နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ ပင်မဖြစ်သော ကုလသမဂ္ဂ
၏ ပဋိညာဉ်2 ကို လေးစားလိုက်နာဖော်ဆောင်ရန်တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ယနေ့ကြားနာစစ်ဆေးမှုတွင်ICJ သည်
ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ အထွေထွေညီလာခံ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး အစ
ရှိသည့် အခြားယန္တရားများနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ရပ်တည်သွားခဲ့သည်။ တရားရုံးတိုင်း၏ အရင်းခံတာဝန်သည်
အမှန်တရားကို ဖော်ထုတ်ပြီးတရားမျှတမှု ကို ရှာဖွေရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယနေ့စစ်ဆေးမှုတွင် ICJ သည်
နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ စံချိန်စံညွန်း3 ကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြုရာရောက်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေအပေါ် အများ
ယုံကြည်နိုင်မှု4 ကိုထိခိုက်စေသည်။ ယင်းကိုကန့်ကွက်ပါသည်။
၂။ ယခင်ကြားနာမှုတွင်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကိုကိုယ်စားပြု၍ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်
တက်ရောက်ရင်ဆိုင်ဖြေရှင်းခဲ့ကြောင်း နှင့်သူမသည်ယခု မတရားချုပ်နှောင်တရားစွဲဆိုခံနေရကြောင်း ICJ
အသိဖြစ်သည်။ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည် ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့သည့် NLD အစိုးရနေရာတွင် တာဝန်ယူလာသည့်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကလည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကိုယ်စားပြုကာ မှုခင်းကို ရင်ဆိုင်ဖြေရှင်းသွားရန်
အသင့်ရှိကြောင်း တရားရုံးကို ဆက်သွယ်အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ယင်းအခြေအနေနှစ်ရပ်အကြား
မှပင် ICJ သည်စစ်ကောင်စီကို လျို့ဝှက်ဆက်သွယ်ကာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကိုယ်စားအမှုကို ရင်ဆိုင်ဖြေရှင်းရန်
ခွင့်ပြုခဲ့သည်။ စင်စစ်အားဖြင့်ယနေ့မှုခင်းစစခြင်းမှာပင်အထက်ပါအခြေအနေနှစ်ရပ်အား အဘယ်ကြောင့်
မျက်ကွယ်ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း တရားရုံးသည် နည်းလမ်းတကျ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ချပေးရန် တာဝန်ရှိ
သည်။ ယင်းသို့မဆောင်ရွက်ဘဲ ဘာမှ မဖြစ်သကဲ့သို့ပုံမှန်သဘောမျိုးဖြင့် မှုခင်းကို ကြားနာသွားခြင်းမှာ
တရားရုံး၏ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းနှင့်လည်း ဆန့်ကျင်သည်။5
1 The principal judicial organ of the UN 2 The Charter of the UN 3 The peremptory norms of general international law or Jus Cogens and Erga Omnes obligations 4 The credibility of international law
5 Rules of the Court 1978
Article 31: In every case submitted to the Court, the President shall ascertain the views of the parties with regard
to questions of procedure. For this purpose he shall summon the agents of the parties to meet him as soon as
possible after their appointment, and whenever necessary thereafter.
Article 61(2): The Court may, during the hearing, put questions to the agents, counsel and advocates, and may
ask them for explanations.
၃။ ယနေ့ကြားနာမှုတခုလုံးတွင်စစ်ကောင်စီကိုကိုယ်စားပြုကာ Mr. Christopher Staker ဦးဆောင်သည့်
ရှေ့နေအဖွဲ့က ဂမ်ဘီယာသည် OIC ၏ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ်6 သာစွဲဆိုခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊
ထိခိုက်နစ်နာသည့်နိုင်ငံ7 မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုကိုဆန့်ကျင်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံတကာစာချုပ်
အပိုဒ် ၈ ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကချွင်းချက်ပြုထားကြောင်း၊ ဂမ်ဘီယာက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တရားမစွဲခင်ပေးပို့
သောစာမှာလည်း လိုအပ်ချက်များရှိနေကြောင်း အစရှိသည်တို့ဖြင့် လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းအရ ချို့
ယွင်းချက်များ8 ရှိနေကြောင်းဖြင့် ထောက်ပြကာ ICJ တွင်စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်မရှိကြောင်း တင်သွင်းသွားခဲ့သည်။
ICJ က အဆိုပါတင်သွင်းမှုများကိုလက်ခံကာ ဂမ်ဘီယာ၏ စွဲဆိုမှုကိုပယ်ချလိုက်လျင်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဘက်က
နိုင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဘက်က နိုင်သွားခြင်းမှာ စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ခြင်းသာ ဖြစ်ပါမည်။ စင်စစ်
အားဖြင့်စစ်ကောင်စီရှေ့နေများ၏ ကန့်ကွက်ချက်အများစုအပေါ် ICJ က ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ချပေးပြီးဖြစ်သည်။9
၄။ တရားစီရင်မှုတိုင်းတွင်နှစ်ပိုင်းရှိပါသည်။ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းအရ တရားမျှတမှုကို ရှာဖွေခြင်း10 နှင့်
အနှစ်သာရအရ တရားမျှတမှုရှာဖွေခြင်း11 တို့ဖြစ်သည်။ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းအရ တရားမျှတမှုကို ရှာဖွေခြင်း
သည်အနှစ်သာရအရတရားမျှတမှုရှာဖွေခြင်း ကို ပံ့ပိုးရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဖျက်ဆီးရန်မဟုတ်။ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်း
အားနည်းချက်များကို ထောက်ကါ စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်မရှိဟု ICJ က ဆုံးဖြတ်ပြီး မှုခင်းကို ပယ်ချလိုက်ပါက
အနှစ်သာရအရ တရားမျှတမှုရှာဖွေခြင်းကို ဖျက်ဆီးလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါမည်။ တိုင်းပြည်၏ကိုယ်စားလှယ်
ဖြစ်သော ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည် ဖမ်းဆီးခံနေရမှုကို လျစ်လျူရှုခြင်း၊ NUG ၏ ကိုယ်စားပြုခွင့်ကို
ငြင်းဆိုလိုက်ခြင်းတို့မှာ တရားရုံးသည်စစ်ကောင်စီဘက်က လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်း ချိုးဖောက်မှုများအား အား
ပေးသည့် သဘောသက်ရောက်နေသည်။ ယင်းကို ဂမ်ဘီယာဘက်က ပြန်လည်ထောက်ပြကန့်ကွက်ပါမူ
တရားရုံးဘက်က ပြင်ဆင်ကောင်းပြင်ဆင်နိုင်ဘွယ်ရှိသည်။ ၂၃ ရက်နေ့တွင်စောင့်ကြည့်ရပါမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Aid Network
Date of publication:
2022-02-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Genocide, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
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Size:
568.62 KB
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Description:
"This Real-Time Report is part of the Diaspora Emergency Action & Coordination Initiative (DEMAC) "Research study on diaspora humanitarian response and engagement".
The Real-Time Report investigates from November 2021 - January 2022 how Myanmar diaspora organizations engage with the current crisis in Myanmar, how they mobilize funding, what their advocacies are and who they partner or coordinate with on the ground to support the people most in need of humanitarian assistance.
DEMAC, together with external consultants, undertook an initial rapid review to map the structures and activities of 30 diaspora organizations involved in the response. Semi-structured interviews with 21 people representing diaspora organizations, international humanitarian organizations and people affected by the crisis were conducted. Social media posts from the Facebook accounts of 30 diaspora organizations were also monitored over a six-week period.
The Myanmar Context
In February 2021, the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, seized power through brutally repressing the population, resulting in a “deep human rights, humanitarian, and economic crisis”. The crisis is compounded by deepening economic recession, the global pandemic, health system collapse, and surging poverty and food insecurity.
As of 6 December 2021, this crisis had already displaced 284,700 people across Myanmar. A further 25,000 refugees have been displaced to neighboring countries. The UN has documented over 1,000 civilians killed and 8,000 arbitrarily detained. Many have been tortured—including children.
The Diaspora – Lifelines to Myanmar
Myanmar has an extensive, active, and committed diaspora. The type of support prioritized is independent of international aid categories of humanitarian assistance, human rights, protection or direct support for politics and civil disobedience. Their activities are largely in parallel and separate to the existing humanitarian architecture. The diaspora is mainly engaged in activities such as fundraising, advocacy, education, settlement assistance and documentation of human rights abuses.
As of 2021, over 3 million Myanmar nationals have migrated internationally, primarily to Thailand, Malaysia, the United Kingdom, and Japan. Close to 2 million Myanmar nationals live in neighboring Thailand, the largest destination for Burmese migrants.
Key challenges for Myanmar Diasporas
Unsurprisingly, the key challenges for diaspora organizations are funding and resources, as well as access. Many organizations operate on a voluntary basis, necessarily limiting the time available from their members. For diaspora organizations supporting the civil disobedience movement, providing support can be particularly dangerous, especially when using Hundi and communicating through underground networks.
Recognition by the International Humanitarian Community
The international humanitarian community recognizes the unique value offered by diaspora organizations—their reach in areas inaccessible to international actors, access to real-time information and people, some of whom may move regularly, and ability to act informally and relatively quickly, unrestrained by formal bureaucracy. They have an ability to meet needs that are impossible for the international community to address..."
Source/publisher:
Danish Refugee Council via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
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Size:
3.75 MB (Original version), 2.83 MB (Reduce version) - 37 pages
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"HIGHLIGHTS: As of 14 February 2022, internal displacement figures in Myanmar reached a new high of 453,000 since 1 February 2021. These include 226,400 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in South-East Myanmar – 91,900 in Kayah State, 51,800 in Shan State (South-all towns except Kyethi, Laihka and Mongkaing), 71,800 in Kayin State, 7,500 in Mon State, 2,600 in Tanintharyi Region and 800 in Bago Region and 6,900 in Shan State (North). In addition, there are 146,500 IDPs in Sagaing Region, 34,000 in Chin State and 21,400 in Magway Region.
In the South-East, smaller-scale displacement continues while returns of internally displaced persons to their place of origin have been reported from Shan State (South) to Kayah State in areas where fewer clashes occurred in the past few weeks. IDPs have also been prompted to return due to the lack of shelter, food, water and winter items in displacement areas. During the first week of February, for the first time since the beginning of the year, some 400 individuals have been newly displaced within Kyaikto Township, Mon State. The cause of displacement is linked to the intensification of clashes in Hpapun Township, Kayin State and northern Mon State. Amidst the surge in COVID-19 cases across the country, IDPs have also reportedly been infected, including in Loikaw, Kayah State.
In the North-West, armed clashes continue to displace families. There was a significant increase in displacement in the Sagaing Region in comparison to previous weeks with some 10,000 persons newly displaced. Many IDPs are in need of shelter, though displacement remains fluid, with civilians often displaced to nearby mountains or forests for short periods of time. Homes continue to be destroyed throughout the region, hindering return and exacerbating shelter and protection needs.
In Rakhine State, curfews were observed in some townships such as Maungdaw, Buthidaung,
Mrauk-U, Minbya, and Kyautaw. Acute water diarrhoea (AWD) – affecting mostly children – continues to be reported in IDP camps, villages, and displacement sites. Timely treatment is hampered by inadequate health care and WASH facilities, movement constraints, systemic discrimination, segregation and hence reliance on traditional healers..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.17 MB
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Sub-title:
Kirin Should Not Sell Stakes to Military-Owned Entities
Description:
"apanese beverage giant Kirin Holdings Company is pulling out of Myanmar.
The decision, announced on February 14, came after a year of fruitless negotiations with the military-owned Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) to terminate a joint venture partnership. Kirin says it will “withdraw” from Myanmar by June.
Kirin had reportedly hoped to stay in Myanmar when it began the process of cutting ties with MEHL days after the February 1, 2021 military coup. But those hopes were dashed after facing numerous difficulties – including MEHL’s surprise filing to dissolve the joint partnership without notifying Kirin.
Kirin operates two joint ventures in the country – Myanmar Brewery and Mandalay Brewery – with MEHL. Even before the coup, human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, criticized Kirin’s ties with MEHL because they meant Kirin risked funding the military. The criticisms intensified as military atrocities, including crimes against humanity and acts of genocide against the ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2017, increasingly came to light. After the coup, pressure on Kirin mounted, culminating in a nationwide boycott of Myanmar Brewery products.
As it goes through the process of exiting Myanmar, Kirin should continually conduct rigorous human rights due diligence on its plans, ensuring it does not sell its stake in the two joint ventures to any military-owned entity. Kirin should also explore other options to responsibly disengage with the Myanmar military to prevent MEHL from benefitting financially.
Other foreign companies, including Yokogawa Bridge Corp., Tokyo Tatemono, and Fujita, should follow suit in line with 2019 recommendations from the United Nations-backed Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar to financially isolate the Myanmar military and curb its abuses.
The Japanese government should also honor the commitments laid out in its five-year National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights by ensuring Japanese businesses do not cause or contribute to human rights violations wherever they operate..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-02-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
THOUSANDS DISPLACED AS VIOLENCE ESCALATES ACROSS MYANMAR
Since 31 January Myanmar’s (Burma) military – the Tatmadaw – has burned down more than 1,500 homes in northwest Sagaing Region’s Pale and Mingin townships, resulting in civilian casualties and mass displacement. In a span of 10 days in January, the military killed at least 38 civilians in Sagaing Region, including women and children. Over 10,000 civilians have been forced to flee Mingin Township so far. The recent offensives appear to have been in retaliation over assaults by the local People’s Defence Force (PDF), civilian militias formed as part of an armed resistance against the junta. The series of arson attacks are the latest in the Tatmadaw’s ongoing large-scale offensive and scorched-earth campaign that began in November in northwestern Myanmar.
Widespread and systematic violence is also intensifying elsewhere in Myanmar. A new report by the nongovernmental human rights organization, Fortify Rights, released on 15 February, provides evidence of likely war crimes perpetrated by the military in southeastern Kayah (Karenni) State, including the killing of at least 61 civilians and the use of others as human shields. Fortify Rights also documented attacks on churches, residential homes, displacement sites and other non-military targets between May 2021 and January 2022. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, between the 1 February 2021 military coup and 31 January 2022, more than 3,500 houses, churches, monasteries, schools and markets had been either burnt down or destroyed in Chin and Kayah states and Sagaing and Magway regions.
The escalating conflict in northwestern and southeastern Myanmar has triggered waves of mass displacement. On 11 February the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) announced that since the military coup, an estimated 440,000 people have been forced to flee as a result of airstrikes, shelling and the burning of villages, bringing the total number of internally displaced people (IDPs) to over 800,000. UNHCR Spokesperson, Matthew Saltmarsh, warned that, “security is deteriorating rapidly across the country as fighting and armed conflict intensifies with no sign of abating. UNHCR forecasts an accelerating trend of displacements in the coming weeks and months.”
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must do more to respond to the escalating crisis in Myanmar and prevent a regional refugee crisis. Myanmar’s neighbors have a responsibility to give temporary protection to people fleeing violence and atrocities, and to refrain from returning them to Myanmar. The UN Security Council must immediately impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar’s military, and ASEAN should support it. UN member states, and in particular ASEAN member states, must sanction Myanmar’s oil and gas sector to protect civilians from further atrocities.
UKRAINE TENSIONS REACH TIPPING POINT, INCREASING RISKS FOR CIVILIANS
On 14 February UN Secretary-General António Guterres warned that “the time is now” to defuse tensions between Russia and Ukraine and its allies amid warnings that war could be imminent. Secretary-General Guterres stressed that, “the price in human suffering, destruction and damage to European and global security is too high to contemplate,” and reminded the international community that “there is no place for incendiary rhetoric. Public statements should aim to reduce tensions, not inflame them.”
Since fall 2021 tensions have been on the rise due to Russia’s troop build-up near Ukraine’s border. Approximately 150,000 Russian troops and equipment have been deployed to Ukraine’s western, southwestern and northern borders. Despite this mobilization, Russia has denied any plans to invade the country. The United States and other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have insisted on de-escalation.
This dramatic escalation is the latest evolution in a conflict that has been ongoing since 2014, when anti-government protests evolved into a Russian-backed separatist movement that seized parts of the eastern provinces of Ukraine – Donetsk and Luhansk – an area collectively called Donbas. In February 2014 Ukraine’s President Viktor Yanukovych was removed from power by a parliament vote – a move that Russia perceived as a Western-backed overthrow. Russia subsequently annexed the Crimean Peninsula in March 2014. The UN General Assembly has deemed this annexation illegal and invalid under international law. The crisis is rooted in Ukraine’s desire to join NATO and to deepen ties with its European neighbors, which Russia views as a “red line” and direct threat to its security.
Since 2014, several rounds of peace negotiations have failed to achieve a long-standing solution and civilians have continued to bear the brunt of conflict. At least 3,393 civilians have been killed, with over 7,000 people injured thus far. Approximately 2 million people live in a 20-kilometer zone on both sides of the stalemated “line of contact,” or line of separation, in Donbas and would be under increased risk of violence and displacement if the conflict escalates. Donbas is also one of the world’s most heavily mine-contaminated areas, including landmines and explosive remnants of war which pose significant threats to civilians’ physical and socioeconomic wellbeing. Currently 2.9 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance and at least 1.4 million are internally displaced.
International human rights organizations have documented alleged atrocity crimes committed by all sides since 2014, including the indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas, as well as armed groups using arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, torture and sexual violence in areas under their control. These acts may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Savita Pawnday, Executive Director of the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, joined those urging calm, emphasizing that, “an escalation of hostilities in Ukraine would have a detrimental impact on civilians across the region. All parties involved, including Ukraine, Russia and NATO-members, must commit to de-escalation for the sake of civilians in Donbas and beyond. Their lives should not be pawns for geopolitical gain.”
UN AGENCY NOTES “DEEP CONCERN” ABOUT WORKING CONDITIONS FACING UYGHURS IN CHINA
On 11 February a Committee of Experts from the United Nation’s International Labour Organization (ILO) released its annual report in which it expressed concern about the working conditions facing Uyghurs and other Muslim-majority ethnic groups in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) and throughout China. Speaking to Reuters, an ILO official said the alleged violations would be raised at the International Labour Conference in June, which could lead to a formal complaint and the creation of a commission of inquiry to investigate abuses. Uyghur forced labor is well-documented and likely constitutes crimes against humanity; however, this report is significant because it is a rare instance of a UN agency criticizing China’s human rights abuses.
Under the false claims of combatting religious extremism, the Chinese government in recent years has detained more than 1 million Uyghurs and members of other majority-Muslim ethnic groups in “re-education” or “de-extremification” camps, where they are then often forcibly transferred to factories in XUAR and across China to work under conditions of forced labor. Reports estimate approximately 100,000 Uyghurs in XUAR are working under conditions that strongly suggest forced labor. The ILO experts expressed concern about the forced relocation of workers, namely Uyghurs, across China, and raised doubts about the validity of China’s claims that its policies in the region are for counterterrorism purposes.
According to the report, “the employment situation of Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in China provides numerous indications of coercive measures, many of which arise from regulatory and policy documents.” The committee asked the Chinese government to repeal provisions “that impose de-radicalisation duties on enterprises and trade unions” in XUAR and to “review its national and regional policies with a view to eliminating all distinction, exclusion or preference” against Uyghurs and other ethnic groups in XUAR.
The release of the ILO report comes amid increasing calls for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, to publicly release her office’s report on human rights in XUAR. In September 2021 High Commissioner Bachelet announced her office was finalizing its report on human rights in XUAR.
Liam Scott, Research Associate at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “the Chinese government should heed the recommendations of the ILO experts and immediately halt its widespread and systematic practice of Uyghur forced labor. All UN member states should ban goods produced with forced labor of Uyghurs and other ethnic groups in China. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights should publish its report on XUAR before the upcoming 49th regular session of the Human Rights Council..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"Inspired by the ongoing series, ‘Chronicle of a coup’, Damien Riley (pseudonym) writes about his experiences at an NGO.
(Editor’s note: This post is inspired by the ongoing “Chronicle of a Coup” series by Christopher Walker. This letter, however, is a separate and original contribution of Damien Riley (pseudonym). We encourage other authors to submit their own accounts.)
“Tanks appear on city streets as fears of a possible coup continue”, read the news headline on my computer screen. It was Friday, January 29, and I was working at home on a sunny afternoon when I saw the ominous images of an olive-green armored vehicle in Bahan township. I shared the story’s link with my colleagues: I had worked for a local NGO for the last five years. We had a management meeting scheduled on Zoom for later in the day, and I wrote ahead, in what would become a gross understatement, saying, “This seems concerning.”
Tensions between the National League for Democracy (NLD) party and the Myanmar military had been building for weeks. After a disappointing loss by its proxy parties at the polls in November 2020, the military had been harping on largely unfounded claims of election irregularities. With the new NLD government, emboldened by its democratic mandate, set to take office in the following week, these tensions were reaching a crescendo. Just days before tanks were in the street, a Tatmadaw spokesperson had refused to rule out a military coup when questioned about it by reporters.
Swallowing doubts / January 29, 2021
At my job, we watched these developments closely because they would affect our work as a human rights NGO. During the democratic transition, we built grassroots networks, raised awareness about human rights to thousands, and developed relationships with legislators and government officials. For the NLD’s second term, we had an ambitious agenda of lobbying and advocacy planned.
Our director joined the meeting that afternoon and informed us he was getting updates from persons knowledgeable of what was happening in Nay Pyi Taw. Negotiations between the military and the NLD were becoming extremely fraught. The news of tanks in the streets was not to be taken lightly. He then left our meeting to find out more. For me and my colleagues, there was a mixture of gloom and incredulous disbelief. As an organization, we had already overcome so much disruption and uncertainty because of Covid-19. Now were we on the brink of another disaster? Or were the tanks and murmurings of a coup just hype and theatrics? The previous year, Covid-19 had taught us not to underreact, and so we decided to stop our meeting, switch our communications to encrypted channels, and stock up on cash and food.
I called an expat friend to cancel our dinner plans that evening. He reacted skeptically, saying his Myanmar colleagues were also following the news and told him that a coup wasn’t going to happen. As his friend, I advised him to be extra prepared. If there was no coup, we would have dinner another evening.
In retrospect, memories of the weekend before the February 1st coup have become precious. They were the last moments before the world as we knew it was turned upside down. At the time in Yangon, daily life was beginning to return to normal, after months of Covid-19 shutdowns. More shops were opening up and people were increasingly going outdoors for exercise.
Although I continued to receive updates that the discussions in Nay Pyi Taw were unsuccessful, I still doubted that these were a certain prelude to a coup. After all, pundits and experts had weighed in: The military would not violate its own undemocratic constitution, and, moreover, years of the democratic transition had created changes to the Tatmadaw’s avenues of control that were irreversible. As an example of the attitude of the times, just a month earlier Frontier Myanmar published an article that included the lines, “Myanmar today is a country of immense potential. While our nation may still be mired in poverty and conflict, we have a democratically elected government that has the capacity to bring about tremendous change.”
As that final Sunday, January 31, came to a close, I reviewed notes of our management meeting and scheduled time in the coming week to discuss what we had not covered on Friday. I went to sleep that night blissfully unaware of the chaos to come.
Rising fear and dread / February 1, 2021
At 8:00 am I woke up to find several missed calls from early in the morning. The normally green light on my internet router was red. Nothing was coming in through my phone’s cellular data. The phone line was dead too. I turned on my apartment’s television to see scrambled channels beaming back at me. Only MRTV, the state-run TV service, had a program playing on loop. It showed montages of soldiers and wide-angle footage of scenes around Nay Pyi Taw set to music.
I wandered outside in the cool morning, making my way over to a busy street. There was a crowd in front of a KBZ bank, waiting to use the ATM. I overheard the security guard telling people in line that the connection was not working. This confirmed my suspicion that the internet was turned off everywhere.
I returned home and settled into an uncomfortable wait.
Over the next hours, phone service across Myanmar gradually returned, albeit unevenly. One of my colleagues called me. He told me he heard from people in his building that State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint were arrested, along with many NLD members. The words hit me with a jolt. Recalling the rumors that flew during the early weeks of the Covid-19 pandemic, my colleague’s voice carried these words with a tone of caution.
I went by foot to my colleague’s downtown apartment and climbed up the stairwell of the low-rise cement building to his room, where the internet hotspot had begun working again. Immediately after connecting, my smartphone overflowed with updates and missed calls over messaging apps. The Irrawaddy bore the horrible truth on its front page: “Myanmar Military Seizes Power”.
I got in touch with our director and a handful of our donors. The situation was urgent: dozens of CSO leaders, activists, and some political figures were flooding our phones with messages saying they were in danger and needed help. With a donor, I agreed to form a committee that would review and approve cases for my NGO to send support to. Hours passed quickly while I attended to these urgent tasks. As I worked, cars and buses drove in the streets below. It was the edge of downtown, and here people moved hastily along the sidewalk. It was approaching rush hour, and there was a nervous and expectant energy in the air. Soon MRTV’s evening news program would come on, and the military-controlled news service would confirm the coup.
In the weeks and months to follow, I would be glued to my phone, and particularly to an encrypted messaging app that became standard among the people in our field. I waited to review more cases of activists in need of help. Most often, these were people needing places to hide and money to sustain them, and sometimes for their family members as well. Some were in jail and their colleagues submitted applications for money to pay their legal expenses. As mass violence against protests swept across Myanmar, the need increased. In some cases, they’d already been beaten or shot. Others were trying to flee the country. My daily work became a world of trying to help people in increasingly dire need, where we often communicated using pseudonyms, code-words, and idiosyncratic ways of verification. It all took place against a backdrop of rising dread and fear.
What can a human rights NGO do? / The aftermath
For a human rights NGO, the coup presented an existential crisis. Questions arose about the future of my organization’s programming and the viability of our work. As the violence worsened, the theory of change for large portions of our programming no longer made sense. Shots and small explosions could be heard almost every night in Yangon. Each neighborhood set up its own local security unit. Images on social media showed daily horrors. There were crackdowns on protesters, leaving dead bodies in their wake, and activists carried away by men with guns in the night. After 2 am, internet and phone services were shut off so that no one could warn you and no one could call for help. At my work, there would be no more trainings for the public, no more meetings with the government, no more advocacy campaigns about human rights.
For the work that we could do, there was also a question of ethics. At what point does it become irresponsibly risky for our staff, partners, and beneficiaries? Within our organization, there was ambivalence about the right and responsible way forward. We were NGO workers, not soldiers. Even if a person was willing to carry out a dangerous assignment, should we commit them to do it? What was the standard for reasonable risk in this situation? Eventually some people resigned from work. No one could really sleep.
Moreover, our operations became increasingly difficult due to financial reasons. Most banks were effectively closed due to the civil disobedience movement. Moreover, it was risky for a registered NGO to withdraw or transfer money using official bank accounts at all. We hatched schemes on how to move and manage our funds via alternate channels and methods, only to have to revise and later scrap them due to the escalating violence. While we waited for donors’ approval of our alternate plans, the situation would change, making the whole planning effort in vain. Adding to the calamity, there was no way to receive fund transfers from our donors outside of Myanmar. Some of our funds that we’d had transferred to us in February were stuck, unclaimed in our banks. If the situation was not resolved, we would eventually run out of money.
I began asking for cash loans from donors with local offices – to no avail. Bank service gradually resumed, by appointment or by getting an all-too-rare queue number. Then the Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM) issued an order requiring banks to notify and seek CBM’s approval when NGO funds were withdrawn. After media organizations and other non-governmental organizations were raided, it was simply too dangerous to show up at the bank with our official documents. Moreover, conducting our activities while adhering to the financial documentation requirements of our donors became dangerously impractical.
A tragicomic disconnect / The future
Everyone was having to adapt, including our donors. In the NGO world, most donor-funding is restricted to project plans and comes with specific reporting obligations. Changing a plan or seeking an exception often was administratively laborious and required numerous justifications. Donors’ reactions to our rapidly changing needs after the coup ranged from being very flexible and understanding to being uncertain or unwilling to approve our requests. In the former case, fast approval meant we could mobilize the money we had on hand to move our staff to safety and buy the equipment we needed urgently. It also meant we could distribute financial support to partners and affected communities around the country who were resisting the coup. In the latter case, some change requests to donors went unanswered for weeks while their respective headquarters discussed and untangled the obligations they had to their back donors. This is because the donors funding NGOs in Myanmar are often NGOs or international NGOs themselves, functioning as intermediaries between “back donors” – often country donors, international organisations, or private philanthropists – and local organisations in Myanmar.
This created many missed opportunities. For our NGO to carry out actions in the field, we had to wait for a window in which the situation on the ground was safe enough. The delay in donor approval meant that our implementing partners had to wait while evading police and soldiers. It caused immense frustration to all involved when an opportunity to act would arise but our project change request was still pending approval.
In my view, the situation in Myanmar was deteriorating faster than the funders’ ability to respond, leaving NGOs like mine scrambling. While I appreciate that donors had difficult decisions to make, it was local NGOs bearing the brunt. Amid waiting for donor approvals, our operations crumbled and our safety was at risk. Unlike international NGOs, we did not have a headquarters with additional layers of support outside of the country. We were on our own, and we had to take greater risks to maintain our business continuity as an NGO. I will never forget frantically calling around to find space in a safe house for a staff member, while also explaining to an international donor why I could not get their money back on the rent payment for an office that was too unsafe to use.
The problem was a tragicomic disconnect between funders trying to operate business-as-usual and the reality on the ground. The truth is that the consequences of the February 1st coup were not going to be quickly reversed. Too much blood was shed; a delicate social contract forged during Myanmar’s democratic transition in Myanmar had been shredded. Although far from perfect, Myanmar’s democratic pretenses between 2011 and 2020 were a foundation for much of the work of civil society in Myanmar. It was the premise on which so many development plans and investment decisions were made. That premise was now a rug that had been pulled from underneath our feet.
Postscript / 12 months later
Twelve months after the coup, half of the staff have left. Some staff quit out of concern for their safety; some joined the armed resistance; some fled across the border, and some no longer had duties to perform. Of the staff who remain working, there is a mixture of motivation to support the revolution, burnout from overwork and stress, and a resolve to carry on as normally as possible, either for family or due to lack of an alternative.
Despite the challenges, our donors did not abandon us. While there was great urgency to act at the ground level in months after the coup, the contexts overseeing our funding were slower to adapt. Keeping hard copies of project documentation, getting signatures as verification, and only using organizational bank accounts are just some of the standard requirements when handling international development funds. But these are no longer safe and feasible for Myanmar human rights organizations. Our donors needed time to understand and accept the conditions we were working in. Trust from our donors and competence in our handling of projects were essential for continuing our partnership. Credit, however, largely goes to the extremely resourceful staff who work out of safe houses and remote locations, as well as to the partners – both organizations, networks, and individuals – who ensure the funds go where they are necessary and that actions are coordinated.
Having survived 2021, there is a reason for hope. As the Burmese proverb goes, “Even the big wave goes under the boat, and even the high mountain is under the foot.” [လှိုင်းကြီးလှေအောက်၊ တောင်ကြီးဖ၀ါးအောက်]..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-02-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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New “flash report” details war crimes, ongoing attacks on civilians in Myanmar’s Karenni State
Description:
"The Myanmar military massacred civilians, used human shields, and committed other atrocities in Karenni State in acts that may amount to war crimes, said Fortify Rights in a new flash report published today. Fortify Rights recommends that member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support the establishment of a U.N. Security Council-mandated global arms embargo to prohibit the sale of weapons and dual-use technology to the Myanmar military junta.
ASEAN foreign ministers are due to meet for their annual retreat this Wednesday.
“The Myanmar junta is murdering people with weapons procured on the global market, and that must stop,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director at Fortify Rights. “Clear and definitive action is needed to compel the Myanmar junta to rethink its attacks on civilians. The U.N. Security Council must urgently impose a global arms embargo on the Myanmar military, and it would be strategic and sensible for ASEAN to support it.”
The 36-page flash report, entitled, “Ongoing War Crimes in Karenni (Kayah) State, Myanmar: May 2021 to January 2022,” documents information related to the murder of at least 61 civilians in Karenni State by the Myanmar military.
The report includes additional details surrounding the “Christmas Eve massacre” near the village of Moso in Hpruso Township, Karenni State, where the Myanmar military killed at least 40 civilians, including a child and two humanitarians working with Save the Children, on December 24, 2021.
A medical doctor in Myanmar—name withheld for security—who conducted autopsies on bodies retrieved from the massacre site told Fortify Rights that autopsies were not possible on many of the bodies because they were so thoroughly burned. However, he and another doctor identified at least 31 bodies, including five bodies of women and one girl under the age of 15.
“Some had their mouths stuffed with cloth, so we were pretty sure these people were gagged,” the doctor told Fortify Rights. “Almost every skull was fractured and badly cracked . . . [In some bodies], we could gather enough evidence to say they were burned to death alive.”
The flash report draws on firsthand testimony from 31 eyewitnesses, survivors, internally displaced persons (IDPs), religious leaders, humanitarian and civil-society workers, members of armed resistance groups, and others between May 2021 and January 2022. Fortify Rights obtained and reviewed photographic and video evidence of atrocities and internal files and documentation from humanitarian agencies and ethnic armed organizations operating in Karenni State.
In December 2021 and January 2022, the military junta intensified its attack on civilians in Karenni State, murdering men, women, and children, bombing civilian-populated areas, and using heavy artillery, arson, and airstrikes against civilian targets. These violations were committed in the context of armed conflict between the Myanmar military and several ethnic armies and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs)—community-led militias established for self-defense and to resist military rule in the aftermath of the coup d’état on February 1, 2021.
The report also documents the Myanmar military’s use of civilians as human shields and forced porters. For example, the Myanmar military detained an 18-year-old student from Moe Bye on the Karenni-Shan state border, his uncle, and two other men in early June 2021. Soldiers then used them as human shields during armed clashes with PDF fighters in Karenni State.
“The soldiers put their guns on our shoulders and shot PDFs, staying behind us,” the man told Fortify Rights, his name withheld for security. “We were kept tied up and blindfolded. We were tortured a lot, in so many ways. They kicked our bodies, hit our heads with gun handles, and more.”
The military junta’s attacks since the coup forced the displacement of an estimated 170,000 civilians in Karenni State, or more than half of the state’s estimated population of 300,000, according to the Karenni Civil Society Network. According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), national internal-displacement figures “reached a new high of 441,500” people displaced since the coup, with approximately 91,900 displaced in Karenni State and 56,200 displaced in neighboring southern Shan State as of January 31, 2022. UNHCR previously noted that “[a] substantial proportion of Kayah [Karenni] State’s 300,000 population is now displaced.”
The Myanmar military’s forced displacement of civilians threatens to become protracted given the continued attacks on towns and villages and destruction and damage to civilian homes and properties, said Fortify Rights.
In November 2021, Fortify Rights published an investigation into the blocking of humanitarian aid in Karenni State. The 31-page flash report, entitled Access Denied: The Myanmar Military Junta’s Deprivation of Lifesaving Aid in Karenni (Kayah) State, documented how the Myanmar military arbitrarily arrested aid workers, destroyed food stocks, confiscated aid, and committed other ongoing acts that may constitute war crimes. Fortify Rights “flash reports” provide preliminary documentation regarding ongoing human rights violations, short of a full investigation.
The Geneva Conventions primarily define the laws of war, providing fundamental rules to regulate the conduct of armed conflict. The Myanmar military’s murder, forced displacement, and other attacks on civilians in Karenni State constitute severe violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and may amount to war crimes, said Fortify Rights.
In a joint statement released on the anniversary of the February 1 coup, the European Union and foreign ministers of nine U.N. member states, including Canada, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States, urged the international community to hold the perpetrators of human rights violations in Myanmar accountable for their crimes and for countries to end the sale of “arms, materiel, dual-use equipment, and technical assistance” to the military junta.
Since February 2021, the U.N. Security Council has issued four press statements and one presidential statementexpressing various levels of condemnation of violence in Myanmar, with no discernable effect. The military junta in Myanmar has repeatedly flouted the Security Council’s directives, providing a context for heightened action from the council, such as an arms embargo, said Fortify Rights.
The junta has also failed to honor ASEAN’s “Five Point Consensus” on the situation in Myanmar, adopted by consensus in April 2021, which includes provisions for the “immediate cessation of violence” and a commitment for all parties to exercise “utmost restraint.”
ASEAN reportedly declined to invite the junta’s foreign minister to this week’s meeting and instead invited Myanmar to send a “non-political representative.” The bloc previously postponed a meeting in January, reportedly due to disagreement over whether to invite a junta representative.
“The junta is not a government; it’s a criminal enterprise and doesn’t belong at the ASEAN table,” said Ismail Wolff. “It would be dangerous for ASEAN to give Min Aung Hlaing and his junta any political legitimacy.”
Today’s flash report makes 18 recommendations to the U.N. Security Council, ASEAN and all U.N. member states, the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar, armed resistance groups, and the Myanmar military junta.
The report recommends that the U.N. Security Council pass a resolution mandating a global arms embargo to prohibit the sale of weapons and dual-use technology to the Myanmar military junta. Further, it calls on the U.N. Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and to deny the Myanmar military access to funds, especially revenue generated from the sale of natural gas—the junta’s single largest source of income.
The report calls specifically on member states of ASEAN to play a more significant role in these efforts, including engaging the NUG on solutions, providing it with material support, and supporting the establishment of a global arms embargo against the military junta.
ASEAN states are not significant suppliers of arms to the Myanmar military but routinely deal with the political, economic, and humanitarian fallout from the military’s attacks on civilians, said Fortify Rights.
“The Myanmar military has posed a threat to international peace and security for decades, including by committing genocide with impunity against Rohingya Muslims as well as crimes against humanity and war crimes against other ethnic nationalities,” said Ismail Wolff. “An arms embargo is crucial to help end these atrocities, and it would be strategic for ASEAN on several levels. Urgent action is needed now.”..."
Source/publisher:
Fortify Rights
Date of publication:
2022-02-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations
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"The National Unity Government (NUG) takes seriously its duty to the victims of violence, and is committed to pursuing justice for all those who have been the victims of military aggression.
The case currently before the International Court of Justice concerning military operations against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017 is therefore of the highest importance to the NUG and to all the people of Myanmar.
We have already announced the appointment of United Nations Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun as acting alternate agent, the only person authorised to engage with the Court on behalf of Myanmar.
The National Unity Government has also informed the Court of its decision to withdraw the preliminary objections, so as to proceed to consider the merits of the case.
We are today announcing new legal team to work with Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun and the National Unity Government to take forward Myanmar’s case. This team consists of: Professor Jean-Marc Thouvenin: Professor Thouvenin is Secretary-General of The Hague Academy of International Law, Associate Member of the Institut de Droit International, and Professor at the University Paris Nanterre. He is Member of the Board of the French Society for International Law and of the Editorial Board of the Annuaire Français de Droit International. He is a Partner of the Paris Law Firm Sygna Partners, and since 1992 has acted and acts as counsel and advocate before the International Court of Justice, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and the European Court of Justice.
Steven Powles QC: Mr Powles is a specialist criminal lawyer in international courts with particular expertise in human rights, false imprisonment and war crimes. He has appeared before the European Court of Human Rights and other international tribunals, and is the author of a leading practitioner text on international law.
The NUG will work closely with its legal team to advance its case at the International Court of Justice.
At the same time, the National Unity Government continues to gather and submit evidence of human rights abuses. It has granted jurisdiction to the International Criminal Court for all crimes covered by the Rome Statute since 2002, and it seeks the support of all those who care about human rights and justice to work with it for the good of the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
President Office, National Unity Government
Date of publication:
2022-02-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-15
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National Unity Government (NUG), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံးတွင် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော ဂမ်းဘီးယား-မြန်မာအမှုအတွက် ဥပဒေပညာရှင်အဖွဲ့ကြေငြာခြင်း
Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကြောင့် မြေစာပင်ဖြစ်ရသည့် ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရေးသည် မိမိ၏ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားအဖြစ် အလေးအနက်ခံယူသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ၂၀၁၆ ခုနှစ်နှင့် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်များအတွင်းက ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအပေါ် ထိုးနှက်ခဲ့သည့် စစ်တပ်၏ စစ်ဆင်ရေးများနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်း၍ ယခုအပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (ICJ) ရှေ့မှောက်တွင် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော အမှုသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တစ်ရပ်လုံးအတွက် အလွန်အရေးကြီး အလေးထားရမည့်ကိစ္စအဖြစ် ခံယူထားပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (ICJ) တွင် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော ယင်းအမှုနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်း၍ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာသံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တစ်ဦးတည်းသော ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖြစ် ခန့်အပ်ကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ၏လမ်းညွှန်မှုဖြင့် ကြေငြာထားပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယင်းအမှုကို ချောမွေ့စွာ ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပဏာမကန့်ကွက်မှုများကို ရုပ်သိမ်းကြောင်း ၎င်း၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အား တရားရုံးကို အသိပေးထားပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်း နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တို့နှင့် လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်မည့် အောက်ပါပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၂) ဦး ပါဝင်သော ဥပဒေအဖွဲ့သစ်ကို ယနေ့ ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေငြာအပ်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းပုဂ္ဂိုလ်(၂) ဦးမှာ -
ပါမောက္ခ မစ္စတာ ဂျွန်မာ့စ်သူဗီနင် (Professor Jean-Marc Thouvenin) သည်
• ဟိဂ် (Hague) မြို့ရှိ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ဉပဒေတက္ကသိုလ်၊ (The Hague Academy of International Law) အထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်
• Institute de droit International အဖွဲ့ဝင်
• ပဲရစ်နောင်တဲတက္ကသိုလ် (University Paris Nanterre) ပါမောက္ခ
• ပြင်သစ်လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ နိုင်ငံတကာရေးရာ ဉပဒေဘုတ်အဖွဲ့ဝင် (Board Member of the French Society for International Law)
• Annuaire Francais de Droit International စာစောင်၏ အယ်ဒီတာဘုတ်အဖွဲ့ဝင်
• Paris Sygna Partners ဉပဒေအဖွဲ့၊ ပိုင်ရှင်အဖွဲ့ဝင်
• ၁၉၉၂ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်၍ (ICJ) အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး၊ အမြဲတမ်း အနုညာတ ခုံသမာဓိရုံး၊ ပင်လယ်ပြင်ဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံတကာခုံရုံး၊ ဉပဒေဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံး (European Court of Justice) များတွင် ဉပဒေအကြံပေးနှင့် ရှေ့နေအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အတိုင်ပင်ခံရှေ့နေအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း ဆောင်ရွက်နေပါသည်။
Steven Powles QC သည်
• နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရုံးများတွင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ မဟုတ်မမှန် အကျဉ်းချခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများတွင် အထူးကျွမ်းကျင်သည့် ရှေ့နေတစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည်။ ဥရောပလူ့အခွင့်အရေး တရားရုံးနှင့် အခြားသော နိုင်ငံတကာခုံရုံးများရှေ့တွင် ထင်ရှားခဲ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ ထိပ်တန်းလက်တွေ့ကျမ်းတစ်စောင်ကို ရေးသားခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အထက်ပါဉပဒေရေးရာအဖွဲ့နှင့် နီးကပ်စွာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်၍ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (ICJ) တွင် ရင်ဆိုင်လျက်ရှိသည့် အမှုကို ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
တချိန်တည်းတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် စစ်တပ်၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်နေသည့် အထောက်အထားများကို ဆက်လက် ရှာဖွေစုဆောင်းပြီး တင်ပြသွားပါမည်။ International Criminal Court (ICC) ၏ စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာကို ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ် နောက်ပိုင်း ကျူးလွန်သော Rome Statute တွင် အကျုံးဝင်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုအားလုံးအတွက် အပ်နှင်းပေးထားပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ ကောင်းကျိုးကို ရည်မျှော်၍ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုကို အလေးထားသူအားလုံး၏ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှုအားလုံးကို ရယူကာ လက်တွဲ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
President Office, National Unity Government
Date of publication:
2022-02-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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"Justice For Myanmar welcomes Kirin Holdings’ announcement to withdraw from their business with the Myanmar military conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL).
Kirin Holdings has two joint ventures with MEHL: Myanmar Brewery Limited and Mandalay Brewery Limited.
MEHL directly finances the Myanmar military and top generals, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
MEHL shareholders consist of military units that are directly responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
After a mass boycott of Myanmar Beer, Kirin announced a 46% decline in 1Q 2021 year on year sales revenue.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Kirin’s decision to finally move to end their business with MEHL, listening to the voice of Myanmar people, and the demands of Myanmar, Japanese and global civil society.
“Millions have joined the boycott of Myanmar Beer, and this shows that collective action can disrupt the military cartel.
“Kirin should never have entered into business with Myanmar’s brutal and corrupt military.
“Kirin’s lucrative brewery has financed atrocity crimes and enriched top generals.
“We call on Kirin Holding to divest responsibly, mitigating and remediating negative human rights impacts.
“Kirin must prevent payments to the terrorist junta and MEHL in the course of divestment.
“Kirin’s withdrawal must be done in consultation with the National Unity Government.
“Kirin’s withdrawal should serve as a warning to all other businesses that continue to maintain ties with the terrorist military junta and its conglomerates. Business with terrorists does not pay.
“Other Japanese companies that continue to do business with the junta and its conglomerates, including Daiwa House, Eneos Holdings and Yokogawa Bridge Corp, must follow Kirin Holdings, cut ties with the Myanmar military and stop financing terror.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
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"Burma Campaign UK is calling on Imran Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan, to stop arming the Burmese military.
Pakistan has a long-term defence co-operation agreement with the Burmese military and has been supplying them with arms and equipment, most notably the JF-17 fighter jet aircraft.
Now there are new media reports that Pakistan is about to sell mortars, grenade launchers and heavy machine guns to the Burmese military, as well as selling more jets and missiles.
A Burmese military delegation is reportedly visiting Pakistan soon to inspect the weapons before shipment.
These fighter jets, guns, mortars and missiles will be used against civilians, bringing even more death and destruction.
Before he became Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan condemned the genocide of the Rohingya, stating on Twitter:
“Disturbing silence from Muslim World, including Pakistan on the genocide & exodus of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar.”
“It is hard to think of a clearer example of hypocrisy than for Imran Khan to condemn inaction on the Rohingya genocide and then arm the military which committed that genocide,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK.
In 2017, Imran Khan also wrote to the Secretary General of the United Nations, condemning inaction by the United Nations, stating:
“Today, again, on behalf of myself and my party (PTI), I wish to state that we find this continuing silence and complete inaction by the UN on the continuing plight and persecution of the Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar a shameful testament to UN failure to follow its basic principles of upholding human rights and protecting a people from genocide.”
In June 2021, the United Nations General Assembly passed a Resolution calling on UN members to stop the flow of arms to the Burmese military. Having previously condemned the UN for inaction, Imran Khan is now refusing to take the action which the United Nations has called for.
Burma Campaign UK has written to Imran Khan warning him: “The weapons you are selling to the Myanmar military today may soon be turned against the Rohingya people whose rights you once supported.”
The Burmese military are indiscriminately bombing civilians and using heavy artillery against civilian villages and towns. This has forced more than 400,000 people to flee their homes and has created a humanitarian crisis.
As the Myanmar military desperately try to impose their rule, more than 1,500 people have been killed, and more than 11,000 arrested.
“Imran Khan should side with the people of Burma, not the military which is oppressing and killing them,” said Anna Roberts. “Imran Khan must stop profiting from the suffering of the people of Burma. By arming the Burmese military, Imran Khan is complicit in the human rights violations they commit.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-02-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-14
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Individual Documents
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"This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Matthew Saltmarsh – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today's press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.
UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is stepping up its emergency response to assist hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar as their number crossed the 800,000 mark – doubling since February 2021.
Security is deteriorating rapidly across the country as fighting and armed conflict intensifies with no sign of abating.
UNHCR forecasts an accelerating trend of displacements in the coming weeks and months.
Some 440,000 people have been newly displaced since February 2021, according to UNHCR data, adding to an existing 370,000 who had fled their homes previously.
UNHCR and partners are scaling up operations and deploying additional resources to support as many of the displaced as possible, complementing local community responses.
In the South-East of the country, Kayin, Kayah, Mon and Shan (South) states as well as Bago (East) and Tanintharyi regions collectively account for more than half of the 440,000 newly displaced civilians. Kayin and Kayah states remain the most affected as hostilities between various armed groups have triggered large-scale displacements.
Another conflict-affected area with pressing humanitarian needs is Myanmar’s North-West, where about 190,000 people remain displaced in Chin State, Magway Region and Sagaing Region.
Humanitarian access in many parts of Myanmar remains restricted due to insecurity, roadblocks and challenges in obtaining access approvals. As a result, host communities and local responders continue to play a leading role in assisting displaced populations – demonstrating solidarity with each other by donating what they can.
UNHCR has been working with UN agencies, local partners and communities to assist those affected wherever possible, including displaced and stateless populations and host communities. In 2021, UNHCR’s emergency relief assistance reached some 170,000 individuals in nine states and regions in Myanmar.
In all locations, UNHCR and partners distributed relief items including tarpaulins, ropes, blankets, kitchen sets, mosquito nets, buckets, sleeping mats, sanitary kits, COVID-19 personal protective equipment, solar lamps, and winterization kits for adults and children.
In Shan State, where a growing number of IDPs have arrived from conflict-affected Kayah State since the start of 2022, UNHCR recently established a temporary base in Taunggyi to coordinate distribution of emergency aid with partners.
Provision of relief items to Kayah IDPs in and around Taunggyi started in mid-January and quickly expanded to incorporate neighbouring townships. Within a month, UNHCR and partners were able to reach some 10,000 IDPs in Shan as well as 2,000 in Kayah.
The humanitarian situation in Myanmar remains precarious with increased vulnerabilities linked to rising commodity prices, job and income losses, disruptions to basic services and prolonged insecurity. The majority of IDPs are consequently dependent on humanitarian support for survival.
Some 600,000 stateless Rohingya in Rakhine State, including some 148,000 displaced in camps, villages and displacement sites, also remain highly vulnerable and require humanitarian support.
Despite operational challenges, UNHCR continues to stay and deliver in Myanmar. The agency remains committed to providing critical humanitarian assistance to those in need and calls for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access across Myanmar, so that no disruption to lifesaving work occurs for local, national, and international aid agencies.
In 2022, UNHCR will respond to the ongoing crisis by expanding its protection and operational presence where new displacements have occurred. A total of US$56.7 million is needed to ensure adequate humanitarian assistance and support vulnerable communities.
Our priority will be on maintaining basic safeguards, advocacy for improved access to fundamental rights, mitigating the risk of negative coping strategies, preventing forced returns and building resilience for over 1.2 million IDPs and stateless people in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
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"The humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been deteriorating since the coup in February last year. According to the United Nations, many Myanmar citizens are forced to face difficulties in their lives with no way out due to the economic stagnation after the coup and the spread of COVID-19. The United Nations announced on January 30 the Humanitarian Response Plan for Myanmar, calling on the international community to provide assistance of US $826 million over the next year.
The Government of Japan has provided more than US $20 million in humanitarian assistance since the coup to improve the humanitarian situation in Myanmar. Japan has also provided ambulances and oxygen concentrators in response to the outbreak of COVID-19.
The Government of Japan has decided to provide additional humanitarian assistance to Myanmar totaling approximately US $18.5 million, in response to the voice of ASEAN member states which emphasize the importance of humanitarian assistance aiming at resolving situation, and above all, the increasing poverty of the people of Myanmar caused by the economic stagnation triggered by the coup. Japan will deliver food, daily necessities such as shelters and mattresses, and medical supplies to the people of Myanmar through international organizations and the ASEAN Secretariat.
The Government of Japan will continue to proactively provide humanitarian assistance that reaches the people of Myanmar in need, in cooperation with international organizations and the ASEAN Secretariat, taking into account the local situation and humanitarian needs and urgency. Japan will pay close attention to the needs of the people of Myanmar who are facing difficult circumstances. Japan hopes that other countries will also implement humanitarian assistance in response to the United Nations’ appeal..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
Date of publication:
2022-02-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Human Rights and international relations
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"KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
39,000 Estimated refugee movements to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
980,000 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 31 December 2020
442,000 Estimated total internal displacement within Myanmar since 1 February 2021
812,000 Estimated internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 31 January 2022
HIGHLIGHTS
Armed clashes have escalated during the reporting period in the North West and South East, with airstrikes and shelling resulting in civilian casualties and forced displacement. As of 31 January 2022, displacement figures reached a new high of 441,500 displaced since 1 February 2021. These include 232,500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in South-East Myanmar – 91,900 in Kayah State, 48,700 in Shan State (South-all towns except Kyethi, Laihka and Mongkaing), 81,400 in Kayin State, 7,100 in Mon State, 2,600 in Tanintharyi Region and 800 in Bago Region; 7,100 in Shan State (North). In addition, there are 136,300 IDPs in Sagaing Region, 33,800 in Chin State and 21,400 in Magway Region.
In the South-East, intense fighting - initially centred around Demoso Township, Kayah State - has triggered several waves of large-scale displacement with tens of thousands forced to flee their homes and seek refuge at places of worship, community centres, in host communities or in the jungle. The main needs are for food, healthcare services and winterization items to cope with the cold temperatures. Over 10,000 IDPs from Kayah State took refuge in Taunggyi Township, Shan State (South). Over 6,000 IDPs are now being sheltered by local host communities in overcrowded conditions. Thousands of people are still displaced by fighting in Lay Kay Kaw in the south of Myawady Township along the Myanmar-Thai border and are unable to return home. Over 9,700 individuals from Myanmar had fled the upsurge in violence in Kayin and Kayah States since 16 December into Tak and Mae Hong Song provinces in Thailand. According to the Royal Thai Government official sources, all of the individuals from Myanmar have voluntarily returned to Myanmar in various return movements.
In Kachin and Shan (North) states, the security situation remains tense and continues to pose significant challenges, such as restrictions on movements around displacement and affected sites. Access to basic services, including education for children is hindered. Nonetheless, a few returns from displacement sites to villages of origin have been observed in Kachin State. In Shan State (North), the numbers of IDPs increased in Mongkoe, Muse Township due to fighting. While some returns were recorded from Mongkaing Township of Shan State (South), there was also new displacement following inter-EAO conflict between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP).
In the North-West, UNHCR protection monitoring revealed an increase of displacement in Sagaing Region due to ongoing clashes. Shortages of food, winter items, fuel and medical supplies continue to be reported. At least 3,000 people from 30 villages in Matupi Township in Chin State have been displaced by fighting. On 18 January, up to 1,000 villagers fled their homes to surrounding areas following attacks in Gangaw Township in Magway Region.
In Rakhine State, IDPs across Rakhine State, as well as non-displaced Rohingya communities, continue to face challenges in accessing basic services, livelihoods, and humanitarian assistance. Some return movements continue to be observed from areas of conflict, albeit small scale. Returns continue to be promoted by de facto authorities, including instances where village leaders in some displacement sites were instructed to encourage returns of IDPs. Recent privatization of land at IDP camp areas and land sales to private individuals in Sittwe and Pauktaw have led to an increase in IDP households having to reside in makeshift shelters. IDPs have also been asked to pay rent for use of land.
The privatization of land has also impacted the work of humanitarian agencies, where humanitarian infrastructure is under threat of relocation and demolition. The increase in military presence in Kyauktaw and Ponnagyung townships has raised concerns among communities, both Rakhine and Rohingya, fearing potential resumption of clashes. This fear also triggered some temporary displacement from Kyauktaw Township.
It is estimated that some 7,000 new arrivals have crossed into India from Myanmar in the past two weeks..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health
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11.63 MB
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"SUMMARY
The ICJ is part of the United Nations (UN), and its role is to consider the obligations of UN Members States under international law. The ICJ is not an investigation body or a criminal court and does not consider whether individuals have committed international crimes. The Genocide Convention is an international treaty. UN Member States that join the Genocide Convention confirm that genocide is a crime under international law which they commit to prevent and to punish.
The Gambia considers Myanmar to be in breach of its obligations under the Genocide Convention, which, so far, Myanmar denies. This represents a dispute between the two UN Member States upon which the ICJ must adjudicate, and this is the basis of the proceedings before the Court. The Gambia says that genocidal acts were committed against the Rohingya by the Myanmar military and security forces during the 2016 and 2017 “clearance operations” in northern Rakhine state.
The case is still in the procedural stages, meaning that the Court has not yet begun to consider the substance of the dispute between The Gambia and Myanmar. The Court first had to consider The Gambia’s request for provisional measures and must now consider the preliminary objections that were made by Myanmar in January 2021, before the illegal military coup began.
Preliminary objections are procedural issues that States can raise and ask the Court to adjudicate on before it can consider the actual dispute. Myanmar’s preliminary objections have not been made public, but they relate to whether the Court has jurisdiction in the case
and whether The Gambia’s application is admissible (acceptable). The Court has announced that public hearings on the preliminary objections will be held from 21 to 28 February 2022.
However, the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) announced on 2 February 2022 that it has told the ICJ that Myanmar withdraws all preliminary objections, as it no longer views them as appropriate. If the Court accepts this notification, the hearings from 21 February 2022 may not proceed as they will be unnecessary.
Only States can be parties to a case before the ICJ and States are represented by their governments. Following the Myanmar military’s attempted coup on 1 February 2021, both the NUG and the illegal junta have communicated to the Court that they will now be representing Myanmar in the proceedings. The junta is not the government of Myanmar and should not represent Myanmar before the Court. The NUG should be recognised internationally as the legitimate government of Myanmar and is the only entity with the authority to represent Myanmar in the ICJ.
Justice for the Rohingya and an end to acts of genocide committed against them are the most important outcomes to be gained from the proceedings. The most straightforward option would be for Myanmar to accept The Gambia’s submissions and take meaningful steps to prevent further genocide against the Rohingya and punish the perpetrators. The NUG has expressed its commitment to this..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), National Unity Government (NUG)
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"On 1 February 2022, Myanmar completed a year since the military coup during which the junta detained Myanmar state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, Chairman of the Union Election Commission Hla Thein and many other political leaders and activists in the early hours of 1 February 2021. ANFREL has been closely monitoring the situation in Myanmar since the coup and publishes weekly updates, and also published a timeline of the key incidents that happened over the last year that you can access here. ANFREL also reaffirmed that “the 2020 Myanmar General Elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar and ANFREL will stand with the people of Myanmar in their fight for the restoration of democracy in the country”.
Despite the junta’s threats of charges of sedition or terrorism against anyone who participates in the silent strike on 1 February, many streets were deserted and shops abandoned across the country including in the commercial hub of Yangon. The junta also threatened the business owners that their properties would be seized if they participated in the strike. Anti-junta protests were also held across the country while two people were killed and 38 injured in a grenade attack at a pro-military rally conducted in Tachileik, Shan State. More than 1,519 people have been killed by the junta in the last 12 months and over 11,980 people detained, with 8,977 still indetention. Reports also say over 400,000 people have been displaced since the coup by the junta air strikes, heavy weaponry attacks and mass arrests in different parts of the country.
A joint statement issued by the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, South Korea, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States urged the junta to immediately end the State of Emergency, allow unhindered humanitarian access, release all arbitrarily detained persons and swiftly return the country to a democratic process. The statement further called on members of the international community to support efforts to promote justice for the people of Myanmar and hold those responsible for human rights violations and abuses accountable. In a special statement, the ministry of foreign affairs of Singapore also expressed concern about the situation in Myanmar,said Singapore is disappointed by the lack of progress in the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, and called on the junta to release of all political detainees including ousted president Win Myint and state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
The UN Security Council also repeated its call for the pursuance of dialogue with all parties concerned and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar in a statement that further calls for the release of all those who remain arbitrarily detained. In the meantime the Council has continuously failed to impose the global arms embargo on the Myanmar military that rights groups and Myanmar civil society has been calling for since the coup in February, 2021.
Cambodia, the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), said that Myanmar Junta’s Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin will not be invited to the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in Phnom Penh in February. Instead, ASEAN will invite a non-political representative. The ASEAN foreign ministers meetings scheduled in January 2022 were postponed amid reports of disagreements among the member states over Myanmar with Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia having strongly opposed inviting the junta appointed foreign minister. Last November, ASEAN barred the junta leader Aung Min Hlaing from attending the ASEAN summit and invited a non-political representative; the junta refused the invitation.
In an interview with Channel News Asia, Noeleen Heyzer, the United Nations’ special envoy for Myanmar said that the junta cannot be ignored and left out of any upcoming peace process. Responding to her interview, civil society organizations in Myanmar have heavily criticized her views on power sharing with the military and her claims that the military is in control at this particular time. 247 CSOs rejected her views in a joint statement which further mentioned her views provide a signal that the “UN is willing to act as a broker for their power despite the grave crimes that the junta committed”. Noeleen Heyzer responded to the criticisms and said the term “power-sharing” as a solution to the current crisis was taken out of context. The civil disobedience movement in Myanmar in their official twitter handle called for the resignation of the UN special envoy stating that she doubled down on her mistake and lied it was “misrepresentation“ when she was given a chance to correct.
According to sources, the trial of ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi for election fraud will begin on 14 February 2022. Last November, the junta-appointed election commission filed charges against Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint, Chair of the Union Election Commission Hla Thein and 13 other people over the alleged electoral fraud in the 2020 elections. The junta has also fined election officials for alleged fraud in the 2020 elections. Media reported on 4 February 2021 that 12 election sub-commissioners from Taunggyi in Shan State were fined 10,000 kyats each under Section 130 (a) of the Penal Code that criminalizes any act that fail to comply that requires to be done by the constitution of the Union of Myanmar or in any act enacted by the parliament. Several sources also revealed that the junta is pressuring officials from the UEC sub-commissions to sign a confession stating that they “knowingly rigged the elections”. Those who failed to confess would be charged in junta courts.
In a meeting in the Myanmar capital Naypyitaw, Senior General and the junta leader Min Aung Hlaing expressed that the current First Past The Post (FPTP) electoral system does not match with the democracy and federalism of Myanmar and the Proportional Representation (PR) system is a need for a wide representation of ethnic nationalities. Since the coup junta appointed the election commission has been tasked to change the Myanmar electoral system that will provide an advantage to the military aligned political parties. The UEC also have conducted several rounds of meetings with political parties to introduce a PR system in Myanmar that the bigger political parties that secured seats in the 2015 and 2020 general elections such as NLP, SNLD and ANP have been in the forefront against introducing such a system.
The junta also filed a fresh corruption charge against Aung San Suu Kyi for allegedly receiving US$550,000 of donation for a charity foundation named after her mother. She faces 10 more corruption charges in junta courts and a court already sentenced her to four years in prison in early December 2021 on charges of incitement and breaches of COVID-19 regulations, later reduced to two years, and another four-year sentence in January 2021 for the illegal import of walkie talkies under the export-import law, possession of the devices under the telecommunications law and breaching COVID-19 protocols under the natural disaster management law.
Amid the junta’s proposed cybersecurity law that would ban the use of VPN and the digital currencies, the junta spokesman indicated that the junta plans to establish a digital currency to support domestic payments and boost the economy.
The Arakanese Army known as AA, which has been very much silent since the military coup in Myanmar, clashed with the junta forces in Maung Taw Township, Rakhine State.
As of 28 January 2022, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) recorded that 1,519 people have been killed by the junta. 8,977 people are currently under detention. 84 have been sentenced to death and 1,974 are evading arrest warrants..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, ASEAN-Burma relations
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495.32 KB
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"On February 10, 2021, by Executive Order 14014, I declared a national emergency pursuant to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701-1706) to deal with the unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States constituted by the situation in and in relation to Burma.
The situation in and in relation to Burma, and in particular the February 1, 2021 coup, in which the military overthrew the democratically elected civilian government of Burma and unjustly arrested and detained government leaders, politicians, human rights defenders, journalists, and religious leaders, thereby rejecting the will of the people of Burma as expressed in elections held in November 2020 and undermining the country’s democratic transition and rule of law, continues to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. For this reason, the national emergency declared on February 10, 2021, must continue in effect beyond February 10, 2022. Therefore, in accordance with section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) I am continuing for 1 year the national emergency declared in Executive Order 14014 with respect to the situation in and in relation to Burma..."
Source/publisher:
The White House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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Description:
"Australian Professor Sean Turnell was detained by the Myanmar military one year ago today.
Professor Turnell's detention is unjust, and we reject the allegations against him.
We once again call for Professor Turnell's immediate release so that he can return to Australia to be with his family and for his rights and welfare to be upheld.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs, our Embassy in Yangon and Australian officials around the world take every opportunity to advocate for Professor Turnell. Australia acknowledges the strong international support shown for him. We will continue to work with international partners – and importantly those in our region – to press his case.
The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is providing all possible consular assistance to Professor Turnell. This includes ensuring he is able to speak to his family and to the Australian Embassy, and supporting his health and welfare in detention. DFAT is also providing consular assistance to Professor Turnell's family.
Consistent with basic standards of justice and transparency, we expect that Professor Turnell should have unimpeded access to his lawyers, and that Australian officials be able to observe his court proceedings.
We will continue to advocate strongly for Professor Turnell until he has returned to his family in Australia. We ask that his family's request for privacy continue to be respected..."
Source/publisher:
Minister for Foreign Affairs Minister for Women
Date of publication:
2022-02-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Sub-title:
Pro-democracy groups condemn Noeleen Heyzer’s comments in a TV interview, and maintain the junta is losing its grip
Description:
"The UN special envoy to Myanmar has been widely rebuked for suggesting that pro-democracy activists should negotiate a power-sharing agreement with the country’s military, which is accused of atrocities including genocide.
Almost 250 civil society organisations published a statement condemning the comments, warning they risked emboldening the military to commit “grave crimes with total impunity”.
“These statements could set a dangerous precedent, that those who take control through brutal means – massacring, killing, raping, arresting, torturing, burning villages and people, targeting civilians using airstrikes and shelling – be welcomed to share power,” it said.
The statement was signed by 247 local and national civil society groups including Progressive Voice, Women’s League of Burma and Union of Karenni State Youth.
Noeleen Heyzer, the UN’s special envoy for Myanmar, provoked controversy during an interview with Channel News Asia when discussing ways to address the country’s crisis. Asked about the possibility of a power-sharing arrangement – an idea firmly opposed by the Myanmar people – Heyzer responded: “The point is, we have to start a process. And you can’t immediately come in with the ultimate solution of what you want. The military is in control at this particular time and something has got to be worked out. It could be a process,” she said.
Heyzer added: “I know that many people, especially the young, are willing to die fighting for a total political transformation. Any political transformation requires a process and it is not going to happen overnight. And therefore I want them to have something to live for, not to die for. They need to negotiate what this power sharing could look like over a long term. And they have to be at the table.”
The comments prompted a furious response from activists, who have been subjected to relentless violence by the military, which seized power from the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi a year ago. Many young people have taken up arms and joined local defence forces to fight for democracy.
The office of the special envoy of the secretary general on Myanmar has since issued a statement to local media, claiming that Heyzer’s comments were misinterpreted. The special envoy had “never proposed power sharing as an option”, it said.
The statement added: “The special envoy has emphasised in no uncertain terms that any peace process has to be led by the people of Myanmar.”
Naw Hser Hser, of the Women’s League of Burma, a signatory of the joint statement, said the UN was growing distant from the calls of the people of Myanmar.
“Ultimately, the people of Myanmar are realising that it is they themselves that will be the ones to succeed in this revolution,” she said.
“Despite vehement calls from the people of Myanmar, the UN has yet to take action to stop the terrorist military’s grave crimes. One year has passed [since the coup] and the UN security council has issued only statements and even failed to hold an open meeting or issue a concrete resolution,” Naw Hser Hser added.
The extreme violence used by the military to try to suppress opposition was a sign of its lack of control, she said.
“In rural areas, they are losing ground, as local people’s defence forces and ethnic organisations control swathes of territory. New administrative structures, comprising the people, are being established at local levels, governing where the military cannot. They are far from being in control,” said Naw Hser Hser.
Even before the coup, the military was guaranteed huge powers under the 2008 constitution, which granted it a quarter of all seats in parliament and control of key ministries, including home affairs and defence. Nonetheless, the military seized power on 1 February 2021, accusing Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) of voter fraud – an allegation that has been dismissed by observers.
Zoya Phan, coordinator of the European Karen Network, said Heyzer’s comments had been made on the same day the military launched more airstrikes against civilians in south-eastern Karen state, also known as Kayin state.
“The Burmese military was in a power sharing with the NLD-led government before the coup. However, the attacks against ethnic people didn’t stop,” said Zoya Phan, who is also campaigns manager for Burma Campaign UK.
“With the Burmese military, our country will have no positive future,” she added..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-02-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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more
Description:
"The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Vassily A. Nebenzia (Russian Federation):
The members of the Security Council expressed deep concern at the continuing state of emergency imposed in Myanmar by the military on 1 February 2021 and its grave impact. They reiterated their calls for the release of all those who remain arbitrarily detained, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint.
The members of the Security Council repeated their support for Myanmar’s democratic transition, including the need to uphold democratic institutions and processes, with full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms as well as the rule of law. They also repeated their call for the pursuance of dialogue with all parties concerned and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar.
The members of the Security Council expressed deep concern at further recent violence in the country and expressed alarm at the large numbers of internally displaced persons. They condemned attacks on infrastructure, including health and education facilities. They called for an immediate cessation of all forms of violence throughout the country and to ensure the safety of civilians.
They expressed deep concern at the dramatic increase in humanitarian need, particularly among women, children and vulnerable groups, against the backdrop of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. They underlined the need to urgently step up humanitarian assistance and to facilitate the equitable, safe and unhindered delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccines. They reiterated the need for full, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel.
The members of the Security Council reiterated their full support for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) role in facilitating a peaceful solution in the interest of the people of Myanmar and their livelihoods. They reiterated their calls for the swift and full implementation of ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus. They welcomed the appointment of Prak Sokhonn as the ASEAN Special Envoy, expressed their support for his role and his diplomatic efforts to commence constructive dialogue among all parties concerned. They looked forward to his visit to Myanmar at the earliest opportunity to meet with all parties concerned and carry out mediation that facilitates the dialogue process, as well as the provision of humanitarian assistance.
The members of the Security Council underlined the important role of the United Nations Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar and encouraged her to maintain communication and engage intensively with all relevant parties in Myanmar. They also encouraged complementarity of her work to the work of ASEAN.
The members of the Security Council reiterated the need to address the root causes of the crisis in Rakhine state and again expressed concern that recent developments pose additional and particularly serious challenges for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons. They encouraged diplomatic efforts between the parties concerned to help address the issues facing Rohingyas. They recalled the vital need for the rights of minorities to be fully protected.
The members of the Security Council reaffirmed their support for the people of Myanmar and the country’s democratic transition and their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Security Council
Date of publication:
2022-02-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Security Council, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
more
Description:
"1 year after the coup in Myanmar: silencing and oppression of critical voices 01/02/2022
Today, exactly one year ago, the military junta seized power in Myanmar and violently cracked down on nationwide peaceful and democratic protests. The crackdown on independent media and freedom of expression within the country that followed immediately after, has degraded press freedom dramatically. Recently, attacks on the free press have intensified extremely, leading to the killing of 3 independent journalists and the arrest of 3 journalists from ethnic media outlets in January 2022 alone. We call on the international community to join us in demanding the military junta to put an end to the escalating violence against journalists, to seek justice for these courageous journalists, and to provide safe refuge to those whose lives are at risk both inside and out of the country.
Since the onset of the coup, the Myanmar military has made sure to keep a tight grip on the flow of information in the country. Centralizing information and censoring independent journalists is one of the main tactics used by the military as a way of seizing control and limiting freedom of expression. On February 1st 2021, the sporadic internet black outs that followed, were a way of limiting citizens’ access to information. Shortly thereafter, the army seized control of state television and the Ministry of Information. In early May 2021, the military subsequently declared all satellite television illegal. The licenses of 9 media houses were revoked and 4 charged under Section 505 (A) ever since.
Alarmingly high levels of censorship, arbitrary arrests, violence and even killings of journalists, demonstrate the increasing danger that journalists in Myanmar are facing. Local journalists and ethnic media workers have become open and physical targets of the junta. Many journalists have already been assaulted, shot at and injured while covering national protests, illegally arrested and prosecuted for carrying out their journalistic work - often accused of supporting opposition forces. So far, 136 journalists have been arrested, 49 remain in detention and at least 3 journalists have been killed (source: ASEAN).
After the coup the military changed the Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code, and introduced the New Section 505 (A) that prohibits causing fear, spreading false news and agitating crimes against a government employee, all punishable by up to three years' imprisonment. The junta is using this law against the media.
Following these large threats, many independent journalists have gone into hiding and move around on a daily basis. This makes it next to impossible to operate independently inside the country. A large group of journalists and media houses have fled to neighbouring countries Thailand and India. With the recent battles of Lay Kyaw Kyaw, more than 15 ethnic media organizations were pushed to cross the border into Thailand. The journalists in exile are facing numerous challenges such as the obtainment of work visas, discrimination and ethnophobia that hamper their safety.
Despite all challenges, media organizations and freelance journalists are extremely resilient and haven’t stopped their important work despite the rising pressure. Critical voices continue their work of daily reporting and voicing criticism. Ethnic media continue their work from KNU-liberated areas. New, innovative and creative solutions are developed to continue working and providing access to information for Burmese citizens.
Nonetheless, the crackdown on the media and the hostile environment affecting the safety of journalists of Myanmar is concerning. It is evident that the junta sees journalists as their enemy, and we are concerned that they will not hesitate to use more violence in the battle for facts and information. The crackdown on the media comes at a time where the continuation of independent and accurate informationis crucial to the conflict situation in Myanmar, to provide people with lifesaving information, offer them facts about the ongoing events, counter misinformation, and record human rights violations. Without facts and access to reliable information, the people of Myanmar will remain unable to decide over their own destiny and fully enjoy human rights.
Our calls to action
The undersigned organizations strongly condemn the continued violence against media workers in Myanmar. We welcome earlier statements of UNESCO and the Media Freedom Coalition condemning the violence and internet shutdowns imposed by the junta. But more is needed. That is why we call for:
- the international community to continue to condemn and address violations of press freedom in Myanmar and ensure that those responsible will be brought to justice;
- governments from both neighboring countries as well as the international community should create a safe haven to the journalists who are stuck in a limbo, by providing them with emergency visas. The situation that many journalists fleeing Myanmar due to threats to their lives are facing, only to find themselves in a situation where their lack of a legal status puts them at risk of persecution and eviction by the authorities, is dire. There is a real sense of urgency in terms of Myanmar journalists requiring safe ways to seek refuge through emergency visas;
- the international community is to provide long term support to independent Myanmar media including smaller ethnic media organizations from remote areas in order to recover, rebuild, and continue their reporting either in Myanmar or in exile. Media development organizations, media outlets and Myanmar journalists have shown resilience and have continued their vital work in order to bring reliable information to the Myanmar public. They need long-term support..."
Source/publisher:
Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"We will never forget. It has been a year since the violent and illegitimate occupation of the democratically elected government by Myanmar's military junta on 1 February 2021. This was at a period when the people were at their most vulnerable, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. It was and still is a grave and utter betrayal of the public will and trust and a sheer disregard of democratic institutions and values.
In the past 365 days, we have been witnessing accounts of serious human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, criminalisation, arbitrary detentions, illegal arrests, torture, violent reprisals, and sexual and gender-based violence committed against pro-democracy activists and human rights defenders.
This junta has fueled a humanitarian crisis that continues to impose fear, escalating violence, and destroy innocent lives throughout the country. Bombings of villages identified as centres of the opposition had resulted in killings of civilians and humanitarian workers and triggered gross internal displacement of communities. The crisis continues to escalate and has spilt across its borders as thousands have fled and sought refuge in neighbouring countries.
We are appalled by the junta's disregard of socio-economic and health emergencies caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, such as curtailing supplies of oxygen and medicines, arresting doctors and medical personnel, and leaving thousands to die without medical help.
We will always remember. The sheer tenacity, bravery and courage of LGBTIQ+ persons who were and are at the frontlines fighting for democracy, dignity, and freedom will forever be commemorated and ingrained in our collective memory. Despite repressive conditions, our LGBTIQ+ siblings have tirelessly campaigned both online and offline in pursuit of reclaiming democracy and urging for a global action to condemn military-led atrocities. We are deeply moved by various forms of creative resistance such as flash mobs, the waving of rainbow flags, the march of drag artists that had become symbols of peoples' solidarity and strength.
This military junta and their supporters have blood on their hands. We deeply regret that many have been separated from their loved ones and have lost their lives amid the struggle. Data reported by Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG) in June 2021 revealed that at least 12 LGBTIQ+ people were shot to death, while hundreds more were detained, arrested, and severely tortured based on their SOGIESC. Many are currently in hiding to escape retaliation.
We stand firmly in solidarity. As long as Myanmar is unfree, democracy in Southeast Asia will never move forward. We commit our continuous support for efforts to reclaim and fortify human rights, freedoms, peace and democracy in Myanmar. Human rights and freedoms, particularly of LGBTIQ+ peoples, can flourish only if the people are recognised and respected as the rightful sovereign of the country. As such, we strongly deplore the military junta as an illegitimate force that is unworthy of any recognition.
We urge the UN to step up and impose necessary sanctions and actions against the junta. Min Aung Hlaing, the rest of the military leadership, their political allies, and their families should be made accountable for the atrocities they committed.
We urge all governments, the UN, and the entire international community to recognise Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG) immediately and assure urgent unified response to provide unified assistance for putting Myanmar back on the path to democracy, the restoration of fundamental freedoms such as on information and expression, and guarantee the prevalence of peace and prosperity. While Myanmar is in crisis, we urge the international community to open up its borders, facilitate safe passage, and create domestic conditions to guarantee safety and dignity for all Myanmar persons seeking refuge.
We urge ASEAN, especially the government of Cambodia in its capacity as the Chair of the regional bloc, to fully implement its Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar: an immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue with all stakeholders especially marginalised and ethnic groups who are excluded from political processes, provision of humanitarian assistance, and the appointment and unhindered visits of an ASEAN Special Envoy to facilitate constructive dialogues with all stakeholders.
To our Myanmar LGBTIQ+ queerblings both in the country and abroad, you are not alone in this struggle. We are with you until and after democracy is fully regained in your beloved country..."
Source/publisher:
61 LGBTIQ and Civil Society Organizations via Civicus
Date of publication:
2022-02-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"One year ago, the Burmese military denied the will of the people of Burma, overthrew the democratically elected government, and seized power in a coup d’etat.
Since then, the regime has perpetrated countless brutal actions and committed unspeakable violence against civilians, including children. More than 1,500 people have been killed. Thousands have been unjustly detained or subjected to sham trials. Corruption is rampant. Civil conflict has worsened. The coup has caused immense suffering across Burma and undermined regional stability, while the leaders of the regime and their supporters seek to profit off the chaos they have created. And though millions across Burma are in desperate need of life-saving aid, the regime denies humanitarian access and attacks aid workers.
We condemn these outrages and we are working closely with our partners and allies, including in ASEAN, to hold accountable all those responsible for the coup and attacks on civilians. The military regime must reverse course and release all those unjustly detained—including Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint, other democratically elected leaders, journalists, civil society leaders, activists, and foreign citizens. Humanitarian workers must be allowed unhindered access. And the regime should immediately engage in a meaningful dialogue with all parties to return Burma to its democratic path.
As long as the regime continues to deny the people of Burma their democratic voice, we will continue to impose further costs on the military and its supporters.
To the people of Burma: We have not forgotten your struggle. And we will continue to support your valiant determination to bring democracy and the rule of law to your country..."
Source/publisher:
The White House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"One year ago, the elected government of Myanmar was deposed by military authorities. At that time, I explained that the issues surrounding this coup, its legality under the constitution and the effect on democracy in Myanmar were not within the mandate of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. This is because the coup itself did not qualify as a “serious international crime,” a term defined in our Terms of Reference as including only genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, I explained that given the tragic history of the Myanmar military using violence against political opponents, the Mechanism was concerned and would be closely following events. I explained that if it appeared that crimes against humanity or war crimes were being committed, the Mechanism would fulfill our mandate to collect the evidence and build files that could facilitate criminal prosecutions of those persons responsible in national, regional or international courts.
Tragically, reports received over the last year suggest that well over a thousand individuals have been killed in circumstances that may qualify as crimes against humanity or war crimes. The security forces have detained thousands of civilians in circumstances that include credible allegations of arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence and even killings while in detention. The Mechanism is working diligently to substantiate and document the facts underlying these reports to establish whether these crimes were committed and if so, who is criminally responsible, and to prepare files that could facilitate prosecutions. The Mechanism has been able to gather a great deal of relevant material concerning these events and we are adding information and evidence to our files almost daily.
The Mechanism is very grateful to the many thousands of persons and organizations that have shared evidence relevant to our examination of serious international crimes in Myanmar. We are committed to doing all we can to assure the safety and security of those with whom we interact and will make every effort to build cases so that their brave contributions to justice in Myanmar are not made in vain.
Investigations of serious international crimes are always challenging. It typically takes a long time and significant resources to build good cases. The Mechanism is using all possible strategies and innovations to gather and verify evidence in order to build strong case files that can facilitate prosecutions in national and international courts.
The cooperation of States where the evidence and witnesses are located is essential. The Mechanism is grateful to the many States providing ongoing cooperation and looks forward to strengthening and deepening such cooperation in order to advance its mandate.
Governments all over the world have been unanimous in calling for a cessation of the violence by all parties now being inflicted on the people of Myanmar. ASEAN, in particular, has made the immediate cessation of violence, the very first point of its Five Point Consensus. The work of the Mechanism, by collecting evidence of the very worst international crimes, complements these efforts to end the violence.
The Mechanism is closely watching events and working to fulfill its mandate. Those who are considering committing crimes should be aware that serious international crimes have no statute of limitations. International justice has a very long memory and one day the perpetrators of the most serious international crimes in Myanmar will be held to account..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"SPECIALLY DESIGNATED NATIONALS LIST UPDATE
The following individuals have been added to OFAC's SDN List:
OO, Thida (a.k.a. OO, Daw Thida; a.k.a. OO, Thi Da), Burma; DOB 27 Nov 1964; POB Rangoon, Burma; nationality Burma; citizen Burma; Gender Female; Passport DM003921 (Burma) issued 02 Aug 2017 expires 01 Aug 2027; Union Attorney General (individual) [BURMA-EO14014].
OO, Tin (a.k.a. OO, U Tin), No. 22, Thanlwin Street, Pyinyawady Condominium, No. 5 Quarter, Yankin Township, Rangoon, Burma; DOB 24 Nov 1952; nationality Burma; citizen Burma; Gender Male; National ID No. 5KALATANAING127084 (Burma); Chairman of Anti-Corruption Commission (individual) [BURMA-EO14014].
OO, Tun Tun (a.k.a. OO, Htun Htun; a.k.a. OO, U Htun Htun; a.k.a. OO, U Tun Tun), Naypyitaw, Burma; DOB 28 Jul 1956; nationality Burma; citizen Burma; Gender Male; Chief Justice of Union Supreme Court (individual) [BURMA-EO14014].
TAY ZA, Htoo Htet (a.k.a. TAYZA, Htoo Htet), Burma; DOB 24 Jan 1993; alt. DOB 24 Jan 1994; citizen Burma; Gender Male (individual) [BURMA-EO14014] (Linked To: ZA, Tay).
TAY ZA, Pye Phyo (a.k.a. TAY ZA, Pyae Phyo; a.k.a. TAYZA, Pye Phyo), Burma; DOB 29 Jan 1987; POB Burma; nationality Burma; Gender Male (individual) [BURMA-EO14014] (Linked To: ZA, Tay).
THAUNG, Jonathan Myo Kyaw (a.k.a. TAUNG, Jonathan Kwang; a.k.a. THAUNG, Jonathan Kwang; a.k.a. THAUNG, Jonathan Kyaw; a.k.a. "MYO, Jonathan"), Burma; DOB 29 Dec 1981; nationality Burma; Gender Male (individual) [BURMA-EO14014] (Linked To: MYANMA ECONOMIC HOLDINGS PUBLIC COMPANY LIMITED).
ZA, Tay, Singapore; Burma; DOB 18 Jul 1964; alt. DOB 18 Jul 1967; POB Burma; citizen Burma; Gender Male; Passport 306869 (Burma); National ID No. MYGN 006415 (Burma) (individual) [BURMA-EO14014].
The following entities have been added to OFAC's SDN List:
DIRECTORATE OF PROCUREMENT OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF DEFENSE SERVICES ARMY (a.k.a. DIRECTORATE OF PROCUREMENT, OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF ARMY, THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR; a.k.a. MYANMAR DIRECTORATE OF PROCUREMENT; a.k.a. "DIRECTORATE OF DEFENSE PROCUREMENT"; a.k.a. "DIRECTORATE OF PROCUREMENT"), Nay Pyi Taw City, Burma; Target Type Government Entity [BURMA-EO14014].
KT SERVICES & LOGISTICS KTSL COMPANY LIMITED (a.k.a. KT SERVICES & LOGISTICS CO., LTD; a.k.a. KT SERVICES AND LOGISTICS CO., LTD; a.k.a. KT SERVICES AND LOGISTICS COMPANY LIMITED; a.k.a. KT SERVICES AND LOGISTICS KTSL COMPANY LIMITED), Pyay Road, A4/A5 Kamayut Township, Rangoon 11201, Burma; Registration Country Burma; Organization Established Date 18 Feb 2014; Registration Number 108301848 (Burma) [BURMA-EO14014] (Linked To: MYANMA ECONOMIC HOLDINGS PUBLIC COMPANY LIMITED).
The following deletions have been made to OFAC's SDN List:
OMAN PRIDE Crude Oil Tanker; Additional Sanctions Information - Subject to Secondary Sanctions; Vessel Registration Identification IMO 9153525 (vessel) [SDGT] (Linked To: BRAVERY MARITIME CORPORATION)..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general, Economic, social and cultural rights
Language:
more
Description:
"Tuesday, 1 February, marks one year since Myanmar’s military overturned the democratically elected civilian Government and arbitrarily detained members of Government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. The Secretary-General stands in solidarity with the people of Myanmar and their democratic aspirations for an inclusive society and the protection of all communities, including the Rohingya.
In the past year, there has been an intensification in violence, a deepening of the human rights and humanitarian crises and a rapid rise of poverty in Myanmar. The multiple vulnerabilities of all people across Myanmar and its regional implications require an urgent response. Access to people in need is critically important for the United Nations and partners to continue to deliver on the ground. Armed forces and all stakeholders must respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. The people of Myanmar need to see concrete results.
The Secretary-General’s Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer has been actively engaging all stakeholders in support of a Myanmar-led process. She will continue to mobilize immediate action, including through strengthened cooperation between the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to address the desperate needs of the people of Myanmar. This is crucial for creating an enabling environment for inclusive dialogue. Any solution needs to derive from engaging directly with and listening carefully to all those affected by the ongoing crisis. Their voices must be heard and amplified..."
Source/publisher:
Secretary-General, United Nations
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Secretary-General's statements on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
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Title: UNICEF Myanmar Humanitarian Situation Report: Reporting Period: 1 January to 31 December 2021
Description:
"Highlights
In 2021, UNICEF received 34 per cent of its Myanmar Humanitarian Action for Children appeal of US $74.5 million, leaving a 66 per cent of needs unmet. Despite this gap, UNICEF’s response reached 96 per cent of its target (148,528 people) in providing access to primary health care services, 89 per cent of its target (77,758 children) in providing access to primary education, and 52 per cent of its target (227,013 people) in providing access to safe water.
Since the military coup on 1 February, 320,900 people have been newly displaced nationwide, including 15,000 people who have fled to India. In the southeast, 175,700 people have been displaced, including 4,700 individuals who are now in Thailand as of December 2021. Prior to the coup, an additionnal 370,000 people were in protracted displacement due to earlier conflict mainly in Rakhine, Kachin and northern Shan states.
Since the February 2021 military takeover, more than 100 children have been killed in Myanmar, including through shootings, airstrikes, indiscriminate artillery fire, use of explosives and being used as human shields.
UNICEF, jointly with the Swiss Development Cooperation and in partnership with TdHL, funded the humanitarian cash transfer programme in Hlaing Thar Yar, benefitting a total of 5,300 recipients.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Eleven months into the 1 February 2021 military takeover, the conflict has spread across Myanmar, affecting hundreds of thousands of people who urgently need multisectoral emergency assistance. Throughout the year, the expansion of the conflict has severely impacted the already affected public system and provoked increased population displacements nationwide, with some people fleeing their homes in fear of the armed conflict, and others leaving villages destroyed by armed groups. The northwest and southeast regions have been the most severely affected by the clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the People’s Defence Forces and Ethnic Armed Organizations. As of 27 December 2021, the UN Refugee Agency reported a national total of 320,900 people who have remained displaced since the beginning of the clashes, including approximately 15,000 people who have found refuge across the border in India. This national total also accounts for 175,700 individuals who have been displaced in the southeast, including 4,700 people who have fled to neighbouring Thailand since the mid-December attacks in Kayin state. Prior to the coup and in addition to the previous figures, OCHA reports that approximately 370,000 people are in protracted displacement due to earlier conflict in Myanmar. This number includes 144,000 people, mostly Rohingyas, living in Rakhine state camps since 2012, 106,700 people living in protracted displacement camps in Kachin and northern Shan states since 2011, and 82,200 people displaced due to conflict between the Arakan Army and MAF from early 2019 and late 2020.
In 2021, these mass movements of the population generated an array of new needs and exacerbated the vulnerability of specific groups, such as children and women, affected by the widespread violence. Humanitarian programming readjustments to the growing needs resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic were still a priority this year, with newly added vulnerabilities since the start of the conflict. From the initial 1 million people in need identified at the end of 2020, the number rapidly grew to 3.1 million in the Humanitarian Response Plan addendum. Consequently, UNICEF revised its Humanitarian Action for Children in August, which highlighted its aim to reach 667,389 people including 316,164 children out of the 1.2 million children estimated to be in dire need of nutrition services, safe drinking water, health care, protection and education. All assistance programmes have been expanded, but humanitarian partners have faced additional layers of complexity in their implementation, including access restrictions to people in conflict-affected areas, security risks and threats due to hazards, and temporary suspension of their activities due to COVID-19 prevention measures. Despite funding gaps and operational constraints, UNICEF implemented its responses, including reaching 96 per cent of its target for providing access to primary health care services to 148,528 people, 89 per cent of its target for providing access to primary education to 77,758 children aged from 3 to 17 years, and 52 per cent of its target was reached for providing access to safe water to 227,013 people.
As of 1 January 2022, a cumulative total of 531,025 confirmed COVID-19 cases and 19,274 deaths were recorded in Myanmar, resulting in a case fatality rate of 3,6 per cent. The escalation of the armed conflict, the population displacements and the impact of COVID-19 control measures have further restricted access to essential services, in conjunction with their impacts on children. As a result, approximately 12 million children missed school for 18 months due to the pandemic. Even though schools began to reopen in November 2021, the slow growth in attendance (40 to 50 per cent as of December 2021) demonstrated resistance to attending schools managed by the de facto authorities.
The conflict’s impact on children goes further, with exposure to violence affecting their physical and psychological health and well-being, and the heightened risks of suffering from conflict-related violence including killing, physical injury, trafficking, recruitment and use in armed conflict, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest, and unlawful detention. Given the persistence of the conflict and its impact, UNICEF has estimated that the population’s emergency needs will continue to grow in 2022, with an estimated 25 per cent of the population needing humanitarian aid, including 5 million children..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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"GENEVA (28 January 2022) – UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on Friday urged the international community to intensify pressure on the military to stop its campaign of violence against the people of Myanmar and to insist on the prompt restoration of civilian rule.
“One year after the military seized power, the people of Myanmar – who have paid a high cost in both lives and freedoms lost – continue to advocate relentlessly for their democracy,” Bachelet said. “This week, I had a chance to speak in person with determined, courageous human rights defenders who are pleading to the international community not to abandon them, but to take robust, effective measures to ensure their rights are protected and the military is held accountable.”
“I urge governments – in the region and beyond – as well as businesses, to listen to this plea. It is time for an urgent, renewed effort to restore human rights and democracy in Myanmar and ensure that perpetrators of systemic human rights violations and abuses are held to account.”
Bachelet said she had heard chilling accounts of journalists being tortured; factory workers being intimidated, silenced and exploited; intensified persecution of ethnic and religious minorities – including the Rohingya; arbitrary arrests, detentions and sham trials of political opponents; “clearance operations” targeting villagers; and indiscriminate attacks including through airstrikes and the use of heavy weaponry in populated areas, showing gross disregard for human life.
“And yet, courageous human rights defenders and trade unionists continue to protest, to advocate, to document and accumulate the mounting evidence of violations,” she said.
The brutal effort by security forces to crush dissent has led to the killing of at least 1,500 people by the military since the 1 February coup – but that figure does not include thousands more deaths from armed conflict and violence, which have intensified nationwide.
The UN Human Rights Office has documented gross human rights violations on a daily basis, the vast majority committed by security forces. At least 11,787 people have been arbitrarily detained for voicing their opposition to the military either in peaceful protests or through their online activities, of whom 8,792 remain in custody. At least 290 have died in detention, many likely due to the use of torture.
Armed clashes have grown in frequency and intensity, with every part of the country experiencing some level of violence. In those areas of highest intensity military activity – Sagaing region, Chin, Kachin, Kayah and Kayin states – the military has been punishing local communities for their assumed support of armed elements. The Office has documented village burnings, including places of worship and medical clinics, mass arrests, summary executions and the use of torture.*
The crisis has been exacerbated by the combined forces of the COVID-19 pandemic and the collapse of the banking, transportation, education and other sectors, leaving the economy on the brink of collapse. The daily lives of people have been severely impacted, with devastating effects on their enjoyment of economic and social rights. There are projections that nearly half of the population of 54 million may be driven into poverty this year.
“Members of Myanmar civil society have told me first-hand what the impact of the last year has been on their lives and those of their families and communities," Bachelet said. “The people have shown extraordinary courage and resilience in standing up for their basic human rights and support each other.
Now the international community must show its resolve to support them through concrete actions to end this crisis.”
While there has been near universal condemnation of the coup and the ensuing violence, the international response has been “ineffectual and lacks a sense of urgency commensurate to the magnitude of the crisis,” Bachelet said. The actions taken by the UN Security Council and by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been insufficient to convince Myanmar’s military to cease its violence and facilitate humanitarian access and aid deliveries. The High Commissioner welcomed some private corporations’ decisions to withdraw based on human rights grounds, as a “powerful tool to apply pressure on the financing of the military’s operations against civilians”.
Bachelet also stressed that the current human rights crisis is “built upon the impunity with which the military leadership perpetrated the shocking campaign of violence resulting in gross human rights violations against the Rohingya communities of Myanmar four years ago – and other ethnic minorities over many decades beforehand.”
“As long as impunity prevails, stability in Myanmar will be a fiction. Accountability of the military remains crucial to any solution going forward – the people overwhelmingly demand this,” Bachelet said..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Groups Urge Canberra to Act Ahead of Military Takeover Anniversary
Description:
"The Australian government, one year after Myanmar’s February 1, 2021 military coup, should impose targeted sanctions on Myanmar’s abusive military leaders and their business interests, six nongovernmental organizations said in a letter to Foreign Minister Marise Payne released today.
In December the Australian government passed amendments to enable targeted sanctions against serious human rights abusers, but the sanctions have not been used. In the past year governments such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Union have imposed various targeted sanctions against Myanmar individuals and entities.
The letter was signed by the Australian Centre for International Justice, Australian Council for International Development, Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), Human Rights Watch, Publish What You Pay, and the Refugee Council of Australia.
Since the Myanmar military overthrew the elected civilian government last year, the Australian government has not imposed any additional sanctions on military leaders or their business interests. Since then, the military junta has carried out a nationwide crackdown on anti-junta protesters and the political opposition that amounts to crimes against humanity.
State security forces have killed more than 1,500 people, most recently the horrific summary execution of at least 39 people, including 4 children and 2 humanitarian workers, in Karenni State, yet no one has been held accountable for these crimes. Australia should demonstrate its strong public opposition to these atrocities by announcing targeted sanctions on February 1, 2022, the organizations said.
On January 27, the Australian company Woodside, a natural gas producer, announced it was exiting from Myanmar, underscoring the need for coordinated and targeted sanctions from Australia, the US, EU, and other concerned governments on Myanmar’s natural gas revenues.
The letter to Australia’s foreign minister lists the individuals and entities who should face sanctions. Acting on that list should serve as a starting point for the Australian government to harmonize its position on Myanmar with like-minded governments.
Quotes from signatories to the letter:
“Australia should mark the one-year anniversary of Myanmar’s coup by joining join its allies in imposing targeted sanctions against Myanmar’s abusive generals and military-owned businesses. The Australian government should heed the calls of people in both Australia and Myanmar to help deprive the military of its revenue sources and to maximize pressure on the junta to end its campaign of terror.”
Elaine Pearson, Australia director at Human Rights Watch
“The Australian government needs to act by introducing targeted sanctions, and not just wring its hands. The Myanmar generals stand accused of committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya people and snuffing out democratic government, and attacking their own people for voicing democratic aspirations. When will the Australian government stand up for freedom and democracy?”
Marc Purcell, chief executive officer of the Australian Council for International Development
“A year on from the military coup in Myanmar, the Morrison government has failed to introduce further sanctions against Myanmar’s military leaders and business interests – putting Australia behind likeminded countries like the US, UK and EU. Workers in Myanmar are risking their lives to protest the military takeover while the Morrison government sits idly by, when they should be taking action to support democracy.”
Michele O’Neil, president of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU)
“The mining, oil and gas sectors are like an ATM for Myanmar’s murderous military. The Australian government should introduce sanctions that will outlaw Australian mining, oil and gas companies lining the pockets of the generals with tax and royalty payments.”
Clancy Moore, Australian director of Publish What You Pay..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations
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966.22 KB
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"Justice For Myanmar reviews international sacntions since the attempted coup
One year after the Myanmar military's illegal coup attempt, Justice For Myanmar has compared targeted sanctions imposed by some democracies. Targeted sanctions are a crucial mechanism to stop the flow of funds to the terrorist junta and to take action against those responsible for human rights violations and corruption.
We looked at the sanctions track record of Australia, Canada, the European Union, India, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, the UK and the USA since February 1, 2021.
Comparison of sanctions designations by country: Download Excel File (16 kb)
English Press Release: Download PDF (150 kb)
Appallingly, since the Myanmar military's attempted coup, Australia, India, Japan and South Korea have not imposed any targeted sanctions.
Companies from those countries, and in some cases, governments, are implicated in ongoing business with the military junta.
For instance, the Japanese state-backed Y Complex project involves payments to the Myanmar Army's Office of the Quartermaster General, although payments have been suspended since February 1, 2021.
The Shwe Gas project, which involves a collaboration between South Korea's state-owned company, KOGAS, POSCO International and the junta-controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, continues to bankroll the junta.
The majority state-owned Bharat Electronics Limited has transferred technology to the Myanmar military since its attempted coup.
Business with the junta and its conglomerates enables its widening campaign of terror.
Through their inaction – at best – and complicity, at worst, Australia, India, Japan and South Korea are failing to uphold their human rights responsibilities and failing the people of Myanmar. We call on them to change direction and support democracy and human rights in Myanmar.
Australia passed a Magnitsky-style sanctions bill on December 2, 2021, but no sanctions have yet been imposed under the act.
While New Zealand acted swiftly to formally suspend high-level contact with the Myanmar military junta, it too has failed to follow this up with targeted sanctions, with the exception of a travel ban imposed on five senior junta officials. This is insufficient. New Zealand does not have a Magnitsky law.
Some sanctions have been imposed by the US, UK, Canada and the EU on senior junta individuals and some of the junta’s business interests. Yet, not enough has been done to designate individuals and entities linked to the Myanmar military junta's serious human rights violations and corruption.
For instance, despite evidence that oil and gas bankrolls the military junta, enabling its continued atrocity crimes, sanctions have not yet been imposed on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). MOGE is a state-owned enterprise under Myanmar military control that generates the most significant amount of revenue for the terrorist junta.
Key military-controlled businesses, their directors and associates have also yet to be sanctioned, despite their well-documented links to the Myanmar military's international crimes.
A notable example is Telecom International Myanmar, the company that owns Mytel. Mytel provides a lucrative source of revenue for the terrorist junta and supports the military's communications capabilities.
Apart from the UK's sanctions designation against Htoo Group, and the US Commerce Department's designaton of King Royal Technologies, no sanctions have been imposed on individuals and businesses that supply arms and dual-use goods to the Myanmar military, despite growing evidence of the military's network of private arms brokers.
Targeted sanctions are an important tactic for the international community to deploy in support of the Myanmar people's overwhelming rejection of the attempted coup and the struggle to build a federal democracy. Justice For Myanmar continues to call for wide-ranging international action, including targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) hosted a press conference yesterday, Thursday 27 January 2022. The scale and gravity of the crisis in Myanmar cannot be overstated, yet the members of SAC-M said there are reasons for optimism, even as the crisis caused by Min Aung Hlaing’s failed coup enters its second year.
“Min Aung Hlaing tried to seize power over Myanmar on 1st of February last year. One year later, he has not succeeded. Why has he not succeeded? Why has he failed? Because the people of Myanmar resisted,” said Yanghee Lee, SAC-M founding member and former UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar.
Yanghee Lee told the press conference that the resistance movement which manifested within days of the attempted coup has since become a democratic revolution. Lee highlighted the achievements of the revolution, including the announcement of a Federal Democratic Charter, appointment of the National Unity Government and formation of People’s Administration Committees.
These achievements have come at a heavy cost, with Min Aung Hlaing’s troops becoming more and more barbaric as his desperation grows. The intensity of violence in Myanmar has escalated in the last four months to outpace that of other global flashpoints Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen and Iraq.
Marzuki Darusman, SAC-M founding member and former chair of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, echoed Lee’s sentiment, however. “This is a nation that is in a historic process of re-envisioning itself towards a federal democracy. Historically, when a nation comes onto that track nothing can stop it, not even the junta,” he said.
Darusman said that among the reasons for optimism are the total de-legitimation of the junta, the pull-out of major corporations, and the growing recognition of the National Unity Government in the international community.
The international system itself meanwhile was criticised for failing to act. Chris Sidoti, SAC-M founding member and former member of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission, said that inaction has been the characteristic of the international response, but that there is an opportunity for change.
Sidoti told the press conference that the UN Security Council needs to accept its responsibility under the UN Charter for international peace and security and pass a resolution on Myanmar that would see the three cuts – cut the weapons, cut the cash, cut the impunity – imposed on the military junta. He also called on the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice to welcome the National Unity Government as the representatives of the people of Myanmar and cooperate with them in their investigations, prosecutions and litigations.
“We in the international system have the opportunity of being on the side of the people of Myanmar,” said Sidoti. “The victory of the people is clear, it will occur, but how will the international system be judged when the history of these years is written?”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
126.02 KB
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"If the international community continues to drag its feet on the grave human rights violations including lethal violence targeted at protestors that we have seen in Myanmar this past year, many more people will suffer and this human rights crisis could worsen, Amnesty International said today ahead of the one-year anniversary of the 1 February, 2021 coup.
“Enough is enough, the 55 million people of Myanmar cannot afford another year of wavering and sitting on the sidelines by many governments around the world. Concrete action aimed at holding the military accountable and preventing their access to weaponry used to commit widespread human rights abuses must be taken now or the shocking death and misery that have defined life in Myanmar since the coup is likely to persist,” said Ming Yu Hah, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns.
“As the anniversary of the coup draws near, the military has launched indiscriminate air strikes that have killed civilians in the southeast, blocked life-saving aid, and kept up a bloody campaign against activists and journalists, who have been detained and killed in custody. Too many governments continue turning a blind eye to all these atrocities, as they did following the gross violations of human rights against the Rohingya people. As a result, the military has been increasingly brazen, acting with impunity in its efforts to wipe out any resistance to its rule.
“The Myanmar people are desperate and have become disillusioned about help from the international community. But there are clear steps that need to be taken to prevent the Myanmar military from maintaining its dystopian campaign of terror and persecution. The UN Security Council must stop dragging its feet, and instead impose a global arms embargo and targeted sanctions against military leaders, and urgently refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
“In addition, all local and foreign companies in business partnerships with the military or military-owned businesses need to responsibly disengage, cutting the flow of funds that the military uses to prop up its lethal operations.
“Closer to home, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must present a unified front on Myanmar and demand the military to immediately stop the violence against civilians. The ASEAN should also exert pressure on the military to stop blocking humanitarian access and expand on and implement with a clear timeline its five-point consensus adopted last year, which has proved a failure.
“The new year must bring new approaches to Myanmar, placing human rights for the people of Myanmar, accountability, and a zero tolerance to human rights violations and abuses at the forefront.”
Background:
Myanmar’s military seized power in a coup in the early hours of 1 February, 2021. Since then it has killed more than 1,400 people and arrested more than 11,000, with over 8,000 currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The shocking violence fits into a long history of well-documented crimes under international law against ethnic minorities in the country, including the Kachin, Shan and Rohingya.
The UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar has previously called for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other senior officials to be investigated and prosecuted for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.
The former civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been sentenced to six years on bogus charges and faces more than 100 years if convicted on all the counts against her. Many of her closest allies, including President Win Myint, have also been convicted on similarly trumped-up charges.
Following the violent crackdown on peaceful protesters, some opponents of the military authorities have established the armed People’s Defense Force, which claims to have killed hundreds of soldiers through shootings, bombs and ambushes.
On top of the chaos that has gripped major cities and towns across the country in the aftermath of the coup, economic and food insecurity as well as pandemic-related challenges have caused millions to face hunger. Hundreds of thousands have also been internally displaced while thousands have fled across the border to Thailand..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-01-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Sub-title:
One Year After Coup, Global Arms Embargo Urgently Needed
Description:
"United Nations Security Council member countries should abandon their timid approach to the Myanmar military’s mounting atrocities and replace mealymouthed statements with tough action.
A year ago, on February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military ousted the democratically elected civilian government, jailed many politicians, and unleashed a wave of violence against protesters opposing the coup, killing nearly 1,500. Renewed attacks on ethnic minority areas have resulted in numerous war crimes.
Three-and-a-half years earlier, the same military launched a campaign of atrocities against Rohingya Muslims including murder, rape, torture, and the widespread burning of villages. A UN-backed investigation said the attacks against the Rohingya may amount to genocide.
Between the 2017 campaign against the Rohingya and the 2021 coup, the Security Council did little more than issue a handful of statements on Myanmar, failing to put forth a single resolution. This approach surely gave Myanmar’s military confidence that any new wave of repression would largely be met with silence.
Calls for the Security Council to hold a public meeting to discuss the violence since last year’s coup have gone unheeded, as has a campaign by dozens of organizations urging the council to impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar and targeted sanctions on the junta leaders and military companies.
The United States, Britain, and the European Union have issued unilateral sanctions on Myanmar. But none has presented a draft resolution for the Security Council to negotiate. Why? Fears of a Chinese and Russian veto.
But a veto threat hasn’t stopped them before. Russia, usually backed by China, has vetoed 16 resolutions regarding Syria’s armed conflict since 2011. US and EU persistence has sent a strong message that the international community is determined to hold parties to the conflict accountable for serious abuses.
In June, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling on all governments to suspend arms transfers to Myanmar.
A Security Council resolution imposing a legally binding UN arms embargo is urgently needed.
If Russia and China want to side with Myanmar’s murderous military against the country’s people, nothing can stop them. But Security Council action is long overdue..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UN Security Council, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"JAKARTA – In response to the statement issued by the National Assembly of Cambodia regarding ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights’ (APHR) criticism of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar earlier this month, the group of lawmakers urges the Cambodian government, as this year’s Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to instead prioritize its efforts on finding the solutions needed to address the tragic crisis engulfing Myanmar.
Rather than focusing its response on the National Assembly’s personal attacks on Charles Santiago, APHR’s Chair, the organization asks that the Cambodian government redirect its attention on the more urgent humanitarian and human rights needs in Myanmar.
Far from being a success, the Prime Minister’s Myanmar visit shows that Hun Sen’s consensus-breaking decision not only threatened the legitimacy and solidarity of ASEAN, but may have also emboldened the junta to escalate their abuses on the Myanmar people, APHR said.
On the very day that Hun Sen left Myanmar on 8 January with the junta’s agreement to a ceasefire until the end of 2022 in hand, there were reports that junta forces began airstrikes in Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State, displacing around 40,000 civilians. More than half of the state’s 300,000 residents were reportedly displaced even before the air strikes began.
“ASEAN’s response to the attempted coup in Myanmar has been far from perfect, but the Five-Point Consensus was a step in the right direction, as was the decision to ban Min Aung Hlaing from last year’s summits for failing to adhere to the Consensus. Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar – and the ensuing joint statement he signed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing – risked completely undermining that progress,” Santiago said.
APHR’s view that the Consensus should hold has been echoed by the Malaysian and Singaporean Prime Ministers. According to a statement issued by Malaysia’s Foreign Ministry on 25 January, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob told Hun Sen that his country’s position to only invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to high-level ASEAN meetings “remained unchanged unless there was real progress and full implementation of the Five-Point Consensus”. Earlier this month, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong also said the bloc should exclude junta leaders from meetings until progress has been made on the Consensus.
Prime Minister Hun Sen himself has now concurred, after initially suggesting that the junta be included in meetings. A post on his Facebook page on 25 January announced that he would invite Min Aung Hlaing to attend the ASEAN summit “if there was progress on the implementation of the five points agreed unanimously … if not, he must send a non-political representative to ASEAN meetings”.
“We’re pleased to see Prime Minister Hun Sen reverting back to the approach originally agreed to by the ASEAN Member States,” Santiago said. “Now what is needed is for the ASEAN Chair to work closely with the rest of its members to hold the junta leader accountable towards the Five-Point Consensus that he himself also agreed to. Amidst all of this, let’s not forget the people of Myanmar, who continue to be subjected to the terror and violence of this junta, and yet bravely continue to voice their rejection of the military.”
During the first 11 months of the junta’s attempted coup, there were 7,686 armed clashes and attacks on civilians across Myanmar, a 715% increase from the same period in 2020 (943). The intensity of the violence was comparable to Syria (7,742), and greater than in Afghanistan (6,481), Yemen (6,270), and Iraq (3,732). In the last four months of 2021, the conflict in Myanmar has escalated to outpace all of the other four countries.
Immediate international action is needed to address the junta’s widespread, systematic, and increasingly frequent and severe attacks on civilians in Myanmar, APHR said.
APHR calls on the Cambodian and other ASEAN member governments to prioritize finding the urgent solutions necessary to address the humanitarian demands in Myanmar, use all means at their disposal to end the atrocities being committed by the junta, recognize all legitimate stakeholders involved, including the National Unity Government (NUG), which includes elected representatives of the Myanmar people, urge the junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all opposition MPs and individuals wrongfully imprisoned on baseless politically motivated allegations, and press for Myanmar to be tabled at the United Nations Security Council.
APHR is an independent, non-partisan group of current and former lawmakers, and is committed to the protection and advancement of human rights and democracy across Southeast Asia.
“We remain available for constructive dialogue and engagement with all relevant stakeholders, such as representatives of the Cambodian government, including Prime Minister Hun Sen, with the aim of contributing to finding solutions to the urgent crisis affecting the people of Myanmar,” Santiago said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"We, the undersigned 286 organizations stress the need, at an absolute minimum, to convene an open meeting of the UN Security Council to address the deteriorating humanitarian situation and urgent civilian protection concerns in Myanmar as a matter of extreme urgency.
As we approach one year since the attempted coup on 1 February, all UN Security Council member states have a shared responsibility to address the crisis in an open setting and share national positions on actions the UN Security Council should be taking. Closed meetings and press statements are not working.
We call on Norway as UN Security Council President, the UK as Myanmar “penholder” and all supportive states to table the open debate before the one-year anniversary and require other member states to declare their support..."
Source/publisher:
286 Organizations via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UN Security Council, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
150.27 KB
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Description:
"Six civil society organizations that have been urging Japanese companies to give appropriate consideration to the environment, society, and human rights in their overseas business operations, sent a letter on January 18, 2022 to 125 corporate investors holding shares in ENEOS Corporation, Sumitomo Corporation, Marubeni Corporation, and Mitsubishi Corporation. These Japanese companies continue to invest in four problematic projects in Myanmar, despite the unacceptable risk of the projects financing the Myanmar military, thereby supporting the military’s international crimes and grave violations of human rights, including murder, wrongful arrest and arbitrary detainment, sexual violence, forced disappearances, and torture.
Although the above four companies have expressed general concerns over violence and human rights violations perpetrated by Myanmar’s military, they have not officially declared specific plans to avoid the risk of their own business activities in Myanmar aiding and abetting grave human rights violations by the military, or announced plans to alter the course of their business activities. The four companies are involved in the following four problematic projects in Myanmar: Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Development Project, Yetagun Gas Project, Landmark Project (Yoma Central Project); and Thilawa Area Port Terminal Operation Project.
The letter requests all holders of shares in the Japanese companies involved in the four projects to promptly engage with their investees and to urge the companies to take measures to ensure that their business activities do not benefit the Myanmar military. The letter further asks the corporate investors to consider divestment if the companies do not take sufficient measures..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, ayus: Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation, Japan International Volunteer Center and Network Against Japan Arms Trade
Date of publication:
2022-01-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
32.61 KB 75.51 KB 236.63 KB 219.84 KB
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Sub-title:
The Court to hold public hearings on the preliminary objections raised by Myanmar from Monday 21 to Monday 28 February 2022
Description:
"THE HAGUE, 19 January 2022. The International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ
of the United Nations, will hold public hearings in the case concerning Application of the Convention
on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar) from
Monday 21 February to Monday 28 February 2022, at the Peace Palace in The Hague, the seat of the
Court.
The hearings will be devoted to the preliminary objections raised by Myanmar.
In view of the current COVID-19 pandemic, the hearings will be held in a hybrid format. Some
Members of the Court will attend the oral proceedings in person in the Great Hall of Justice while
others will participate remotely by video link. Representatives of the Parties to the case will
participate either in person or by video link.
Guidelines for the Parties on the organization of hearings by video link can be found on the
Court’s website.
Members of the diplomatic corps, the media and the public will be able to follow the hearings
through a live webcast on the Court’s website, as well as on UN Web TV, the United Nations online
television channel..."
Source/publisher:
International Court of Justice ( The Hague, Netherlands)
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
211.44 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"The UN Security Council must take concrete action to address the junta’s widespread
and systematic, and increasingly frequent and severe, attacks on civilians in Burma.
The Security Council called for accountability in its
29 December 2021 press statement. 1
Accountability is precisely what is needed: the
Security Council must adopt a resolution referring
the junta’s crimes to the International Criminal
Court; and the Security Council and other UN
bodies must act to achieve accountability and urge
ASEAN to work with the UN.
During the first 11 months of the junta’s attempted
coup (1 February–31 December), there were
7,686 armed clashes and attacks on civilians
(in every administrative area of Burma), a 715%
increase from the same period in 2020 (943).
The violence was comparable to Syria (7,742),
and greater than in Afghanistan (6,481), Yemen
(6,270), or Iraq (3,732). In the last four months of
2021, Burma outpaced the other four countries.
2
The widespread and systematic nature of junta troops’ massacres and other atrocity crimes suggest
that they are not isolated incidents, but rather reflect orders from the junta’s highest levels.
In ethnic States, the junta increased conflict with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and it relied
on its Border Guard Forces (BGFs) and other aligned ethnic militias to fight EAOs. In urban and
non-EAO-controlled areas, the junta engaged in asymmetrical warfare with civilian resistance
groups, applying traditional battlefield tactics to urban environments.
Junta security forces (military and police) have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity,
and violated international humanitarian law and numerous Security Council resolutions (e.g., 2601,
2573, 2535, 2475, and 2467).
3 They have shelled and torched villages; targeted civilian objects
such as churches, schools, and hospitals; attacked health and humanitarian aid workers; used
civilians as porters and human shields; tortured and killed detainees; raped women; and committed
perfidy. They have killed at least 2,164 civilians,
4 and arrested over 11.000.5
Junta troops have destroyed food stores and blocked humanitarian aid:
On 10 June, in Moe Bye, Pekon Township (Shan), junta forces burned 80 sacks of rice and medical
supplies meant for IDPs.6
In July, it was reported that the junta was only allowing around 450kg of
rice—not enough to feed residents—to enter Mindat (Chin State) each day, despite the existence of a ceasefire and an agreement allowing vehicles to bring food into Mindat.7
In December, Human
Rights Watch condemned the junta’s recent travel restrictions for humanitarian workers, blocks on
access roads and aid convoys, and destruction of non-military supplies.8
The junta intentionally deprived people of oxygen, and targeted doctors and health workers:
At the height of the third wave of COVID-19 in Burma, the junta ordered that oxygen be denied to
clinics and ordinary citizens; doctors accused the junta of funneling supplies to military hospitals;
and several incidents were reported of soldiers forcibly confiscating oxygen from charities.9 By
November, junta forces had arrested at least 284 healthcare workers and killed 31; WHO figures
show that in 2021 Burma was one of the most dangerous countries in the world for health workers.10
The junta committed massacres and atrocities, including the following incidents:
In July, junta troops killed at least 40 people in Kani Township (Sagaing Region), with many of the
bodies showing clear signs of torture. Earlier in the month, over 10,000 people had fled Kani
because of junta raids in which soldiers robbed villagers, laid landmines, stole and destroyed
property, and dumped insecticides into water reservoirs, poisoning water supplies.11
In early September, the junta terrorized civilians in Thantlang Township (Chin State) by firing guns
and heavy artillery, both indiscriminately and aimed at Thantlang town,12 before stationing 200
soldiers in the town and commencing daily fly-overs.13 On 17 September, junta forces killed a
Baptist pastor and cut off his finger to take his wedding ring.14 On 19 September, junta forces
opened fire on the town with heavy weapons and artillery, burning down 19 houses and causing
8,000 residents to flee. 15 Thantlang was still a ghost town on 29 October, when junta forces
destroyed more than 160 of its 2,000 homes. Two churches and a building attached to a third caught
fire, as did several local civil society organization offices and a Save the Children office.16
On 7 December, in Salingyi Township (Sagaing Region), junta troops bound 11 civilians, including
five children aged 14–17, and tortured them before burning them alive.17 The body of a twelfth victim
was found the following day, with a gaping knife wound in her neck, just 50 feet (15 meters) from
the ashes of those the junta burned.18
On 12 December, in Gaung Kwe, Myaung Township (Sagaing Region), junta troops killed and
burned five people, including one reported as having a cognitive disability.19
On 24 December, junta forces captured at least 37 men, women, and children fleeing conflict in
Moso village, Hpruso Township (Karenni State), tied the victims’ hands behind their backs, placed
them in cars, and then torched the vehicles, burning them to death. The troops also killed four
Karenni BGF members who attempted to stop them.20 Save the Children confirmed that two of its
staff, traveling home from a humanitarian mission, were among those killed.21
On 7–9 January, a local resistance group found the dead bodies of 10 male civilians, including a
13-year-old child, in Matupi Township (Chin State). The victims were among 11 villagers abducted
by junta troops while traveling between villages on 6–7 January, and were used as human shields before the troops killed them. The 13-year-old boy was found with his throat slit; others showed
injuries from being hit with rifle butts, slashed, cut, and shot. Several bodies had been stripped
naked and had their mouths covered. The 11th villager had not been found at the time of reporting.22
The junta unleashed air strikes on civilian communities across the country:
In the second half of December, junta forces conducted repeated air strikes around Lay Kay Kaw
(Karen State), displacing around 10,000 civilians, around half into Thailand.23 Air strikes in Karen
State on 27 March 2021, coinciding with Burma’s Armed Forces Day, marked the military’s first air
assaults in Karen State in 25 years;
24 that offensive in Hpapun left 83,000 people displaced.25
On 8 January 2022, junta forces began air strikes in Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State, displacing
around 40,000 civilians.26 Even before the air strikes began, over half of Karenni State’s 300,000
residents were displaced.
27 On 16–17 January, junta jets bombed an IDP camp in nearby Hpruso
Township, killing a child, three medical workers, and two other civilians.28
Heightened risk of atrocity crimes:
The junta has armed and relied upon paramilitary Pyu Saw Htee groups, which have terrorized and
killed civilians, actively distributed misinformation, raided villages, and torched properties.
Unprecedented casualty rates (over 2,000 just in September–October 2021),29 defections (at least
8,000 as of 1 December),30 and growing internal discontent31 have hit the junta hard. In a desperate
attempt to maintain troop numbers, the junta has recalled veterans and subjected troops' wives
and children to military trainings.32 These moves violate international law, Burma’s human rights
commitments, and Security Council resolutions..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-Burma and Progressive Voice
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
558.13 KB
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Sub-title:
Japan’s defence ministry claims the program, which includes combat training, will inspire change from within. That’s not going to happen.
Description:
"Japan was one of the first governments to issue a statement after the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1 last year.
Within hours of events unfolding in Naypyitaw, the Japanese leadership expressed “grave concern” and called for the release of those detained by security forces, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
Following its swift condemnation, the Japanese government took further action by halting new non-humanitarian development projects, while allowing existing aid projects to continue.
Then on March 28, Japan’s defence ministry issued a joint statement with 11 allies criticising the military’s use of force against “unarmed civilians.” Japan even voted in favour of a Myanmar resolution at the United Nations General Assembly in June, a major shift from its repeated abstentions since 2017.
All this begs the question: why does the Japanese government continue to train the Myanmar military? The Tatmadaw, along with other Myanmar security forces, has since the coup killed more than 1,400 people, detained over 10,000, and intensified abusive military operations in ethnic minority areas.
Not only do Japan’s ongoing ties with the Tatmadaw contradict its condemnation of the coup, but they also undermine the international community’s efforts to hold the generals accountable for crimes against humanity and other abuses.
Since 2015, Myanmar military cadets have been studying at Japan’s National Defense Academy, receiving both academic and military training. The program is authorised by the defence minister under article 100 of the Self-Defense Forces Act, which permits training and educating foreign nationals in Defense Ministry facilities.
In December, a defence ministry official told Human Rights Watch that eight cadets from Myanmar were attending the academy, and at least two of them joined after the coup. The academy’s curriculum includes combat and the use of firearms.
In addition to the cadets, two Tatmadaw officers are being trained at the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Training, Evaluation, Research and Development Command, and at the Japan Air Self-Defense Force Command and Staff College, according to a defence ministry document obtained by Human Rights Watch.
Another defence ministry official said that the program is designed to bring change from within the Tatmadaw by showing cadets, who are expected to become officers, how Japan’s armed forces operate under strict civilian control. However, the official also conceded that the ministry does not keep track of the career paths the trainees take after the program, meaning that they do not monitor or evaluate whether this actually happens.
The Japanese government should simply look at the Tatmadaw’s long record of human rights abuses and absence of deference to civilian authority and recognize that this program is not going to bring about the reforms they say it will.
In August 2017, two years after Japan began the program, the Myanmar military under the current junta leader and commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, carried out crimes against humanity and possible genocide against ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, forcing more than 740,000 to flee to Bangladesh.
At least 600,000 Rohingya who remained in Myanmar are confined to camps and villages under guard of local authorities and security forces, under conditions that amount to the crime against humanity of apartheid.
Even before 2017, in long-running conflicts with ethnic armed groups, the Myanmar military has for many years committed summary killings, rape, indiscriminate shelling, torture, arson, and other abuses with impunity.
And now, six years after the program began, Myanmar is in turmoil because of the Tatmadaw’s coup.
The Japanese government should immediately suspend the program and cut defence ties with the Tatmadaw, as New Zealand and Australia, Japan’s regional allies, did soon after the coup. Otherwise Japan risks being complicit in the Tatmadaw’s atrocities..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Japan-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"On 13 January 2022, the office of the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on
Burma/Myanmar published a statement following discussion held between the Special Envoy and
the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, currently chairing ASEAN and just back from a
personal visit to meet with the Myanmar army's chief who heads the junta which took power in
Burma/Myanmar on 1st February 2021.
The statement refers to the Special Envoy's proposal for a coherent international "humanitarian
plus" approach to urgently expand the provision of humanitarian assistance to Burma/Myanmar.
Since the humanitarian needs of the country, due to the levels of violence inflicted on the whole
country by the Myanmar military since the coup, The KNU, KNPP and CNF would like to express their
support for the Special Envoy's proposal as below with additional demands;
1. We support for the Special Envoy's proposal for the formation of an UN-ASEAN Women,
Peace and Security platform to amplify the voices of women and young people, including
from hard-to-reach areas, and call for the joint creation with Myanmar's neighbours and
international friends of "Safe Zones" and Humanitarian Corridors.
2. It needs to be expanded to humanitarian assistance to the people living in the mainland of
Burma/Myanmar including Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Shan States and Sagaing and
Magwe Regions, where humanitarian assistance is urgently needed.
3. A "humanitarian plus" approach is needed as the crisis in Burma/Myanmar is not just a
humanitarian crisis.
4. The scale of the current humanitarian crisis is matched by the political crisis faced by the
people of Burma/Myanmar, we urged the UN, the ASEAN and the international community
to consider how the civilians can be protected from attacks and humanitarian support
provided to the people as below;
a. Declare Burma/Myanmar a military no-fly-zone to be internationally enforced.
b. To declare specific areas such as villages, IDP camps, hospital, clinics and schools in
need of shelter and support, as internationally guaranteed protection of Civilians -
safe zones where there can be unhindered international humanitarian access to
those most in need.
c. To declare a series of internationally negotiated humanitarian corridors, such that
there would be unimpeded access, via these corridors, across borders, or from key
points within the country, for humanitarian agencies to provide support to those
most in need.
The KNU, KNPP and CNF condemn the level of violence perpetrated by the Myanmar military since
the February 1st coup and we commend the Special Envoy's proposal for a coherent international
"humanitarian plus" approach. We commend also her idea of 'a humanitarian pause to allow safe
and unhindered access to those in need. We call for the joint creation by ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's
neighbours and friends in the international community, of internationally guaranteed safe zones and
humanitarian corridors. We hope that such an approach may both urgently expand the provision of
humanitarian assistance to the people of Burma/Myanmar, and at the same time utilise the urgent
need as a means to create a constructive dialogue between ASEAN and the international community
with all Burma/Myanmar stakeholders..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party, Karen National Union and Chin National Front
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
97.21 KB 540.8 KB
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Description:
"Serbia has a long and close relationship with
the Burmese military. Is Serbia still arming the
Burmese military?
Since the Burmese military attempted to grab
power through a coup on February 1st 2021
there have been unconfirmed rumours and
reports of military contacts and Serbia supplying
arms or equipment to the Burmese military.
These reports have been given more
credence by the fact that Serbia has had a
close relationship with the Burmese military
for decades, signed a defence co-operation
agreement in 2015, and continued to supply
arms and publicly discuss increased defence
co-operation as recently as 2019.
In June 2021 Serbia backed a UN General
Assembly Resolution calling for the flow of
arms to the military to be stopped, but also has
a long track record of failing to bring its foreign
policy into line with the EU as part of its EU
membership process, including continuing to
sell arms to the Burmese military despite an EU
arms embargo.
In August 2021 Burma Campaign UK wrote
to the Serbian Embassy in the UK asking for
clarification of Serbia’s current policy. We did
not receive a response.
Serbia must now clarify its policy.
It must publicly state that it does now have an
arms embargo in place, does not supply military
equipment, technology or parts, and that it has
ended defence co-operation with the Burmese
military.
Historically close relations
The Serbian government boasts on its website
that: “Since the first contacts in the 1950s, the
two countries have had very close military and
economic co-operation.”1..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.29 MB
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Description:
"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments from 1 and 26 December, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UNHCR. The January Humanitarian update will be issued in early February 2022.
HIGHLIGHTS
• The security and humanitarian situation across Myanmar remains tense, with continued armed clashes in multiple states and regions, resulting in additional loss of life, destruction of civilian property and increasing internal and cross-border displacement.
• On 24 December, at least 35 civilians, including four children and two humanitarian actors, were killed and burnt in Kayah State, south-eastern Myanmar.
• As of 27 December, an estimated 320,900 people remained internally displaced across Myanmar due to clashes and insecurity since 1 February 2021. This is in addition to the 340,000 people living in protracted displacement before February 2021.
• A small number of partners were able to reach IDPs and other affected people in acute conflict areas during December, but greater access remains critical for the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance to hundreds of thousands of vulnerable people.
• At the end of the year, the Humanitarian Response plan was 58 per cent funded receiving US$225.3 million of the $385.7 million requested for 2021. In 2022, the humanitarian community requires increased funding to bring in additional resources to scale up its efforts to address the unmet and escalating needs.
• On 31 December, the 2022 Humanitarian Needs Overview was published identifying 14.4 million people in need. The 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan will be published by the end of January outlining efforts to reach 6.2 million people with assistance and requiring $826 million.
KEY FIGURES
320K people currently displaced across Myanmar by clashes and insecurity since February 2021
175K people currently displaced in southeast Myanmar by insecurity and clashes since February 2021
132K people currently displaced in Chin State, Magway and Sagaing regions by clashes and insecurity since May 2021
17K people currently displaced in Shan since January 2021 and in Kachin since March 2021 due to clashes and insecurity
SITUATION OVERVIEW
The security and humanitarian situation in Myanmar remains volatile, with civilians bearing the brunt of ongoing armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) and/or various PDFs, as well as between EAOs, in multiple states and regions. In Kayin and Kayah states, as well as Magway and Sagaing regions, clashes have intensified, resulting in increasing civilian casualties, destruction of civilian properties and internal and cross-border displacement.
Since the February military takeover, more than 2,200 houses and other civilian properties have reportedly either been burnt down or destroyed, mainly in Chin (800), Kayah (654), Sagaing (529), and Magway (223). As of 27 December 2021, an estimated 320,900 people were internally displaced due to clashes and insecurity since 1 February, according to UNHCR figures. The southeast of the country (Kayin, Kayah and southern Shan) recorded the highest new internal displacement with 175,700 IDPs (55 per cent), followed by the northwest part (Sagaing, Magway and Chin) with 132,200 IDPs (41 per cent), Shan with 14,400 IDPs (four per cent) and Kachin with 3,200 IDPs (one per cent). In addition, 340,000 people remain displaced due to earlier conflicts before 2021. This includes 106,800 people in protracted displacement camps (since 2011) in Kachin and northern Shan; 144,000, mostly Rohingya people, in camps in Rakhine State (since 2012); and 79,900 people displaced in Rakhine State and southern Chin due to conflict between the Arakan Army (AA) and the MAF from early 2019 and late 2020. More than 19,000 people have crossed the borders into neighbouring countries since February 2021.
With only 58 per cent of the requested funding (US$225.3 million out of $385.7 million) received in 2021, the UN and its humanitarian partners succeeded in providing record levels of life-saving assistance and protection services. As of early December, the humanitarian response reached more than 2.4 million out of the three million people in need identified in the original 2021 Humanitarian Response Plan and subsequent Myanmar Interim Emergency Response Plan (June-December). Final full-year figures for 2021 will be available in February 2022. Despite this significant scaleup, humanitarian needs continue to grow. In 2022, humanitarians estimate 14.4 million people are in humanitarian need and have prioritized 6.2 million for urgent assistance. To meet these needs $826 million in funding and expanded access will be required..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health
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"Burma Campaign UK today publishes a new briefing paper, ‘Is Serbia Still Arming the Burmese Military?’, detailing the decades-long relationship between Serbia and the Burmese military. This includes arms sales and discussions on increasing defence co-operation taking place as recently as 2019.
The briefing paper is available here.
Serbia has not publicly stated that it has ended arms sales and its defence co-operation agreement with the Burmese military since the military coup on 1st February 2021. Serbia is supposed to align its foreign policy with the European Union as part of its membership process but has consistently continued to supply arms despite an EU arms embargo.
The Serbian government did not respond to correspondence from Burma Campaign UK requesting clarification on their current policy.
“Given its long track record of arming the Burmese military and ignoring human rights, Serbia must now state unequivocally that it has ended arms sales to the Burmese military,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK.
Burma was Yugoslavia’s first international customer for arms sales. Ne Win’s military dictatorship admired and was inspired by the so-called socialist policies of the Yugoslavian dictatorship and its non-aligned foreign policy. The two regimes became close allies. Yugoslavia was a major arms supplier to Ne Win’s dictatorship from the 1950s onwards, including jets and heavy artillery.
That relationship continued after the break-up of Yugoslavia, with Serbia signing a defence co-operation agreement with the Burmese military in 2015.
Since the military coup, Serbia has aligned itself with EU declarations on Burma, and supported a June 2021 UN General Assembly resolution calling for a halt to the flow of arms to the Burmese military. However, it has also broken with other European countries in its diplomatic approach, recognizing the military as the government of Burma by inviting them as the representative of Burma at a summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in October 2021.
Calls for a global arms embargo have grown since the military coup, but with Russia and China likely to veto a UN Security Council resolution on an arms embargo, attention has moved to expanding the number of countries with unilateral arms embargoes. More than 70 of the 119 countries which backed the UN General Assembly Resolution do not have unilateral arms embargoes in place.
Since the coup, South Korea and Japan have imposed arms embargoes and New Zealand has confirmed it bans the export of all military equipment and technology to Burma. Last week British Member of Parliament Rushanara Ali published a statement welcoming confirmation from the Turkish Ambassador in the UK that Turkey bans the export of military equipment to Burma.
“The Burmese military has declared war against the people of Burma, cutting the supply of arms to the military is essential,” said Anna Roberts. “Serbia, as a long-term supplier of arms to the Burmese military, must now publicly commit to a complete ban on the sales of arms, equipment and technology.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Military Junta’s Abuses Amount to Crimes Against Humanity
Description:
" The February 1, 2021 military coup in Myanmar overthrew democratic rule and plunged the country into steadily worsening rights abuses, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2022. Security forces under the junta led by Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing committed widespread and serious abuses that amount to crimes against humanity.
“Myanmar’s long abusive military dismantled the democratically elected government, committed crimes against humanity against anti-coup protesters, and renewed atrocities in ethnic minority areas,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Concerned governments should respond to this human rights crisis with targeted sanctions and an international armed embargo, and by cutting off revenue streams to the junta.”
In the 752-page World Report 2022, its 32nd edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in nearly 100 countries. Executive Director Kenneth Roth challenges the conventional wisdom that autocracy is ascendent. In country after country, large numbers of people have recently taken to the streets, even at the risk of being arrested or shot, showing that the appeal of democracy remains strong. Meanwhile, autocrats are finding it more difficult to manipulate elections in their favor. Still, he says, democratic leaders must do a better job of meeting national and global challenges and of making sure that democracy delivers on its promised dividends.
Millions took to the streets across the country in largely peaceful protests to call for the military to relinquish power, while members of parliament, ethnic minority representatives, and civil society activists formed a National Unity Government to contest the junta. Myanmar security forces responded by committing offenses amounting to crimes against humanity, including murder, torture, deprivation of liberty, enforced disappearances, and rape and other sexual abuse.
Between February 1 and December 1 the police and military killed at least 1,300 protesters and bystanders, including approximately 75 children, and detained over 10,596 protesters, government officials, activists, journalists, and civil servants. The National League for Democracy (NLD) leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, was among the first arrested on February 1, and she remains in custody on fabricated criminal charges.
Anti-junta People’s Defense Forces (PDF) militias formed throughout the country, targeting security force personnel and perceived civilian supporters of the junta. Some have carried out unlawful bombings of public areas and buildings. The military responded with attacks on civilians and the destruction of urban neighborhoods and rural villages. Intense fighting in ethnic minority areas, notably in the northwest Chin State and Sagaing Region, has displaced 30,000 people.
The 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Myanmar since the military’s 2017 campaign of ethnic cleansing and acts of genocide in Rakhine State remain confined to camps and villages where they are subjected to the crimes against humanity of persecution and apartheid. They are denied access to adequate food, health care, education, and livelihoods. Following the coup, restrictions on humanitarian access increased, leading to preventable deaths and illnesses in Rohingya camps and villages.
Increased fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups in Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, and Shan States has hindered access to humanitarian aid. Food shortages have been reported throughout the country, and the United Nations estimated the number of people facing hunger could be as high as 6.2 million.
Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States have imposed various targeted sanctions against Myanmar’s top military officials and military-controlled companies. However, no governments have imposed sanctions or other economic blocks on the junta’s oil and natural gas revenues, its single largest source of foreign currency.
In June, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution strongly condemning the coup. The General Assembly also made several important recommendations, including calling for all member states to halt the flow of arms into Myanmar. However, the UN Security Council did not follow up to pass a binding resolution imposing a global ban on weapons transfers to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"Highlights
• Fighting between the MAF and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and local People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) has intensified in Kayah and Kayin states since December 2021.
• In Kayah State, increased fighting has been seen in Loikaw, Demoso Hpruso, and Shadaw townships. In Kayin, the escalation initially started in Lay Kay Kaw in Myawaddy Township and has since spread to Kawkareik, Hpapun and Hpa-An townships.
• More than half the population of Loikaw township has been internally displaced. People who have fled their homes have sought refuge in community centers, host communities or the jungle.
• Several humanitarian organisations have been forced to temporarily suspend operations in parts of the southeast due to the security situation.
• As of 3 January, 162,000 people from Kayah and Kayin states, including women and children, remain displaced after fleeing their homes since May 2021.
• To date, 654 houses and other civilian properties, including churches, monasteries, and schools, have reportedly been burnt down or destroyed in Kayah State since May 2021.
Situation Overview
The humanitarian and security situation in southeast Myanmar has deteriorated during the past few weeks, especially in Kayah and Kayin states, following heavy ting between the MAF and EAOs as well as local PDFs including the use of airstrikes by fighter jets and attacks from helicopters. A heavy military presence and increased military checkpoints have been reported and search and arrest operations have been conducted.
Since early January 2022, fighting has been escalating in Loikaw, Demoso, and Shadaw townships in Kayah State, forcing thousands of people to flee their homes and seek refuge in community centers, host communities or the jungle. More than half the population of Loikaw township has reportedly since been displaced. Of those who have fled, 5,000 people reportedly sought refuge in Taunggyi township in southern Shan State. Secondary displacement was also reported in Demoso township and more than 1,000 people from this group reportedly crossed the border into Mae Hong Son,Thailand.
In December 2021, Kayah State recorded one of the highest single-day casualty figures following in an incident that occurred in Hpruso township, where at least 35 civilians, including four children and two humanitarian workers, were burnt and killed.
The Emergency Relief Coordinator, Martin Griffiths, expressed his horror over the incident in a statement where he called on “the Myanmar Armed Forces and all armed groups in Myanmar to take all measures to protect civilians from harm.” Ongoing armed clashes have also resulted in destruction of civilian properties across Kayah State. Since May 2021, 654 houses and other civilian properties, including churches, monasteries, and schools, have reportedly been burnt down or destroyed.
In Kayin State, fighting has been escalating since mid-December 2021, following the arrest of pro-democracy activists, including former member of parliament. The fighting started in Lay Kay Kaw in Myawaddy Township and spread to Kawkareik, Hpapun and Hpa-An townships. Heavy shelling and airstrikes have been reported, and roadblocks were erected in these areas. More than 22,000 people were reportedly displaced from Lay Kay Kaw, with more than 8,600 crossing the border into Tak, Thailand. Of those, several thousand people have returned and are currently residing in informal displacement sites within Myanmar while just about 2,800 people remain in Thailand.
Overall, as of 10 January 2021, 181,400 people remain internally displaced in southeast Myanmar (89,300 in Kayah, 74,400 in Kayin, 7,200 in Mon, and 1,500 in Tanintharyi). IDPs are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Local partners have been providing critical assistance to the extent possible. Several humanitarian partners have suspended their operations since last December due to the security situation. Others, who are still operating are still facing access constraints which are stopping them reaching IDPs and other affected people in these contested areas due security and military checkpoints and lack of travel authorizations..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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1.94 MB
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Description:
"Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
MYANMAR MILITARY LAUNCHES AIR STRIKES IN KAYAH STATE, DISPLACING THOUSANDS
Since 6 January the military in Myanmar (Burma) – the Tatmadaw – has perpetrated a large-scale offensive against Loikaw, the capital of Kayah State, in what may become the heaviest bombardment of a major urban center in Myanmar since the 1 February coup, according to local media. The military has launched several air strikes, including an attack as recently as 11 January, and is continuing to fire heavy weaponry in an attempt to quell anti-junta forces active in the city. At least six civilians have been killed and approximately 60,000 – nearly two thirds of the city’s residents – have been forced to flee since the assault began. A military blockade and ongoing hostilities have prevented additional civilians from fleeing and humanitarian groups from entering the city.
Kayah State – also known as Karenni State – is mainly inhabited by the minority Karenni ethnic group, which is predominantly Christian. For decades, the military has battled intermittently with armed Karenni groups, and hostilities have intensified since the coup. In recent weeks, the Tatmadaw has increasingly perpetrated attacks against civilians and ethnic militias throughout the region. A particularly grave attack occurred on 24 December, when the military shot and burned at least 35 civilians, including four children and two staff of Save the Children, near Mo So village of Hpruso town in Kayah State.
The UN Security Council condemned the killings with a Press Statement on 29 December, and said that, “the members of the Council called for the immediate cessation of all violence and emphasized the importance of respect for human rights and of ensuring safety of civilians.” Although the Council called for accountability, the statement stopped short of naming the Tatmadaw as the perpetrator.
Savita Pawnday, Executive Director of the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “nearly one year since the 1 February coup, the UN Security Council has only managed to meet privately and issue Press Statements on the situation in Myanmar. The Council needs to hold an open session on Myanmar as soon as possible in order to address the crisis in a public forum so Council members are no longer able to hide behind empty Press Statements and make their plans for action – or lack thereof – public.” The airstrikes on Loikaw and the Christmas Eve massacre point to a dangerous escalation and underscore the urgent need for the Security Council to impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar. UN member states, including ASEAN, should impose targeted sanctions on the oil and gas sectors, the country’s single largest source of foreign currency revenue, to limit the Tatmadaw’s ability to fund and perpetrate atrocities.
HUNDREDS OF CIVILIANS KILLED BY ARMED BANDITS IN NORTH-WEST NIGERIA
At least 200 people were killed and 10,000 displaced as result of a series of attacks by armed bandits in Nigeria’s north-western Zamfara state between 4 and 6 January. Local media have reported that the search for more bodies continues as many people remain missing. The attacks began on Tuesday in the Anka Local Government Area, where more than 300 armed men on motorcycles raided at least eight villages, then subsequently raided 10 more villages in Anka and Bukkuyum Local Government Area on Wednesday and Thursday. Survivors said the armed men reportedly stole approximately 2,000 cattle, burnt homes and mutilated the bodies of the victims. In a statement on 10 January, UN Secretary-General António Guterres strongly condemned the “appalling attacks” in Zamfara and urged the Nigerian authorities “to spare no effort in bringing those responsible for these heinous crimes to justice.”
Conflict between herding and farming communities over land and resources has grown over the past decade in north-west Nigeria. Inter-communal violence has become increasingly deadly as a result of the proliferation of armed banditry groups and gangs who engage in organized cattle-rustling, kidnapping, plunder, murder and rape. While bandit groups are driven largely by criminal motives, ethnic tensions have intensified as many bandits are ethnic Fulani and prey on settled farming communities. Inter-communal conflict has also been further exacerbated by deteriorating political, economic and security conditions, including threats posed by the armed extremist groups Boko Haram and the so-called Islamic State in West Africa.
In an attempt to curb armed banditry in north-west Nigeria, in September 2021 the Nigerian government launched renewed campaigns in the region, deploying a large number of troops, cutting off communication networks and imposing restrictions on movement in affected areas. This militarized approach, however, has inadvertently strengthened bandit groups and resulted in an increase of reprisal attacks against civilian populations. Last week’s attacks in Zamfara were believed to be in response to air raids conducted by the military against bandit hideouts in the Gusami forest and west Tsamre village on 3 January that killed more than 100 bandits, including two of their leaders.
Juliette Paauwe, Senior Research Analyst at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “while military operations against armed bandits can be successful in the short-term, the Nigerian government needs to pursue sustainable solutions that address the underlying drivers of inter-communal conflicts like endemic poverty, corruption, youth unemployment and environmental degradation to comprehensively address the threat posed by armed bandits.”
AT LEAST 164 DEAD IN UNPRECEDENTED VIOLENT CRACKDOWN ON PROTESTS IN KAZAKHSTAN
Since protests erupted on 2 January, Kazakhstan experienced its most intense and violent crisis in its thirty-year history after independence. Peaceful protests began in Zhanaozen, an oil town in western Kazakhstan, over a steep increase in gas prices. By 4 January protests spread across the country, expanding the scope of demands to include long-standing socio-economic and political grievances. Nationwide dissent peaked a day later on 5 January, escalating into large-scale looting and clashes in the country’s largest city, Almaty, and resulting in brutal retaliatory violence from the state. According to Kazakh officials, more than 2,000 people have been injured, nearly 10,000 detained and at least 164 killed during the wave of violence and unrest.
As nationwide protests intensified, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev declared a state of emergency in several areas of the country, including Almaty and the capital, Nur-Sultan. The state of emergency has since been extended to the whole country until 19 January. In Almaty, riot police allegedly used tear gas and stun grenades in clashes with protesters. At the same time, demonstrators seized some government buildings, setting them on fire, and attempted to storm police stations.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, stressed that, “international law is clear: people have the right to peaceful protest and freedom of expression. At the same time, protesters, no matter how angry or aggrieved they may be, should not resort to violence against others.”
President Tokayev called the protests and riots “an act of aggression” and reportedly gave security forces a shoot-to-kill order against protesters, who he called “bandits and terrorists.” This order came as President Tokayev requested assistance from the Collective Security Treaty Organization – a Russian-led security alliance of six countries in the region – to suppress the protests. Approximately 2,300 troops from the alliance were deployed. Security forces have since forcibly regained control in Kazakhstan, employing live fire to end the unrest in Almaty, the epicenter of the violence. Of the 164 people killed, 103 of the deaths were in Almaty, according to the health ministry.
While Kazakhstan has been regarded as a pillar of political and economic stability in the region, authorities have long restricted fundamental rights and ignored demands for genuine socio-economic and political reforms, such as lifting restrictions on peaceful protest and free speech and bans on opposition groups. Rampant economic inequality and discontent has also been growing for decades.
Although a relative calm has been restored in Almaty following nearly a week of unrest, risks for further violence remain as security forces continue to heavily guard the city. It is imperative that security forces and protesters refrain from violence and seek a peaceful resolution to grievances. The police and all security forces must respect their international obligations and protect human rights during the state of emergency. Kazakh officials must promptly, independently and thoroughly investigate all allegations of human rights violations..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"In her virtual discussion with H.E. Mr. Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar Ms. Noeleen Heyzer urged for immediate action based on strengthened United Nations - Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) cooperation to prevent further deterioration of the situation in Myanmar and address the desperate needs of its people. She expressed deep concern about continued intensification of military operations, including aerial attacks in parts of the country, emphasising that the people of Myanmar needed to see indicators and results on the ground, requiring any goodwill to be demonstrated in concrete terms.
As highlighted in her discussions with ASEAN Foreign Ministers, the Special Envoy appreciated the confidence of regional leaders in her trust-building efforts with all stakeholders in Myanmar and reliable assessment of the situation on the ground, based on regular contacts with affected communities across the country who continue to appeal for her support and urgent assistance.
The Special Envoy underlined her readiness to help strengthen regional efforts towards effective urgent implementation of the “Five-Point Consensus,” aligned with the will of the people of Myanmar. The Special Envoy stressed that a Myanmar-led process, that is guided by the will of the people, towards a peaceful, democratic and inclusive future needed to be supported by a coherent international approach grounded on regional unity
She committed to working closely with the Chair of ASEAN and its members towards this end, making available the wide array of comparative advantages and expertise of the United Nations to reinforce and complement regional action, grounded on the “Five-Point Consensus,” as a vital step.
The Special Envoy underlined the urgency for an expanded approach to providing humanitarian assistance. In this respect, she highlighted an UN-ASEAN “humanitarian plus” umbrella could coordinate and deliver assistance to affected communities through all existing channels, and address the multiple priority needs of the people across the country. This would include civilian protection as well as food security, socio-economic resilience, humanitarian and COVID assistance. The Special Envoy welcomed the Prime Minister’s invitation to co-facilitate such efforts.
She also stressed the importance of advancing the “Five-Point Consensus,” including an immediate cessation of violence, and for all parties to exercise utmost restraint. For this, the Special Envoy advocated for confidence-building measures involving all stakeholders, in addition to ethnic armed organizations. In this regard, she proposed the UN and ASEAN, as part of its “humanitarian plus” joint action, consider pursuing with all sides a humanitarian pause in targeted areas to allow safe and unhindered access.
The Special Envoy reiterated her offer to work closely with the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair. This meant bringing in broader support from the international community and United Nations system around a coordinated strategy towards creating an enabling environment for inclusive dialogue.
She emphasized solutions needed to derive from engaging directly with and listening carefully to all those affected by the ongoing crisis. For example, the Special Envoy encouraged the formation of an UN-ASEAN Women, Peace and Security platform to amplify the voices of women and young people, including from hard-to-reach areas. She looks forward to future discussions with the ASEAN Foreign Ministers to pave the way on the concrete recommendations for joint action..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The UN and Burma - news and commentary, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Yesterday, a special court set up by the Myanmar State Administrative Council in Naypyitaw sentenced detained State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to an additional four years’ imprisonment.
The EU’s position, as expressed in its Declaration of 6 December 2021 remains that the trial was politically motivated. It represents another step towards the dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar and yet another major setback for democracy in Myanmar since the military coup on 1 February 2021.
These proceedings are a clear attempt to exclude democratically elected leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, from the inclusive dialogue process called for by ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus.
We reiterate our urgent call for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners as well as all those arbitrarily detained since the coup..."
Source/publisher:
European External Action Service
Date of publication:
2022-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"1. A high-level delegation led by the Cambodian Prime Minister
Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo HUN SEN is visiting
Myanmar at the invitation of the coup leader, Senior General Min
Aung Hlaing. We have learned that the visit is taking place from
January 7 to 8 to discuss bilateral cooperation issues and the
progress of the ASEAN.
2. Since 1st February 2021, the military junta has been perpetuating
their atrocities and crimes against humanity to secure their power.
Thus, the members of the CRPH urges the ASEAN Chair, the
Cambodian Prime Minister, who is meeting the coup leaders, to respect
the aspirations and efforts of the people of Myanmar for democracy.
3. The crisis in Myanmar today is the direct result of the power grab
by the selfish dictator Min Aung Hlaing and his military
collaborators. The junta’s security forces are arbitrarily arresting
and torturing the people of Myanmar. We are of the view that
dialogue with these military leaders committing human rights
abuses and other violations against our community will bring no
benefits to the Myanmar and its People.
4. As Prime Minister Hun Sen has also taken up ASEAN Chair
responsibilities for 2022, the people of Myanmar are outraged that
this visit will be construed by the military junta as leading towards
a change in ASEAN' position. This position was brought about
because the coup leader has refused to cooperate on the ASEAN’s five-point consensus agreed by the ASEAN leaders as an attempt to
find a peaceful solution for the interest of Myanmar. We urge
Cambodia, a neighbour of Myanmar, to maintain the existing good
relations and friendship between the two countries and their
people.
5. We reiterate our call for cooperation only with the legitimate
institutions including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu
Hluttaw comprising those elected by the people of Myanmar, and
the National Unity Government. The Committee Representing
Pyidaungsu Hluttaw will continue to stand for and represent the
will of the people of Myanmar, as the CRPH has the legitimate
electoral mandate from the people..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-01-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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107.66 KB 226.88 KB
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Description:
"၁။ မြန်မာ့အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီးမင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဖိတ်ကြားချက်အရ ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ် Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo HUN SEN ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အဆင့်မြင့်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၇ ရက်နေ့မှ ၈ ရက်နေ့အထိ လာရောက်လည်ပတ်မည် ဖြစ်ပြီး နှစ်နိုင်ငံ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေး ကိစ္စရပ်များနှင့် အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့၏ တိုးတက်မှုများအပေါ် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးသွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်ကို သိရှိရပါသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စ၍ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ်၌ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ၎င်းတို့အာဏာ တည်မြဲရေးအတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမည့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်အတွက် အာဆီယံ၏ အလှည့်ကျဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ ကမ္ဘောဒီးယား ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းအား ထုတ်မှုများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။
၃။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော ပြဿနာများသည် အတ္တဆန်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များကြောင့်သာ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ရခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူ များအပေါ်၌ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်နေပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်း ဖက်မှုများပြုလုပ်နေသည့် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား လူ့အသိုက်အဝိုင်းမှ ဖယ်ကျဉ်ထားရမည် ဖြစ် ပြီး ၎င်းတို့နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအတွက် အကျိုးတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ မရှိနိုင်ပါ။
၄။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ထိရောက်သည့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုများဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာအဖြေရှာနိုင်ရေး အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များက သဘောတူညီထားသည့် ဘုံသဘော တူညီချက် (၅) ချက်အပေါ် လုံးဝပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း မရှိသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းခေါင်းဆောင်နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုအပေါ် မြန်မာပြည်သူများက အလွန်ဒေါသထွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံတစ်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည့် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် တည်ရှိပြီးသော ဆက်ဆံရေး ကောင်းများနှင့် တည်ဆောက်ထားခဲ့သည့် နှစ်နိုင်ငံ ပြည်သူများအကြား ချစ်ကြည်ရင်းနှီးမှုများကို ထိန်းသိမ်းသွားရန် တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။
၅။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အရေးကိစ္စရပ်များနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုက ဆန္ဒမဲပေးရွေးချယ်ထားသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တို့အပါအဝင် တရားဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်သာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းပြီး မိမိတို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုက အပ်နှင်းထားသည့် အခွင့်အာဏာကို ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်ခြင်းကြောင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တို့၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောနှင့်အညီ ရပ်တည်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်အပ် ပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-01-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Burma’s illegitimate military regime kept trying to grind down a nation that overwhelmingly rejects it. During 1 Feb–10 Dec 2021, there were at least 7,053 attacks on civilians or armed clashes that failed to protect them, a 664% increase from the same period in 2020. Increased attacks caused 5,000 Karen villagers to flee into Thailand, and pushed Thai villagers on the border to relocate for safety. As of 1 Dec, 432 NLD members remained in detention, while junta military tribunals had sentenced 92 people to death. UNDP warned that 46.3% of the population will be living in poverty in 2022. It is estimated that 14.4 million people will need humanitarian assistance in 2022..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-BURMA, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma and Women Peace Network
Date of publication:
2022-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Anti-coup protesters
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706 KB
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"
UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay has denounced the killing of reporter Sai Win Aung, also known as A Sai K, in Lay Kay Kaw Myothit, Myanmar, near the border with Thailand on 25 December 2021, and called upon the authorities to conduct a full investigation.
"I condemn the killing of Sai Win Aung. Media workers like Sai Win Aung risk their lives to keep the public informed. Their work deserves to be recognized and their safety protected in line with international humanitarian law, which forbids attacks on civilians." - Audrey Azoulay, UNESCO Director-General
Sai Win Aung was covering the plight of refugees in the southeastern state of Kayin for the Federal News Journal when he was fatally shot in an artillery attack by the Myanmar armed forces, according to reports. Aung was the second journalist killed in Myanmar in December 2021.
UNESCO promotes the safety of journalists through global awareness-raising, capacity building and a range of actions, notably in the framework of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity.
See also: UNESCO observatory of killed journalists
Media contact: Guilherme Canela de Souza Godoi, [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
Date of publication:
2022-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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Description:
"On behalf of the United States of America, I extend my support for the people of Burma as they celebrate their Independence Day on January 4.
We honor the people of Burma who are striving to restore an inclusive path to democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of law for all people in the country. The United States remains committed to the people of Burma, who will not give up hope for a better future, even as they suffer horrific abuses by the regime. We reiterate our call for the military regime to cease immediately the use of violence, release all those unjustly detained, and return Burma’s path to a genuine and inclusive democracy..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2022-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Political History
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Description:
"Recent attacks on civilians in many parts of Myanmar, and most recently in Kayah and Karen States, have resulted in thousands of people being displaced. The appalling act of violence perpetrated by the military regime in Kayah State on 24 December, killing and burning more than 35 people, including women and children, as well as humanitarian workers, underscores the urgent need to hold those responsible accountable.
The targeting of civilians and humanitarian actors is unacceptable and a blatant violation of human rights and international law, including humanitarian law. Full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all people in need, and the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel must be ensured.
In view of the escalating violence in Myanmar, increased international preventive action is required, including an arms embargo. The EU also stands ready to impose further sanctions against the military regime.
Since the military coup on 1 February, the EU has imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military, its leaders and entities. In addition, EU financial assistance to the government was halted and assistance that could be seen as legitimising the military regime was frozen.
The EU supports the efforts of the United Nations Special Envoy on Myanmar, as well as the ASEAN Five Point Consensus, working towards a peaceful resolution of the current crisis in Myanmar.
The EU continues to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. This year, it allocated €24.5 million in humanitarian aid to address the immediate needs of displaced and conflict-affected communities and related to COVID-19, as well as €65 million in support of basic needs of the civilian population, including education and livelihoods..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to Djibouti and IGAD
Date of publication:
2021-12-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Karenni (Kayah), Armed conflict in Karenni State, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"SC/14754
The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Abdou Abarry (Niger):
The members of the Security Council condemned the reported killing of at least 35 people, including four children and two staff of Save the Children, in Kayah State on 24 December. They stressed the need to ensure accountability for this act.
The members of the Council called for the immediate cessation of all violence and emphasized the importance of respect for human rights and of ensuring safety of civilians. They stressed the need for safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel.
The members of the Security Council reaffirmed their support for the people of Myanmar and the country’s democratic transition, and their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-12-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Security Council, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups
Language:
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Description:
"We reiterate our condemnation of the serious human rights violations committed by the military regime across the country.
The recent attacks on civilians in Karen State, including the shelling of villages, are a violation of International Humanitarian Law and must stop. The attacks have resulted in thousands of people being displaced, who are now in need of urgent humanitarian assistance.
We call on the regime to immediately cease its indiscriminate attacks in Karen State and throughout the country, and to ensure the safety of all civilians in line with international law.
We echo the UN Security Council’s Press Statement from 10 November, calling for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel....စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်း ကျူးလွန်ထားသော ပြင်းထန်ဆိုးရွားသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို မိမိတို့ ရှုတ်ချကြောင်း ထပ်မံအသိပေးပြောကြားလိုသည်။
မကြာသေးမီက ကရင်ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများကို လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်း အပါအဝင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေကို ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းလုပ်ရပ်ကို ရပ်တန့်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် ထောင်နှင့်ချီသောပြည်သူများ အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးနေကြရပြီး ယခုအခါ ၄င်းတို့အတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ အရေးပေါ် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသည်။
စစ်အာဏာရှင်အနေဖြင့် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတလွှားက အဆင်အခြင်မဲ့တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရမှုများ ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူအားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံစွာထားရှိရန် မိမိတို့ တောင်းဆိုသည်။
ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အရ အကူအညီလိုအပ်နေသည့် ပြည်သူအားလုံး လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အထောက်အပံ့ အပြည့်အစုံကို ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံပြီး အတားအဆီးအဟန့်အတားမရှိဘဲ လက်လှမ်းမီရရှိစေရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုနှင့် ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ထမ်းများကို အပြည့်အ၀ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ပေးပြီး ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုရှိစေရေးအတွက် မိမိတို့ကလည်း ထပ်တူတောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
The Ambassadors, Chargés d’Affaires, and Heads of Mission from Australia, Canada, the Delegation of the EU and European Union Member States with presence in Myanmar: Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden;
Date of publication:
2021-12-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Armed conflict in Karen State - military activities and their impact on village life, including livelihood, health, education and land tenure security
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16.04 KB
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Description:
"ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ(၁)ရက်နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍
စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့သော
ပြည်သူများအား စစ်တပ်က အကြမ်းဖက် ဖမ်းဆီး ဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိသည်မှာ မြန်မာသိ ကမ္ဘာသိ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ယခုဆိုလျှင် ဂန့်ဂေါ ယော ကလေး အရာတော်
မုံရွာတစ်ဝိုက် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများရဲ့ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်များအရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက ဘုန်းကြီး အတုအယောင်များဖန်တီးကာ သင်္ကန်းဝတ်လျက် အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူများအား အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို ကြားသိရပါသည်။
အလားတူစွာပင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်ကလည်း
ဒေသတွင်းအသီးသီးရှိ သာသနိက အဆောက်အဦးများတွင် တပ်စွဲနေထိုင်ကြလျက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကိုကျူးလွန်နေကြပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို
သံဃသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် ရှုတ်ချခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည့်အပြင်
ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ယခုအချိန်ထိ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ယခုကာလသည် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း၌ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု မျိုးစုံကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်း ဖြစ်နေပါသည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဘာသာရေး လှည့်ကွက်များ အတွင်း ကျရောက်ခြင်း မရှိစေရန် ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားတိုင်းရင်းသား ညီအစ်ကိုများအားလုံး ဘာသာလူမျိုးမခွဲခြားဘဲ ပြည်ထောင်စုစိတ်ဓာတ်ဖြင့် အထူးသတိထား၍ နေထိုင်ပေးကြပါရန်နှင့် ဘုန်းကြီး အတုယောင်များက သင်္ကန်းဝတ်လျက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ပြုလုပ်လာနိုင်သည့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကိုလည်း ရှောင်ရှားနိုင်ကြရန် အသိပေးလိုပါသည်။
ထို့ကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီရဲ့ ဘာသာရေးကို အသုံးချကာ သင်္ကန်းဝတ်အတုအယောင်များ
ဖန်းတီးလျက် အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် အနိုင်ကျင့် နှိပ်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများကို ပြင်းပြင်း ထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Sangha Union (Mandalay)
Date of publication:
2021-12-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"Myanmar is under a coup attempt by the Myanmar Military since 1st February and
thousands of civilians resisting the attempted coup were slaughtered by the Myanmar
Military Soldiers and Police. Millions were displaced around the whole country due to
increased attacks & airst rikes over the lands of ethnic people and around the country.
Alone in India border, thousands from Myanmar along the border have been displaced
to India states. The entire population of the mountaintop town of Thantlang in Chin State
has fled after being bombarded by Myanmar Military Forces. Myanmar Military burnt
nearly 300 houses including 3 churches in Thantlang alone.
The coup attempt in 2021 February by the Military using arms power was one of the
latest direct attacks to democracy and condemnation of the civilian supremacy. India as
the world's largest democracy must strongly stand with democratic principles. By this
statement, India for Myanmar urges the followings:
1. India's Central Government must stop all interactions with Myanmar Military and
sanction Military and affiliated businesses.
2. India's Central Government must stop exporting of arms and dual use goods to
the Myanmar Military including a coastal surveillance system from Bharat
Electronics Ltd., transferred since the illegal attempted coup.
3. Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla must officially dialogue with the
representatives of National Unity Government (NUG) immediately.
4. Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla must consult with Civil Society
Leaders including organizations in Chin State sheltering in India to effectively
address the situations fo r displaced people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
India For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-12-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, India-Burma relations
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Sub-title:
Tatmadaw Cadets Receive Training at Japanese Defense Academy
Description:
"(Tokyo) – The Japanese government should cut ties with the Myanmar military and immediately suspend a military study-abroad program involving Myanmar cadets, Human Rights Watch said today. On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw, staged a coup and installed a junta that overturned democratic elections.
As of December 10, the National Defense Academy of Japan, a Defense Ministry facility, was still hosting eight cadets from Myanmar, according to a Defense Ministry official. Through the program, the trainees participate in an extensive curriculum of academic and military training, including combat and arms training.
“It’s mind boggling that Japan is providing military training to Myanmar cadets at the same time as its armed forces are committing crimes against humanity against Myanmar’s people,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government should immediately suspend the program and any other ties with Myanmar’s military.”
During a Foreign Affairs Committee session on April 14, a Defense Ministry official, Masahiro Kawasaki, said Japan had been accepting cadets from Myanmar since 2015 under article 100 of the Self-Defense Forces Act, which permits the training and education of foreign nationals in Defense Ministry facilities, including the academy, with the approval of the defense minister.
The program allows Japan to showcase how the Japan Self-Defense Forces operate under “strict civilian control” and cultivate “relationships” between self defense forces personnel and students, while increasing “mutual understanding” and “trust” between Japan and the students’ countries, Kawasaki said. He added that Japan would consider the concerns about the program while monitoring the situation in Myanmar closely.
The February coup resulted in the arrest of civilian leaders of the national and state governments, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and an announced one-year “state of emergency.” Since then, junta military and police forces have killed more than 1,300 people and detained over 10,000. Junta-controlled courts have sentenced hundreds to prison terms and sentenced 75 people, including 2 children, to death, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Widespread and systematic killings, torture, and sexual violence have amounted to crimes against humanity.
In August 2017, two years after Japan’s training program began, the Myanmar military under commander-in-chief Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing carried out mass atrocities against the ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, forcing more than 740,000 to flee. At least 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Myanmar are confined to camps and villages under guard of local authorities and security forces, under conditions that amount to the crime against humanity of apartheid. And in long-running armed conflicts with ethnic armed groups, the Myanmar military has for many years committed summary killings, rape, indiscriminate shelling, torture, and arson, among other war crimes.
Since the coup, Tokyo has called for an end to violence and the release of elected government officials, including Aung San Suu Kyi. On March 28 Japan’s Defense Ministry issued a joint statement with 11 other countries criticizing the Tatmadaw’s use of military force against “unarmed civilians.” The Japanese government halted new non-humanitarian Official Development Assistance (ODA) projects earlier in 2021 while allowing existing aid projects to continue. The Diet passed a resolution in June that condemned the coup and called for a “swift restoration of the democratic political system.”
In March, Australia, one of Japan’s major defense partners, suspended its military cooperation with Myanmar because of the military’s deadly crackdown on anti-coup protesters. The Defense Cooperation Program was limited to non-combat areas such as English language training.
“Japan should follow suit with Australia and immediately cut ties with the Myanmar military,” Kasai said. “Japan should not be supporting and endorsing Myanmar’s extremely abusive armed forces by training Tatmadaw soldiers.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-12-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"The Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), along with the wider Karen community and other ethnic and civil society organisations, welcomes and expresses support for the three ongoing proceedings against perpetrators of genocide and mass atrocities against the Rohingya people: the genocide case brought before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the forced deportation investigation before the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the more recent universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. The Karen people have long suffered the types of atrocities that Rohingya people have faced at the hands of the Burma/Myanmar military. We hope these cases will bring justice and accountability, and put an end to the Burma/Myanmar military’s long-standing impunity for systematic and widespread human rights abuses.
These three proceedings offer the possibility for perpetrators of crimes against humanity and gross human rights violations in Burma/Myanmar to finally be exposed and brought to justice. Bringing such cases to justice at the national level is nearly impossible. There have already been eight ineffective inquiries into the situation in Rakhine State alone since 2012. Investigators for the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar have previously stated that “any hope that Myanmar’s national justice system will provide justice and truth for human rights violations committed by the military would be unfounded. The provisions of Burma/Myanmar law, the structure of the legal system and the judiciary’s lack of independence and legal competence make that impossible. Far from uncovering the truth, Myanmar’s domestic justice system will, on the contrary, punish those who seek it.”[1] As such, ethnic minorities in Burma/Myanmar hold hope in international tribunals to take notice of their calls for human rights abuses to be investigated, and count on these international actions to help bring justice to victims and survivors, and an end to ongoing crimes.[2]
Ethnic minorities have however waited for decades for the recommendations of international bodies to be implemented effectively so that the Burma/Myanmar military’s gross human rights violations and atrocity crimes finally come to an end. Since 1992, successive UN Special Rapporteurs on Myanmar have reported consistent and systematic patterns of violations and abuses against minority communities throughout Burma/Myanmar. In some cases, the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Rapporteur have suggested that these violations amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes, thus warranting investigation by the ICC. For decades, ethnic civil society, community-based and human rights organisations, like KHRG, have documented the atrocities committed by the Burma/Myanmar military, providing credible evidence of serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, destruction of property, torture and inhumane treatment, rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence, forced labour, recruitment of children into armed forces, and indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks on civilians, including targeting of places of worship, hospitals, schools, and using civilians as human shields. And yet international justice and accountability mechanisms have yet to hold the Burma/Myanmar military accountable, or bring justice to the people who have endured these atrocities.
The proceedings currently under way provide hope, but further reveal the difficulty of seeking justice on the international level. After The Gambia filed a case against the Burma/Myanmar military before the ICJ in 2019 alleging that the atrocities committed against the Rohingya people in Rakhine State constituted a violation of the Genocide Convention, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi publicly denied these allegations. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar later submitted objections questioning the ICJ’s jurisdiction and The Gambia’s eligibility to file the case, which has resulted in further delays in the proceedings. Despite the legally-binding provisional measures issued by the ICJ to protect the Rohingya people from further acts of genocide until a final decision can be rendered, the Burma/Myanmar military has continued to perpetrate acts of genocide against the Rohingya, and to commit a multitude of atrocities against other ethnic and religious minorities in Burma/Myanmar, both before and since the 2021 coup.[3]
Later in 2019, the ICC authorised the opening of an investigation into alleged international crimes related to the 2016 and 2017 waves of violence against the Rohingya people in Rakhine State. The investigation is currently limited to crimes, including future crimes, committed at least in part in Bangladesh, or any other State Party to the Rome Statute, from the date such State Party ratified the Rome Statute (June 2010 in the case of Bangladesh). As such, the majority of crimes committed by the Burma/Myanmar military would be left out. If accepted by the ICC, the National Unity Government’s recent declaration (in July 2021) accepting ICC jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute all international crimes committed in Burma/Myanmar would, however, allow expansion of the investigation to include those committed within Burma/Myanmar, and to crimes dating back to July 2002, the earliest date permitted by the Rome Statute.[4]
In November 2021, an Argentine appeals court ruled that a case to investigate and hear testimony on alleged war crimes committed in Burma/Myanmar against the Rohingya under the principle of universal jurisdiction could proceed. As the first universal jurisdiction case on the situation of the Rohingya, this investigation is a landmark. The possibility of accountability and wider international impact is strong, not only because the case will cover the full range of crimes committed against the Rohingya in Burma/Myanmar, but also because it will hear victim testimonials, thus honoring the rights of victims to be heard and tell their stories in a court of law.
Multiple opportunities therefore currently exist to deliver justice and end impunity. Because accountability proceedings to investigate the Burma/Myanmar military’s atrocities against other ethnic minorities have yet to be undertaken, the possibility for justice and ending ongoing violence for other ethnic minority groups in Burma/Myanmar hinges heavily on the outcome of the Rohingya proceedings. Since the February 2021 coup, the Burma/Myanmar military has intensified its perpetration of atrocities against ethnic minorities, making these proceedings even more urgent, essential and long overdue. Its attacks on the entire civilian population as people voice their opposition to the coup has further demonstrated the military’s disregard for human life and human rights. The failure of the international community to adequately respond to the atrocities committed against ethnic minorities since the 1990s has led to this point. The continued impunity and lack of international accountability has only emboldened the Burma/Myanmar military to continue perpetrating atrocity crimes. Now is the time for concrete action to address problems of accountability and impunity in Burma/Myanmar.
For justice to be delivered and ongoing violence to end, the international community must demonstrate widespread support for the proceedings of these courts, as well as a willingness to seek out all additional opportunities to hold the Burma/Myanmar military accountable for its vast array of crimes. KHRG, the Karen community and ethnic and civil society organisations thus make the following recommendations:
Additional states should join Canada and the Kingdom of the Netherlands to intervene in the genocide case at the ICJ, and/or provide financial or legal support. Individual states, and particularly states sitting on the UN Security Council, should publicly declare support for an ICC referral, regardless of possible veto of a resolution by Russia or China. The Prosecutor should accept the declaration made on 17 July 2021 by the NUG under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute; and extend the territorial scope of his investigation to cover crimes falling within the jurisdiction of the ICC committed in Myanmar since 1 July 2002. More states should allow the use of universal jurisdiction laws to hold the Burma/Myanmar military to account for its crimes. States must provide more financial support to CSOs in and from Burma/Myanmar that are documenting human rights violations and providing information used by the United Nations, governments and other justice organisations. More focus should be given in future UN resolutions and reports on the situation in Burma/Myanmar on the failure to implement previous recommendations, rather than repeating the same recommendations year after year. Acknowledging the lengthy timeframe for investigations and proceedings, states should ensure adequate humanitarian assistance and protection for ethnic populations who are facing violence and atrocities at the hands of the Burma/Myanmar military. All states individually and collectively at the United Nations and other international and regional organisations should refuse to lend legitimacy to the military junta and impose targeted economic sanctions and a global arms embargo.
For more information, please contact:
Naw Htoo Htoo: +66 87 205 1856
Saw Nanda Hsue: + 66 81129 7564
Signed by:
Albany Karen community, Albany, NY
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
Athan - Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
Australia Karen Organisation
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Burmese Women's Union
Calgary Karen Community Association
California Karen Youth Forum
Chin Human Rights Organization
Committee of the Internal Displaced Karen People
Democracy for Ethnic Minorities Organization
Edmonton Karen Community Youth Organization
European Karen Network
Future Light Center
Future Thanlwin
Gender Equality Network
Generation Wave
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
International Karen Organisation
Kachin Women's Association Thailand
Karen American Association of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, WI
Karen Association of Huron, SD
Karen Baptist Churches USA
Karen Community Association UK
Karen Community in Norway
Karen Community in the Netherlands
Karen Community of Akron, OH
Karen Community of Austin, TX
Karen Community of Canada
Karen Community of Czech Republic
Karen Community of Finland
Karen Community of Hamilton
Karen Community of Iowa, IA
Karen Community of Ireland
Karen Community of Israel
Karen Community of Kansas City, KS & MO
Karen Community of Kitchener & Waterloo
Karen Community of Leamington K
Karen Community of Lethbridge
Karen Community of London
Karen Community of Louisville
Karen Community of Minnesota, MN
Karen Community of North Carolina
Karen Community of Ottawa
Karen Community of Regina
Karen Community of Saskatoon
Karen community of Tennessee
Karen Community of Thunderbay
Karen Community of Toronto
Karen Community of Windsor
Karen Community of Winnipeg
Karen Community Society of British Columbia
Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
Karen Finland Culture Association
Karen Organization of America
Karen Organization of Illinois, IL
Karen Organization of San Diego
Karen Organization of San Diego - Signed
Karen Peace Support Network
Karen Society of Nebraska
Karen Student Association, University of Nebraska
Karen Swedish Community
Karen Thai Group
Karen Women's Organization
Karen Youth Education Pathways
Karen Youth Networks
Karen Youth of Norway
Karen Youth of Toronto
Karen Youth Organization
Karen Youth UK
Karen-Canadian Education Alliance
Karenni Civil Society Network
Karenni Human Rights Group
King N Queens Organization
Korea Karen Organization
Korea Karen Youth Organization
Let's Help Each Other
Metta Campaign Mandalay
Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
Oversea Karen Organization Japan
Pa-O Women’s Union
Progressive Voice
Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
Synergy - Social Harmony Organization
Ta'ang Legal Aid
Utica Karen Community, NY
Women Advocacy Coalition Myanmar
Women's League of Burma
Footnotes:
[1] Human Rights Council, “Statement by Mr. Marzuki DARUSMAN, Chairperson of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, at the 39th session of the Human Rights Council,” 18September 2018.
[2] Karen Grassroots Women’s Network, The Karen Grassroots Women’s Network Welcomes Cases Against Burma for Genocide, 8 December 2019.
[3] Fortify Rights, U.N. Security Council: Take Urgent Action Against Myanmar Military Junta, 7 December 2021.
[4] NUG Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Statement of the National Unity Government of Myanmar on the 4th Anniversary of the Atrocity Crimes Against the Rohingya People in 2017, 24 August 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2021-12-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"On December 10, 255 civil society organizations all over the world demanded United Nations
(UN) agencies, Funds, Programmes, and other Entities to cease all forms of cooperation that lend
legitimacy to the illegal murderous Myanmar military junta. This includes signing Memorandums of
Understanding (MoU) and inviting junta representatives to meetings as the junta continues to callously
inflict immense suffering on the people of Myanmar and deepen an already catastrophic human rights
and humanitarian crisis.
Their call is consistent with the position statement of our Ministry dated June 19, 2021 to
ensure that humanitarian work does not in practice serve the harmful interests of the junta.
Cooperating in any form with the junta not only contradicts UN agencies’ obligations to neutrality and
upholding human rights, but it is a misguided approach to assisting the people of Myanmar. Moreover,
Myanmar people are consistently oppressing any cooperative approaches of UN agencies and
International Organizations with murderous military regime.
The Myanmar military junta has already been designated as a terrorist organization under
Myanmar’s national law by the duly elected National Unity Government (NUG). Though the military
junta already waged war against unarmed innocent Myanmar civilians since February, no serious and
effective action has since been taken against by any international mechanism. As of 13 December
2021, at least 1329 protesters and bystanders, of which at least 44 were children, have been killed by
military or police forces and at least 7,988 people detained.
ASEAN efforts to implement the five-point consensus on Myanmar agreed in April at a special
emergency summit in Jakarta have not had significant positive impacts and in fact, resulting failure to
address escalating violence and human rights abuses by the military junta. As evidenced, the crisis in
Myanmar could further turn into a regional and global public health and security risk. The decision
taken by foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at an emergency
meeting on 16 October 2021 alarmed the world that “The situation in Myanmar has an impact on
regional security”.
On November 10, the UN Security Council issued a statement on Myanmar calling for “full,
safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and
security of humanitarian and medical personnel.” However, the junta’s interference in relief operations
has disregarded calls for unhindered aid delivery by the UN General Assembly, Human Rights
Council, and Security Council, the European Parliament, and donor governments. Human Rights
Watch announced that humanitarian aid blockages in Myanmar is now in critical condition.
The participation of military in peace building and national reconciliation processes under the
supervision of civilian government already came to an end by committing high treason and sedition
since 1 February. Military junta is no longer an eligible peace stakeholder, but the criminals. The
commitments and MoU made by military junta will be considered illegitimate by NUG, the one and
only truly representative government of people of Myanmar.
We, Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management, NUG, do hereby
reaffirm that all international cooperation and collaboration regarding humanitarian assistance
should be done through responsible NUG channels in which legitimacy and accountability are
guaranteed, compliance with international standards and universal humanitarian principles.
Any effort and contribution to restore peace, justice and democracy in Myanmar must be in
accordance with NUG's obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations
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