Human Rights and international relations
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"လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံတကာစံချိန်စံညွှန်းများနှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံ စည်းမျဉ်းများ နှင့်အညီ လိုက်နာ ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီး တရားဝင်မှုနှင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုကိုအာမခံနိုင်သော တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သတ်မှတ်လမ်းကြောင်းများမှ တဆင့်သာ ဆောင်ရွက်သင့်ကြောင်း လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ် ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထပ်လောင်းအတည်ပြုပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီတို့ကို ပြန်လည်ထိန်းသိမ်းရန်အတွက် အားထုတ် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုနှင့် ပါဝင်မှုများ အားလုံးသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကတိပြုထားသော နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများ နှင့်အညီ ဖြစ်ရပါမည်။"
“လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်သူ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုသည် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီအတွက် ယုံကြည်စိတ်ချရသော၊ အားကိုးရသော၊ တာဝန်ခံသော မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်း မဟုတ်ပါ။"
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2021-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-19
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG)
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Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-12-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Myanmar military has been carrying out indiscriminate attacks on its civilian populations and obstructing access to necessities critical to their survival since it seized power nearly a year ago on 1 February, 2021, Amnesty International said today.
Amnesty International interviewed four displaced civilians and six local aid workers and volunteer humanitarian responders. Their powerful accounts highlight the military’s systematic attempts to starve people and prevent them from accessing health care as it seeks to crush armed resistance to the coup.
For more than six decades, the military has applied a “four cuts” strategy in the country’s border areas, cutting off essential resources to destroy the support base of ethnic armed organizations fighting for self-determination. Now, it has expanded these tactics to areas where new People’s Defense Forces have emerged, as it continues to violently crack down on all forms of resistance to the coup. The military’s use of the four cuts strategy has had devastating consequences for the civilian population.
As part of its war against armed resistance, the military has not only launched indiscriminate airstrikes and burned hundreds of homes, but it has also cut off vital items and services for civilian populations across diverse ethnicities and geographic areas.
The United Nations has identified 284,700 people internally displaced due to armed clashes and insecurity since the coup and at least two million people newly in need of humanitarian assistance in 2021, while projecting that humanitarian needs will further escalate in 2022.
On 9 December, the UN described “severely limited” humanitarian access with challenges including road blockages and increased scrutiny of humanitarian supplies and personnel.
“Since the military seized power, the people of Myanmar have faced extreme hardships. Hundreds of thousands have been forced to leave their own homes. Many are suffering from hunger and facing the frightening reality of having to survive without health or medical care even as the pandemic continues,” said Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research.
Barely surviving in the forest
Katherine* was entering the second trimester of her pregnancy when fighting between military forces and combined forces of civilian resistance groups and ethnic armed organizations erupted across Kayah State in May. The military responded to the new opposition front by conducting airstrikes, firing heavy artillery and shooting indiscriminately, causing 100,000 people to flee their homes as of 8 June, according to United Nations estimates.
On 9 June, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Tom Andrews warned of “mass deaths from starvation, disease and exposure” across the state as the military cut off displaced people’s access to food, water and medicine, including by blocking aid deliveries.
When the fighting reached Katherine’s village in Demoso township, she and her husband fled into the forest with their two children. The family relocated several times for their safety and endured the rainy season sleeping under a sheet of tarpaulin. According to her husband, although they received some food from humanitarian aid groups and other villagers, it was insufficient.
Around seven months into Katherine’s pregnancy, she began vomiting and suffering from dizzy spells, fatigue and shortness of breath. On one occasion, she went into seizures. By eight months, her limbs had swelled, and she had lost the ability to walk. She went into labor in October. Even though a midwife was present, neither Katherine nor her baby survived.
“She could not access nutritious food or warm shelter. My wife faced difficulties during her pregnancy, and she became weak and unable to deliver the baby,” said her husband.
She could not access nutritious food or warm shelter. My wife faced difficulties during her pregnancy, and she became weak and unable to deliver the baby.
-Katherine's husband
Kayah State’s Hpruso township has also seen mass displacement since May, but Francis* could not immediately flee with his family because he is paralyzed from the waist down. His wife and mother-in-law ran into the forest with their four children, and he joined them the next day, when people from his village came back for him and carried him.
The family returned home after a week and a half, but soon had to flee again because fighting resumed. In total, they spent about a month in the forest. “When we first ran, we just slept where we could, with no blanket or shelter. After one or two days, when things quieted down a bit, we brought some bedsheets and blankets [from home]. We stayed under a tarpaulin the whole time,” said Francis.
His family and others who had to flee their village not only had to survive with whatever food and water they could find. They also could not access medicine or medical supplies. Francis’ wife usually uses rubber gloves and catheters to assist his bowel movements and urination, but they ran out while in the forest.
In June, a charity group offered him more stable shelter, where he now stays with his wife and two youngest children. Although the shelter offers better facilities and access to resources than the forest, Francis said food is still limited. He also fears that the place where he is staying could come under attack.
Francis’ two older children are staying in their grandmother and aunt’s home, and they are still fleeing in and out of the forest as the fighting between the security forces and armed resistance groups continues. He wants to reunite with his children, but he worries it would create difficulties for those who are helping him. “If I choose to go back to the village and then I must flee again, I will be a burden to others. I cannot cope with that anymore, so I decided to stay here until things get better,” he said.
Carrying loved ones on their backs
In Sagaing and Magway Regions and Chin State, in Myanmar’s northwest, fighting between the military and civilian resistance groups as well as ethnic armed organizations has displaced more than 93,000 people according to the United Nations, as the military attacks residential areas with airstrikes, arson and indiscriminate gunfire.
Tial Lian,* age 30, fled into the forest from her village in Chin State’s Mindat township with her husband, two children, her father and grandmother when clashes escalated in May.
Because her father, age 77, and grandmother, whose age she estimates to be more than a hundred, are unable to walk well, Tial Lian and her husband carried them on their backs when their family fled. The family has since been going in and out of the forest, where Tial Lian and her husband have been constructing a small shelter out of tarpaulin. There would be times when, worried that their baby’s cries could alert soldiers to their location, the couple would run deeper into the forest with their children, leaving the two older people behind in the shelter for several days.
Sometimes, rats gnaw holes in the tarpaulin, which offers little protection from the elements. “When it rains, our tarpaulin cannot bear the weight of the water. We get soaked, and our blankets too,” said Tial Lian. They also sometimes go for days without eating because they do not dare to make a fire when soldiers are nearby.
Even when they can travel back to their village, accessing food and medicine is difficult. “The roads to buy rice are blocked, and no one sells rice in the village either,” said Tial Lian.
“Because the road is blocked by soldiers, we have to pay 1500 kyats (approximately US$1) for supplies that would [usually] be only 1000 kyats,” she added. In addition to being short on rice, she said sometimes the family cannot access cooking oil, salt, or fish paste.
According to UN estimates, renewed fighting since March between the Kachin Independence Organization and the military in Myanmar’s northernmost Kachin State has displaced more than 15,000 people across the state.
Hkaw Reng* has not been back to her village in Injangyang township since fighting intensified in March. She left her village and walked with her one-year-old son for two days before setting up camp. They have since received limited humanitarian assistance. “Roads are blocked and the place where I am staying is remote, so it is hard to access food and medicine,” she said.
Around April, Hkaw Reng found out she was pregnant, but she has not yet received any prenatal care. She worries about how she will deliver the baby, as traveling to a medical facility could take hours and she would need to pass through military checkpoints on the way.
Cutting off supplies
Six local humanitarian responders described ways the military has severely limited aid responses, including by arresting aid workers and by confiscating or destroying food, medicine and relief supplies or restricting their transport.
“The military is denying life-saving aid to people. They are strangling their lifelines such as food and medical supply routes and threatening medical workers who only want to save lives,” said Emerlynne Gil.
In November, the United Nations described a “fragile” security context in southeastern Myanmar and “heavily restricted” humanitarian access.
In southern Shan State’s Moebye township, where fighting broke out in late May, a humanitarian response team made up of local youth tried to send relief supplies to displaced people hiding in the mountains on the morning of 8 June, according to one of the team’s members. The person, who is not being identified for fears of reprisals, said he and other members of the response team loaded a van with sacks of rice at a school which was being used as a storehouse. But when the van embarked, soldiers opened fire towards it. The van never reached its destination.
“We had to flee quickly and were not able to move the supplies,” he said.
That night, he watched from a distance as soldiers emptied the storehouse of its contents and burned them. More than 80 bags of rice, as well as other food items, medical supplies, and drums of gasoline were destroyed. The soldiers also destroyed a marked ambulance and another vehicle. “They burned everything except the portable toilets,” said the humanitarian responder.
The military is denying life-saving aid to people. They are strangling their lifelines such as food and medical supply routes and threatening medical workers who only want to save lives.
-Emerlynne Gil, Deputy Regional Director for Research
Military forces also aimed and fired their guns into the mountains, he said, causing people who had already been displaced from their homes to relocate again. Although they did not have enough food, they feared coming out of hiding to find more.
This response team member also relayed that in early October, a driver transporting food supplies designated for IDPs in Moebye was arrested between the towns of Nyaung Shwe and Pekon. “[Soldiers] confiscated all the dry food supplies and the truck and arrested the driver and his assistant.”
The military also blocked the transport of medical supplies into Moebye since early October, according to him, and his team has been unable to receive donated relief items from Yangon. “The situation is not safe, so we don’t dare to go and collect donations and no drivers dare to transport them either.”
His team does not travel to the market in nearby Loikaw to purchase items themselves anymore and has delayed distributing some items because of the risks. They also face difficulties transferring funds to purchase items because few money transfer agents dare to help them, fearing they too could be targeted.
This volunteer response team, which also partners with healthcare professionals to provide mobile clinics and emergency response services, sometimes had to delay or suspend these services due to fear of arrest.
A civil society worker in neighboring Pekon township, where there have also been clashes and displacement since late May, told Amnesty International that the military started blocking roads there in June. “At first, we used other routes, but those were blocked too. Now, we are transporting [relief items] little by little but in some areas, we could not transport anything,” she said.
The military also regularly inspects the contents of vehicles at random checkpoints. “Lately, they have completely restricted transporting any medication. When people order medical supplies, [security forces] open the packages on the road and confiscate them,” she said.
Another civil society worker described similar challenges when attempting to distribute aid in Kayah State’s Loikaw, Demoso and Hpruso townships. “Soldiers stop and check a lot when we send food and tarpaulins for shelters and sometimes, we aren’t allowed to pass through. When we transport supplies, we cannot do it openly,” she said.
Her organization has removed the white flags it initially displayed on its vehicles to signal relief work. Furthermore, in order to avoid attention from the military, her organization now purchases aid in small quantities.
Fear of being attacked or caught in the crossfire has also delayed or stopped her team from reaching certain areas in Demoso township. “We have to look for a safe road which [the military] does not know about,” she said. “We stop in one place and keep the stuff, and when the road is clear, we resume the trip.”
Pervasive fear
Humanitarian responders in northwestern Myanmar are facing similar impediments, and the United Nations reported shortages of food, fuel and medical supplies on 9 December.
A volunteer with an emergency response team in Mindat, Chin State said that his group has been unable to send food or medical aid to many parts of the township due to blocked roads, and that the team delivers relief items in small quantities by motorcycle or on foot to reduce their visibility after one of its members was arrested while returning from delivering aid to displaced people.
In Sagaing region’s Kalay township, a civil society worker said that the military has “blocked all the main roads” and that security forces “check everything” in vehicles traveling in the area.
“They prohibit all items that can help [IDPs], and arrest people. There are times that we do not dare to help, and just wait,” she said. Her organization refrains from sending medicine altogether because they heard that the military confiscates all medicine at the entrance into the town.
The risks of transporting goods have also made it hard to find a driver in areas with ongoing fighting in Chin and Sagaing region where her organization operates, she said. “There were times when we had to negotiate and beg [drivers] to deliver food,” she said.
They prohibit all items that can help [IDPs], and arrest people. There are times that we do not dare to help, and just wait.
-civil society worker
A volunteer doctor in Sagaing region’s Yinmarbin township said that his team is unable to freely transport medicine or medical equipment. “Sometimes, [our suppliers] send it to us but we don’t receive it,” he said. He is part of a network providing mobile healthcare to conflict-affected communities and injured People’s Defense Force members, as well as food aid to displaced people in Sagaing region.
The military has shut down the internet in 24 townships in central and northwestern Myanmar, including Yinmarbin, since September. The volunteer doctor said that he and his teammates consequently face a delay in accessing information about the ground situation, which had severely hampered their medical response, especially in areas where the military has at times blocked phone networks.
He and his teammates also face security risks. He told Amnesty International that in July, a temporary medical facility was hit by military shelling and gunfire, causing the volunteers and patients to flee. At least three volunteers from his network were also arrested, he said.
These accounts are emblematic of what is happening across the country and demonstrate how the Myanmar military is systematically depriving civilians of desperately needed supplies and medicine.
“We will see more lives lost if the military continues this brutal campaign against its own people. The military must allow full access for humanitarian workers in affected regions,” said Emerlynne Gil.
Note: *Names have been changed to protect their security..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-12-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations
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"Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
The opening testimony in the first-ever universal jurisdiction case on the Rohingya genocide highlighted vicious abuses by the Tatmadaw (the Myanmar military), including widespread sexual violence, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) said.
Tun Khin, President of BROUK, today took the stand at the Federal Court in Buenos Aires, Argentina. This marked the opening of the case that the Argentinian judiciary decided to open in November under the legal principle of universal jurisdiction, which holds that some crimes are so horrific that they can be tried anywhere.
“Today was a landmark day for Rohingya people everywhere and our long struggle to end the genocide. I am deeply grateful for the opportunity to testify in a court of law about the plight of our people. This case will not finish over night, but I am confident that justice will prevail in the end,” said Tun Khin.
In his testimony, Tun Khin highlighted his own personal history and the decades-long repression Rohingya has faced in Myanmar. He also brought the court’s attention to a range of crimes committed by the Tatmadaw and its proxies during the violence against Rohingya in Rakhine State from August 2017.
One example is the Chut Pyin massacre, when soldiers killed hundreds of people and engaged in sexual violence in a brutal attack on a Rohingya village in Rakhine State on 27 August 2017. Six women who were victims of or witnessed sexual violence during the massacre are witnesses in BROUK’s case.
The court also heard the names of those ultimately responsible for the violence, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other senior Tatmadaw officials who have been identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar.
Tun Khin also underlined the harmful role of Facebook during the violence in 2017, when hate speech against the Rohingya was spread unchecked on the platform. Earlier in December, Rohingya victims sued the social media company for more than £150 billion due to its failure to contain hate speech and misinformation.
“This is the start of a court case that we ultimately hope will end with the architects of the Rohingya genocide behind bars. We will focus on identifying perpetrators of these crimes, right up to Myanmar’s senior military leadership,” said Tun Khin.
“The evidence against Min Aung Hlaing and the Myanmar military is overwhelming and irrefutable. They must answer for their crimes. It is important to remember that this is not just about the Rohingya people’s quest for justice, but for all people of Myanmar who have suffered at the hands of the military, not least since the coup this year.”..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2021-12-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-17
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Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Donors Should Channel Assistance Via Local and Cross-Border Efforts
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"Myanmar’s military junta is blocking desperately needed humanitarian aid from reaching millions of displaced people and others at risk, Human Rights Watch said today. The United Nations, the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and concerned governments should press the State Administration Council (SAC) junta to urgently allow aid to reach all those in need.
In recent months, the junta and its security forces have imposed new travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, blocked access roads and aid convoys, destroyed non-military supplies, attacked aid workers, and shut down telecommunications services. The February 1, 2021 military coup also triggered widespread infrastructure collapse and a severe devaluation of the Myanmar currency, leading to increasingly dire banking and supply chain crises and shortages of food, medicine, and other essentials.
“Myanmar’s junta has worsened a self-created humanitarian catastrophe by displacing hundreds of thousands of people and then blocking the critical support they need to survive,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher. “The generals are callously denying lifesaving assistance to people affected by conflict since the military takeover, seemingly as a form of punishment.”
Since the coup, the junta has carried out a nationwide crackdown on anti-junta protesters and the political opposition that amounts to crimes against humanity and other abuses. Fighting in some ethnic minority areas has expanded, resulting in war crimes. The crisis has displaced over 284,000 people, with an estimated 22,000 refugees fleeing to India and Thailand.
While Myanmar authorities have long impeded access to aid for vulnerable groups, the military junta has established new restrictions, creating a nationwide humanitarian catastrophe. The UN estimates that the number of people needing assistance will grow from 1 million before the coup to 14.4 million by 2022, including more than 5 million children. About 25 million people, or half the population, could be living below the national poverty line.
A man displaced in 2011 and now living in a camp outside Laiza, Kachin State, told Human Rights Watch: “Since the coup, NGOs [nongovernmental organizations] that provide food couldn’t travel easily to the camp and they cannot transfer funding easily. Many people used to go outside of the camp for day jobs and to support families, but because of the coup and Covid-19, there aren’t many job opportunities left they could do.”
The junta’s interference in relief operations has disregarded calls for unhindered aid delivery by the UN General Assembly, Human Rights Council, and Security Council, the European Parliament, and donor governments. The UN relief chief, Martin Griffiths, said on November 8 that “access to many people in desperate need across the country remains extremely limited due to bureaucratic impediments put in place by the armed forces.” He called on the junta to “facilitate safe, rapid, and unimpeded humanitarian access.”
On November 10, the UN Security Council issued a statement on Myanmar calling for “full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel.”
The UN, regional bodies, and donors should pressure the junta to ensure the health and well-being of the population in accordance with Myanmar’s obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, Human Rights Watch said.
At the same time, the international response to the humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been inadequate. The UN and other aid agencies have only received 18 percent of the US$109 million requested to respond to the post-coup humanitarian emergency. Funding requirements for 2022 have more than doubled due to the crisis, to $826 million. Donors including the United States, European Union, and United Kingdom should increase funding while channeling aid through local civil society groups, rather than through junta authorities, given the military’s track record of corruption and misuse of assistance funding and material. Effective aid delivery hinges on engaging independent and impartial local partners that have the networks and experience to navigate a difficult environment.
In areas of armed conflict in Myanmar, the junta’s obstruction of humanitarian assistance violates international humanitarian law. All parties to an armed conflict are obligated to allow and facilitate rapid and unimpeded impartial humanitarian assistance to all civilians in need, and are forbidden from withholding consent for relief operations on arbitrary grounds. Unnecessary delays or obstruction of aid may also violate the rights to life, to health, and to an adequate standard of living, including food and water. The military has also attacked health facilities and medical workers, in violation of international law.
Neighboring countries, including India, Thailand, and China, should facilitate emergency cross-border aid to internally displaced people in Myanmar and provide protection, support, and humanitarian aid to all refugees, including allowing the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) access to screen asylum seekers.
The UN Security Council should go beyond issuing statements, and should urgently pass a resolution that institutes a global arms embargo on Myanmar, refers the military’s grave crimes before and since the coup to the International Criminal Court, and imposes targeted sanctions on the junta leadership and military-owned conglomerates.
“Governments should press Myanmar’s junta to facilitate, not block, the delivery of assistance that millions of people depend on to survive,” Bauchner said. “Regional bodies and donors should work closely with local groups and cross-border efforts to make sure aid is reaching those in need and not being diverted by generals neck-deep in atrocities.”
Humanitarian Crisis and Aid Blockages
As opposition to the February 1 coup grew, the Myanmar security forces, including the military and police, violently cracked down on peaceful protests throughout the country. The military launched new offensives in ethnic minority areas, resulting in abuses against civilians. In some areas, newly formed anti-junta armed groups fought alongside long-established ethnic armies against military forces. In November, clashes were reported in every state and region in Myanmar.
The UN has reported that the military has carried out targeted and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, including airstrikes and heavy artillery barrages. Accounts from displaced people and aid workers suggest that the junta has continued to use the military’s longstanding “four cuts” strategy, in which the armed forces maintain control of an area by isolating and terrorizing the civilian population.
An estimated 638,000 people are displaced in Myanmar, including many who were forced to leave their homes years prior to the coup. Civilians displaced by fighting, particularly in Myanmar’s northwest and southeast, have faced dire restrictions on access to food, clean water, sanitation, shelter, and health care, leaving them at severe risk of disease and malnutrition.
Military forces have seized food deliveries en route to displacement sites and arrested people on suspicion of supporting aid efforts. As the UN special rapporteur on Myanmar reported in September, “The junta is directly to blame for the lack of humanitarian access to internally displaced persons, where its forces have deliberately blocked access roads and turned back aid convoys.”
The requisite travel authorization process for humanitarian workers, already highly bureaucratic and arbitrary, has grown even more constrained under the junta’s control, severely impeding aid delivery, in particular during monsoon season floods. Many international aid organizations’ memorandums of understanding with the government were signed prior to the coup and have since expired, raising concerns about travel authorizations for aid delivery. Visas for aid workers have also been delayed or denied.
The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported in October that “the need to procure travel authorization remains a major access impediment and a high constraint factor for the humanitarian partners’ capacity to reach people in need.” Where previously a negative Covid-19 test was sufficient for the application, for example, junta authorities began requiring all staff to submit a vaccination card and recommendation letter from the township medical officer for their travel authorization application, at a time when only 3 percent of the country was vaccinated.
Since February, the junta has cut off mobile internet data and blocked public Wi-Fi and most broadband internet service. It has continued to impose communication blockades, particularly in areas of increased hostilities. In August and September, the junta cut phone and internet services in dozens of townships in Chin and Kachin States and Mandalay, Magway, and Sagaing Regions. “We have no internet and sometimes mobile reception is not available,” an aid worker in Chin State said.
Disrupted supply chains, increasing prices and scarcity of goods, and loss of access to agricultural livelihoods have compounded food shortages around the country. The Myanmar currency, the kyat, has lost over 60 percent of its value since the coup, contributing to food crises in urban and peri-urban areas, including Yangon and Mandalay.
According to the UN Development Programme, urban poverty rates are set to triple by 2022. Humanitarian agencies and UN human rights experts recently raised grave concerns about the food, shelter, and cash needs of thousands of families who have been forcibly evicted from settlements in Mandalay and Yangon, including Hlaing Tharyar and Dagon Seikkan townships, since late October.
Northwest Myanmar
Since May, an estimated 93,000 people have been displaced by fighting in Chin State and Magway and Sagaing Regions in Myanmar’s northwest. In Chin State, fighting has increased between the armed forces and the Chinland Defense Force (CDF), an anti-junta militia. The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar reported that the military, after declaring martial law in the town of Mindat in May, carried out air and ground attacks, committing indiscriminate attacks and sexual violence and using civilians as human shields. An estimated 30,000 people fled the fighting.
After capturing Mindat, the security forces imposed drastic measures on the civilian population, effectively cutting the area off from all aid and supplies by closing all roads to the town; blocking nearby supply routes; turning back aid convoys; looting and destroying supplies; interrogating and arresting civilians entering the town for goods; and cutting internet services. In May, military forces fired at makeshift displacement sites marked with white flags. At least six displaced people reportedly died in the jungle from lack of access to health care.
Local aid groups and host communities who have tried to support displaced people with food and other supplies have suffered harassment, arbitrary detention, violence, and constant surveillance by the security forces. Some humanitarian workers have been arrested and charged with incitement under section 505A of the penal code. An aid worker in Mindat said that when a team member and an international staff member planning a humanitarian project were arrested, “our operations on the ground got a lot more difficult.” The worker noted that in October, security forces had even arrested people going shopping for household products in Mindat.
In July, the UN refugee agency received travel authorization to deliver emergency aid to displacement sites in Mindat, but displaced people in the area reported the aid never reached them after the junta denied aid workers access to any areas outside security force control.
In late October, the military deployed tens of thousands of troops to the country’s north and northwest, in seeming preparation for wide-scale operations against anti-junta forces. Satellite imagery revealed that over the next month, hundreds of buildings were burned in Thantlang, Chin State, corroborating video and witness accounts.
The aid worker in Chin State said that junta authorities were confiscating aid packages that local humanitarians had tried to bring to displacement camps. Since imposing martial law in Mindat, security forces have taken over the sale of products in town, reselling them at high prices, he said. Anyone attempting to buy more than the allotted amount of food or medicine is accused of supporting the Chinland Defense Force or anti-junta People’s Defense Forces (PDF) and risks arrest.
About 3,000 children have been displaced from the town of Mindat, but local aid workers said they have been unable to acquire any educational supplies because of security force checkpoints and the risk of arrest.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported in December that with food running low in Mindat township, “people are becoming desperate.” Groups continue to advocate urgently for access: “The humanitarian community has developed a plan outlining the assistance it would immediately be able to provide to up to 26,000 people in Mindat Township if access was permitted, and is advocating at all levels for the necessary travel authorisations to be urgently granted.”
Southeast Myanmar
Since the coup, there has been major insecurity and fighting in southeast Myanmar, notably Bago Region and Karen (Kayin) and Karenni (Kayah) States. Over 173,000 people have been displaced since February. The junta has imposed severe movement restrictions in the area, requiring permission letters from local State Administration Council administrators to travel, as well as widespread security force checkpoints and patrols.
Meeting minutes of UN agencies from May show that the State Administration Council denied the World Food Programme’s request to provide one month of food support to about 4,500 recently displaced people in Myaing Gyi Nyu village in Karen State. Junta officials also suggested they take over the food distribution to the camp.
In June, media reported that military forces burned 80 bags of rice, barrels of cooking oil, other food, and medicine in Pekon, southern Shan State, that local residents had gathered for 3,000 people recently displaced by fighting.
An aid worker in Karen State said that both the Myanmar military and the ethnic armed group Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) had imposed obstacles to travel. In KNLA-controlled territory, the local aid workers had to get permission to deliver supplies or hand them off to the KNLA to distribute. Local aid groups have identified Myanmar military checkpoints in the area, which they avoid when transporting food or medical supplies due to the risk of detention, harassment, or confiscation.
At a national humanitarian meeting in August, UNICEF discussed the contingency plan for people displaced by airstrikes and ground fighting in Hlaingbwe, Karen State, including identifying supplies “so that we can manage very quickly before the road blockages occur,” according to meeting notes reviewed by Human Rights Watch.
Protracted Displacement
About 370,000 people were already displaced in Myanmar prior to the coup, most living for years in protracted displacement in Rakhine, Kachin, and northern Shan States. Humanitarian organizations reported in October that they faced “significantly decreased access” to the preexisting displacement camps and “increased scrutiny of implementing partners [and] activities.”
OCHA reported in August that constraints since the coup, including “new bureaucratic restrictions and access limitations linked to the TA [travel authorization] process,” had impeded more than half of all activities in Rakhine State, “negatively impacting the delivery of services and humanitarian assistance to around 440,000 people in need.” UN and international agencies meeting minutes noted the junta’s erratic approval process: “TA granted by RSG [Rakhine State government] is changing every month.”
About 600,000 ethnic Rohingya are confined to camps and villages in Rakhine State, denied freedom of movement under a system of apartheid, without adequate access to food, health care, and education. An estimated 130,000 Rohingya have been arbitrarily held in open-air detention camps in central Rakhine State since 2012.
Humanitarian agency documents detail the serious water scarcity in Rakhine State, noting that water availability there is affected by constraints on access, banking issues, limited funding for water transport and distribution, and increased fuel prices and scarcity. Only 12 percent of people in northern Rakhine State identified as needing humanitarian aid had access to safe drinking water as of September, and only 14 percent had access to functional latrines.
Food shortages in the camps and villages grew after June, when the World Food Programme had to halt its monthly cash allowance and food ration distributions. In northern Rakhine State, the junta even obstructs efforts to assess the extent of the gaps and needs. “The full extent of WASH [water, sanitation, and hygiene] needs in northern Rakhine continue to be largely unknown due to access restrictions,” humanitarian agencies wrote in their input to the 2022 Humanitarian Needs Overview.
In early November, as tensions between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army ethnic armed group grew, the junta closed down the Ponnagyun-Rathedaung road, forcing people from 60 villages in the area to travel by waterway.
Restrictions on Water, Sanitation, Health
Displaced people’s severe lack of access to water, sanitation, and hygiene in Myanmar – underscored by recent humanitarian data – is life-threatening. UN agency documents stated that “AWD [acute watery diarrhea] cases were reported in 2021 due to the reduction of WASH in many camps in Rakhine and Kachin states.” In late May, at least nine Muslim children reportedly died in central Rakhine State following a month-long outbreak of acute diarrhea.
“They have difficulties accessing drinking water, toilets, and sanitation products,” the Chin State aid worker said. “Kids in the camp had skin disease … because of dirty water. They don’t even have tanks to store water, they use plastic sheets to make water tanks.” He said that the Kyaukhtu camps in Magway Region have faced severe health crises:
Some kids died from malnutrition, had skin disease. People died from not getting medical attention on time. There’s not enough medicine or medical supplies at camps. There are doctors who came to the CDF territory to provide health care to IDPs [internally displaced people] but they can’t do much when there’s not enough medical supplies.
“IDPs have difficulty accessing food, clean water, and shelters,” an aid worker in Karen State said. “They’re now relying on rainwater…. There is seasonal flu, diarrhea because of no clean water, and Covid cases in the villages.”
The Myanmar healthcare system effectively collapsed after the coup. With the junta cracking down on medical professionals for their role in the Civil Disobedience Movement, Myanmar has become one of the deadliest countries in the world to work in health care, according to data from the World Health Organization and Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition.
From February 1 to September 30, state security forces allegedly killed at least 29 healthcare workers and arrested 210, with another 580 warrants issued for doctors and nurses. There have been 297 reported attacks on health care – nearly all by the security forces – including 87 raids and 56 military occupations of healthcare facilities.
Security forces have beaten and shot medical staff providing care to injured protesters and forced clinics operated by nongovernmental groups to close, driving medics and volunteers to work underground in poorly resourced makeshift mobile clinics. Despite moving frequently, hidden facilities have faced deadly attacks by junta forces. Police and military officials shot at or confiscated ambulances. At least 31 medical vehicles have been attacked since the coup.
Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders, or MSF) described the impact of the junta’s nationwide military deployment on access to health care:
Patients in Myanmar are forced to travel farther to get care at a time when risks are much greater. Security forces at checkpoints scrutinise those moving around, search their belongings, intimidate them and contribute to a climate of fear. For patients with conditions requiring regular and long-term care, such as HIV, tuberculosis and hepatitis C, the ongoing insecurity and delays in accessing medicines could be life-threatening.
Amid the healthcare system’s collapse, Myanmar faced its third and most severe wave of Covid-19 in mid-2021. The security forces blocked people’s access to hospitals for urgent treatment and hoarded oxygen supplies. They arrested aid volunteers for attempting to deliver oxygen to affected communities. The junta’s Health Ministry reportedly rejected a request from a top OCHA official visiting the country in September for greater humanitarian access to address the Covid-19 crisis, which had hit a 38 percent positive test rate at its peak in late July.
Myanmar’s UN Country Team reported in May that attacks on medical workers jeopardized the Covid-19 response and essential health services, “with potential devastating consequences.” The pandemic has also been used as a pretext for enforcing increasingly stringent restrictions on aid and movement.
Days before the coup, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had transferred US$372 million to the Central Bank of Myanmar for emergency Covid-19 support. How the junta has used the funds remains unknown. At a September briefing, the IMF stated, “It’s not possible for the Fund to ascertain whether the regime currently in effective control is using the IMF funds as they were intended. Namely, to tackle to COVID and support the most vulnerable people.” Covax, the global vaccine distribution facility, also delayed a shipment of vaccines, citing the junta’s opacity around distribution and refusal to prioritize vulnerable populations.
UN Security Council resolution 2286 condemns attacks on medical facilities and health workers in conflicts and calls on all parties to armed conflicts to respect international law, prevent attacks, and hold those responsible to account. It also asks the UN secretary-general to “bring to the attention of the Security Council situations in which the delivery of medical assistance to populations in need is being obstructed by parties to the armed conflict.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-12-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Public Health, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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"၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့၌ Virtual Format ဖြင့် ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် “လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကော်မတီ - Committee on Human Rights of Parliament -arians” ကြားနာပွဲသို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ဦးအောင်ကြည်ညွန့် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် မြန်မာကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့တက်ရောက်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စား လှယ်များ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှု အခြေအနေများကို ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြခဲ့သည်။
၂။ ယင်းကော်မတီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် စပိန်နိုင်ငံ၊ မက်ဒရစ်မြို့၌ ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် “IPU အမှုဆောင်ကောင်စီ၏ ၂၀၈ ကြိမ်မြောက် အစည်းအဝေး”၌ အတည်ပြုခဲ့ပြီး ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှု အခြေအနေများနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထည့်သွင်း ချမှတ်အတည်ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ကြိုဆိုပါကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။
၃။ ကော်မတီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့၏ ပကတိ သဘောထားနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ကို ကာကွယ်လိုသည့် ပြင်းပြသော စိတ်ဆန္ဒကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရသည့် မြန်မာလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည်ပေးပြီး ကူညီဆောင် ရွက်ပေးခဲ့ကြသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာပါလီမန်များအဖွဲ့၊ အမှုဆောင်ကော်မတီနှင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စား လှယ်များ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကော်မတီတို့မှ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌနှင့် အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ IPU အဖွဲ့ဝင်လွှတ်တော်များအား ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ အာဆီယံက ချမှတ်ထားသည့် ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် (၅) ချက်ကို စစ်ကောင်စီက လိုက်နာ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ဆက်လက်ကျူး လွန်လျက်ရှိပြီး ယင်းဘုံသဘောတူညီချက်များသည်လည်း လက်ရှိ မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေး အကြပ်အတည်း အတွက် ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်သည့် အခြေအနေတစ်ခုမဟုတ်ကြောင်း လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များက သက်သေပြ လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်နေမှုများ၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးနေမှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပမ်း နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများ ရပ်တန့်ရေး အပါအဝင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးတို့ အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပြီး အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံ တကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီအပေါ် ထိရောက်သည့် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ဆက်လက်ပြုလုပ်၍ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်နှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို ကာကွယ်ပေးရန် ထပ်မံ တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2021-12-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Human Rights and international relations
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"Today, December 10th, people from around the world observe Human Rights Day to commemorate the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”) in 1948. Because of the February 2021 military coup, this year’s Human Rights Day is an especially solemn and painful occasion for the people of Myanmar. The human rights violations being committed against the people of Myanmar since the coup are a direct result of the failure to end the Myanmar military’s longstanding oppression of ethnic and religious minorities. Thus, it is fitting that this year’s theme for Human Rights Day is Equality, as it serves as a reminder of what may come to pass when the principle of equality is disregarded. The human rights principle of “Equality” is found in Article 1 of the UDHR, which states, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” Since February 2021, people across Myanmar have been protesting against the junta –– a regime that has consistently sought to undermine the principle of equality, impose discriminatory practices and sentiments, and embed them in the legal, political, economic and social framework of the country.
From the outset of the coup, people of all ages, ethnicities and religions in Myanmar have come together to peacefully demonstrate against a military dictatorship that pays no regard to human rights and uses its power to discriminate and oppress. Participants of the Civil Disobedience Movement (“CDM”), composed mostly of professionals in the public sector, have sacrificed their careers, freedoms, and lives by refusing to work for the junta. Similarly, young people have been on the frontlines fighting for their rights, often supported in the background by older civilians who also are standing against the military dictatorship in the hope of building a Myanmar in which the rights enshrined in the UDHR will become a reality for all. In their struggle against dictatorship, people across Myanmar have been subjected to arbitrary arrest and detention; torture, including sexual and gender-based violence; and enforced disappearance; with many being murdered by the junta in their defense of human rights.
Ethnic minorities in rural areas, who have long been the target of military abuse are once again facing challenges and threats to their lives, livelihoods, and physical security and integrity. Since the military coup, armed conflicts occurring between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations have intensified. As early as March 2021, the Myanmar military began an airstrike campaign in Southeast Myanmar that often-targeted civilian areas. These airstrikes destroyed villages, killed many civilians, and caused mass displacement of villagers from their homes and ancestral lands. Southeast Myanmar continues to be heavily militarized by the junta. Civilians are unable to go about their daily lives due to the high risk of being killed, injured, or detained by the Myanmar military. Furthermore, there has been a recurrence of the military’s use of civilians for forced labor and as human shields, which were common forms of human rights abuses under past military regimes. Despite facing these abuses, rural villagers have been active in supporting the anti-coup movement and in protecting those who have placed themselves on the line in the defense of human rights. Local villagers have provided shelter and protection to CDM participants, ousted members of parliament, protesters and human rights defenders, and Myanmar military defectors. They have also participated in peaceful protests, even in the face of heavy military presence.
In recognition of the painful events of the past ten months, as well as the long history of ethnic oppression by the Myanmar military, the Karen Human Rights Group honors the people of Myanmar who continue to fight for a new Myanmar that recognizes that all are equal in dignity and rights. We also strongly urge the international community to remain steadfast in their support for the people of Myanmar, and to refrain from aiding or assisting the junta’s commission of human rights abuses and international humanitarian law violations. This means actively refusing to give any legitimacy to the junta, and refusing both direct or indirect recognition of the junta as the government of Myanmar. It also means cutting ties with all businesses that support the junta or are implicated in the provision of weapons to the junta and its affiliates. Finally, we commemorate all those who have lost their freedoms and even their lives as a result of their resistance to the junta, in service to the fight for a federal democracy that respects, protects, and fulfills the human rights of all people of Myanmar equally..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2021-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations
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"We are determined to put human rights at the center of our foreign policy, and we reaffirm this commitment by using appropriate tools and authorities to draw attention to and promote accountability for human rights violations and abuses, no matter where they occur.
The United States appreciates the coordinated actions taken today by the United Kingdom and Canada under their respective sanctions programs to target Burmese military actors responsible for violence and repression. We also welcome the close coordination with the EU, UK, and Canada last week on our strongest sanctions package to date on Belarus, which jointly imposes costs on the Lukashenka regime for its continued repression of the Belarusian people. The United States looks forward to continuing our partnerships with allies, partners, and civil society alike in defending human rights and promoting accountability and good governance.
In further recognition of Human Rights Day 2021, the Department is designating 12 officials of foreign governments under Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriation Act, 2021. This law provides that in cases where there is credible information that officials of foreign governments have been involved in a gross violation of human rights or significant corruption, those individuals and their immediate family members are to be designated publicly or privately and are ineligible for entry into the United States.
The Department of State is designating under Section 7031(c) the following individuals for their involvement in gross violations of human rights:
Abel Kandiho, Major General and head of the Chieftancy of Military Intelligence within the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces, for his involvement in a gross violation of human rights, namely torture. Kandiho was also designated this week by the Department of the Treasury under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program in connection with serious human rights abuse.
Shohrat Zakir, Erken Tuniyaz, Hu Lianhe, and Chen Mingguo, current and former senior PRC officials in Xinjiang, China for their involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely arbitrary detention of Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. Shohrat Zakir and Erken Tuniyaz were also designated today by the Department of the Treasury under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program in connection with serious human rights abuse.
Ihar Kenyukh and Yauheni Shapetska, heads of the notorious Akrestsina Detention Center in Minsk, Belarus, for their involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely the torture and/or cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment of detainees in the aftermath of the fraudulent August 9, 2020 presidential election.
Benazir Ahmed, current Inspector General of the Bangladesh Police and former Director General of Bangladesh’s Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and Miftah Uddin Ahmed, Lieutenant Colonel and former commanding officer of RAB Unit 7, for their involvement in a gross violation of human rights, namely the May 2018 extrajudicial killing of Teknaf City Municipal Councilor Ekramul Haque in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar District, Bangladesh. The RAB, Benazir Ahmed, and five other officials were also designated today by the Department of the Treasury under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program in connection with serious human rights abuse.
Chandana Hettiarachchi, a Sri Lankan naval intelligence officer, for his involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely, the flagrant denial of the right to liberty of at least eight “Trincomalee 11” victims, from 2008 to 2009. Sunil Ratnayake, a former Staff Sergeant in the Sri Lanka Army, for his involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely the extrajudicial killings of at least eight Tamil villagers in December 2000. The designation of these two Sri Lankan individuals is not the only action we are taking in support of accountability for gross violations of human rights in Sri Lanka.
Mario Plutarco Marin Torres, a former governor of Puebla, Mexico, for his involvement in a gross violation of human rights in Mexico, namely, the arbitrary detention of journalist and human rights defender Lydia Cacho in December 2005. We commend Mexican authorities for arresting Marin Torres in February on torture charges.
Additionally, the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control is imposing sanctions on 15 individuals and 10 entities including for roles in serious human rights abuse and repression across several countries. A complete list of the Department of Treasury’s additional actions can be found here https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0526 . These designations underscore our support for human rights and commitment to promoting accountability for human rights abusers and violators the world over..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political History
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"The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Abdou Abarry (Niger):
The members of the Security Council expressed deep concern at the sentencing of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint and others. Recalling their previous statements, they reiterated their calls for the release of all those who have been arbitrarily detained since 1 February 2021.
The members of the Security Council once again stressed their continued support for the democratic transition in Myanmar and underlined the need to uphold democratic institutions and processes, refrain from violence, pursue constructive dialogue and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar, fully respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and uphold the rule of law. They reiterated their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations ( New York )
Date of publication:
2021-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations, About Aung San Suu Kyi
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"GENEVA (6 December 2021) – A UN human rights expert derided the sentencing of Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint to four years in jail by a military-controlled court in Myanmar as the “theatre of the absurd”, saying the hearing underscored the complete lack of rule of law in the country.
“State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint are hostages, not criminals,” said UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews. “This proceeding should not be confused with an actual trial - it is theatre of the absurd and a gross violation of human rights.
“Aung San Suu Kyi, and thousands of others, are being arbitrarily detained in a system of injustice, guilty of only exercising their fundamental rights.”
Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint were jailed on Monday on charges of incitement and breaching coronavirus restrictions.
“Today’s sentencing demonstrates why the international community must take stronger action to support the people of Myanmar by denying the junta the revenue and weapons that they need to continue their illegitimate grip on the people of Myanmar.
“I call upon Member States to significantly increase pressure on the junta as a result of this outrageous action.”
The junta’s arrest and sentencing of Aung San Suu Kyi and thousands of others highlights the relentless assault on the people of Myanmar’s right to exercise their civil and political rights, Andrews said.
One of the charges Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint were sentenced under—Section 505(b) of the Penal Code—criminalizes speech that may cause “fear or alarm to the public” or that leads others to upset “public tranquility.” Relying on this provision, as well as draconian and illegitimate amendments to other existing laws and regulations, the junta has systematically violated the people of Myanmar’s right to freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and association, and access to information.
Reports indicate that after the verdict of this sham trial was released, peaceful protesters were executed on the streets of Yangon by junta forces, Andrews said. A military vehicle ran directly into them while exercising their basic right of free speech.
“What more do we need to see from this illegal military junta before the international community takes decisive, principled action?” Andrews asked.
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2021-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
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Sub-title:
New evidence the junta is violating ICJ “provisional measures”
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"(NEW YORK, December 6, 2021)—The U.N. Security Council should urgently impose a global arms embargo and sanctions against the Myanmar military and refer the situation in the country to the International Criminal Court, said Fortify Rights today. A Myanmar military court today sentenced the country’s democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi to four years in prison on spurious, trumped-up charges of incitement and breaking COVID-19 rules, and new evidence shows the junta is violating legally binding “provisional measures of protection” imposed on Myanmar by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as part of an ongoing trial on the Rohingya genocide.
On November 25, the Myanmar military junta issued an order reiterating longstanding restrictions on the right to freedom of movement for Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, contravening the ICJ’s provisional measures.
“These fresh restrictions brazenly contravene the ICJ’s measures and illustrate an aspect of the junta’s ongoing and unmitigated genocide in Myanmar,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer of Fortify Rights. “The ongoing atrocities against Rohingya and latest conviction of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi demonstrate yet again how this junta poses a threat to the peace. Security Council member states should support an urgent resolution and force a vote.”
Firsthand testimony and two leaked internal junta documents obtained by Fortify Rights reveal revamped efforts to restrict the movement of Rohingya in Rakhine State following the military coup d’état on February 1, 2021.
An administrative order reviewed by Fortify Rights and issued by the junta-run General Administration Department of Buthidaung Township in Rakhine State on November 25, 2021 states that, “Bengali people can only travel after obtaining legal permission (Form-4)” and that breaching the order will result in “strong action being taken as per the existing law.” The order further states that the restrictions are necessary to protect “township security and the rule of law.”
The junta refers to Rohingya as “Bengali” to deny their existence and imply they are from Bangladesh and not Myanmar. Myanmar authorities have long required Rohingya to obtain express permission to travel from one village to another village and from one township to another township. A Form-4 is typically required for travel from one township to another.
Obtaining approval through a Form-4 involves lengthy bureaucratic processes that often expose Rohingya to extortion and other abuses by the military, police, and administrative authorities. Rohingya who travel without a Form-4 can be subject to punishment under the Residents of Burma Registration Act, which carries a maximum punishment of two years’ imprisonment and/or a fine of 500 Myanmar Kyats (US$0.28).
The Buthidaung Township General Administration Department appended the November 25 order to an internal letter sent to multiple Myanmar military, police, and border-guard commanders as well as township administrative and justice officials.
In a separate internal letter, also obtained by Fortify Rights, from the military junta’s Ministry of Immigration and Population in Rakhine State’s Ponnagyun Township in Sittwe District dated November 10, 2021, Chief Officer Win Myint informs the Rakhine State Director of the Ministry of Immigration and Population located in Sittwe Township of the arrest and conviction of 45 “Bengali (Kalar)” for “travelling illegally.” Kalar is a pejorative term in the Burmese language used to describe Muslims, Indians, or those of South Asian descent. According to the letter, the Ponnagyun Township Court convicted and sentenced individuals in the group on October 21 and, on November 2, the authorities released children, who were part of the group. Five adults remain detained.
Since October 2021, the junta’s forces reportedly arrested and convicted dozens of Rohingya for traveling outside of their villages without permission.
Rohingya in northern Rakhine State told Fortify Rights that, since the coup, it is becoming increasingly difficult for them to travel between townships and villages.
“I had to take a Form-4 [from Buthidaung Township] to go to Maungdaw Township,” a Rohingya man, 25, from southern Buthidaung Township told Fortify Rights on December 1, 2021. “I went to Maungdaw north to work on harvesting a rice field . . . [The authorities] checked our Form-4 at three checkpoints while going to Maungdaw.”
Even prior to the junta’s November order a Rohingya man told Fortify Rights in July 2021 that military soldiers extorted money from him on multiple occasions at military checkpoints for not having proper travel authorization. “They took money from me three times,” he told Fortify Rights. “They were multi-department checkpoints, and they took money from me, saying I didn’t have any documents.”
Investigations over the past eight years by Fortify Rights show successive Myanmar governments systematically restricting the freedom of movement of Rohingya, including requirements that Rohingya obtain a Form-4 to travel to certain destinations and only under specific timelines enforced by the state. The military appears to be tightening the restrictions.
The ICJ’s “Provisional Measures”
In November 2019, The Gambia brought a case against Myanmar at the ICJ in The Hague alleging violations of the Genocide Convention through “acts adopted, taken and condoned by the Government of Myanmar against members of the Rohingya group.” As part of the legal proceedings, on January 23, 2020, the ICJ unanimously indicated legally binding provisional measures of protection for the Rohingya people, requiring Myanmar to prevent and preserve evidence of genocide and “cease forthwith any such ongoing internationally wrongful act and fully respect its obligations under the Genocide Convention.”
As part of the ICJ order, Myanmar must submit an “implementation report” to the court every six months on all measures taken to prevent genocide “until a final decision on the case is rendered by the Court.”
On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military junta took power by force in an illegal and deadly coup d’état, killing more than 1,300 protesters and imprisoning more than 10,000. Included among the several thousand remaining political prisoners are State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint.
The junta does not represent the people or the State of Myanmar; nevertheless, the junta is likely to represent Myanmar at the ICJ, said Fortify Rights.
The junta’s latest report to the ICJ was due on November 23, and in turn, The Gambia is expected to respond in writing to the Court. Neither submission will be publicly available at this stage in the legal proceedings.
Fortify Rights, the U.N. Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, and others have documented systematic restrictions against Rohingya, including on freedom of movement, as indicative of the Myanmar government’s intent to destroy the group in whole or in part. The draconian denials of freedom of movement prevent Rohingya from accessing livelihoods, lifesaving health care, and other aspects of basic survival.
Deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of a group is a prohibited act of genocide under Article II of the Genocide Convention. The “conditions of life” provision refers to methods of destruction that do not immediately kill members of the group but ultimately seek the group’s obliteration.
These latest restrictions on Rohingya freedom of movement are occurring in a wider context of ongoing genocidal acts committed by the Myanmar military against Rohingya, including killings, rape and sexual violence, burning and razing homes and villages, and denying Rohingya access to food and shelter. Impunity for these and other mass atrocity crimes is endemic in Myanmar.
On August 25, 2021—the four-year anniversary of Myanmar military-led attacks on Rohingya civilians—the military junta published an amendment to the Myanmar Criminal Code signed by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing ostensibly to outlaw the crime of genocide. Taking language almost verbatim from Article II of the Genocide Convention, the amendment was viewed as an attempt by Min Aung Hlaing to communicate compliance with the ICJ’s provisional measures. However, Article 311, section A(d) of the junta’s amendment included language outlawing measures intended to prevent births unless such measures are “in accordance with any existing laws.” This caveat provides for the prevention of births, which may be an act of genocide. Moreover, the military is typically not subject to the country’s criminal code; crimes perpetrated by soldiers are typically adjudicated in secret military courts.
“In a feigned attempt to appease the ICJ, the junta provided itself with a law to justify the genocidal prevention of births,” said Matthew Smith. “This is not what the ICJ had in mind.”
On June 3, 2021, the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar—the civilian-led government comprising officials deposed by the military junta—acknowledged past atrocities against Rohingya people and committed to ensuring justice and citizenship rights based “on birth in Myanmar or birth anywhere as a child of Myanmar citizens,” which would effectively restore or grant full citizenship rights of all Rohingya people and others.
On November 11, 2021, the U.N. Security Council issued a consensus statement calling on the Myanmar military to cease violence and ensure humanitarian access to those in need. Like the provisional measures issued by the ICJ, the junta has flouted the Security Council’s statement, providing a context for heightened action by the body.
The Security Council should consider the junta’s failure to uphold the ICJ’s provisional measures as well as its failure to respect the council’s own statement, and in turn it should pass a resolution mandating a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military, targeted sanctions to deny the junta financial capital, and it should refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, said Fortify Rights.
“The junta is committing atrocity crimes throughout the country, against all ethnicities and religious communities, including the Rohingya,” said Matthew Smith. “The world has a duty to act, end the genocide being perpetrated against the Rohingya, and ensure accountability for past and current atrocity crimes.”
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-12-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Justice, Solidarity Crucial to Confront Abuses Past and Present
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"On December 10, 2019, Abubacarr Tambadou, then Gambia’s justice minister, posed a question to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague. “Why is the world standing by and allowing such horrors again in our lifetime?”
It was the first day of hearings in Gambia’s case alleging Myanmar violated the Genocide Convention in its atrocities against ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State. It was also the first time the abuses of the Myanmar military had been laid out before an international court.
Over three days, Gambia’s legal team described the Myanmar military’s mass killings, rape, and torture that spurred more than 730,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. The team painted a picture of an armed force unrepentant in its brutality, maintaining power by terrorizing civilians for decades, unchecked. In January 2020, the ICJ unanimously ordered Myanmar to protect the 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State from genocide.
On February 1, 2021, the same generals that orchestrated the atrocities against the Rohingya staged a coup. Since then, the junta has carried out a bloody crackdown on the pro-democracy movement with the same callous disregard for life that has long driven their scorched-earth operations in ethnic minority regions.
Police and soldiers have killed more than 1,300 people and arrested more than 10,000 protesters, journalists, and others. The methodical and systematic post-coup abuses, like those inflicted on the Rohingya, amount to crimes against humanity. The roots of the coup and the bloodshed that’s followed lie plainly in the impunity that the military has enjoyed since first taking power in 1962.
Two years ago, people rallied across Myanmar in support of the government and then de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who unreservedly defended the military at The Hague. This week, Suu Kyi was sentenced to prison by the generals she backed.
Since the coup, many protesters have sought to atone for the long history of anti-Rohingya hostility in Myanmar. The opposition National Unity Government committed to ending the Rohingya’s statelessness and other abuses. With solidarity campaigns, activists are reimagining Myanmar as a state strengthened by its multiethnic, multireligious makeup.
Against this shifting backdrop, the ICJ case moves forward. The court will next hold hearings on the preliminary objections Myanmar filed 10 days before the coup.
There is no quick route to justice in Myanmar, but never has the call for it been louder..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-12-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-07
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Individual Documents
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"Myanmar must be consistently represented by appointees of the National Unity Government (NUG) throughout the United Nations (UN) system in keeping with the decision made by the UN General Assembly, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The UN General Assembly decided yesterday, 6 December 2021, that His Excellency Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, the appointee of the NUG, continues to represent Myanmar in the UN. Although the illegal military junta in Myanmar sought to represent Myanmar in the General Assembly, it was denied by the 193 Member States of the UN.
“The United Nation’s decision confirms unequivocally that the junta does not represent the government of Myanmar in the eyes of the General Assembly,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The principled decision is of great importance for the people of Myanmar and for the credibility of the United Nations itself.”
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun has continued to represent Myanmar on behalf of the sole legitimate government since the military’s attempted coup in February. However, Myanmar has gone unrepresented in several UN forums in recent months, with bodies deferring to the General Assembly for guidance.
“The General Assembly is the UN’s primary representative political organ,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Now that it has confirmed Kyaw Moe Tun will participate in the General Assembly on behalf of Myanmar for another year, there must be consistent representation across the UN system. That means appointees of the NUG – no empty seats and no members of the junta.”
The military junta has tried to impose a military dictatorship on Myanmar through terror and violence for eleven months. Junta forces are engaging in terrorist acts, such as public executions and hostage-taking, and have launched large-scale military offensives in rural and ethnic areas that involve the shelling and torching of homes and denial of access to food and medical supplies for entire communities. Evidence of the junta’s violence shows a widespread and systematic attack on a civilian population amounting to crimes against humanity.
“Kyaw Moe Tun and other appointees of Myanmar’s democratically-elected representatives are the only ones who can speak for the people of Myanmar in the United Nations,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The international community must listen very carefully and act accordingly to what the people of Myanmar are asking us to do. We cannot continue to fail the peoples of Myanmar as they struggle to free their country from the Tatmadaw’s violence, oppression and exploitation.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-12-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations
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"We, the undersigned Rohingya organizations, denounce the so-called "Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army – ARSA" (or Harakah Al Yakeen), a criminal group that self-proclaims to be fighting for the rights of the Rohingya people. The Rohingya community does not accept ARSA as a group that represents the ideals and interests of the Rohingya community in or outside of Burma. Thus, the group must not claim it represents the interests of the Rohingya nation.
We, Rohingya, are a peace-loving community and condemn any criminal groups that promote violence on the civilian population in the name of our ethnic identity. ARSA is a criminal group targeting vulnerable Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and committing heinous cross-border crimes including but not limited to: murder, extortion, forcible abductions, tortures, sexual violence and drug trafficking etc. These criminal activities have escalated dramatically in the recent months. They have also been found to be misleading communities with propaganda aiming to further destabilize the Rohingya community and the region along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border.
As survivors of the ongoing genocide perpetrated by the Burmese military (the Tatmadaw) and the extremist section of Rakhine Buddhist community, the majority of our community members were forced to flee from our homeland in Myanmar and took refuge in neighbouring countries including Bangladesh. We are sincerely grateful to the people and the Government of Bangladesh for assisting the Rohingya by providing refuge for one million of our people as they have done in the past. Although we found refuge from one form of violence in Arakan, the Rohingya now face violence in the hands of criminal groups like ARSA and others.
On 29 September 2021, a prominent Rohingya leader “Mohib Ullah” was brutally assassinated by ARSA followed by seven more Rohingya refugees in mid-October. ARSA is targeting Rohingya community leadership or anyone whom they feel could expose their criminal activities. As a result, the entire community in the refugee camps of Bangladesh live in immediate fear, ongoing trauma, and further insecurities.
While we greatly appreciate the steps already being taken by the Government of Bangladesh to ensure safety and security in the camps, we urge Bangladesh to maintain the pressure on the criminal groups, including ARSA, until their criminal operations in the camps completely cease and they are neutralized. The camps in Bangladesh where civilians are taking refuge must be free of any armed activities by any group other than the Government of Bangladesh or under its direct authority and full control.
We make our earnest appeal to the Government of Bangladesh to take serious action against ARSA, which is deliberately destabilizing the situation and continues to be a security threat for our people, for Bangladesh, and for the wider region. Further, we urge the Government of Bangladesh to protect innocent refugees by providing security in the refugee camps, understanding that the vast majority of people in the camps want nothing more than peace and security, and to return home in a safe, dignified, and voluntary manner with our human rights restored and our traditional homeland returned.
We make our earnest appeal to the Government of Bangladesh to investigate the killings of Rohingya refugees including Mr Mohib Ullah. The individuals, and their organisation, responsible for the crimes must face justice and accountability. The Government of Bangladesh must set an example that impunity in these situations will not be allowed or tolerated.
We call upon media organizations, the international community, activists and human rights bodies not to label ARSA as a member of the Rohingya community nor to characterize ARSA as representative, in any way, of the Rohingya people.
We also call upon all international organizations and foreign governments that are working in the camps to have a zero-tolerance policy towards ARSA and any other criminal gangs and criminal activities which are taking place.
We make our earnest appeal to the Government of Bangladesh and to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to work together to respond promptly when refugees report imminent threats, to provide immediate and effective protection to those in danger, and to ensure effective protection for those who report incidents.
We call on the international community — including Australia, Canada, the USA, the UK, Japan, the UN, the EU, the ASEAN and the OIC — to improve the system of providing protection and resettlement to refugees at heightened risk.
As the situation in Myanmar continues to worsen as a result of the 1 February 2021 coup d’état, we express our deepest gratitude to the many ethnic communities in Myanmar who have joined us in supporting our request for peace in the camps and in Arakan. Despite the violence, the COVID-19 pandemic, and forced starvation that all our brothers and sisters are facing throughout Myanmar because of the military junta, we are grateful for your support and we remain committed to freedom, peace, and prosperity for all with respect for human rights and dignity for everyone..."
Source/publisher:
Rohingya Today
Date of publication:
2021-12-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, Human Rights and international relations
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"(Bangkok/Johannesburg, 2 December 2021) ‒ Under the Chairmanship of Cambodia in 2022, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must meaningfully address the regressive human rights crisis in the region, including the rapidly deteriorating situation in Myanmar, said rights groups at a webinar today.
The webinar titled ‘Cambodia as ASEAN Chair: Prospects for Human Rights in 2022’ organised by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation and Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) discussed the human rights situation in the region and how the ASEAN has responded in 2021 as well as its trajectory as Cambodia spearheads ASEAN next year.
Eleven months after the coup and eight months since ASEAN leaders adopted the five-point consensus, the human rights and humanitarian crisis continues unabated in Myanmar ‒ at least 1,200 people including children have been killed and 10,568 arrested. The deteriorating situation affects not only the daily lives of the people on the ground but also the human rights and political discourse at the regional and international level.
Questions remain as to what extent the regional bloc can effectively bring immediate progress to the situation of Myanmar or if it will just be used to legitimise the military regime.
‘While we welcome the decision by ASEAN to exclude the military junta from ASEAN Summits, we are deeply concerned about the lack of substantive actions to mitigate the Myanmar crisis. The whole country is now dealing with a multi-level crisis. It is not sufficient for ASEAN alone to tackle this crisis. Therefore, we call on ASEAN to cooperate with the UN and international mechanisms to take immediate concrete actions. Further delays in actions will allow the junta to commit more atrocities and this means more bloodshed for the people on the ground,’ said Khin Ohmar, Chair of Progressive Voice.
‘As the next chair, Cambodia has a huge task ahead to ensure that ASEAN unity and credibility is not lost. If ASEAN allows the junta to continue in this manner, the Myanmar crisis will further impact the regional stability and development. ASEAN needs to understand that it is in its best interest to work with the National Unity Government and the people of Myanmar,’ she added.
‘We want ASEAN leadership to have a strategic vision and action plan. ASEAN will not be able to implement its five-point consensus alone, particularly after the junta military has blatantly denied their commitment in the consensus. Under the Cambodia Chairmanship, ASEAN must engage with NUG, the United Nations, dialogue partners, and civil society. What is happening is not only a crisis to Myanmar but a crisis to the credibility of ASEAN and threats to security in general,’ said U Bo Hla Tint, Myanmar National Unity Government Ambassador to ASEAN.
According to the CIVICUS Monitor, fundamental freedoms in half of ASEAN Member States are rated as ‘repressed’. The year 2021 has also shown how restrictive laws have been used to stifle dissent and prosecute human rights defenders in numerous ASEAN countries and new laws passed that would curtail civic space. Further there has been a crackdown on peaceful protests and the use of extra-legal tactics, including online surveillance and smear campaigns, as well as torture and ill-treatment. In Cambodia specifically, CIVICUS documented the arbitrary arrest of dozens of activists, judicial harassment, and intimidation of opposition party CNRP members and families, and reprisals on journalists.
‘It is difficult to see how ASEAN would meaningfully progress on human rights issues with Cambodia at the helm. It has become a de facto one-party state after dismantling the opposition. Civic space has also continued to shrink in the country and those speaking up have faced blatant judicial harassment and at times outright violence. At the same time, we need to keep the pressure on them and support Cambodian civil society,’ said Josef Benedict, Asia Pacific Researcher of CIVICUS.
Under the pretext of COVID-19, Cambodia has introduced draconian measures such as the National Internet Gateway to increase online surveillance. This adds to the long list of concerns including the arbitrary arrest and judicial harassment of defenders and political opposition in the country. Cambodia’s degrading human rights record raises concerns about whether it has the political will to take the steps needed to improve on the human rights situation of ASEAN.
‘Cambodia should strive to improve the dire human rights situation it is facing domestically – especially considering the fact that elections are fast approaching – while also seeking to ensure regional peace and stability. As ASEAN chair, Cambodia must rally its ASEAN partners to answer the calls for support coming from Myanmar, and take concrete action rather than hide behind the argument of non-interference,’ said Sopheap Chak, the Executive Director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR).
ASEAN’s prospects of human rights in 2022 remain rocky and uncertain, reflecting on the domestic situation ASEAN Member States, particularly its Chair, must deal with. Nevertheless, the panelists called on civil society and various actors to keep monitoring the progress, or lack thereof, by ASEAN in responding to the situation of human rights and civic space in the region, particularly on immediate measures to bring an end to the crisis in Myanmar.
***
For the PDF version of this press release, click here
CIVICUS is a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society around the world with 8,500 members in more than 175 countries. Based out of Johannesburg, CIVICUS has offices in New York and Geneva. www.civicus.org
The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 82 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of publication:
2021-12-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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more
Description:
"Across Southeast Asia, parliamentarians are increasingly at risk. Lawmakers who use their mandates to defend human rights or to hold power to account have for years been targeted through trumped-up criminal charges, threats and harassment, physical violence, and detention. In 2021, we continued to see MPs targeted, to a large extent because of the military coup in Myanmar and its devastating aftermath, but also due to alarming developments elsewhere.
This briefing from ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) provides an overview of human rights abuses against elected lawmakers in Southeast Asia. The findings in 2021 are stark, and APHR must unfortunately report that the situation facing MPs has only deteriorated further. The number of detained lawmakers in the region rose from just one in 2020, to 91 in 2021 due to the Myanmar military regime’s wave of arrests. In fact, Myanmar has previously been a country where APHR has rarely documented abuses against MPs, but it has now joined the ranks of Southeast Asian states repressing lawmakers.
The coup in Myanmar is the most dramatic example of a wider trend of closing democratic space in the region. In countries where APHR has previously documented abuses against MPs, such as Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand, authorities continued to level baseless criminal charges against opposition MPs, while often also being implicated in or failing to prevent or effectively investigate threats, online abuse, and disinformation campaigns against lawmakers. In 2021, the resurgence of the COVID-19 pandemic in the region also served as an apparent excuse to justify the silencing of democratic debate, either by targeting lawmakers exercising their freedom of expression to scrutinize official measures, or by suspending parliament, as was the case in Malaysia..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-12-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Format :
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3.93 MB
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"Reporters Without Borders (RSF), along with three other organisations, Info Birmanie (IB), Justice For Myanmar (JFM) and Sherpa, denounce exports of military technology carried out by French transnational company Thales to an Indian intermediary partner of the Myanmar military junta, which could allegedly be carried out in violation of the restrictive measures imposed by the European Union (EU), after the February 2021 attempted coup in Myanmar. The organisations call on Thales to stop these exports, and ask the French authorities to take the necessary measures to put an end to this partnership and adopt a law making it possible to penalise violations of arms embargoes.
A JFM investigation published last spring revealed that one of Thales' long-time partners, the Indian company Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), has a particularly close relationship with the Myanmar junta, and exports military technology to it. On the basis of these revelations, IB, RSF and Sherpa wrote a letter to Thales on November 26, 2021, calling on the French company to put an end to any transfer of its technologies to the junta in Myanmar, and more generally to definitively end its business relationship with BEL and with any other partner of the Myanmar junta.
JFM's investigations outline BEL's close ties to the junta and demonstrate the supply of equipment to the military, which BEL confirms in its 2020-2021 annual report. According to the information gathered, BEL has carried out at least seven exports of radars and equipment for the benefit of the Myanmar junta since the attempted coup of February 1, 2021, even though international sanctions were taken against Myanmar and that States and companies were called upon to take all necessary measures to avoid fuelling the junta's human rights abuses. BEL also reportedly exported a remote-controlled weapons system, partly managed by executives of the BTSL joint venture created between BEL and Thales Systems Limited.
In view of this information, it is likely that the technology shared by Thales to BEL, and re-exported by BEL in its equipment, is therefore directly transmitted to the Myanmar military junta, and potentially used to perpetrate its atrocities. These exports could then constitute a violation of the European restrictive measures and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
“Terrorist”
“More than 1,290 people have been killed by the military junta since its attempted coup, including children, said Yadanar Maung, of JFM. The military is now stepping up its campaign of terror through indiscriminate airstrikes, destruction of homes and villages, killings and rape. This is the context in which Thales' partner, Bharat Electronics Ltd, continues to do business, supplying equipment to the military junta with knowledge of the crimes being committed. Thales must sever its relations with Bharat Electronics, stop transferring technology and end all direct and indirect support to the military, who are terrorists.”
IB coordinator Sophie Brondel states:“this case confirms the urgent need for a global arms embargo in Myanmar, as 136 organizations around the world called for in February, including Justice For Myanmar and Info Birmanie.”
"Thales must put an end to its business relations which benefit the Myanmar junta," declares RSF’s legal officer, Paul Coppin. ‘Business as usual’ is no longer possible with a country like Myanmar, whose ruling junta fiercely represses journalists and destroys civil society. "
Laura Bourgeois, litigation and advocacy officer at Sherpa, considers that "French companies which directly or indirectly supply armed groups and thus support their actions are not sufficiently worried or held accountable: the existing rules to sanction them are special rules too scattered and restricted to be dissuasive. It is time for French legislators to create an offense punishing violations of embargoes. "
The Member States of the EU, and therefore the French State, have the responsibility to take all necessary measures to guarantee the scope and effectiveness of EU law, notably of the restrictive measures, and to put in place sanctions at the national level that are effective, proportionate and dissuasive.
The four signatory organisations do not exclude taking legal action on these revelations, and mobilizing civil society and the competent authorities so that they make the best use of the rules applicable to the violation of EU restrictive measures.
Legal background
European Council Decision 2013/184 / CFSP renewed until April 30, 2022 by Council Decision (CFSP) 2021/711 of April 29, 2021 prohibits "the sale and supply in Myanmar, as well as the transfer and export to that country, by nationals of the Member States or from the territory of the Member States (…) of equipment liable to be used for internal repression, whether or not it comes from their territory.”
Article 3a of Council Regulation 401/2013 concerning restrictive measures imposed due to the situation in Myanmar as amended by Council Regulation 2021/479 of March 22, 2021 prohibits "the sale, supply, transfer or export, directly or indirectly, dual-use items and technologies listed in Annex I to Council Regulation (EC) No 428/2009 (…) to any entity or body in Myanmar or for the purposes for use in that country, if these goods and technologies are or may be intended, in whole or in part, for military use, for a military end user (…)” being specified that “when the end user is the Myanmar Army, any dual-use good and technology supplied to it is considered to have military use. "
Principle 13 of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights provides that:
"The responsibility to respect human rights requires that business enterprises:
(a) Avoid causing or contributing to adverse human rights impacts through their own activities, and address such impacts when they occur;
(b) Seek to prevent or mitigate adverse human rights impacts that are directly linked to their operations, products or services by their business relationships, even if they have not contributed to those impacts."
The Court of Justice of the European Community ruled in its time, on September 21, 1989, that "it should be noted that, when a Community regulation does not contain any specific provision providing for a sanction in the event of violation or refers to this in relation to national laws, regulations and administrative provisions, Article 5 of the Treaty requires Member States to take all appropriate measures to guarantee the scope and effectiveness of Community law." (Case 68/88, Comm. V. Greece, §23)..."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders (Paris)
Date of publication:
2021-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"November 29, 2021, Myanmar: Australia’s sovereign wealth fund, the Future Fund, has equity holdings valued at AUD$157.9 million across 14 publicly listed companies directly linked to the Myanmar military, according to a Freedom of Information request and new research by Justice For Myanmar. Six of the companies are connected to the arms trade with Myanmar, while others span real estate, tourism, transportation and beverage sectors, providing the military with diverse sources of revenue and equipment to finance their continued atrocity crimes.
Justice For Myanmar calls on the Future Fund and all other institutional investors to immediately divest from companies doing business with the military and its conglomerates, and selling arms and related equipment. Justice For Myanmar also calls on the Australian government to impose immediate targeted sanctions against the Myanmar military junta, their businesses and significant business associates, and to advocate for a global arms embargo.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is deplorable that Australia’s Future Fund is seeking to profit from companies arming the Myanmar military and financing its campaign of terror. Since the illegal February 1 attempted coup, the military has murdered more than 1200 people, including children, tortured thousands, committed rape, torched whole villages and launched indiscriminate airstrikes against civilians. In the name of Australia’s “future”, taxpayer funds are being invested in companies that supply the Myanmar military with fighter jets, missiles, radar and provide millions in annual revenue to war criminals. It is time Australia stops profiting at the expense of the lives of Myanmar people and Myanmar’s future.”
International guidelines for responsible investing developed by the UN and OECD are clear that investors have a human rights obligation. Investors are expected to divest from companies that have repeatedly failed to respect human rights and to encourage all of their investee companies to act responsibly, including stopping payments to and business with Myanmar military-controlled entities. If they do not do so, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Business Conduct indicates that they risk deepening their relationship to and responsibility for the atrocities in Myanmar. Under the OECD Guidelines, the asset manager may no longer simply be considered to be “linked” to the abuses, but could be considered to be “contributing” to them, and they may be subject to a formal complaint to this effect under the OECD Guidelines’ complaint mechanism.
A 2019 report by the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar revealed that the military in Myanmar owns and operates two large holding companies: Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC). This business empire provides the military with enormous financial resources to fund their atrocity crimes and maintain their autonomy. The UN Fact-Finding Mission called on companies and investors to cut ties with the Myanmar military and its businesses and business relationships, and for a halt to the transfer of arms to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
180.58 KB 126.59 KB
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Description:
"Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
The Argentinian judiciary has taken the historic step to open a court case against the Myanmar military – including Min Aung Hlaing and much of the current junta’s senior leadership – over the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) said today.
On the 26 November 2021 the Second Chamber of the Federal Criminal Court in Buenos Aires confirmed that it would launch a case against senior Myanmar officials under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which holds that some crimes are so horrific that they can be tried anywhere. BROUK first petitioned the Argentinian judiciary to open such a case in November 2019.
“This is a day of hope not just for us Rohingya but for oppressed people everywhere. The decision in Argentina shows that there is nowhere to hide for those who commit genocide – the world stands firmly united against these abhorrent crimes,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK.
The Second Chamber of the Appeal Court reaffirmed in its resolution that “the gravity of the facts and the violation of ius cogens norms permit that those facts are investigated in our country”.
“We applaud the Argentinian judiciary for showing the courage and moral leadership to take up this case. Justice for decades of dehumanising and killings of Rohingya in Myanmar is now within reach,” Tun Khin said, and continued:
“This is not just about accountability for Rohingya, however, but for everyone who has suffered under the Myanmar military’s brutal reign. This includes the thousands killed, injured, tortured or disappeared since the coup in February this year.”
An ongoing genocide
The case relates to crimes perpetrated against the Rohingya by Myanmar authorities in Rakhine State for decades. In 2017, the Myanmar military and its proxies launched a vicious campaign in the region, committing the worst atrocities and driving close to 800,000 Rohingya to flee across the border into Bangladesh. The case includes the particular situation of six women who were raped, tortured and in many cases their husbands and children killed during that genocidal campaign in Rakhine State.
The Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State continue to live under a dehumanising system of oppression where all aspects of their lives are controlled. Harsh restrictions on freedom of movement means that accessing education, health care and other basic services is difficult in the extreme.
In February 2021, the military seized power by force in Myanmar in a coup. Since then, close to 1,300 people have been killed and thousands have been jailed amid massive, nation-wide resistance to the junta. Although, for the moment, these events are not covered under BROUK’s case, the case does implicate much of the junta’s senior leadership, including Min Aung Hlaing, the Commander-in-Chief and self-proclaimed Prime Minister.
First universal jurisdiction case on the Rohingya
On 13 November 2019, BROUK petitioned Argentinean Courts to open an investigation into the role of Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, such crimes can be investigated anywhere in the world regardless of where they were committed.
Since November 2019, the Argentinian judiciary has maintained a dialogue with the International Criminal Court (ICC) to ensure that a universal jurisdiction case would complement – and not duplicate – the ICC case against Myanmar launched in November 2019.
The case in Argentina will cover the full range of crimes committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar, unlike the ICC case which is limited to only crimes which have at least partially been committed on Bangladeshi territory.
Having received such assurances, the judiciary yesterday confirmed it would take up the case. This will be the first universal jurisdiction case related to the situation of the Rohingya anywhere in the world.
“For decades, Myanmar officials have with impunity tried to wipe the Rohingya out as a people. Justice is the only way to break the cycle of violence, and with Myanmar both unwilling and unable to investigate itself, the international community must step in,” said Tun Khin. “This universal jurisdiction case in Argentina shows that accountability is possible. We urge other countries to immediately explore opening similar cases to show those responsible for the genocide that there are no safe havens anywhere.”
“This is a real chance to hold the Myanmar military and its supporters to account for their murderous actions, including Min Aung Hlaing, who is the chief architect of both the Rohingya genocide and the coup that has brought so much suffering to Myanmar. The military is the common enemy of all people of our country”, Tun Khin said.
BROUK is supported in Argentina by the human rights NGOs Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and Foundation for Peace and Justice, founded by the Nobel Peace Prize Winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel. BROUK is legally represented by Tomás Ojea Quintana, a prominent human rights lawyer and the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (2008-2014).
Moving forward
Investigations by BROUK’s legal team will begin immediately, which will focus on identifying perpetrators of abuses, both those who committed the actual crimes and those with command responsibility. If those responsible refuse to heed summons to attend Court hearings in Argentina, BROUK will reach out to international criminal justice bodies such as Interpol with a view to issue arrest warrants.
A key part of the process will be to ensure that Rohingya victims themselves are able to testify in Argentina, in particular the six women who are part of the case. Not only is this important to demonstrate the scale of abuses by the Myanmar military, but it also speaks to the rights of victims to be heard and to tell their stories in a Court of Law.
BROUK will furthermore ask that the Court requests information from social media companies, in particular Facebook, regarding hate speech spread on their platforms that could have contributed to a hostile environment against the Rohingya.
In addition, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar – established by the UN in 2018 to gather evidence of gross human rights violations – has offered to the Court its formal support for BROUK’s case, including through the sharing of relevant evidence.
International justice efforts
The case in Argentina is the first universal jurisdiction case concerning the Rohingya genocide anywhere in the world, but not the only international legal process against the Myanmar authorities.
As mentioned above, the ICC in November 2019 approved an investigation into Myanmar for crimes against humanity against the Rohingya.
The Gambia in November 2019 launched a case against Myanmar for violating the Genocide Convention with the International Court of Justice (ICJ). In January 2020, the ICJ imposed “provisional measures” on Myanmar as part of the case, essentially a legal injunction ordering the end to genocidal practices against the Rohingya.
“There is no question that the Myanmar authorities are feeling the pressure of the many international justice efforts that are under way. The architects of the genocide against the Rohingya can and should soon face a Court of Law. We urge the international community to redouble efforts to bring about justice and ensure that this momentum is not lost,” said Tun Khin.
About universal jurisdiction
Universal jurisdiction is based on the principle that some crimes are so horrific that they concern humanity as a whole, and can be tried anywhere regardless of where they have been committed. All states are permitted to exercise universal jurisdiction over crimes under international law, such as crimes against humanity or genocide.
This allows for the ability to investigate and prosecute individuals suspected of responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity, torture, genocide, and enforced disappearances, regardless of where the crime was committed or the nationality of the suspect or victim.
The principle of universal jurisdiction is also enshrined in the Argentinean national legal framework, including in article 118 of the Constitution.
In the particular case of the Rohingya, UN bodies, including the Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, have recommended that states pursue universal jurisdiction cases..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2021-11-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Genocide, Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General
Language:
more
Sub-title:
A joint statement on Myanmar signed by the governments of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, the Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States.
Description:
"We reiterate our grave concern over reports of ongoing human rights violations and abuses by the Myanmar Security Forces across the country, including credible reports of sexual violence and torture, especially in Chin State, Sagaing Region and Magwe Region. In Chin State, it is reported the military has burned homes, churches and an orphanage in Thantlang village, and has targeted humanitarian organisations. More than 40,000 people are reported to have been displaced in Chin State and 11,000 in Magwe Region as a result of recent violence.
Reports of internet shutdowns and other methods of communication in Chin State and other areas of the country are also troubling. Communities impacted by violence need access to information to keep themselves safe. We are concerned about allegations of weapons stockpiling and attacks by the military, including shelling and airstrikes, use of heavy weapons, and the deployment of thousands of troops accompanying what security forces assert are counter-terrorism operations, which are disproportionately impacting civilians. We also note our increasing concern at armed clashes in Rakhine State in early November.
The current situation and reports by the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar raise acute concerns about the risks of future violence and atrocities across Myanmar, and what the international community can and should be doing to prevent such atrocities.
We welcome the Press Statement by the UN Security Council on 10 November, which called for the immediate cessation of violence, protection of civilians, and full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. We call for the respect of human rights and the immediate cessation of all human rights violations and abuses, and violence against civilian populations. To that end, we call on the international community to suspend all operational support to the military, and to cease the transfer of arms, materiel, dual-use equipment, and technical assistance to the military and its representatives. We encourage the international community to work together to prevent future atrocities in Myanmar, including by supporting justice and accountability for those responsible for atrocities.
The situation in Myanmar has an impact on regional security. We reiterate our support for the ASEAN Five Point Consensus, noting in particular the call for a cessation of violence and for genuine engagement with ASEAN`s Special Envoy in leading inclusive dialogues aimed at peace.
Recalling the horrific violence perpetrated against Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2017, we call on Myanmar Security Forces to immediately end the violence being perpetrated across the country. We will continue to work closely with ASEAN, the UN and the wider international community to promote accountability and support a lasting resolution to the current crisis and a return to the path of democracy..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2021-11-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today called on European Union member states to urgently impose a new round of targeted economic sanctions on the Burmese military, and to agree to impose regular new rounds of sanctions from now on.
It is now five months since the European Union brought in any new sanctions against the Burmese military. In that time:
Another 418 people have been killed by the military, bringing the total to 1,291.
Another 4,221 people have been arrested by the military, bringing the total to 10,452. 7,548 political prisoners are in jail today, many facing torture.
The number of people who have fled their homes since the coup because of threats and attacks by the military has grown to a quarter of a million people.
There is much more that the European Union can do to cut the flow of money to the Burmese military, but while hundreds die and thousands are arrested, the European Union is dithering.
The European Union has sanctioned some military companies and state-owned companies involved in timber and gems, but there is much more that they can do.
The recent failure to keep imposing new rounds of sanctions is all the more disappointing because it had at first appeared that the EU had learnt from past mistakes in imposing sanctions on Burma, when one off rounds of sanctions were introduced only every few years after an atrocity was committed.
Following the military coup on February 1st, there were three rounds of sanctions brought in by the EU. This was a much more systematic and effective way of imposing sanctions. It ensured that the military understood that the European Union would be relentless in identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue to the military.
This is more effective both in reducing revenue, and the psychological impact on the military and the nepotistic business crony cartel which provides vital economic support to the military.
Sanctions which should be considered by the EU include:
Sanction gas revenue to help cut one of the main sources of international money flowing to the military.
Sanctions on the Office of the Quartermaster General and other military bodies responsible for the purchase and manufacturing of arms.
Sanctions on state-owned entities and banks which now provide revenue to the military.
Targeted sanctions on revenue from extractive industries.
Sanctions on Burmese companies and individuals financing the military or which are supplying the military with arms and equipment or facilitating the purchase of arms and other equipment.
“The military has not stopped the killings and arrests and the European Union must not stop doing everything it can to stop money reaching the military,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The EU needs to keep identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue for the military, relentlessly tightening sanctions month after month.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"26 November 2021: People throughout Myanmar are facing starvation. The world can either watch on or resolve the military junta-made crisis by formally recognising and engaging with the legitimate representatives of the Myanmar people – the National Unity Government (NUG), says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
Across Myanmar the military junta has blocked access roads, cutting off communities’ food and medical supplies, burned food stores and killed livestock. Repeated military offensives have prevented farmers in the northwest and east from planting and harvesting their yearly rice crops which are the main source of local food supply. People throughout the country are facing starvation as a result.
“Instead of wringing our hands wondering what to do, the international community can and must work formally with the NUG and get assistance across borders into the country and to the people who need it,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “There are trusted local humanitarian and medical networks including ethnic service providers, community-based and civil society organisations that are already helping people. They need to be supported and empowered.”
The military junta has waged a brutal assault on the people of Myanmar for ten long months after junta leader Min Aung Hlaing attempted an illegal coup in February that was wholly resisted by the people and ignited a nationwide movement to liberate Myanmar from the military’s shadow once and for all.
Min Aung Hlaing’s forces have committed daily acts of terrorism since the coup and launched a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population amounting to crimes against humanity. The intentional deprivation of food constitutes an element of such a crime.
The military junta has remained intransigent to international efforts and appeals for it to change course. Junta representatives, including Min Aung Hlaing, have rightly been prevented from participating in key international meetings. Their exclusions underline the international community’s refusal to recognise the military junta or grant it legitimacy.
“Actions that could be perceived as legitimising the junta are a betrayal to the people of Myanmar who are laying down their lives for their country’s freedom,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Anyone claiming to accommodate the military in the interests of the people is in fact only prolonging their suffering. These actions can be viewed as being complicit in the military’s crimes.”
However, Myanmar has gone unrepresented at international meetings as a result of the international community’s reluctance to formally recognise the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar. The lack of formal engagement with the true representatives of Myanmar is stalling urgently needed international responses to the military junta-made crises.
“Failure to recognise and engage with the NUG risks undermining the people’s democratic movement, the single direction of which is towards the people’s complete political liberation from the tyrannical yoke of the nation’s totally dishonoured Tatmadaw,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “We cannot allow a vacuum to arise leaving the door open for undemocratic bilateral deal- making by major external forces and interests amounting to illegitimate interferences in internal matters and a plundering of the nation’s natural resources.”
Effective and appropriate international assistance for Myanmar is critically needed. The military junta is the cause of the suffering in Myanmar, it is not a solution. The international community must formally recognise the NUG and engage consistently with it to enable a coherent international response to the urgent and overlapping political, security, humanitarian, human rights and economic crises..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-11-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
80.43 KB
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Description:
"Globally, nearly 1 in 3 women have been abused in their lifetime. In Myanmar, although data on Violence against Women is extremely limited, estimates are that at least 21 per cent of ever-married women have experienced spousal physical, sexual, or emotional violence and only 7.8 per cent of the 15-19 years old who experienced physical and sexual violence had sought help according to the Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey (2015-2016).
In times of crises such as humanitarian crisis, conflicts, climate disasters and the COVID-19 pandemic, the prevalence of gender-based violence increases. A new report from the United Nations, based on data from 13 countries since the pandemic, shows that 2 in 3 women reported that they or a woman they know experienced some form of violence and are more likely to face food insecurity.
A state of emergency or COVID-19 restriction measures are not an excuse for violence against women and girls. The compounded crisis in Myanmar has disproportionally affected women and exacerbated the vulnerabilities of women and girls from marginalized groups; particularly, those living in conflict affected areas and in situations of internal displacement, women living with HIV/AIDS, women with disabilities, women migrant workers, and members of the LGBTQI community.
In this context, there is an urgent need to take specific measures to ensure the protection of women and girls and to increase the availability and accessibility of quality, multi-sectoral services, including health care, justice, safety, protection and social services for GBV survivors, regardless of the political and security situation. In Myanmar this requires support for the many civil society organizations, women civil society organizations and health civil society organizations in particular, who are running prevention programming and delivering services day in and day out in often incredibly complex circumstances.
Too often survivors of violence are blamed for being abused. Too often survivors of violence are stigmatized in the community. This must stop. Survivors must be heard and believed, and perpetrators must be held accountable for their actions.
Every one of us, as a change agent, can do something to end violence against women and girls.
Today is the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women and the beginning of the 16 Days of Activism against gender-based violence. This year’s global theme for the campaign is “Orange the world: End violence against women now!”.
On this day, UN Women and UNFPA as the co-chairs of the United Nations Gender Theme Group (UNGTG) in Myanmar re-affirm the commitment of the United Nations Country Team to remain on the ground and continue to support programs that promote gender equality and the empowerment of women, and respond to the needs of women and girls, including the provision of essential services to survivors of violence, leaving no one behind.
Every woman and girl has the right to live a life free of violence and full of dignity. It is a fundamental human right. Together, we must keep to our commitments and take action to end gender-based violence now..."
Source/publisher:
UN Women and United Nations Population Fund via United Nations Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Women, UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund), Women's rights, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Australian Council for International Development (ACFID) has presented the 2021 Sir Ronald
Wilson Human Rights Award to The Women’s League of Burma.
The Women’s League of Burma (WLB) is a national network of 13 ethnic women’s rights
organisations working towards the advancement of the status of women for a peaceful, just and
federal democratic union for over 20 years.
In the immediate aftermath of the military takeover earlier this year, WLB closed its Yangon office
and established an advocacy team to work underground in Burma/Myanmar and across the
border in Thailand and India. They now produce a monthly situation report detailing human rights
violations against women, which has become a key source of data used by journalists, global
analysts and activists.
Presenting the award ACFID President Susan Pascoe said
“Throughout 2021, WLB has been at the forefront of challenging the military coup in Myanmar,
demonstrating outstanding leadership in international advocacy promoting women’s human
rights.
“Members of the WLB risk their lives every day to defend and advance the rights of women of all
ethnic identities in Burma. This award acknowledges their courage in the face of violence.
Continuing on, Marc Purcell, CEO of ACFID, stated that
“ACFID supports WLB’s call for urgent action to reject the military junta and support a transition
towards an inclusive, federal democracy.”
WLB has taken a strong public position in promoting the human rights of Rohingya women. It was
one of the first civil society organisations in Myanmar to speak out against the military’s deadly
crackdown on the Rohingya Muslims in August 2017, which resulted in more than 700,000 people
fleeing across the border into Bangladesh.
On receiving the award, the General Secretary of the WLB, Naw Hser Hser said,
“Following the coup, the majority of the people of Burma, including democracy activists and
women’s human rights activists, have felt let down by much of the international community. This
award sends the message to women human rights defenders in Burma, including from the 13
member organizations of WLB, that the Australian community does recognise and support our
struggle for justice and peace. The award motivates us, boosts us to withstand any obstacles and
helps sustain us.
“We hope through this award more people in the Australian community will understand the scale
of atrocities committed by the military junta and will reject the military junta, and over 70 years of
struggle of ethnic nationalities against the dictatorship.
“We hope the international community, including the Australian Government, will join with other
democracies to adopt targeted sanctions on military leaders and their business interests. [We
hope that]
“This award is dedicated to all heroines, both fallen and alive, especially ethnic women, who have
dedicated their lives to our struggle for fundamental rights. On behalf of WLB, I would like to say
thank you and express our most sincere gratitude and appreciation for presenting us with the Sir
Ronald Wilson Human Rights Award from the Australian Council for International Development.
We are humbled at the recognition of our work, and accept the award with grace and humility.”..."
Source/publisher:
The Australian Council for International Development
Date of publication:
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Burmese women's organisations, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
145.71 KB
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Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS:
The number of newly-displaced IDPs across Myanmar increased to 234,600. Fighting intensified in the South-East, particularly in Mon, Kayin and Shan (South) states, causing increased displacement. Conflict between the Tatmadaw and The People’s Defence Forces (PDF) escalated in Tanintharyi, and increased displacement was observed especially in Palaw, Thayetchaung, Yebyu and Dawei townships, in urgent need of food and basic health care. Increased displacement was also recorded in the North-West, particularly in Chin State also forcing about 1,400 people to flee to neighbouring Saw Township in Magway Region. The death toll from COVID-19 has climbed above 50 at IDP camps in Kayah State’s Demoso Township and in Shan (South) State’s Pekon Township amid high infection rates in areas affected by heavy fighting.
In South-East Myanmar, the security situation has deteriorated due to clashes between the Tatmadaw, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and the People's Defence Force (PDF) reported across all states and regions. Reports also indicate alleged killings, explosions and landmine incidents, as well as arbitrary arrests and detention. Displaced populations in the SE continue to experience significant challenges in accessing basic needs and services, in particular food, healthcare, and shelter materials.
In Shan State (South), clashes in Pekon Township displaced some 2,700 people while a smaller number was also displaced to Taunggyi Township. Shortages of medicines, warm clothes, and food supply remain as challenges. In Shan State (North), armed clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) near Hu Sun village tract in Kyaukme Township caused villagers to flee to Kyaukme town. Clashes between the RCSS and SSPP near Sun Long village tract also caused villagers to seek safety at a monastery in Hsipaw township.
Situation has been worsening throughout Chin State, Sagaing and Magway regions. Chin State remains the epicentre for the violence with Tigyaing Township in Sagaing Region currently witnessing some of the most intense clashes and more incidents such as the burning of private properties, including religious sites, being reported. Thousands of civilians displaced from Thantlang have taken refuge in villages along the India-Myanmar border, with others from Thantlang and other border townships reportedly crossing into India’s Mizoram State. Most IDPs and host communities across Chin State are facing shortages of food, fuel and medical supplies. Conflict also continues to worsen in Magway Region and Sagaing Region.
In Rakhine State, challenges in accessing services continue to be reported while some return movements have been observed from areas of displacement by AA-MAF conflict, with so far 20% of those originally displaced having returned to their places of origin.
RESPONSE
Myanmar
In the South-East, UNHCR completed the construction of a primary school and a water supply system in Kyainseikgyi Township in Kayin State. Support was provided through a partner to 30 children including IDP returnees to obtain birth certificate. Training and protection monitoring continued.
In Shan State (South), UNHCR carried out two rapid protection assessments in two locations in Pekhon Township.
In Shan State (North), UNHCR distributed 711 winter NFI kits to IDPs relocating from Hu Sun and Pang Long village tracts to Kyaukme town..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
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7.99 MB
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Description:
"The intensification of armed conflict since the military takeover on 1 February in the North and the SouthEast between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and/or People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) have resulted in civilian casualties and the displacement of thousands of people.
Disruptions to communications, banking services, healthcare, and supply chains, as well as cyclical natural hazards, such as flooding, continues to impact the humanitarian response and exacerbate the vulnerability of communities.
UNHCR and partners continue providing critical life-saving humanitarian assistance, while following the development of the situation closely to understand the full impact on people of concern (PoCs), including IDPs, stateless populations and host communities.
Early warning systems, initiated by UNHCR and partners, are employed to detect changes on the ground which could impact on operations and PoCs with the view to inform timely mitigating measures and responses.
Despite incremental improvements to the COVID-19 infection rate, which had surged again mid-year, the impact of the ongoing pandemic continues to affect people of concern, particularly in light of the already strained or disrupted health services across the country. While integrating COVID-19 prevention and response into regular programming, UNHCR takes proactive measures to adapt in an agile manner to the evolving context to minimize risks to PoCs and to devise ways in which to continue interventions that support them..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
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pdf
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520.99 KB
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Description:
"To: Kim Jong Yang, INTERPOL President; Jürgen Stock, INTERPOL General Secretary; the INTERPOL Executive Committee and INTERPOL Member Countries
Subject: Call on INTERPOL to ban the illegal junta from representing Myanmar at its General Assembly
Dear INTERPOL President Kim Jong Yang
INTERPOL Vice Presidents Benyamina Abbad and Šárka Havránková
INTERPOL General Secretary Jürgen Stock
INTERPOL Executive Committee Delegates
Khaled Jameel Al Materyeen
Ahmed Nasser Al-Raisi
Jean-Jacques Colombi
Rogerio Galloro
Robert Guirao Bailén
Destino Pedro
Olushola Kamar Subair
Jannine Van den Berg
and Member Countries
We, the undersigned 259 organizations, call on INTERPOL to immediately ban the Myanmar military junta from representing Myanmar as a member of INTERPOL. We demand you ensure that the military junta is excluded from the upcoming 89th INTERPOL General Assembly and all benefits and future cooperation that membership entails.
According to media reports, the Myanmar military junta’s police force is currently representing Myanmar in INTERPOL and its members, led by the Head of Police and Deputy Home Affairs Minister Lieutenant-General Than Hlaing, will act as delegates for the Myanmar government at the INTERPOL General Assembly. This is a matter of grave concern to us and raises serious credibility issues for INTERPOL itself for the following reasons:
The military junta does not represent the government of Myanmar. The international community has refused to recognise the military junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar and has prevented members of the military junta from participating in international forums including the UN General Assembly, the UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) and the ASEAN Summit.
The attempted coup on 1 February 2021, under the leadership of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing by violent means violated the Myanmar Constitution, international law and the principle of rule of law.
The head of the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar recently stated that since the attempted coup the Myanmar military junta’s widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population amounts to crimes against humanity.
The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, composed of international experts including former members of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar and a former Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, has recently argued that, in addition to crimes against humanity, the Myanmar military is engaging in terrorism and should be classified as a terrorist organization.
General Than Hlaing, as the junta’s Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and Chief of Police, is directly responsible for decision making concerning repressive policies and violent actions committed by police against peaceful demonstrators and is therefore responsible for serious human rights violations in Myanmar/Burma.
For this and other reasons, Lt. General Than Hlaing has been placed by the European Union under a travel ban and asset freeze as of 3 March 2021.
Targeted sanctions against Lt. General Than Hlaing also remain in place by the US, UK, and Canada (overview with links here).
Lt General Than Hlaing has been appointed to lead operations in Chin State. Escalating military attacks against civilians there and in Sagaing and Magwe Regions have caused rights groups to draw similarities to “clearance operations” used to violently oppress the ethnic Rohingya population – now at issue in the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice
INTERPOL’s vision is to connect police for a “safer world” and to support security for the world’s citizens. The people of Myanmar are in dire need of safety and security. The single biggest threat to their security is the Myanmar military junta, who is attempting to represent Myanmar in INTERPOL and use the General Assembly as a platform for political gain and international legitimacy. This will embolden the Myanmar military to continue to commit international crimes with blanket impunity.
We note that countering the threat of terrorism is the first of INTERPOL’s seven Global Policing Goals, and INTERPOL has a responsibility to counter and disrupt terrorism wherever it occurs, including in Myanmar.
We draw your attention to condemnation by the UN Security Council regarding the junta following the February 2021 coup, including a November 2021 statement by the Council’s President Juan Ramón de la Fuente Ramírez citing “deep concern at further recent violence across Myanmar”.
We note that upholding human rights is central to INTERPOL’s mandate. We implore you to meet the commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stated in Article 2 of the Constitution of the ICPO-INTERPOL. Recognizing the Myanmar military junta, responsible for systemic and grave human rights violations would be a clear violation of this article.
We appeal to you to adhere to INTERPOL’s commitment to political neutrality stated in Article 3 of the INTERPOL Constitution. Awarding an unlawful military junta that lacks domestic and international recognition with legitimacy would violate this article, and amount to a partisan intervention that would embolden the military to continue to commit international crimes with total impunity.
Instead of legitimizing the military junta through INTERPOL membership, we appeal to you to uphold international law by supporting the ongoing investigation at the International Criminal Court concerning crimes of genocide against the Rohingya, and future investigations, to bring all perpetrators of Myanmar atrocities to account. The Myanmar military must be recognized as a terrorist organization, not recognized as representatives of the Myanmar people who are the very victims of the junta’s daily barrage of violence that INTERPOL aims to protect.
We therefore call on INTERPOL to:
Ban the Myanmar military junta from INTERPOL, including the 89th General Assembly.
Support efforts to bring Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Lt Gen Than Hlaing and all other perpetrators of atrocity crimes to justice by identifying and arresting suspects.
Take all measures available to prevent the Myanmar military junta’s continued acts of terrorism by disrupting terrorism movement and tracing and disrupting their international revenue and arms supply networks.
At this fragile and crucial time in Myanmar, INTERPOL and their member countries must act in the interests of the safety and security of Myanmar people, victims and survivors of crime and in accordance with international law and norms..."
Source/publisher:
259 Civil Society Organizations
Date of publication:
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
Interpol confirmed a Myanmar delegation was due to attend its General Assembly in person but refused to name the delegates
Description:
"More than 250 rights groups and charities have called on the international police agency Interpol to exclude a top figure in Myanmar’s junta from its General Assembly on Tuesday, echoing similar calls last week by the National Unity Government (NUG).
Lt-Gen Than Hlaing, the junta’s deputy home affairs minister and head of the Myanmar Police Force, will lead Myanmar’s delegation for the three-day assembly in the Turkish city of Istanbul.
The US, Canada, the EU, and the UK have sanctioned Than Hlaing for his role in overseeing the junta’s murderous crackdown on opponents to the February 1 military coup.
In a letter addressed to Interpol’s leadership and member countries, 259 groups said the junta’s participation in the agency created “serious credibility issues”.
The letter is signed by organisations including ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, the Burma Human Rights Network, Civicus, the International Trade Union Confederation, the Karen Organization of America and Progressive Voice.
“Instead of legitimising the military junta through Interpol membership, we appeal to you to uphold international law by supporting the ongoing investigation at the International Criminal Court concerning crimes of genocide against the Rohingya, and future investigations, to bring all perpetrators of Myanmar atrocities to account,” the letter said.
Last week, 106 South Korean civil society groups wrote to Interpol President Kim Jong Yang to propose that the agency instead invite members of the underground NUG, which was founded to challenge the legitimacy of the junta.
“Interpol is giving legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta and working against the will of the Myanmar people,” said Kinam Kim, a lawyer with Korean Civil Society in Support of Democracy in Myanmar, one of the groups behind the letter.
“This must be condemned,” he added. “If the Korean government does not veto the participation of these criminals in the Interpol General Assembly, then they are going against their own commitment to discontinue cooperation with the Myanmar military junta.”
In a statement to Myanmar Now, Interpol confirmed that Myanmar was due to attend the assembly on Tuesday but that “the final list of member countries actually in attendance will not be available until the event opens.”
The agency also declined to confirm the names of the Myanmar delegates. “It is the decision of each member country to provide details of their delegation,” it said.
The assembly would be held in-person and “only individuals actually in attendance can be considered delegates and vote on resolutions,” the statement said, adding that Interpol’s constitution forbids interventions of a political, military or racial character.
Myanmar Now contacted several Interpol member countries for comment on Than Hlaing’s participation and to ask if they are taking steps to prevent junta representatives from attending the assembly.
Both the Australian Federal Police, the New Zealand Police and Norwegian Police Directorate confirmed their attendance at the General Assembly but would not comment on Myanmar's participation.
A spokesperson for the Swedish Police Authority said that some Interpol member countries are undemocratic and acknowledged there had been concerns about members using the organisation for political purposes.
“All the joint actions we, the Swedish Police Authority, support or participate in, are thoroughly considered in terms of compliance with human rights,” the spokesperson said. “Furthermore, we believe that standing outside the Interpol would be less effective as it would weaken our measures to combat cross-border crimes.”
A spokesperson for the UK’s National Crime Agency said that “membership of Interpol is a matter for Interpol Secretariat General (IPSG), guided by the General Assembly” and that “all members are entitled to attend” the assembly.
A spokesperson for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) would not comment on Myanmar's participation in INTERPOL but said that "attending annual meetings, such as the INTERPOL General Assembly, allows us to build relationships with our international partners and work closely with law enforcement agencies around the world. These relationships are fundamental to our ability to ensure Canada responds to globalized threats."
The US Department of Justice declined to comment. Myanmar Now also contacted officials in Ireland, the Netherlands, the Maldives and the Gambia but did not receive a response.
Khin Ohmar of Progressive Voice said that member police forces have human rights responsibilities and therefore need to proactively prevent Myanmar’s junta from participating in Interpol.
"The Myanmar Police Force is under the direct control of the illegitimate military junta, which is a criminal gang and a perpetrator of cross-border crime,” she said. “Allowing these international criminals to be part of Interpol only emboldens them to continue to perpetrate crimes with impunity.” ..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) and partners in Asia set out to explore pathways to enhance the protection of Rohingya in the Asia region.
BANGLADESH: Over the next two years, the project ‘Protecting Rohingya Refugees in Asia (PRRiA) will join forces of the Asia Displacement Solutions Platform (ADSP), the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), Geutanyoë Foundation and the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC) to enhance regional protection responses in support of Rohingya refugees.
Today, the Rohingya population, originating from Myanmar, constitute the world’s largest stateless population and the fifth largest group of refugees. As of 2021, an estimated 1.6 million Rohingya refugees are hosted across the Asia-Pacific region. It is predominantly in this region, that Rohingya are victims of a systematic lack of access to rights and legal protection and with limited prospects of durable solutions to their widespread displacement.
Through support from the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO), the PRRiA project addresses protection risks and needs of Rohingya refugees in Southeast Asia with a particular focus on Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. PRRiA combines evidence-based research and programmatic and advocacy expertise, to allow project partners, through their comparative advantages, to explore and advocate new paths to support Rohingya refugees and the communities hosting them.
The risks faced by the Rohingya are prevalent throughout Asia - from persecution in their homeland, throughout their journeys in search of refuge. as well as in host and destination countries. In recent years, thousands of Rohingya have embarked on perilous journeys by sea and through countries such as Thailand, India, Bangladesh and Indonesia.
The four PRRiA partners – ADSP, DRC, Geutanyoë Foundation, and MMC – are all anchored and active in the Asia region through a range of cross-sectoral activities including protection monitoring, research and analysis, as well as direct programming and advocacy efforts.
PRRiA project partners will engage key individuals and groups supporting the further development of regional and national policy and legal frameworks, and expect to engage more than 100 organisations at local, regional and global levels - including UNHCR, IOM, IFRC and civil society actors such as the Asia Pacific Refugees Rights Network (APRRN) - during the two years of the project..."
Source/publisher:
Danish Refugee Council via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
268.31 KB
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Description:
"The volatile situation in Myanmar following the 01 February 2021 coup has resulted in increased displacement both within the country and some crossing borders, including into Thailand
Humanitarian actors stand ready to support the Royal Thai Government (RTG) 's efforts to receive Myanmar refugees fleeing to ensure provision of protection
Agencies continue to take several key preparedness actions to ensure that complementary activities are delivered in a timely and coordinated manner..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
Language:
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pdf
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374.94 KB
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Description:
"A slam poet imprisoned in Myanmar, an NGO worker arrested in Burundi, Pride protestors detained in Turkey, a sixteen-year-old sentenced to death in Nigeria. All these people faced terrible injustices, and all are now free – a handful of the hundreds of lives changed by the Write for Rights campaign.
In October 2001, a small group of Amnesty members met in Warsaw, Poland to plan activities for Human Rights Day on 10 December. Little did they know that 20 years later their ‘simple plan’ would change the lives of innumerable people around the world.
In 2001, activists in Poland wrote letters to authorities for 24 hours straight and every letter aimed to end a human rights injustice – and with those 2,326 letters, Write for Rights was born!
In 2002, the campaign went global, with activists from 18 other countries joining those in Poland. By 2005, the campaign got even bigger, with 37 countries taking part. Starting at midday on 10 December in Japan and Malaysia, crossing to Mongolia and Nepal, then onto countries in Europe, Africa and the Middle East and ending in the Americas. At the culmination of the 24-hours, over 80,000 letters had been written.
From small seeds, mighty trees grow and what started as a group of friends taking part in a 24-hour ‘letter writing marathon’, has now become the biggest human rights campaign in the world. By 2019, the 24 hours had become two weeks of activities, with over 100 countries taking part and 6.6 million letters, emails, SMS’ and Twitter actions collected. From music concerts in Burkina Faso, to theatre shows in Morocco, speakers’ tours in Norway, art exhibitions in Brazil and over 700 schools in Poland, Write for Rights has grown and morphed into something truly amazing.
As the campaign has grown in numbers, so too have the successes. The impact of Write for Rights has been life changing for those featured. In 2019, student activist and poet, 24-year-old Paing Phyo Min, was arrested after performing satirical poetry criticizing the military in Myanmar. The charges against him included “incitement”; the authorities claiming that the poetry performance would encourage military officers to abandon their duties. Paing Phyo Min was sentenced to six-years behind bars. Over 300,000 letters and cards, signatures and Tweets were collected on behalf of Paing Phyo Min. A few months after the campaign, in April 2021, Paing Phyo was released from prison.
On 30 June 2021, Burundian human rights defender Germain Rukuki was released after serving more than four years in prison. He should never have been imprisoned in the first place – Germain was arrested, prosecuted and convicted simply for his human rights work.
During Write for Rights, supporters from around the world took more than 436,000 actions calling for Germain’s freedom. Germain’s wife Emelyne Mupfasoni shared her thanks with all those who acted, “From the bottom of my heart, I want to thank you all to have mobilized and made it possible for Germain to soon reunite with us…”
Eighteen students and one member of faculty were on trial for more than two years for organising a Pride event at the Middle Eastern Technical University (METU) in Ankara, Turkey, in 2019. Over 445,000 actions were taken on behalf of the METU Pride defendants, who faced up to three years in prison if found guilty. Melike Balkan and Özgür Gür, two of the 19 defendants, wholeheartedly joined the campaign, taking part in many activities. While the Covid-19 pandemic prevented travel, they joined over 20 online meetings with Amnesty members and students across the world. On 8 October 2021 they were acquitted of almost all charges. Melike and Özgür have gone on to form their own NGO, advocating, campaigning and defending the rights of young LGBTI+ people and students in Turkey.
Melike and Özgür aren’t the only people featured in Write for Rights to take an active role in campaigning.
During Write for Rights 2014, hundreds of thousands of people around the world called for the release of Moses Akatugba. In 2005, Moses was just 16 years old when he was accused of stealing three mobile phones, tortured by the police into ‘confessing’ and sentenced to death.
In June 2015, after over 800,000 messages were directed to the Governor of Nigeria’s Delta State, Moses was pardoned. When Moses finally left prison, he expressed his huge gratitude to all those who had written on his behalf, stating: “I want to assure them that this great effort they have shown to me will not be in vain, by the special grace of God I will live up to their expectation. I promise to be a human rights activist – to fight for others.”
And fight he did.
In December 2019, Moses travelled to the European Parliament in Brussels to take part in Write for Rights actions for fifteen-year-old Magai Matiop Ngong from South Sudan, who featured in the campaign that year. Like Moses, Magai had been sentenced to death when only a child. Moses used his unique experience to campaign on behalf of Magai. Following more than 700,000 letters, tweets, postcards and messages, the Court of Appeal in South Sudan repealed the death sentence imposed on Magai, noting that he was a child at the time of the crime.
From Moses to Melike and Özgür, these inspiring people represent just a handful of those who have been released over the past 20 years, thanks to your incredible work. Nothing compares to the power of people and Amnesty International’s campaign shows how writing a letter, sending a tweet or signing a petition really can change a person’s life..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-11-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"It is a true pleasure to join you this evening to mark the opening of the
Myanmar Diaspora, Human Rights Advocacy, Capacity Building Program. I have
been involved in organising similar training courses for Burmese activists in
Thailand. As a facilitator and co-organizer of these trainings, I was very
impressed with the DTP program and, of course, I am a great fan of Mr. Jose
Ramos-Horta. We shared the same vision and mission for human rights and for
democracy. I take great pride in now addressing a DTP course as the National
Unity Government’s (NUG) Minister of Human Rights. Some of you are joining
us from inside Myanmar, where you continue to fight for freedom, rights and
democracy at great personal risk. This takes tremendous courage and I thank
you for your commitment to our people and to our nation. As of today, at
least 1,260 of our people, including children, have been killed by the military
junta. Another 10,143 have been arrested, while 7,251 remain in detention
subject to torture, disappearances and sexual violence. Another 65 people
have been sentenced to death by military tribunals. Senior United Nations
officials, including the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special
Rapporteur on Myanmar have held the military responsible for a human rights
catastrophe. They have also said that the military’s atrocities likely comprise
crimes against humanity and war crimes. This is because their attacks are
deliberate, widespread and systematic, target civilians, and are conducted in
the full knowledge of the junta leadership.
To repeat, these crimes include murder, rape, severe deprivation of physical
liberty, and enforced disappearances. Tragically, for so many in Myanmar, the
fight for human rights has come at the cost of their lives or freedom. My own
story goes back to 1988 and that revolution of our generation. The military’s
atrocities drove us into the jungles and then, just as now, the youth were
forced to take up arms to fight for their survival. For many years I was exiled
from our homeland, as I am again now. And just as then, I remain committed
to the overthrow of the military. It was in the jungle camps that I first grasped
the true meaning of human rights. At the 1988 protests, we would shout for
democracy, shout for human rights, but I did not yet have a true sense of what
these things were. Out of a hunger for knowledge, we set up a "Jungle
University” in our camp that was filled with donated books. Here I found a
copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and it was unlike anything I
had read. It spoke of equality and it challenged discrimination. Amongst all the
suffering and violations that I saw around me, human rights finally made sense.
I began to collect people’s stories and to document their experiences to share
with the world. To shine light on the military’s crimes against its own people.
As this effort grew, I got the opportunity to study at Columbia University and,
from there, I started the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB).
Our mission at HREIB was to share knowledge, to teach human rights in
meaningful ways, and to equip future generations to keep the world aware of
the people’s struggle. Over the years, we trained thousands of
participants. Today, we all face a new struggle. We are part of a new Spring
Revolution. Our country and our people are suffering terribly. We must rebuild
our nation. Each of us has been given the gift of education and opportunity.
This DTP course is a new opportunity, and with that comes responsibility: a
responsibility to do all you can with this new knowledge in service to our
country and to all those denied such opportunities. We must never stop learning, also it is important that we must never stop working for Myanmar.
This Program also comes at an exceptionally important time. I express my
gratitude to the DTP for generously holding it, and to the NUG Representative
Office in Australia, led by Dr. Tun Aung Shwe, for its extraordinary efforts in
support. Myanmar needs a new generation of human rights defenders and
advocates, and that is what this course will equip you to be. For our part, the
NUG remains committed to bringing the military junta’s crimes to the world’s
attention and to pursuing accountability. We are engaging with the very bodies
that you will learn about - the UN Security Council, the General Assembly, and
the Human Rights Council - as we fight for recognition as the legitimate
representative of the people, and as we urge the international community to
take desperately needed action against the criminal military junta. In closing, I
wish you a very successful course and I thank you again for your leadership, for
your courage, and for your service to the Myanmar people..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"It is an honour to join you today as the National Unity Government’s (NUG)
Minister of Human Rights. It is a great pleasure to be with you in Parma and I
join my colleagues in thanking you for the invitation.
The Myanmar people have shown tremendous courage in opposing the
military junta through civil disobedience and organised resistance. Tragically,
this has come at the cost of lives and freedoms. Your support continues to give
us strength.
Human rights situation in Myanmar
Myanmar is facing a human rights catastrophe. Since the military junta
launched its failed coup d’etat on 1 February, it has committed some of the
worst crimes against the Myanmar people.
At 13 November 2021:
• at least 1260 civilians had been killed, many of them children
• at least 7251 people were in detention, with reports of deaths in custody,
torture and mistreatment, sexual violence, and the denial of medical
treatment • and a total of 65 people - including 2 children - had received death
sentences.
• Arrest warrants had been issued for another 1954 people.
Furthermore, over the past 10 months:
Children have been taken hostage with their family members, tortured, and
killed in the street.
Villages In Chin State, Karenni State, Sagaining Division, Magwe Division and
Tenessarim Divisions have been targeted with air strikes and artillery, and set
ablaze.
Entire communities have been displaced, resulting in new waves of Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs), some driven into neighbouring countries.
And COVID-19 has been weaponised by the junta, with medical treatment and
COVID-19 vaccines withheld in an attempt to gain military advantage.
Furthermore, these crimes have been accompanied by the military’s infamous
“four cuts strategy”, which has cut off communities and presumed insurgents
from funding, food, intelligence and recruits, including through internet
blackouts.
This has raised a genocide alarm in Chin State and Kareni State, and there is
limited time for the international community to act. Left unchecked, we could
see atrocities on an unprecedented scale in modern Myanmar. A determined
international response is required.
This is a perfect storm of violations. And, significantly, these acts comprise
crimes against humanity because:
• They are widespread and systematic
• They have been directed against civilians • And they have been conducted with the knowledge and at the orders of
the junta leadership.
And, as we meet here today, there is every indication that these atrocities will
escalate. The Special Rapporteur on Myanmar has also warned that the
military’s tactics in the country’s north and northwest are “ominously
reminiscent" of those it used before its genocidal attacks against the Rohingya
in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017.
Crimes against humanity
In September 2021, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights held the
military responsible for a 'human rights catastrophe' that included widespread
and systematic violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.
Also in September, the Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for
Myanmar (IIMM) told the UN’s Human Rights Council that analysis of collected
materials showed that the military's crimes were 'widespread and systematic
in nature'.
More recently, the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar confirmed to the UN
General Assembly that the Myanmar military had engaged in probable crimes
against humanity and war crimes.
1. Actions taken by the NUG
The NUG has taken a series of steps to bring these crimes to the world’s
attention and to pursue accountability. For instance:
(a) The NUG continues to report on the human rights situation through public
reports, statements, and by engaging with UN fora and experts, including
the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, the IIMM, and the UN’s Human Rights
Office
(b) The NUG has submitted an Article 12(3) Declaration to the International
Criminal Court (ICC). This Declaration accepts the ICC’s jurisdiction over
international crimes committed in Myanmar since 1 July 2002
(c) The NUG is cooperating with the International Court of Justice in The
Gambia vs. Myanmar hearing on the Genocide Convention
(d) And the NUG has developed a Code of Conduct to ensure that all defensive
actions respect international norms.
2. Recommendations
Despite the scale and nature of the military’s atrocities and their clear threat to
international and regional peace and security, an international response has
been tragically lacking.
There are three immediate steps that Italy, as part of the international
community, can take in support of the Myanmar people:
(1) NUG recognition
The first step, also raised by the Minister of Health and Education, is NUG
recognition. This recognition is a critical step to stopping the atrocities, to
protecting civilians, and to holding perpetrators to account. Here, following
efforts by the EU Parliament, the French Senate and the US Congress, the
Italian Parliament could recognise the NUG as the official Government of
Myanmar, and pressure the Italian Government to do the same. The General Assembly’s Credentials Committee is currently considering
Myanmar’s representation. Italy also has a vital role to play at the General
Assembly and in other UN fora.
(2) Accountability
The NUG continues to urge the Security Council to adopt a resolution that
targets impunity, supports accountability efforts, and starves the junta of cash
and arms. The Italian Government could publicly and politically support these
efforts.
(3) Humanitarian response
As the Minister of Health and Education outlined, humanitarian assistance -
including medicines and vaccines - is urgently needed.
Conclusion
As a final point, the Italian public and media also have incredibly important
roles to play through awareness raising, keeping attention on the situation in
Myanmar, and through encouraging their political representatives to act in
support of the Myanmar people.
I thank you again for your solidarity and support..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-11-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Women's rights
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"The Burmese military regime’s sentencing of U.S. journalist Danny Fenster is an unjust conviction of an innocent person. The United States condemns this decision. We are closely monitoring Danny’s situation and will continue to work for his immediate release. We will do so until Danny returns home safely to his family..."
Source/publisher:
U.S. Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-11-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"A military court in Myanmar has sentenced American journalist Danny Fenster to 11 years in prison, his lawyer said on Friday.
Fenster, a 37-year-old from Detroit, Michigan, has been detained in Myanmar for more than five months. He has been denied bail and held in Insein Prison, in the country's biggest city, Yangon, since his May 24 arrest.
At a court hearing on Friday, his lawyer Than Zaw Aung said Fenster was found guilty of three charges brought against him by the Myanmar military, which seized control of the country in a coup on February 1.
Those charges include visa breaches, unlawful association with an illegal group and incitement under section 505a of Myanmar's Penal Code, which makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that "cause fear" or spread "false news." Fenster was also given a fine in local currency equivalent to $50.
The trial was conducted in a military court inside Insein Prison with proceedings closed to the public.
Fenster is one of about 126 journalists or media workers detained since the coup, according to the UN. About 47 remain behind bars.
Earlier this week he was hit with two new criminal charges under the country's sedition and terrorism laws, which carry a maximum sentence of life in prison, his lawyer said.
They include charges under Section 124a of Myanmar's Penal Code, which mandates seven to 20 years imprisonment for attempting to bring hatred, contempt or disaffection toward the government and military.
The other charge is under Section 50a of the Counter Terrorism Law, which makes it a crime to have contact with officially designated "terrorist" groups. Under the terrorism charge, Fenster could face a minimum of 10 years in prison and a maximum of life in prison if convicted, according to his lawyer and Myanmar's sentencing guidelines.
These charges will be heard separately.
It was unclear why the charges have been brought against the former managing editor of Frontier Myanmar, an independent news outlet that covered current affairs, business and politics in Myanmar. Fenster was arrested at Yangon International Airport while trying to leave the country to see his family in the United States.
CNN Business has reached out to Myanmar's military for comment.
'Travesty of justice'
Frontier Myanmar said in a statement posted on Facebook it was "deeply disappointed" at the sentencing.
"Everyone at Frontier is disappointed and frustrated at this decision. We just want to see Danny released as soon as possible so he can go home to his family," said Thomas Keen, Frontier's Editor-in-Chief.
Frontier Myanmar said the charges were based on the allegation that Fenster was working for banned media outlet Myanmar Now in the aftermath of the military coup. But Frontier said Fenster had resigned from Myanmar Now in July 2020, and at the time of his arrest in May 2021 had been working with Frontier for more than nine months.
Fenster received a three-year sentence for the incitement charge, three years for the unlawful association charge and five years for the immigration charge, Frontier said, adding the sentences imposed were the harshest possible under the law.
"There is absolutely no basis to convict Danny of these charges. His legal team clearly demonstrated to the court that he had resigned from Myanmar Now and was working for Frontier from the middle of last year," said Kean.
Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said the sentence was a "travesty of justice executed by a kangaroo court operating at the beck and call of the Myanmar military junta."
"The rationale for this outrageous, rights abusing sentence is really twofold: To intimidate all remaining journalists inside Myanmar by punishing Fenster this way, while at the same time sending a message to the US that the Tatmadaw generals don't appreciate being hit with economic sanctions and can bite back with hostage diplomacy," Robertson said.
"Journalism is not a crime, and it shouldn't be treated that way — meaning that Danny Fenster and the many Burmese journalists still behind bars should urgently be freed."
A US State Department spokesperson condemned the sentence, saying "the ruling today represents an unjust conviction of an innocent person."
"We are closely monitoring Danny's situation and will continue to work for his immediate release," the spokesperson said Friday. "We will do so until Danny returns home safely to his family."..."
Source/publisher:
CNN Business
Date of publication:
2021-11-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
UN ‘GRAVELY CONCERNED’ AS VIOLENCE INTENSIFIES IN MYANMAR
Monday, 8 November, marked the one-year anniversary of the general election victory by Myanmar’s (Burma) ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), which comprehensively defeated the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. This was the second democratic election held since Myanmar’s transition to civilian rule began in 2011. Myanmar’s military – the Tatmadaw – launched the coup on 1 February 2021 in response to the NLD’s victory. The coup leaders sought to ignore the will of the people of Myanmar by disregarding the outcome of democratic elections, thus reversing progress made over the past decade.
Since then, hundreds of thousands of people have participated in peaceful protests and strikes against the reimposition of military rule, while numerous civilian militias known as People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) have also formed as part of an armed resistance. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 1,200 people have been killed since 1 February and over 7,000 people remain detained for resisting the coup. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, and the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, have indicated that abuses committed by the military since the coup may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
On the one-year anniversary of the elections, Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General, Stéphane Dujarric, said that, “the United Nations reiterates its call on the military to respect the will of the people and put the country back on track to democratic transition. The United Nations remains gravely concerned about the intensifying violence in Myanmar.”
Violence continues to escalate in upper Myanmar’s Chin State, Magway and Sagaing regions, where resistance to the coup has been especially active. Eight days after the military razed more than 200 buildings in Thantlang, Chin State, the military launched another shelling attack against the town on 6 November, burning at least seven buildings. Three days later, the military destroyed an additional two buildings. Amidst the escalating violence in upper Myanmar, more than 37,000 people have been newly displaced according to UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Martin Griffiths. Violence is also escalating in Shan and Kayah states, where the Tatmadaw is reportedly using civilians as human shields while fighting PDFs and ethnic armies, which may amount to a war crime.
The UN Security Council (UNSC) held a closed meeting on 8 November to discuss the situation in upper Myanmar but did not agree to any substantial action. The UNSC must act to prevent further escalation in upper Myanmar and uphold its responsibility to protect by immediately imposing targeted sanctions and an arms embargo. The UN should not recognize the credentials of the representative of the junta, as the military has no democratic legitimacy.
DRAMATIC INCREASE IN ATTACKS ON CIVILIANS IN WESTERN NIGER
On Thursday, 4 November, the Nigerien government declared two days of mourning after 69 people from a civilian self-defense group were killed by suspected fighters of an Islamist armed group in the village of Adab-Dab located in Niger’s western Tillabéri region. The gunmen ambushed the convoy, who were being led by the mayor of Banibangou, while they were searching for fighters from Islamist armed groups. No one has claimed responsibility for the attack yet.
This latest incident is part of a wave of intensifying violence against civilian populations in the tri-border area with Mali and Burkina Faso since the start of 2021. The tri-border area, which includes the Tillabéri region, has been volatile in recent years as Islamist armed groups allied to the Islamic State, such as the so-called Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), as well as to Al-Qaeda have made inroads in the region. Excluding this latest attack, more than 530 people have been killed by armed groups during attacks on civilians in southwest Niger this year, over five times more than in 2020, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project. Populations in Banibangou, Tillabéri region, have suffered from recurrent violence this year, including an attack in August that killed 37 civilians.
Although the group used to spare civilians, ISGS fighters have been responsible for the highest number of civilian deaths in Niger this year. The rise in the targeting of civilians is primarily in response to the creation of community self-defense groups by villagers, who are increasingly resisting the punitive collection of “zakat” or alms, which ISGS uses as a pretext for extortion and cattle theft. While Niger has thus far avoided the expansion of community self-defense groups seen in Burkina Faso and Mali, a growing number of communities in Niger appear to be establishing their own defense capacities in response to ISGS attacks and the government’s failure to protect communities. In Burkina Faso and Mali, these groups and arms proliferation have fueled further violence and inflamed grievances along ethnic lines.
The rise in inter-communal tensions and creation of community self-defense groups in several villages throughout western Niger highlights the growing risk of further atrocities and violence. Christine Caldera, Research Analyst at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “Nigerien authorities should discourage the formation of these groups and take urgent steps to protect vulnerable populations in the Tillabéri region, including by bolstering early warning capabilities and reducing the army’s reaction time to threatened populations.”
MASS PROTESTS CONTINUE AMIDST POLITICAL UNCERTAINTY IN SUDAN
On Sunday, 7 November, pro-democracy groups in Sudan launched two days of civil disobedience and strikes in the ongoing protest against the military coup last month. The Sudanese Professionals Association, an umbrella organization of several different trade unions that were instrumental in bringing an end to President Omar al-Bashir’s thirty-year rule in 2019, promised continued protests until a civilian government is established. Pro-democracy groups have organized additional protests scheduled to take place on 13 and 17 November, raising fears of a potential crackdown by the military.
According to the Central Committee of Sudanese Doctors, at least 14 people have reportedly been killed and more than 300 injured as a result of excessive force used by security forces. Security forces also continue to arrest and arbitrarily detain civilians, journalists, human rights defenders and others. Internet and telecommunication have been disrupted since the coup, limiting people’s access to information and inhibiting reporting on human rights violations.
With security forces controlling the streets, populations in Sudan are at increased risk of atrocity crimes due to their history of violent crackdowns on protests and dissent. During mass demonstrations against military rule between December 2018 and August 2019, security forces used teargas and live ammunition against largely peaceful protesters, killing more than 200 people and arresting thousands. Security forces reportedly fired teargas at protesters in several locations in the capital, Khartoum, on 7 November. Amidst the ongoing protests, mediation efforts by the United Nations and others that aim to restore the civilian-military partnership continue.
The military coup has been widely condemned by the international community. On 27 October the African Union suspended Sudan from all its activities. Several states and multilateral organizations, including the United States and the World Bank, paused foreign aid and halted disbursements. On 5 November the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution during a special session that designated an Expert on Human Rights to monitor and report on the developing situation in Sudan since the coup.
Juliette Paauwe, Senior Research Analyst at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, stressed that, “Sudan’s military and political leaders must prioritize human rights and the protection of civilians in any discussion regarding the country’s future. Instead of forcing a new power-sharing arrangement, the international community must ensure that the Sudanese people’s demands for democracy and justice are sufficiently taken into account. Calls for a restoration of the pre-coup situation will not lead to a sustainable solution.”..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication:
2021-11-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The conviction and harsh sentencing of journalist Danny Fenster by a military court in Yangon today following a closed door, unfair trial is emblematic of the wider plight of journalists in Myanmar who have been facing constant repression since the 1 February military coup, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said.
At least 126 journalists, media officials or publishers have been detained by the military since 1 February, of whom 47 remain in detention. Twenty of these individuals have been charged with crimes because of their work as journalists. Nine media outlets have had their licences revoked and 20 others have had to suspend operations. Dozens of journalists reportedly remain in hiding due to outstanding arrest warrants.
Fenster was detained at Yangon airport in May, and was on Friday sentenced to 11 years in prison allegedly for violating laws relating to unlawful association, immigration and for sowing dissent against the military. He was tried by an ad hoc court inside Insein prison in Yangon, with the proceedings closed to any public scrutiny, raising serious concerns of lack of respect of fair trial guarantees. He still faces a second trial on charges of high treason and violations of the counter-terrorism law.
“Journalists have been under attack since 1 February, with the military leadership clearly attempting to suppress their attempts to report on the serious human rights violations being perpetrated across Myanmar as well as the extent of opposition to the regime,” Bachelet said. “Myanmar has quickly reverted to an environment of information control, censorship and propaganda seen under military regimes in the past.”
“Attacks on journalists and the media further exacerbate the vulnerability of huge sections of society that rely on accurate and independent information. With the crackdowns on journalists, Internet shutdowns, restrictions on free access to online and other data sources, people are being deprived life-saving information,” Bachelet added.
“I urge the military authorities to immediately release all journalists being detained in relation to their work,” she said..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"After his visit to military-ruled Myanmar last week, ex-US diplomat Bill Richardson boasted that his trip had achieved its aims: the release from prison of a local ex-employee of his; increased access to humanitarian aid and vaccines for Myanmar; and resumption of Red Cross visits to the country’s prisons.
The former New Mexico governor described his trip to the country, with which he has had a long involvement dating back to 1994, as a humanitarian visit. Though his visit was made on a private basis, he was the first prominent US figure to meet Myanmar coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who is under US sanctions for masterminding the killing of more than 1,000 people who opposed his ousting of the country’s democratically elected government in February. Richardson has no love for Myanmar’s detained pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Nor does Min Aung Hlaing, who placed her under house arrest at the time of the coup. So the two men had that much in common when they met and talked for 90 minutes.
Talking to the Associated Press about his Myanmar trip, Richardson said he was satisfied with what he had accomplished.
So, it’s worth asking what Myanmar junta got out of Richardson’s visit, apart from humanitarian aid and vaccines, as he claimed.
In short: a significant propaganda boost.
The junta chief’s meeting with Richardson was psychologically important, allowing the general to deceive his military officers and soldiers into believing that he was paid a visit by “a former diplomat” from the US—the arch critic of his regime.
Perfect timing
According to sources, it took two months to plan the trip with the assistance of some former military intelligence officers who knew Richardson. However, it should be noted that the timing of the visit was most convenient for the regime, coming just as Min Aung Hlaing was licking his wounds after being shunned at a regional summit he had been desperate to attend. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, refused his presence at the meeting over his failure to honor commitments to take steps to ease the political crisis sparked by his coup. As he had counted on the support of his regional neighbors, the group’s exclusion of him was a big blow for Min Aung Hlaing.
On Nov. 2, just five days after the ASEAN summit’s conclusion, Richardson was ushered into the Credentials Hall of the office of the regime’s governing body, the State Administration Council, in Naypyitaw to be received by Min Aung Hlaing. Prior to the coup, the hall, dominated by a gilded throne—a symbol of Myanmar’s sovereignty—at the Presidential Residence was where the country’s presidents welcomed international dignitaries, from US President Barack Obama to Chinese leader Xi Jinping to newly arrived diplomats to the country. Richardson may be the first non-state figure to be received in the room.
Next day, Richardson must have been thrilled to see a picture of their meeting splashed over the front page of the junta’s mouthpiece newspaper with the headline: “State Administration Council Chairman Prime Minister Senior General Min Aung Hlaing receives former governor of New Mexico State of USA.”
However, the regime’s special treatment of Richardson had an ulterior motive.
Some retired Myanmar military officers who worked for the previous regime said the photo of the ex-diplomat paying a courtesy call to Min Aung Hlaing in the grand hall—with Richardson in a chair and Min Aung Hlaing perched on an ornate, gilded sofa in front of the throne—evoked a feeling of an ancient Myanmar king receiving a foreign visitors. Richardson, meanwhile, appears subdued in the photo.
At the same time, the military’s propaganda mill swung into high gear. The Irrawaddy was told that military commanders have been ordered to share the picture on their social media accounts. They have told their subordinates and their family members to do the same, to create the impression, especially in military circles, that despite international criticism and exclusion by ASEAN, the regime still has friends. This time, American!
Information bubble
Some may find it hard to believe that it could be so easy for the regime to delude its people, especially in the mobile internet age.
Since the coup, access to news from independent media has been largely banned for officers, soldiers and their families living inside army quarters. Their Facebook accounts are monitored to “prevent disintegration of the unity of the Tatmadaw” (Myanmar’s military). They are only allowed to read the regime’s papers and watch the military’s Myawady Channel; all other information available online from independent local news outlets is dismissed as fake news from “state-destroying media”. Amid this blanket information blackout, the regime can filter the information they want to feed to the troops. So, when the junta published the picture of Richardson meeting with Min Aung Hlaing in the Credentials Hall, the majority of people in the military, who have little familiarity with Richardson, would simply think that their boss had a VIP visitor from the US, a country that has long supported Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement and rarely had warm relations with the Tatmadaw.
The former governor told the AP that he was realistic enough to realize that some might try to exploit his presence. Of course, Min Aung Hlaing used him not only for propaganda, but also to raise the spirit of his troops, who have been demoralized by the nationwide popular hatred directed at them for their deadly crackdowns on anti-coup protesters. To add to their dismay, the regime’s soldiers are growing increasingly fatigued and insecure due to the growing and ever more deadly civilian armed resistance against them. To keep his boys’ spirits high, Min Aung Hlaing needed to show them he has friends and is not isolated, especially after ASEAN’s snub. Richardson, as an American, turned out to be the perfect choice.
Unsurprisingly, the ex-US diplomat’s meeting with the Myanmar coup leader has drawn a barrage of criticism, especially from human rights campaigners who said Richardson had given the junta an air of legitimacy—a claim he rejected. However, when offering his impressions of Min Aung Hlaing, the ex-diplomat sounded like a spin doctor, describing the blood-soaked dictator as “cordial” and “open to more contact,” likely paving the way for others who are similarly clueless about Myanmar’s misery under Min Aung Hlaing and who blindly think that isolating the regime is not the answer to the Myanmar crisis.
Talking up his achievements during the trip as “mild progress”, Richardson said he was optimistic and hopeful that it might lead to a better situation. He has also, no doubt, earned the gratitude of Min Aung Hlaing, for arriving in a time of need and turning out to be quite useful—at least when it comes to deceiving his boys in uniform into believing that their chief is not a lonely and isolated figure..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-11-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general, Human Rights and international relations
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"As multiple Southeast Asia countries begin to ease travel restrictions, Myanmar, which boasts some of the region's most spectacular destinations, has announced that it hopes to begin welcoming international tourists in early 2022.
While this might seem like great news for travelers planning their post-lockdown trips, in Myanmar, it's complicated.
Most nations that closed their borders over the past two years did so solely to prevent the spread of Covid-19, but Myanmar is also still dealing with the aftereffects of a February 2021 coup in which a military junta overthrew the country's democratically elected government.
Visiting Myanmar, which has previously spent decades under military rule, has always presented dilemmas for travelers weighing up whether their trip will support what has in the past been labeled an oppressive regime, or will help locals who need outside lifelines.
The question is now, with Covid still an issue across the region and the wider world of travel, plus the turmoil currently gripping the country, will anyone come?
Officials have already set up a website, anticipating tourist interest, but have made it clear that any opening will be subject to successful Covid mitigation being in place.
"We are planning to reopen tourism for vaccinated tourists if plans are well-prepared for safe and convenient travel," Zeyar Htun, deputy director of the Public Relations and Information Department at the military-run Ministry of Hotels & Tourism, confirmed to CNN Travel.
Meanwhile, some international travelers are being warned by their own governments to stay away, due to both Covid concerns and instability in the wake of the coup.
The US State Department currently has two level four "do not visit" alerts for Burma, as it refers to Myanmar, one for its high number of coronavirus cases, and one for the ongoing political situation.
In a separate advisory, it notes "Burma is facing a grave political, economic, human rights and humanitarian crisis due to a brutal crackdown by a powerful military that acts with impunity."
Religious significance
Details on reopening plans on Myanmar's official tourism website are thin at the moment, but reports have suggested the government will initially target visitors from Southeast Asia.
Beyond international vacationers, there are other travelers who will be keen to enter Myanmar as soon as it's feasible to do so.
There are people of Burmese heritage who want to reconnect with family, Buddhists eager to see some of the country's sacred temples and businesspeople who need to check on factories and other projects.
"There's always been a relationship, especially in that part of the Buddhist world, with Thailand, Laos and parts of Cambodia, where there are religious capitals that are important in the religious calendar," explains Tyler Dillon, a travel planner for high-end company Trufflepig and a longtime leader of tours in the region.
The Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon, for instance, is the most important Buddhist site in Myanmar. The bright gold, 100-foot-tall structure is home to several sacred Buddhist relics, including eight strands of hair said to be from Buddha's head. As a result, it's a popular spot for Buddhist pilgrims from around the world.
Myanmar's military junta will be particularly eager to see the return of wealthy visitors from China, it's most important ally and investor.
China has long nurtured ties with Myanmar even while other countries have imposed sanctions. The country is a strategic part of Chinese President Xi Jinping's "Belt and Road" initiative aimed at building regional trade and expanding China's global influence.
Blackouts and closures
When Myanmar's doors do open, travelers returning to the country will notice major changes since their last visit.
According to CNN sources on the ground, infrastructure has been significantly weakened, many businesses have closed due to economic pressure or owners leaving the country, and the tourism industry is now being run by military generals.
Dillon says his contacts in Myanmar tell him of intermittent blackouts and occasional internet shutdowns, which can make it difficult to stay in touch with people outside of the country.
International brands are among those affected. The Kempinski Hotel Nay Pyi Taw Myanmar, a luxury five-star facility in the country's capital is, according to its website, closed for "the foreseeable future" from mid-October. It didn't specify why it was shuttering.
Pandaw, a Southeast Asia river cruising company specializing in Mekong River tours, announced it was permanently closing operations in Myanmar and the wider region after more than 25 years of operation, blaming both Covid and "the critical political situation in Myanmar."
Risk factor
International travelers who do decide to visit Myanmar should make sure they are prepared for contingencies, says Todd Handcock, who as Asia Pacific president of Collinson International advises corporate clients on traveling safely and managing risk.
"Unfortunately, Myanmar is now considered to be a higher risk zone," he says.
Any company thinking of sending staff to Myanmar should have a "robust travel risk management program" in place, he says. Employees should be fully briefed on what they need to know and how to react when trouble rears its head.
He also stresses that it's important for those in any country beset by trouble to send reassurances home to make it clear they're safe when bad news is being reported.
"I continuously send (my family) photos of what was going on around me," he says. "If you've got loved ones that are concerned, then do take that extra step as the traveler to make sure that they're aware."
'Backdoor diplomacy'
As in the past when Myanmar has been in the control of a military junta, there have been calls both from within and without the country to boycott anything that would profit the military -- including the many tourism facilities and destinations its generals control.
Andrea Valentin, a former adviser on responsible tourism in Myanmar, says the issue is complicated.
"It's a bit frivolous to discuss tourism in Myanmar right now, despite all tone deaf attempts of the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism to pretend otherwise," she says. "It is not simple black and white anymore. It's not North Korea yet."
Valentin says that it is still possible to travel in a way that doesn't help fund the military regime, although it's difficult and most businesses are in more rural areas.
"Yes, it is still possible to travel responsibly in Myanmar at the minute. There are quite a few places that are even now quite safe and ethical. Before the coup, staying in accommodation that's not owned by the military was definitely possible.
"There are a few amazing initiatives -- which we painstakingly helped build over the last years -- and those deserve our support."
She adds: "We don't believe in a tourism boycott."
Though travel planner Dillon isn't leading any Myanmar trips for the foreseeable future, he refuses to write the country off entirely either.
"Tourism is backdoor diplomacy," he says. "There's still a lot of hope for people on the ground there that things can change."..."
Source/publisher:
CNN Travel
Date of publication:
2021-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Tourism in Burma - articles and studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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more
Description:
"One year ago, on 8 November 2020, the people of Myanmar cast their ballots in large numbers in the country’s general elections. Their choice was clear and their aspirations for democracy explicit. The elections were an important milestone in Myanmar’s democratic transition and were confirmed as transparent by all independent domestic and international observers. The military coup on 1 February 2021 forcibly overthrew the civilian government in blatant violation of the will of the people, with disastrous humanitarian, social, economic and human rights consequences. The announcement to extend the state of emergency until August 2023 under the guise of a “caretaker government” can in no way grant legitimacy to the military regime. The European Union strongly condemns the grave human rights violations by the Myanmar armed forces since then.
The current military build-up in the central and northwestern part of the country, including the Sagaing and Magway regions, and the resulting escalation of violence particularly in Chin State, are of deep concern. The European Union condemns in the strongest terms the attacks by the Myanmar military on civilians and villages in Chin State, including the use of torture, sexual violence, arbitrary detention and the destruction of private property and religious sites, which are blatant violations of human rights and international law and call for justice and accountability. The European Union reiterates its calls for an immediate cessation of all hostilities and the disproportionate use of force witnessed in recent days. The military authorities must ensure rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all displaced persons and people in need, in all parts of the country. The European Union will continue to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and is deeply concerned by the combined effects of the conflict, food insecurity and COVID-19 on the population.
The escalation of violence led by the Myanmar armed forces also runs counter to the commitments made at the ASEAN Leaders’ Summit in April, setting out the “Five Point Consensus”. The European Union continues to call for its immediate and full implementation. The European Union further calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained in connection with the coup, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
The European Union welcomes the appointment of Noeleen Heyzer as the Special Envoy of the Secretary General of the United Nations on Myanmar and welcomes continued close collaboration with the United Nations. The European Union also reiterates its full support for the approach and efforts of ASEAN and the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy, Erywan Yusof, Foreign Minister II of Brunei Darussalam, to engage in a meaningful and inclusive process of dialogue involving all relevant parties in the country, including the National Unity Government and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. The European Union underlines that a meaningful political dialogue must include full, equal and meaningful participation of women, youth and ethnic groups.
The European Union welcomes the actions taken by ASEAN in view of its recent summit. The European Union looks forward to engaging closely with Cambodia as the Chair of ASEAN for 2022 and as the chair of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) on 24-26 November 2021. The European Union will continue to support ASEAN’s efforts to ensure a peaceful resolution of the current crisis that will ensure the country’s swift return to a democratic path....ပြီးခဲ့သည့်နှစ် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၈ ရက်နေ့၌ မြောက်မြားလှစွာသော မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုသည် နိုင်ငံ၏ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲများတွင် အသီးသီးမဲဆန္ဒပြုခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ ရွေးချယ်မှုသည် တိကျပြတ်သားပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေးနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြင်းပြသောဆန္ဒများမှာလည်း ရှင်းလင်းခိုင်မာနေခဲ့သည်။ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီအသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးလမ်းကြောင်း၌ အရေးပါသော မှတ်တိုင်တစ်ခုဖြစ်ခဲ့ပြီး အမှီအခိုကင်းသော ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပစောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာသူအားလုံးက အဆိုပါရွေးကောက်ပွဲများကို ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုရှိကြောင်း အတည်ပြုပေးခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သော စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ သဘောဆန္ဒအား ပြောင်တင်းစွာ ဆန့်ကျင်လျက် အရပ်သားအစိုးရကို တရားမဝင်ဖြုတ်ချခဲ့ပြီး ယင်းဖြစ်ရပ်ကြောင့် ဆိုးရွားသော လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု၊ လူမှုရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးဆက်များ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ “အိမ်စောင့်အစိုးရ” အသွင်ဆောင်လျက်ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် အရေးပေါ်အခြေအနေကာလအား ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် အထိ တိုးချဲ့မည်ဟူသော ကြေညာချက်ဖြင့် စစ်အစိုးရကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ ထောက်ခံနိုင်မည်မဟုတ်ပေ။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် မြန်မာတပ်မတော်လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များ ထိုအချိန်ကတည်းက ဆိုးရွားစွာ ကျူးလွန်ထားသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပါသည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့်မကွေးတိုင်းအပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအလယ်ပိုင်းနှင့် အနောက်မြောက်ပိုင်းတို့၌ လတ်တလောတွေ့ရသည့် စစ်တပ်အင်အားတိုးချဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် ၎င်း၏ရလဒ်အနေဖြင့် အထူးသဖြင့် ချင်းပြည်နယ်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြင့်တက်လာခြင်းတို့သည် အလွန်အမင်းစိုးရိမ်ဖွယ်အခြေအနေများဖြစ်သည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေတို့ကို ပြောင်တင်းစွာ ချိုးဖောက်မှုများဖြစ်သည့် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းမှု၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု၊ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်မှုနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိကအဆောက်အအုံများ၊ ဘာသာရေးနယ်မြေများကို ဖျက်ဆီးမှုတို့အပါအဝင် ချင်းပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများနှင့်အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရှုတ်ချပြီး တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် လတ်တလောကာလများတွင် မျက်မြင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် စစ်မက်ပြုမှုများနှင့် မလျော်မကန်အင်အားသုံးမှုများ အားလုံးကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်ရန် ထပ်လောင်းတောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ စစ်တပ်အာဏာပိုင်များအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြားရှိ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာတိမ်းရှောင်သူများနှင့် အကူအညီလိုအပ်သူများ အားလုံးထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီများ မြန်ဆန်ဘေးကင်းပြီး အဆီးအတားမဲ့စွာ လက်လှမ်းမီရောက်ရှိစေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည်လည်း လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု၊ ဘက်မလိုက်မှု၊ သမာသမတ်ကျမှုနှင့် အမှီအခိုကင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများနှင့်အညီ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို ဆက်လက်ပေးအပ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် စုပြုံသက်ရောက်နေသည့် တိုက်ပွဲများ၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာမဖူလုံမှု၊ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါတို့နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍လည်း အလွန်အမင်း စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
မြန်မာတပ်မတော်လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြင့်တက်လာခြင်းသည် “သဘောတူညီချက်ငါးရပ်” ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရာ ဧပြီလတွင်ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်များနှင့်လည်း ဆန့်ကျင်နေပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့ကို ချက်ချင်းအပြည့်အဝအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂက တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အပါအဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသူအားလုံးကို အကြွင်းမဲ့ချက်ချင်းလွှတ်ပေးရန် ထပ်မံတောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ Noeleen Heyzer အား ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာအထူးသံတမန်အဖြစ် ခန့်အပ်မှုနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အနီးကပ်ဆက်လက်၍ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုတို့အပေါ် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂက လှိုက်လှဲစွာ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီတို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ သက်ဆိုင်ရာပါတီအားလုံးပါဝင်သည့် အဓိပ္ပာယ်ပြည့်ဝပြီး အားလုံးပါဝင်သော နှီးနှောဆွေးနွေးရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တစ်ရပ်ကို ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အလို့ငှာ အာဆီယံနှင့်တကွ ဘရူနိုင်းဒါရုဆလမ်၏ ဒုတိယနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးတစ်ဖြစ်လဲ အာဆီယံဥက္ကဋ္ဌအထူးသံတမန် Erywan Yusof တို့၏ ချဉ်းကပ်မှုနှင့် အားထုတ်မှုများကို အပြည့်အဝထောက်ခံကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်းထုတ်ပြန်ပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် အဓိပ္ပာယ်ပြည့်ဝသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးနှီးနှောဆွေးနွေးပွဲတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်များနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားအုပ်စုများကို အပြည့်အဝ၊ ညီတူညီမျှနှင့် အဓိပ္ပာယ်ရှိရှိ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်စေရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း မီးမောင်းထိုးဖော်ပြလိုပါသည်။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့် မကြာသေးမီက ကျင်းပခဲ့သော အာဆီယံထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးကို အကြောင်းပြု၍ လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည့် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များကို ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် အာဆီယံဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်ပြီး ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၂၄-၂၆ ရက်နေ့များ၌ ကျင်းပမည့် အာဆီယံဥရောပအစည်းအဝေး (ASEAN) တွင် ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်လာမည့် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံနှင့် အနီးကပ်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် မျှော်လင့်ပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအား ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းအပေါ် ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိစေမည့် လက်ရှိပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ရပ်များကို အကြမ်းမဖက်ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဖြေရှင်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေသော အာဆီယံ၏ အားထုတ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ပံ့ပိုးထောက်ခံသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
European Council (Brussels)
Date of publication:
2021-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"One year ago, Burma held multiparty elections to select a new government. Independent observers reported that the elections, despite some concerns, were credible and reaffirmed the commitment of the Burmese people to democracy. The military’s coup on February 1 sought to overthrow the will of the people and erase the outcome of that credible election. The military’s subsequent and ongoing violent crackdown has further undermined human rights and fundamental freedoms and reversed a decade of progress toward a genuine democracy that the people of Burma clearly sought and still seek.
On the anniversary of the November 8 election, we honor the people of Burma striving to restore democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of law in their country, including more than 1,300 innocent people who have lost their lives in that struggle. The United States is committed to promoting justice and accountability for these and other abuses by the regime. Today, we reiterate our call for the military regime immediately to cease violence, release all those unjustly detained, and return Burma’s path to a genuine and inclusive democracy..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-11-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"The humanitarian situation in Myanmar is deteriorating. Across the country, there are now more than 3 million people in need of life-saving humanitarian assistance because of growing conflict and insecurity, COVID-19 and a failing economy. Without an end to violence and a peaceful resolution of Myanmar’s crisis, this number will only rise.
Since the 1 February armed forces takeover, hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes due to violence across the country, and 223,000 people remain internally displaced. This includes 165,000 in the south-east of the country and is on top of a significant population of people who were already displaced in Rakhine, Chin, Shan and Kachin states prior to the takeover.
Long-term displacement remains unresolved, with 144,000 Rohingya people still confined to camps and camp-like settings in Rakhine, many since their displacement in 2012, and more than 105,000 people displaced in Kachin and Shan, many for years. I am also increasingly concerned about reports of rising levels of food insecurity in and around urban areas, including in Yangon and Mandalay.
In recent weeks, the situation in the north-west of the country has become extremely concerning, with an escalation in hostilities between the Myanmar Armed Forces and the Chinland Defence Force in Chin state, and with the People’s Defence Forces in Magway and Sagaing regions. More than 37,000 people, including women and children, have been newly displaced, and more than 160 homes have been burned, including churches and the offices of a humanitarian organization. Attacks directed against civilians and civilian infrastructure, including humanitarian workers and facilities, are clearly prohibited under international humanitarian law and must stop immediately.
Humanitarian workers are providing assistance to those in need across Myanmar. So far this year they have reached more than 1.67 million people with food, cash and nutrition assistance. They stand ready to do more but remain constrained by lack of humanitarian access and funds. Access to many people in desperate need across the country remains extremely limited due to bureaucratic impediments put in place by the armed forces. I call on the Myanmar armed forces — and all parties — to facilitate safe, rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access.
I also call on the international community to fund the response. Less than half of the US$385 million required under the Humanitarian Response Plan and Interim Emergency Response Plan launched after the armed forces’ takeover has been received. The people of Myanmar need our help to ensure that their basic rights are upheld and they can live with dignity.
The world is watching. I urge all parties to fully respect their obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law to protect civilians, ensure civilians can freely move towards safety when needed, and allow humanitarian assistance to be provided to those in need, including those being forced to flee the violence..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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165.07 KB
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"Context
The socio-economic effects of the political instability in Myanmar are affecting the most vulnerable more severely, including many older people and people with disabilities. HelpAge International conducted a rapid needs assessment (RNA) in October 2021, as a follow-up to its RNA of April 2021. That study highlighted difficulties in accessing food, healthcare, and income. This current study is a more thorough follow-up, taking into account six additional months of crises, including the third COVID-19 wave.
Methodology
For this RNA, 110 people were interviewed, of which 98 were above the age of 60, with the oldest person being 92. 19 of the people interviewed self-identified as having a disability (PWD). An additional 12 people over the age of 40 were interviewed, who play an important role in community-based activities that support older people.
Data was collected through phone surveys with community members across 17 locations in six states and regions of Myanmar:
Due to (perceived) security and trust issues, the interviews were done on a completely anonymous basis. HelpAge leveraged its network of community groups throughout Myanmar to identify people who were able and willing to speak to the enumerators. All people consented to being interviewed despite the critical security situation.
Questions were raised about the local situation, feelings and needs of respondents, covering a total of four topics:
food security.
finances.
healthcare.
safety.
Collected data were entered digitally by transcribing answers from the phone. Data were disaggregated according to gender, age, and disabilities. The results of this disaggregation have only been reported where information was considered significant enough to be included, and summarised into four main topics of interest..."
Source/publisher:
HelpAge International via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health
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269.43 KB
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"Highlights
• Fighting in the northwest between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Chinland Defence Force in Chin State and the local People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) in Magway and Sagaing regions has recently escalated.
• In Chin State, more than 160 houses, two churches and an NGO office in Thantlang Town were reportedly burnt down on 29 October.
• Around 37,000 people, including women and children, have been newly displaced by fighting which started in May in the northwest, in addition to around 7,600 people previously displaced by earlier conflict between the Arakan Army (AA) and the MAF in Paletwa, Chin State, since December 2019.
Situation Overview
The humanitarian, human rights and security situation in Chin State, as well as in neighbouring Magway and Sagaing regions, is deteriorating with intensified armed clashes reported between the MAF and local PDFs. Displacement has increased as well as rights violations and causalities. In Chin State, more than 160 houses, two churches and an NGO office in Thantlang Town were reportedly burnt down on 29 October, in addition to other townships facing similar destruction of property since August. Most residents had already fled in late September in anticipation of the conflict. However, UNICEF is concerned about the safety of children who are thought to remain in Thantlang Town and is calling for immediate efforts to ensure the safety of these children, and of all children impacted by the conflict.
In total, around 37,000 people, including women and children, have now been displaced in the northwest since the clashes started in May. This includes at least 18,300 people who have been displaced across several townships in Chin State. Of those people, more than 10,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) are sheltering in Thantlang Township in Chin State next to the Indian border. The newly displaced people in Chin State are in addition to some 7,600 people who remain displaced since December 2019 in Paletwa in southern Chin due to the conflict between the AA and the MAF. About 15,000 people have reportedly crossed the border into India since the military takeover on 1 February.
The total number of displaced people in Sagaing and Magway regions remains mostly unchanged for the last two weeks as some have returned to their areas of origin, while others have been newly displaced. Around 7,000 people remain in the displacement sites in Kale, Kani, Khin-U and Mingin townships in Sagaing Region and around 12,300 remain in the displacement sites in Gangaw, Pauk and Saw townships in Magway Region..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Public Health, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
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pdf
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882.65 KB
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"New satellite data analyzed by Human Rights Watch corroborates images and videos streaming out of Myanmar’s Chin State showing towns once again on fire.
Human Rights Watch reviewed thermal anomaly data collected by an environmental satellite sensor (VIIRS) that detected the presence of multiple active fires in Thantlang town in Chin State in northwestern Myanmar. The thermal anomalies were detected for the first time on October 29 at 12:29 p.m. local time. The readings are consistent with reports of fires burning buildings during the day, depicted in photos and videos circulated around this time by the media and human rights groups. More than 12 hours later, additional thermal anomalies were also detected, consistent with reports of fires at night.
The military spokesperson, Gen. Zaw Min Tun, claimed without offering any evidence that, after clashes with soldiers, the Chinland Defense Force-Thantlang set houses on fire as they left. The media outlet Myanmar Now quoted a spokesperson for the armed group who blamed the military for the damage, saying soldiers were burning houses for “no reason.” Myanmar’s military has a long history of widespread arson attacks, such as those on ethnic Rohingya villages in Rakhine State in 2012, 2016, and 2017, and has made similar claims many times before to deflect blame.
Thantlang has been nearly completely uninhabited since September after its population, estimated to be around 10,000, fled mostly to other parts of Chin State because of ongoing fighting between the military and anti-junta militias that are part of a growing network of so-called People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). Parts of the town were reportedly previously damaged.
On October 29 the international humanitarian organization Save the Children released a statement saying their office in Thantlang had been damaged, and raised concerns that the fires risk “destroying the whole town and the homes of thousands of families and children.”
The laws of war applicable to armed conflict in ethnic minority areas of Myanmar prohibit deliberate, indiscriminate, and disproportionate attacks on civilians and civilian property. Intentional destruction of civilian property not being used for military purposes violate the laws of war and may amount to a war crime. A credible and impartial investigation of alleged war crimes is urgently needed, and those responsible should be held to account.
The United States and Swedish governments have condemned the attacks on Thantlang. But governments and the United Nations should demand that humanitarian agencies have unhindered access to provide aid to affected communities, call for the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to be allowed to investigate the sites, and impose coordinated sanctions against those implicated in abuses..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, The Military's political role
Language:
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Description:
"Introduction
The 2021 coup in Myanmar spotlighted the inability of the United Nations Security Council (hereafter UNSC) to uphold its primary responsibility, “the maintenance of international peace and security,” which entails mass atrocity prevention. For months after the coup, I joined millions of peaceful protesters across Myanmar, taking to the streets and calling on the UNSC to invoke its ‘Responsibility to Protect’—“a political commitment to end the worst forms of violence and persecution” that was unanimously adopted by United Nations (UN) member states at the 2005 World Summit. With respect to invoking this Responsibility to Protect (R2P), expectations from the resistance movement primarily revolved around humanitarian intervention or at least coordinated sanctions and embargoes. A tyrannical crackdown by Myanmar’s military and countless atrocities later, the situation has escalated from a coup into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. But much to the dismay of protesters, the UNSC has yet to go beyond a statement of condemnation when it comes to addressing the deteriorating situation in my country. The reason for this inaction transcends intent—it is a direct consequence of UNSC’s structure, and UNSC reform is, therefore, the remedy.
Since its first meeting on January 17, 1946, the UNSC has evolved little despite seismic shifts in geopolitical realities. Structurally unchanged since its inception, the Council is comprised of 15 seats: 10 nonpermanent seats whose appointees are elected for two-year terms, and five permanent seats held by the United States of America, the Russian Federation, the People’s Republic of China, the French Republic, and the United Kingdom. The permanent seats wield veto power, allowing them to block UNSC resolutions regardless of the degree of support from the rest of the Council. Criticisms of the UNSC by international actors and proposals to change its institutional design have echoed across the globe since the end of the Cold War. The bulk of such scrutiny is directed towards the UNSC’s tendency to give unequal weight to differently positioned member states’ national interests and let the political interests of individual member states get in the way of resolving humanitarian crises. Accordingly, calls for reform are primarily connected to the “antiquated” concept of the veto held by the permanent five seats (the P5) and its inability to “reflect 21st-century realities.”
The UNSC’s efforts to resolve humanitarian crises in the 21st century have been mostly ineffective. This is because vetoes and a fundamentally unequal electoral system for seats are conducive to hegemony, or the inflexibility or inability to adapt to change, due to the dominance of a select few member states. Though the membership structure was initially established with the hope it would allow competing geopolitical superpowers to keep each other in check, it has recently achieved the opposite by allowing actions that go against the founding ethos of the Council to go unchecked. The structure of the UNSC needs reform to address the needs of and contribute to a new world that has developed with the coming of the 21st century: an arguably more egalitarian world order that places emphasis on holding those in power accountable for their actions.
The UN Charter obligates the UNSC to respond to the crisis in Myanmar, but the UNSC nevertheless cannot respond to the ongoing catastrophic situation because of its organizational structure. The UNSC has ‘failed’ Myanmar and consequently its founding ethos by showing what internally prevented the Council from responding. Structural reform could prevent future inactions.
A Neorealist Look at the Security Council
To understand why the UNSC’s structure is inefficacious, one must first establish why the Council holds an obligation under the UN Charter to respond to humanitarian crises: for this, the UNSC response to the Myanmar crisis serves as an ideal case study. The UNSC is given under Chapter V, Article 24 of the Charter of the UN, “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.” It is also responsible—under Chapter I, Article I—for “the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace.” The actions of the State Administration Council and its military wing, the Tatmadaw, following the February 1 coup in Myanmar can objectively be interpreted not only as threats to and breaches of the peace but also acts of aggression. Appropriately, the demands of Myanmar’s protesters have centered around invoking the aforementioned UN Charter articles—in addition to the Responsibility to Protect agreement—in relation to the actions of the Tatmadaw.
Since its February coup, the Tatmadaw has been responsible for the extrajudicial killings and the torture of peaceful protesters, regime critics, and journalists. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has confirmed that 1,139 people have been killed by the Tatmadaw and 6,891 are still detained as of September 28, though “the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher.” According to Human Rights Watch’s World Report 2021, the Tatmadaw’s “arbitrary arrests, detention, torture, and killings” of political dissidents was in addition to its “campaign of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity against the ethnic Rohingya.” This obligation is also present beyond the Charter due to the aforementioned R2P principle, in which the UN unanimously agreed to “halt the mass atrocity crimes of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.” The mass incidence of one-sided violence and persecution perpetrated by the Tatmadaw against an indefensible population undoubtedly warrants a response by the UNSC, as it did during the Rwandan Genocide, the Kosovo War, and the Syrian Civil War.
If an international response is warranted, and the UNSC is under obligation by its founding Charter and R2P to administer it, why doesn’t the UNSC do so? The answer to this question may seem obvious, but to properly address it, we must delve into the power dynamics of the Council and the intentions of its members. We can do this by using neorealism as a lens to look at the UNSC. Neorealism contends that the system of international politics is defined by its ordering principle (anarchy), units of the system (nations), and the distribution of capabilities (the number of superpowers within the system). The international order—and the UN—is by nature a decentralized system in which nations have equal rights and use egoism to make decisions that further their national interest and maximize their relative gains in power. These relative gains are important for member states due to the security dilemma—a theory that contends that member states maximize relative gains and minimize relative losses in power to protect themselves from potential threats to their survival and economic wellbeing.
Through a neorealist lens, votes “for” or “against” UNSC resolutions can be viewed as member states’ attempts to maximize their power and ensure their geopolitical and economic survival. Resolution A/RES/75/287 on the conflict in Myanmar during the UN General Assembly’s 75th session is an example of this. The 119 member states who voted to adopt the resolution did so because they stand to benefit from condemning the military coup, whereas the vote against (by Belarus) can be seen as motivated by ideological alignment with Myanmar’s State Administration Council. The 36 abstentions can be viewed as a refusal to take a position because joining a bloc could damage these states’ pre-established economic or diplomatic ties. The General Assembly’s structure allows for a balance of power in which nations pursue interests but the majority always prevails. When this is not the case, the international system can become more unstable and less efficient.
In the UNSC, an uneven distribution of capabilities makes the decisions of certain member states far more consequential. The distribution of capabilities refers to the number of member states that possess an abundance of economic, nuclear, and military capabilities, making them superpowers. The distribution of capabilities, and accordingly, power, in the UNSC is concentrated in the P5 seats that wield veto power. From a critical perspective, the concept of permanent membership or vetoing may seem fundamentally unequal or unjust. But through neorealism, one can see how in an order where countries compete to further their interests and ensure survival, countries with the greatest capabilities hold the most power and will unequivocally exercise it. Hence, it becomes quite evident that the structure of the UNSC is a direct consequence of global power dynamics. This structure served the world well in a bipolar post-WWII era. But with the rise of China marking the dawn of a multipolar system, the UNSC structure that once reflected the balance of power may be obsolete and a deterrent to peace and security.
The Importance and Challenges to UNSC Alignment on Myanmar
UNSC alignment on the situation in Myanmar is much more crucial than alignment in the General Assembly due to the binding nature of resolutions in the UNSC. In accordance with Article 25 of the UN Charter, resolutions passed in the UNSC under Chapter VII—Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression— require member states to “agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council.” In essence, in any other UN organ, a resolution is a recommendation, but in the UNSC, a resolution is a mandate of sorts. This gives the UNSC the ability to enact whatever countermeasures it desires against the State Administration Council.
The United Nations General Assembly, its President, the Secretary-General, and the Special Envoy to Myanmar have condemned the SAC’s coup and urged “decisive action” on the matter, but nothing tangible can be done until the UNSC is aligned. Furthermore, statements of condemnation and support do little to boost the morale of the Myanmar population that has visibly grown tired of waiting for the UN to take action. The Burma Campaign UK reflects this in its statement: “The Burmese military consists of people who are soldiers, not diplomats. They respect strength, not statements. What might be considered something of major diplomatic significance by many UN members may be perceived as insignificant by these authoritarian generals.” Since February 2, 2021, countless pleas to the UNSC echoed by millions of Myanmar protesters have gone unanswered: it is due time to start discussing structural reform to the UNSC so that action can be taken in the future.
Since the end of the Cold War, Russia and China have engaged in double-vetoing responses to humanitarian crises by citing the violation of national sovereignty and interference in internal affairs. Coincidentally, the vast majority of these vetoes initiated by Russia and followed by China have been in response to resolutions concerning conflicts that have Russian military involvement, such as the Syrian Civil War, the War in Donbas, and the Russo-Georgian War. In regards to the situation in Myanmar, the UNSC met informally in March to release a statement initiated by the United Kingdom: “Members of the Security Council expressed deep concern at the rapidly deteriorating situation and strongly condemned the use of violence against peaceful protesters and the deaths of hundreds of civilians, including women and children.”
It was evident that the veto was still used by the P5, albeit in a de facto capacity: Beijing blocked western countries from including a “readiness to consider further steps” in the statement because it alluded to a possibility of sanctions. Beijing also blocked the use of the word “killing,” suggesting “deaths” instead. Moscow tried to block the statement several times because it did not condemn the “the death of security forces.” Needless to say, Russia and China have extensive ties to Myanmar’s Tatmadaw—China supplied 48% and Russia supplied 15% of Myanmar’s total arms imports between 2016 and 2020. It indeed seems that a council created to maintain international peace and security has constantly undermined its founding principles and the resources at its disposal because a single—or sometimes two—nations exploit their vetoing rights without justification.
With its mishandling of the Myanmar crisis, the UNSC is facing mounting pressure to stop remaining idle. At the 47th Session of the United Nations Humans Rights Council, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet demanded that the UNSC not “fail the country (Myanmar) a second time” by allowing for an “all-out attack against the civilian population” and a “multi-dimensional human rights catastrophe.” The UNSC’s inaction on Myanmar, however, not only enabled “an escalation in violence” that led to “horrific consequences for civilians,” as Bachelet said, but it also showed dictators all around the world that the international community will not hold them accountable.
In the 21st century, the UNSC needs to uphold its founding ethos and be an enforcer of international peace, given that the Council is fully able to collectively authorize the use of force if necessary. This should not apply to two-sided conflicts, and mediation is preferable when an issue is complex in nature. However, in humanitarian crises in which an indefensible population is attacked, the use of force and immediate humanitarian intervention should be on the table. To ensure prudence when administering force, however, the UNSC needs to reform such that there is a rational distribution of power and five nations with diametrically opposed ideologies do not have the final say.
Proposals for UNSC Membership Reform
Member states previously formed alliances to call for structural reform of the UNSC by citing a need to reflect a fair distribution of power, coherency with the multipolar geopolitical landscape of the 21st century, and changes in sources of UN funding. In addition to these goals, reform could also prevent future inactions like the response towards the Myanmar coup from occurring. One type of proposal for UNSC reform is membership reform, which is amending the amount of permanent or nonpermanent seats in the councils, or who holds those seats. The objective of such a proposal is to give fair representation to member states by assigning seats in a manner that prioritizes geographic balance. The most prominent of these proposals was laid down in the five-year progress report In Larger Freedom spearheaded by Kofi Annan, and Uniting for Consensus, also called the Coffee Club, spearheaded by the Italian Republic.
Then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan presented the In Larger Freedom report on March 21, 2005 to the General Assembly. It contained four sections that Annan thought were of concern to the Assembly: Freedom from Want, Freedom from Fear, Freedom to Live in Dignity, and Strengthening the United Nations. The final section—Strengthening the United Nations—was a recommendation to revitalise the UNSC by expanding the number of members from 15 to 24 so that it would be more “broadly representative of the international community” and “reflect the geopolitical realities of today.” Annan laid out two plans to achieve this: Model A and Model B. Model A would create six permanent and three nonpermanent seats. By contrast, Model B would create eight new “four-year renewable seats” and one more nonpermanent seat. Uniting for Consensus, on the other hand, was a movement founded in 1995 by Italy, Pakistan, Mexico, and Egypt to counter the bid for permanent seat expansion made by the G4 nations. The Coffee Club proposed that the UNSC should be expanded with nonpermanent members. They made a formal proposition at the 59th Session of the General Assembly in 2005 to expand the number of nonpermanent members from 10 to 20, also citing the need for a more “equitable geographical distribution.” Neither suggestion for UNSC reform was enacted.
These proposals for membership reform could have allowed for a more stable UNSC, by creating a more equal distribution of power via a greater number of either nonpermanent, permanent, or renewable seats. In particular, Annan’s Model A could have allowed for less P5 hegemony due to the granting of permanent seats, and thus veto power, to six non-P5 member states. However, both these proposals fail to address the single issue that has repeatedly impaired the Council’s ability to administer humanitarian intervention during crises: the veto. Membership expansion does not allow the Council to annul a veto due to the conditions of Article 27 (3) of the UN Charter, no matter how much Consensus exists against a veto by other member states. A veto issued by China or Russia against humanitarian intervention in Myanmar would trump any wider consensus if there were a formal resolution on the matter. Due to China and Russia’s ideological alignment with the State Administration Council and many other draconian regimes, they are also likely to veto resolutions encouraging humanitarian intervention. Thus, for the UNSC not to fail Myanmar and nations with similar crises in the future, reform must occur to regulate the veto in reference to the principles of the Charter, or the veto should be abolished altogether.
Veto Reform: Abolition or Regulation?
In its annual report, Amnesty International’s Secretary-General Salil Shetty accused the veto as being a means for P5 member states to promote their political self-interest or geopolitical interest above the interest of “protecting civilians.” Similarly, at the 73rd General Assembly Session, Indian delegate Syed Akbaruddin—backed by the G4—declared that “Naysayers cannot be allowed to cast a dark shadow over the entire membership and hold the overwhelming majority back.” Both these individuals draw attention to a sophism: in the 21st century, the veto contradicts the fundamental precepts of international relations. Given that nations are inclined to oppose measures that could impede their national interests regardless of their international consequences, why must we pretend that certain nations are moral authorities, befitting an ability to single-handedly trump the majority? Why is the vote of a sole diplomat so consequential as to enable the killings of ethnic minorities and protesters in Myanmar? Any discussion of UNSC reform must include the question of the veto, for equal representation means nothing if the UN is unable to uphold its promises of peace and security.
Calls for the abolition of the veto have long been echoed by non-P5 member states during General Assembly sessions. Kuwait, representing the Arab Group, condemned the arbitrary use of veto power by claiming “use of the veto reflects the purely political interests of permanent Council members.” Sierra Leone, representing the African Group, is “opposed in principle to the veto,” outlining a need to progress towards “effective democratic multilateralism.” Italy, representing the aforementioned Coffee Club, is open to “abolishing veto power” in addition to its proposal of membership expansion. Mongolia, Singapore, Argentina, Colombia, Turkey, Indonesia, Iran, and Malaysia—in addition to the aforementioned African and Arab groups—also vehemently oppose the use of veto power. The opposition to the veto generally stems from perceiving it as hegemonic, undemocratic, and a “contradiction” of the UN Charter, whose preamble states that the UN affirms the “equal rights” of “nations large and small.” However, a significant number of nations also advocate for the abolition or regulation of the veto not due to inequality but its inefficacy during crises.
Use of the veto power has come under scrutiny in regards to the conditions that ensued subsequent to the Myanmar coup: namely “mass atrocity,” “crimes against humanity,” “war crimes,” and “genocide.” Estonia and even P5 member UK seem to be in favor of the withholding of veto power in such conditions. This position against veto use stems from a belief that humanitarian crises should be dealt with in a manner that is independent of the interests of individual member states. If the Council worked this way, a formal resolution of a binding nature taking decisive action to alleviate the crisis in Myanmar could have easily made its way into the chambers of the UNSC—because the prospects of such wouldn’t be interdicted by Chinese or Russian de facto vetoes in preliminary discussions. This is evident because resolution A/RES/75/287 in the General Assembly condemning the SAC was adopted with a majority voting for, showing that if the UNSC did equitably represent the collective interests of member states—or in the absence of the veto—a resolution on Myanmar could have passed in the UNSC too.
A proposal by the President of the French Republic in 2013 suggests an alternative to altogether abolishing the veto: the regulation of veto issuance. France proposes that P5 members should voluntarily self-regulate by not issuing vetos in the event of “mass atrocities.” This could pave the way for the UNSC to act on issues like the murder of over 800 civilians and airstrikes on villages in Myanmar, as “crimes against humanity and large-scale war crimes” are considered to be in the same class of crises as “mass atrocities” by France. This may seem like a pragmatic and efficient solution to the question of responding to humanitarian crises, but this opens up the possibility for ambiguity in the interpretation of “mass atrocities.” Because the proposition is for self-regulation, Russia or China could simply refuse to acknowledge the existence of “massacres” by deeming the conflict to be of a two-sided nature or declare a blatant coup to be a mere “cabinet reshuffle” as they did in the past. If any sort of regulation were to be brought about in the UNSC to keep veto power in check, it needs to scrutinize a veto on a case-by-case basis so that P5 nations can be held accountable by the wider Council. This would certainly allow the SC to respond to humanitarian crises, as arbitrary vetoes could be objectively deemed impermissible by a collectively more prudent Council.
Conclusion
Myanmar’s crisis is well-positioned to be a feasible opportunity for multilateral cooperation. Domestically, the crimes against humanity are blatantly one-sided and the democratic resistance movement is clearly aligned with UN values, thus streamlining the possibility of UNSC alignment. In addition, the Myanmar crisis has also shown that attempts to engage in track one diplomacy or condemnations by the UN do not work against a regime whose only real interest is self-preservation.
The crisis has also added an extra dimension to the question of structural reform of the United Nations Security Council. Firstly, the cases of mass murder, torture, rape, and ethnic cleansing in Myanmar have shown the world the consequences of idleness. The UNSC is fully authorized under Article 42 of the UN Charter “to use force to maintain or restore international peace and security,” but their inability to do so was what exactly enabled the escalation of the situation in Myanmar into a mass atrocity. A resolution calling for humanitarian intervention or the coordination of targeted sanctions may have served to decrease the incidence of crimes against humanity, but because the prospects of such a resolution have been struck down, an indefensible population has been forced to defend themselves and a full-fledged civil war is taking shape.
Secondly, it ensures perpetrators of crimes against humanity across the world that they will not be held accountable as long as they have diplomatic ties to a nation with a P5 seat. Moscow indirectly enabled the Tatmadaw’s General Min Aung Hlaing to carry out mass killings unencumbered consequent to their military ties, as it did before with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Learning from Myanmar, the UN should recognize that states with veto power are inclined to block interventionist resolutions if they perceive them as threats to the expansion of their relative power in the international system and that the presence of the veto is always going to withhold any active response to humanitarian crises. The UNSC was supposed to represent the best of humanity when it was founded after the Second World War, now it is time for the Council to honor the founding ethos. The Council should take an active role in the prevention of atrocities by either holding P5 nations accountable for arbitrary veto issuances or abolishing the veto altogether..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"November 3, 2021, Myanmar: Leading international and regional accounting bodies from Australia, Japan, New Zealand, UK, USA and across Southeast Asia are acting disgracefully by participating and sponsoring the upcoming ASEAN Federation of Accountants Conference, in which the junta’s auditor general is “Guest of Honour”.
This high-level accounting conference is co-organised by the Myanmar Institute of Certified Public Accountants (MICPA), a semi-independent body that operates under the junta-controlled Myanmar Accountancy Council. The military junta is a systemically corrupt terrorist entity that continues to commit atrocity crimes, financed by the theft of public assets. Since February 1, the military junta has murdered 1,233 people, including children, and arrested over 9,600.
MICPA Chairperson Wan Tin is the current President of the ASEAN Federation of Accountants (AFA), an umbrella organisation of accounting bodies of ASEAN member states based in Jakarta. MICPA and AFA are co-organisers of AFA’s upcoming annual conference, where the Myanmar military junta’s auditor general, Dr Kan Zaw, is providing the welcome speech. Dr Kan Zaw was appointed auditor general following the military’s unlawful attempted coup. Dr Kan Zaw previously served as Minister for National Planning and Economic Development under the military’s proxy government led by the Union Solidarity and Development Party, prior to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy-led government.
The ASEAN Secretary General is following Dr Kan Zaw in giving the keynote speech, as ASEAN continues to give a free pass to the military junta, despite excluding war criminal Min Aung Hlaing from last week’s ASEAN Summit. ASEAN must exclude Myanmar military junta representatives and associates from all platforms and mechanisms.
The second keynote speech is being given by Alan Johnson of the US-based International Federation of Accountants.
AFA’s 22nd conference is facilitated by Ikatan Akuntan Indonesia (Indonesian Institute of Accountants) and supported by Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand (CA ANZ) and CPA Australia. Event partners are the UK-based Association of Chartered Certified Accountants (ACCA), the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales (ICAEW), the US-based Institute of Management Accountants (IMA) and the Japanese Institute of Certified Public Accountants (JICPA).
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is abhorrent that regional and international accounting bodies are reputation laundering for the Myanmar military junta through involvement in the 22nd AFA Conference. The junta is a terrorist organisation that has committed egregious international crimes, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. Dr Kan Zaw, the AFA’s “guest of honour”, is a key member of this international criminal cartel and, as auditor general, is directly implicated in the military’s theft of public assets. The junta’s auditor general must be rejected for his role in war crimes, crimes against humanity and grand corruption, not legitimised on the world stage by leading bodies of the accounting profession in the name of accountants across the world. These accounting bodies must act with integrity, not cosy up to international criminals. We demand the AFA immediately suspend MICPA’s membership and exclude Dr Kan Zaw from their conference. We demand international partners, sponsors and speakers boycott the AFA conference unless the Myanmar junta and MICPA is excluded. We stand in solidarity with the many Myanmar accountants who courageously resist the Myanmar military junta.”
MICPA was set up by the Myanmar military’s Ministry of Home Affairs in 2013. Under the 2015 Myanmar Accountancy Council Law, MICPA is required to support and report to the Myanmar Accountancy Council, chaired by Dr Kan Zaw..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
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"Jaguar/Land Rover are not a suitable partner for the COP26 climate change conference because their owner, Tata, supplies vehicles to the genocidal Burmese military.
The UK Presidency of COP26 has made Jaguar Land Rover an official partner of the conference: https://ukcop26.org/uk-presidency/partnerships-and-support/
Tata, which also owns Tetley Tea, have supplied troop carriers and military staff cars to the Burmese military. They feature on the Burma Campaign UK ‘Dirty List’: https://burmacampaign.org.uk/take-action/dirty-list/ which names and shames companies linked to the Burmese military.
Tata also boast of their plans to increase their role in the coal industry, one of the dirtiest and most polluting fossil fuels. The Tata International website states:
“Having established ourselves as one of India’s leading private coal importers in the last few years, our aim is to grow into one of the largest coal trading companies in the country. Our short term goal is to grow our traded volume of thermal coal to 10 million tons per annum in the coming years with focus on India.”
https://tatainternational.com/minerals/coal-coke-and-anthracite/
Burma is one of the most vulnerable countries in the world to climate change.
The Burmese military have been documented by the United Nations as committing genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. They are currently being investigated for crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court, and face charges of genocide at the International Court of Justice.
In February the military held a coup, and since then have killed more than 1,000 people, jailed more than 7,000, and forced more than a quarter of a million people to flee their homes.
“Jaguar/Land Rover are part of a company which equips a military responsible for genocide,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Tata should not be allowed to use the COP26 conference to promote its companies and brands at the same time as it equips a military which tortures critics and rapes children.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-11-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Military History
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"Earlier today, I received a direct and urgent appeal from Dr. Sasa, spokesperson for Myanmar’s
National Unity Government:
“The military is escalating its attacks against innocent civilians in Chin State. They are
using heavy battlefi eld weapons to destroy homes and churches... "
"The worst days are yet to come fo r the people o f Chin State. I urge you to everything
possible to prevent further bloodshed. We must not wait for another genocide to
happen. "
The scale and ferocity of military offensives are ominously reminiscent of the genocidal attacks
against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017. There is now a real possibility that
the people of Chin State will suffer the same fate as the Rohingya.
I have visited Chin State many times and I greatly appreciate the people who are inherently
peaceable and deeply committed to maintaining their culture. The escalation of attacks throws
the future of the State - along with its rich culture, history and many different customs and
traditions - into turbulence. As Dr. Sasa, himself an ethnic Chin, told me earlier today: “The
military seeks to reduce our brave people and beautiful country to ashes. "
While the UK Government rightly condemns ongoing atrocities, we urge you to take more
effective and urgent action - to fulfil our duty as a signatory to the 1948 convention on the
crime of genocide to prevent, to punish and to protect.
The UK must do everything it can to prevent another genocide..."
Source/publisher:
The Baroness Cox of Queensbury of London
Date of publication:
2021-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Chin (Zo) discussion groups, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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30.07 KB 137.2 KB
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"Message from the Head of the Mechanism
In September, I presented the Mechanism’s annual report to the Human Rights Council. The report was transmitted to the General Assembly later that month. My statement to the Council described the progress that the Mechanism has made over the past year in fulfilling our ongoing mandate to collect and analyse evidence regarding the most serious international crimes and violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011.
Tragically, serious crimes and violations of international law continue to be committed in Myanmar. The nation’s long history of impunity continues to impact the lives of its people. Men, women and children from diverse regions and ethnic groups are suffering. Four years since the military’s 2017 clearance operations in Rakhine state, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya continue to live in temporary shelters in Bangladesh, their lives on hold and many hoping to return to homes which have been burned and bulldozed. Since the military seizure of power in February this year, thousands more people have fled their homes in various regions, devastating the economy of Myanmar and straining the resources of neighbouring states. More than ever, there is a need to end impunity and break this cycle of violence.
The Mechanism continues to closely monitor events in Myanmar since the coup. We have received reports and collected information on the use of unjustified force against peaceful protestors, arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearances and killings.
Our initial analysis of the available information indicates that crimes committed in the aftermath of the coup are both widespread and systematic in nature. Under international law, crimes such as killings and arbitrary detentions committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack on a civilian population are crimes against humanity and thus fall within our mandate. We are working to verify and analyse the available evidence concerning these events, and to identify individuals who bear criminal responsibility for these crimes.
Going forward, we expect that the progressive relaxation of travel restrictions will enable the resumption of essential activities that were suspended during the pandemic. This includes the in-person collection and verification of information and evidence, as well as high-level missions to facilitate the negotiation of cooperation arrangements and advance the Mechanism’s outreach efforts. The resumption of in-person dialogue with key Member States will be a critical priority for the Mechanism during the upcoming period.
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to all those who have helped with the Mechanism’s efforts to collect and verify evidence, including victim and survivor groups, civil society organizations, businesses and many brave individuals. We will continue to do all we can to collect evidence of the most serious international crimes so that one day, there will be justice for victims from Myanmar and all will know that impunity for such crimes will no longer be tolerated..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"People in Myanmar are on the brink of starvation and in urgent need of medical supplies and food after months of sustained assaults by junta forces, SAC-M has learned. The UN Security Council must finally issue a resolution to consolidate international action towards resolving the crisis.
A representative of the Mindat People’s Administration spoke of his people’s desperation in Mindat, Chin state, at a panel discussion hosted by SAC-M today. Mindat has been subjected to months of sustained attacks by the Myanmar military.
“We want the world to act within the spirit of humanitarian assistance. For four months we’ve had our supplies destroyed, we’re running out. We will either die of starvation or die fighting. Those are our two choices,” said the representative of Mindat People’s Administration, who cannot be named for security reasons.
The Myanmar military has cut off access to the region in northwest Myanmar, restricting food supplies. Thirty-three people have already died from malnutrition and lack of medicine, according to the representative.
“Our people can’t withstand another month in this situation, so if we are to continue resisting the military, we need medical supplies, we need everything,” he said.
The statement comes as the military has launched a so-called clearance operation in the northwest of Myanmar on a scale potentially not seen in modern times. Other parts of Myanmar, including Karenni (Kayah) state in the east are also under severe attack.
The Foreign Minister of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, H.E. Daw Zin Mar Aung told the panel that the crisis is having a destabilizing effect on the region and is not only an issue for Myanmar.
“We are being threatened every second of every minute. Our human security is under constant threat. We need ASEAN, the Security Council and the rest of the international community to work with us to find a solution to this crisis,” said the Foreign Minister.
Marzuki Darusman, founding member of SAC-M and former chair of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, said the ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar must meet with the UN Security Council in New York and request it issue a resolution that consolidates the actions of the international community on one single track.
“The resolution must, as a starting point, recognise the illegality of the coup and the need to enforce arms embargos, sanctions, an end to impunity and the release of all political prisoners,” said Marzuki Darusman. “It must commit all parties to implementation of the ASEAN five-point consensus. Of no less importance is the great need for humanitarian assistance.”
Yanghee Lee, founding member of SAC-M and former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar responded by saying that “I certainly hope that the people in New York, especially those sitting in the UN Security Council, are listening.”
Both Yanghee Lee and Marzuki Darusman commented on Min Aung Hlaing’s failed leadership, noting that cracks are starting to show, and the crisis may be at a tipping point.
“The junta has driven itself into a corner. For the first time we’re seeing the junta is under considerable pressure from both within and from outside Myanmar. The junta is running out of options,” said Marzuki Darusman. “But time is of the essence.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-10-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"1. On behalf of the people of Myanmar it is my great pleasure as the Acting President of
the National Unity Government (NUG) to extend my gratitude to the Government of the
United Kingdom as the Presidency in partnership with Italy for hosting the historic
COP26 in the wonderful city of Glasgow.
2. It is also my great honor to send this message on behalf of the Republic of the Union of
Myanmar. The NUG is the legitimate representative of Myanmar and is constituted of
democratically-elected parliamentarians.
3. Recalling the 'code red' warning for humanity that emerged from the ongoing IPCC 6th
Assessment, revealing that the temperature has already crossed the 1.1°C mark and
that climate change threats are becoming more and more obvious, I believe that this
must be the year of climate action. We must work together to protect our planet while
ensuring a greener and more climate resilient future for us all.
4. Under the age of 'code red' for humanity, Myanmar, as one of the least developed
countries, is highly exposed to climate change impacts. Climate change is a 'threat
multiplier' in Myanmar as it compounds our parallel struggles with armed conflict and
poverty, both of which issues stem from decades of military rule. This makes us one of
the most vulnerable countries in the world, despite our small contribution to emissions,
which comprises just 0.61 % of the global share
5. Nonetheless, we have already submitted our NDC, committing ourselves to more
determined and detailed climate actions than those contained in the INDC, both in terms
of mitigation and adaptation. We have set both conditional targets to reduce 413 million
tons of C02e by 2030 and unconditional targets to reduce 244 million tons of C02e.
These targets reflect our commitments to more ambitious climate actions, while recalling
the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in
light of different national circumstances.
6. Adaptation will remain the key priority for Myanmar across all sectors. The Country has
adopted and taken steps to implement the Myanmar Climate Change Policy, Strategy and Action Plans as an essential framework to strive against the impacts of climate
change and to achieve climate-resilient development for the present and future
generations.
7. The failed coup of 1 February 2021 staged by the illegal military junta has, however, set
back the significant momentum that Myanmar had gathered in support of all-inclusive
and climate-resilient development. The military junta has exacerbated the already
vulnerable situation of the country and has triggered a catastrophic multi-layered crisis,
compounded by the COVID-19 global pandemic and the severe impacts of climate
change. Myanmar is now in economic distress. Millions of people have been pushed
below the poverty line while efforts made to ensure sustainable development has been
derailed.
8. The recent horrible example is the crime against humanity and presumably, a genocide
committed by the military junta in the Chin State, the most vulnerable region to the
climate change in the country, where a town called Htantlang was brutally attacked by
burning down more than 100 houses and 2 churches within a day due to the military
troops.
9. As the world moves toward a climate resilient and net zero economy, the National Unity
Government calls for international support so that Myanmar is not left behind. We remain
committed to the fight against climate change. The military junta, however, has been
escalating deforestation and resource exploitation, all to fuel its war against its own
people.
10. To the military regime, the NDC submitted is merely a document that will never see the
daylight of implementation. The NUG’s commitment to change, however, is greatly firm.
11. The only answer, then, is the NUG as the sole legitimate governing body representing
the people, and with the mandate to fulfil our climate commitments.
12. As the Acting President of the National Unity Government, I deeply appreciate all efforts
of the international community and the UN organizations to recognize the NUG and its
legitimacy while denying the military council such recognition, especially their
involvement in the current COP 26. The provision of support and recognition to the NUG
through all possible means, including technical and financial assistance, would
constitute an important step towards the active implementation of our climate actions
while promoting the rights of the people of Myanmar and their democratic aspirations. It
would also further the fulfilment of the Paris Goals in accordance with the core values of
the Convention, benefiting the planet and its people.
13. In conclusion, the NUG, on behalf of Myanmar, wishes to remind all Parties that it is high
time to come together in our shared fight against climate change. Every action will count.
Being a party to the UNFCCC, we will continue to lead the people of Myanmar on climate
actions in the interests of our nation and our planet..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Highlights
In the northwest region’s recent hostilities and active clashes, including airstrikes in Sagaing, have caused further population displacement and increased vulnerability. As road movements in Chin are limited due to ongoing armed clashes are impacting the availability of fuel and the price of goods has risen. Relief supplies including essential medicines are in urgent need, with very limited transportation alternatives.
A UNICEF Rapid Needs Assessment during 28 September to 5 October in selected townships of Sagaing region found that priority humanitarian assistance needs are food items and health services, including medicine, treatment, and COVID-19 related testing, treatment and vaccination.
Since mid-October, communication interruption in regions of southeast Myanmar, as well as Sagaing and Kachin, have exacerbated the vulnerability and threatened the well-being of the population while stopping humanitarian partners from communicating efficiently.
Travel authorization requirements and restrictive banking regulations continue to be the main obstacles for our partners and to severely impact programme implementation, in addition to the intermittent fighting and clashes, adding another layer of complexity to already limited access..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
Language:
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371.03 KB
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"The United States is gravely concerned by reports of gross violations of human rights that Burmese security forces have perpetuated in Chin State, including reports that forces have set fire to and destroyed more than 100 residences as well as Christian churches. We condemn such brutal actions by the Burmese regime against people, their homes, and places of worship, which lays bare the regime’s complete disregard for the lives and welfare of the people of Burma. These abhorrent attacks underscore the urgent need for the international community to hold the Burmese military accountable and take action to prevent gross violations and abuses of human rights, including by preventing the transfer of arms to the military.
We are also deeply concerned over the Burmese security forces’ intensification of military operations in various parts of the country, including in Chin State and the Sagaing Region. We call on the regime to immediately cease the violence, release all those unjustly detained, and restore Burma’s path to inclusive democracy.
We will continue to promote accountability for the horrific violence that has been and continues to be perpetrated by the regime against the people of Burma. We will continue to support the people of Burma and all those working toward a restoration of Burma’s democratic path and a peaceful resolution to the crisis..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Chin (Zo) discussion groups
Language:
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"သတင်းအဖြစ် ယာယီသမ္မတ၏ COP26 အစည်းအဝေးသို့ ပေးပို့ခဲ့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာအား အင်္ဂလိပ်/ မြန်မာနှစ်ဘာသာဖြင့် ပူးတွဲထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၁ ရက်
ကုလသမဂ္ဂရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုဆိုင်ရာ မူဘောင်ကွန်ဗင်းရှင်း (UNFCCC) အဖွဲ့ဝင် နိုင်ငံများ၏ (၂၆) ကြိမ်မြောက် အစည်းအဝေး (COP26) အား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တို ဘာလ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့မှ နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့အထိ ဗြိတိန်နိုင်ငံ ဂလက်စကိုမြို့တွင် ကျင်းပလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အဆိုပါကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းတွင် ၁၉၉၄ ခုနှစ်၌ လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုး အတည်ပြုပါဝင်ခဲ့သော နိုင်ငံတနိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ယာယီသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလက အဆိုပါအဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများ၏ (၂၆) ကြိမ်မြောက်အစည်းအဝေးသို့ သဝဏ်လွှာပေးပို့ခဲ့ပါသည်။
ယာယီသမ္မတ၏ သဝဏ်လွှာအား အောက်ပါအတိုင်း အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်-
(က) ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုဆိုင်ရာ အစိုးရအချင်းချင်း ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (IPCC) ၏ ၆ ကြိမ်မြောက် ဆန်းစစ်ချက်အရ ကမ္ဘာ့အပူချိန်သည် စက်မှုထွန်းကားကာလ မတိုင်မီထက် (၁.၁) ဒီဂရီ စင်တီဂရိတ်ကို ကျော်လွန်ခဲ့လျက်ရှိပြီး လူသားထုတရပ်လုံး အတွက် စိုးရိမ်ဖွယ် အန္တရာယ်ရှိသည့် အနီရောင်အဆင့် သို့ရောက်ရှိလာနေပြီးဖြစ်သဖြင့် ယခုနှစ်သ်ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုကို မဖြစ်မနေ ထိန်းချုပ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့်နှစ် ဖြစ်ပါ ကြောင်း၊
(ခ) မိမိတို့အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် UNFCCC ကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းသို့ ၁၂-၇-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည့် “အမျိုးသားအဆင့် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှု လျှော့ချရေးနှင့် လိုက်လျော ညီထွေရှိစေရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းအစီအစဉ် (Nationally Determined Contributions-NDC)” အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် မိမိတို့ကတိကဝတ် ပြုဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့် လုပ်ငန်းများကို ထည့်သွင်းထားပါကြောင်း၊
(ဂ) ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုလျှော့ချရေးနှင့် လိုက်လျောညီထွေရှိစေရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကြိုးပမ်း ချက် အရှိန်အဟုန်များမှာလည်း ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ စစ်တပ်၏ အာဏာသိမ်းမှု ကြောင့် ဆုတ်ယုတ်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပြီး ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုအပြင် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါနှိပ်စက်မှု ကြားက အာဏာသိမ်းမှုတို့ကြောင့် ပြည်တွင်းတွင် ကဏ္ဍတိုင်း၌ များစွာဆုတ်ယုတ် ပျက်ဆီးလျက်ရှိပါကြောင်း၊
(ဃ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုတိုက်ဖျက်မည့် ကတိကဝတ်အား ဆက်လက်ဖော်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဟု သန္နိဠာန်ချထားသော်လည်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်များမှာ ပြည်သူများအား သတ်ဖြတ်ရန် သစ်နှင့်သယံဇာတများအား အရှိန်အဟုန်မြှင့် ထုတ်ယူသုံးစွဲပြီး ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှုကိုပိုမိုဖြစ်စေလျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊
(င) မိမိတို့အစိုးရအား အသိအမှတ်ပြု ထောက်ပံ့ခြင်းသည် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ရာသီဥတု ပြောင်းလဲမှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများ တက်တက်ကြွကြွ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် အတွက် သာမက မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ အခွင့်အရေးမြှင့်တင်ပေးရန်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီ မျှော်မှန်းချက်များ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးရန်တို့အတွက် အရေးတကြီး လိုအပ်ချက်ပင်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊
(စ) ကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းအဖွဲ့ဝင် နိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည်နှင့်အညီ လူသားများနှင့် ကမ္ဘာမြေ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွား အတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား ဦးဆောင်ကာ ရာသီဥတုပြောင်းလဲမှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများအား ဆက်လက် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း။..."
Source/publisher:
President Office, National Unity Government
Date of publication:
2021-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Republic of Union of Myanmar
National Unity Government
Ministry of Health
Announcement (10/2021)
30th October 2021
1.Due to the terrorist military council’s inhumane atrocities and ethnic cleansing activities in Thantlang, Chin State, more than 10,000 residents have been displaced from their homes and are having to find refuge in the hills.
2.Starting from the morning of 29th October 2021 the terrorist military council, not only started a campaign of raiding and misappropriating the deserted homes of the town’s folks, bombarded the place with artillery fire and torched the place. By the morning of 30th October 2021, this has caused damage to a total of more than 160 buildings, properties and businesses including Christian Churches.
3. The Ministry of Health, National Unity Government strongly condemns the inhumane atrocities such as lootings, indiscriminate killings and torching of properties in the whole of Myanmar including Chin State, Kayah (Karenni) State, Sagaing Division and Magwe Division.
4.The Ministry of Health, National Unity Government is supporting and giving aid to the affected population in these areas in terms of medicines and medical aid and is proffering aid to the displaced people of Thantling as a priority.
5.We also strongly urge the international community that treasures human rights and human dignity including ASEAN and the UN to keep a watchful eye on the criminal activities and the inhumane atrocities of the terrorist military council and to take appropriate effective action without delay..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Health, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-10-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Chin (Zo) discussion groups
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"SITUATION AT A GLANCE
3 MILLION People in Need of Humanitarian Assistance in Burma
UN – July 2021
209,500 People Displaced Since February Who Remain IDPs in Burma
UNHCR – September 2021
126,000 IDPs—Originally Displaced in 2012—in Rakhine State IDP Sites
UN – June 2021
1.4 MILLION People in Need of Humanitarian Assistance in Cox’s Bazar
UN – May 2021
902,947 Refugees in Cox’s Bazar
UNHCR – September 2021
Clashes and insecurity continue to generate displacement in Burma. The NUG declares a people’s defensive war against the MAF in early September, further escalating tensions.
Humanitarian activities in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps resume in mid-September following the lifting of enhanced COVID-19-related restrictions on relief operations since May.
U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda ThomasGreenfield announces nearly $180 million in additional USG funding for the Rakhine State and Rohingya refugee crisis on September 22..."
Source/publisher:
US Agency for International Development via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
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317.47 KB
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Description:
"The 16th East Asia Summit (EAS) was held via video conference on 27 October The Summit was chaired by His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah, Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam. The Director-General of the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO) briefed the Summit.....
We reaffirmed our commitment to the 2020 Ha Noi Declaration on the Fifteenth Anniversary of the East Asia Summit, which underscores the role of the EAS as the premier Leaders-led forum for dialogue and cooperation on broad strategic, political and economic issues of common interest and concern with the aim of promoting peace, stability and economic prosperity in East Asia..."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Jakarta)
Date of publication:
2021-10-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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241.35 KB
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"The British Foreign Office is ‘in discussion’ with UN Security Council members regarding the escalating crisis in North-Western Burma, according to a Foreign Office Minister today. Amanda Milling MP, Minister of State for Asia, made the statement in answer to written questions in the British Parliament today.
“We are very pleased to see this kind of international leadership by the British government,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government is right to be taking this threat seriously and sounding out UN Security Council members about a meeting”.
Questions regarding whether the British government was seeking a UN Security Council discussion regarding the North-Western Burma situation were asked by Stephen Kinnock, Shadow Secretary of State for Asia, and by Lyn Brown MP, following a media release from Burma Campaign UK on 20th October warning of a possible large scale military offensive, and calling for a UN Security Council meeting. The media release from Burma Campaign UK is available here.
Amanda Milling MP stated in response to both questions:
“The UK is deeply concerned about the situation in Chin and Sagaing States, particularly the significant troop movements by the Myanmar Armed Forces and reports of multiple civilian casualties. Current clashes have created mass displacement, with thousands of people now fleeing across the Indian border into Manipur and Mizoram state. This not only exacerbates the crisis in Myanmar but causes further regional instability. On 15 October the British Embassy in Yangon released a statement urging the military to end their campaign of violence and flagging our concern for communities, their livelihoods, property and places of worship. We are monitoring developments closely and are in discussion with our international partners in the UN Security Council.”
The questions and answers are available here:
In response to Stephen Kinnock MP:
https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2021-10-20/59806
In response to Lyn Brown MP:
https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2021-10-20/59747
Since Burma Campaign UK made the urgent call for a UN Security Council meeting on Wednesday 20th October, more organisations and individuals have been sounding the alarm, including Chin civil society organisations and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews.
The statement from Chin Civil Society Organisations in available here:
United Nations Security Council: Convene an Emergency Meeting to Address The Impending Crisis in Chin State and Northwestern Burma/Myanmar
United Nations media release regarding the Special Rapporteur’s presentation to the UN General Assembly is available here:
Myanmar: UN expert fears spike in atrocities amid reports of troops massing in north
“It is vital that UN Security Council members agree to a meeting and send the strongest possible warning to the Burmese military that there will be serious consequences if the military continue to escalate attacks against civilians in North-Western Burma,” said Anna Roberts..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations, UN Security Council
Language:
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Description:
"We, the 92 undersigned organizations representing civil society across Chin State, Myanmar/Burma, and the Chin diaspora, call upon the UN Security Council to urgently convene a meeting on the escalating military attacks and troop build-up in Chin State, Sagaing Region and Magwe, North-Western Burma.
On Friday 22 October, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews told the General Assembly of the United Nations that the people in Chin State and North-West Burma/Myanmar were on the eve of yet another catastrophe, “there is global responsibility to address this crisis, and it is insufficient to pass it off to those who lack the will or the capacity to take the requisite action, particularly given the scope of the atrocities that are ongoing.”
The statement is available here
Under “Operation Anawratha” six new Light Infantry Divisions have been sent to Chin State using the two main highways, organized in two columns from the south to Matupi Tactical Command Headquarters, and to the Tactical Command 2 Headquarters in Hakha from Monywa via Kalaymyo in Sagaing, adding to the existing six Light Infantry Battalions and one Light Infantry Division (LID 66) currently stationed in Chin State.
“Fighter jets have been patrolling the skies in both southern and northern Chin State in the last three weeks. Operation Anawrahta reflects an invasion to re-establish strategic dominance in Western Burma as the monsoon season comes to a close. In the last few days soldiers moving through Falam Township have already burned 3 villages to the ground and also set Churches ablaze,” said Salai Za Uk Ling of the Chin Human Rights Organisation.
Last Thursday, Christine Schraner Burgener, the outgoing U.N. special envoy on Myanmar signaled that time was running out in Myanmar “the opportunity to help put Myanmar back on the path to democracy, democratic reform, is narrowing and therefore I urge the member states to act."
As a penholder on Burma at the UN Security Council, the main responsibility for convening a meeting falls to the British government. We call upon Liz Truss MP, Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, to convene an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council..."
Source/publisher:
Chin Human Rights Organization
Date of publication:
2021-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Chin (Zo)- economic, social, cultural, political, UN Security Council, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"A former under-secretary-general of the United Nations who had warm relations with Myanmar’s previous regime and their proxy government has been appointed as the new United Nations special envoy on Myanmar.
On Monday, UN Secretary-General António Guterres announced the appointment of Noeleen Heyzer as the successor to Christine Schraner Burgener, who was appointed in 2018 when the post was first created, mainly to tackle the Rohingya Muslim issue in Rakhine State in western Myanmar, in partnership with the country’s government.
The newly appointed 73-year-old Singporean will not only inherit the main mission but also her predecessor’s failed task of trying to persuade Myanmar junta leaders to engage in dialogue to settle the ongoing political and social turmoil caused by the coup in February.
At a press conference last week, the outgoing Schraner Burgener said the regime would not be ready for compromise because they didn’t react to her “proposal for dialogue.”
“I’m sure my successor will try to do the best,” she said.
Trained as a social scientist, Heyzer has also served as the UN secretary-general’s adviser for Timor-Leste to support peace-building and sustainable development.
As a former head of the UN’s Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), Heyzer is no stranger to Myanmar. She visited the country several times under the previous military regime, which ruled Myanmar until March 2011, and knows well the poverty endured by many in the Southeast Asian country. She was also a supporter of the country’s transition to democracy, which was halted by the coup.
When the then regime was reluctant to allow international relief assistance in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, which wreaked havoc in the country’s Irrawaddy Delta area in 2008, killing more than 130,000 people, the then head of ESCAP was also involved in getting aid delivered to those in need by organizing a post-Nargis recovery conference in Bangkok.
After the then junta released Myanmar’s popular democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest in late 2010, the UN official stepped up her dialogue with the generals for the sake of the country’s development, telling them, “We can bring the best minds here to work with you,” according to Thant Myint-U latest book The Hidden History of Burma.
Then she invited Nobel Prize-winning US economist Joseph Stiglitz to Myanmar to hold a talk for civil society representatives and government officials, including then Prime Minister U Thein Sein, who would become the country’s president a few months later in the regime’s proxy government. Thant Myint-U served as an adviser to President Thein Sein.
Heyzer has good relations with Daw Aung Sun Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). When the news of her would-be appointment as the special envoy circulated, some elected lawmakers—since ousted by the coup—welcomed it, expressing hope that she would be able to break the political impasse.
You may also like these stories:
Myanmar Regime Shuns ASEAN Summit, Citing Limited Participation
Thai Foreign Policy at a Low Point, Experts Say
Junta Forces Suffer Heavy Losses in Weekend Resistance Attacks Across Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Summary:
Press briefing by Christine Schraner Burgener, Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar, on the situation in Myanmar.....
Categories:
Media / Press Conferences
Production Date:
21 Oct 2021
Video Length
00:35:48
Asset Language:
English
Subject Topical:
CONFLICT
CORONAVIRUS DISEASE - COVID 19
COUPS D'ETAT
GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE
HUMANITARIAN CRISIS
INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS
TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL TREATMENT
Speaker Name:
BURGENER, CHRISTINE SCHRANER
Speaker Role:
Special Envoy
Speaker Geographic:
MYANMAR
Subject Geographic:
MYANMAR
Corporate Name:
ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS - ASEAN
SECURITY COUNCIL..."
Source/publisher:
UN Web TV
Date of publication:
2021-10-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights and international relations, UN human rights documents on Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"NEW YORK (22 October 2021) – Myanmar could be on the eve of an even greater human rights catastrophe and loss of life amid reports the military junta is deploying tens of thousands of troops and heavy weapons to northern Myanmar, a UN human rights expert warned the General Assembly today.
“These tactics are ominously reminiscent of those employed by the military before its genocidal attacks against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017,” said Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. He said he had received information that large numbers of troops were moving into restive regions in the north and northwest.
“We should all be prepared, as the people in this part of Myanmar are prepared, for even more mass atrocity crimes. I desperately hope that I am wrong.”
Andrews urged States to deny the military junta the money, weapons and legitimacy that it needs to continue to hold the people of Myanmar hostage with systematic human rights violations and brutal attacks. He pointed to the recent release of thousands of political prisoners as evidence that pressure on the junta works.
“ASEAN’s announcement that the junta will not be welcome at its upcoming summit strikes at the heart of the junta’s third need — legitimacy . . . Without pressure, without denying the junta that which it needs from the international community, none of the detainees would have been released,” he said, stressing that in addition to denying legitimacy, more must be done to cut the junta off from weapons and money.
Andrews today presented the findings of his annual report to the General Assembly, stating that since the coup, the military junta has engaged in probable crimes against humanity and war crimes.
He reiterated the global call that the Security Council impose an arms embargo on Myanmar and stressed the need to significantly increase financial pressure on the junta, as many in Myanmar are doing with boycotts.
“To date, sanctions have not impacted the ability of the junta to continue to seize State revenues and foreign exchange to enrich its leaders and fuel its attacks on the civilian population,” he said. “The single largest source of revenue for the junta is the oil and gas industry. I encourage Member States to follow the call of several hundred civil society organizations within Myanmar who have called for Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise to be sanctioned.”
Andrews also conveyed a stark message to the General Assembly that he has received from scores of people inside Myanmar: “Many, I dare say most in Myanmar, have come to believe that the world and this body, do not care. Over the last several months they have experienced a steep downward trajectory, including increased human rights violations and attacks by the military junta while, at the same time, they have witnessed a grossly disproportionate response by the international community.
“I come before this venerated body today conveying a simple plea from the people of Myanmar: care about this unfolding catastrophe and then translate that care into meaningful action.
“Targeting these three needs of the junta — weapons, money, and legitimacy — while increasing humanitarian support to the people of Myanmar, is urgently needed and I believe the best means for the international community to support the people in Myanmar.
“There is global responsibility to address this crisis, and it is insufficient to pass it off to those who lack the will or the capacity to take the requisite action, particularly given the scope of the atrocities that are ongoing.”
Andrews reported that since the coup, junta-controlled forces have murdered over 1,100 people, displaced a quarter million, arbitrarily detained over 8,000 people, where many were tortured, including dozens who were tortured to death. He highlighted credible reports he received of junta forces even torturing children.
The Human Rights Council-appointed independent expert said that over 100 journalists lost their freedom, and the junta has attacked and harassed doctors, nurses and other health care professionals — even as Myanmar has suffered through a pandemic. He also said junta forces have abducted and imprisoned family members of those being sought by security forces, including very young children.
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2021-10-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Myanmar welcomes the report2 of the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the situation
of human rights in Myanmar, Mr. Thomas Andrews, to the UN General Assembly. Myanmar
also extends its gratitude to the Special Rapporteur for his tireless commitment to its people.
In his oral presentation to the General Assembly on 22 October 2021,3 the Special Rapporteur
spoke of the illegal military junta' s "gross and unrelenting violations of human rights", its
"probable crimes against humanity and war crimes", and its " ferocious indiscriminate attacks
against entire villages".
Tragically, these atrocities were already well known to the international community, and
indeed to the General Assembly. The Special Rapporteur’s report, complementing his earlier
reports to the UN Human Rights Council, catalogues junta crimes that include murder, torture,
sexual violence, arbitrary detention, attacks against healthcare workers, the arrest of human
rights defenders and journalists, the dismantling of due process protections, the indiscriminate
bombing and shelling of towns and villages, the use of human shields, sieges and mass arson,
the destruction and looting of homes, schools and places of worship, the blocking of arterial
roads, and the cutting off of civilian access to food, water and medicine.
Collectively, these crimes comprise a perfect storm of widespread and systematic violations,
with not even children spared.
The Special Rapporteur also reports on the continued human rights violations against the
Rohingya, whose existence the junta continues to deny and who have been kept
'disenfranchised through their unresolved legal status, institutional discrimination, human
rights abuses, restrictions on their movement and limited access to livelihoods and essential
services.'4
The answer to a simple question posed by the Special Rapporteur continues to compound these
atrocities. Do UN Member States care enough to take the necessary action to make a
difference? To date, the people of Myanmar have been delivered a resounding "no" .
Myanmar has arrived at a watershed moment. The military junta is amassing troops in
country' s north and northwest, including Chin State and Sagaing Region, in preparation for an
escalation o f the slaughter. To the Special Rapporteur, "we are very likely on the eve of yet
another catastrophe" , with the junta' s tactics "ominously reminiscent of those employed by the
military before its genocidal attacks against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017."
This campaign could see atrocities on an unprecedented scale in modern Myanmar. As the
Special Rapporteur has warned, "we should all be prepared, as the people in this part of
Myanmar are prepared, for even more mass atrocity crimes." A determined, unflinching
international response is required to prevent them.
Myanmar strongly supports the Special Rapporteur' s call on UN Member States to target the
junta's " three needs" - weapons, money, and legitimacy - and adds to it a fourth: impunity.
Impunity is fuelling the military’s atrocities and it must be cut.
Accordingly, Myanmar in turn makes the following calls:
(a) International community
• Partner with the National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Armed Organisations,
Myanmar civil society, international humanitarian organisations and States of the region to
support the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected regions and other
locations of acute need in Myanmar. Use should be made of land corridors, air and sea, and
neighbouring countries.
(b) Security Council
• Convene an urgent Plenary Meeting on the humanitarian and political situation in
Myanmar. This should culminate in a resolution that stops the Hows of arms and funds to
the military junta and that cuts impunity.
(c) General Assembly
• Adopt a follow-up to resolution 75/287, in consultation with the NUG and Myanmar civil
society. This resolution should include a specific address of the human rights and
humanitarian situations, prioritise the delivery of humanitarian assistance, demand the
restoration of democracy and the release of political prisoners, and give full support to
accountability efforts.
• Formally recognise the NUG as the legitimate representative of the Republic of the Union
of Myanmar to the United Nations.
(d) United Nations
• The UN Secretary-General must, as a priority, formally confirm the new UN Special Envoy
on Myanmar and appoint a new UN Resident Coordinator, in consultation with the NUG
and Myanmar civil society.
• UN agencies, funds and programmes should strengthen their partnership with the NUG and
Myanmar civil society in the delivery of humanitarian assistance, while avoiding any
actions that could legitimise the illegal military junta.
The UN Country Team should work to a common, updated Human Rights Strategy
consistent with the UN Secretary-Gcneral 's Call to Action fo r Human Rights, while taking
concrete actions to implement the recommendations set out in the Rosenthal Report:.."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-10-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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"Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
UN WARNS OF MILITARY-LED “CLEARANCE OPERATIONS” IN MYANMAR
On 8 October the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights raised alarm about the likelihood of an escalation of violence against civilians in upper Myanmar (Burma). Recent reports indicate that more than 3,000 troops from Myanmar’s military – the Tatmadaw – and substantial heavy weapons have been deployed to Chin State and Magway and Sagaing regions. Civilian opposition to military rule – largely in the form of grassroots militias called People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) – has been especially active in this part of the country. There are mounting warning signs that the military is preparing to perpetrate large-scale “clearance operations” in the region.
The Tatmadaw has historically used the term “clearance operations” to describe violent campaigns against civilians. So-called clearance operations perpetrated in Rakhine State during 2017 were characterized by attacks against the Rohingya population, including indiscriminate killings, sexual violence and the forced displacement of more than 745,000 people. In 2019 the UN Human Rights Council-mandated Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar concluded that senior members of the military should be prosecuted for crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide against the Rohingya.
The threat of imminent large-scale attacks and fighting between the military and PDFs has intensified since the National Unity Government declared a nationwide uprising against the junta on 7 September. According to recent reporting, the military continues to perpetrate killings, abductions, raids, arson and other violent crimes against civilians around the country. Large convoys have been seen traveling throughout Chin State in particular, with witnesses reporting seeing over 80 military trucks traveling from Magway region.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) decided on 15 October to exclude Myanmar military representatives from its upcoming summit set for 26-28 October, and instead extended the invitation to a “non-political representative.” This move underscores the gravity of the situation in Myanmar, as the decision breaks from ASEAN’s policies of non-interference. Following ASEAN’s decision, the military announced on 18 October that it would release 5,600 of the more than 7,000 people who were detained for taking part in anti-coup protests. Many of those who were released were re-arrested.
On 18 October the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, once again called on the international community to act, reiterating that, “sustained pressure on all three fronts – money, weapons and legitimacy – is the best way the international community can support the people of Myanmar to protect their human rights and save their country.” The international community should respond to the alarming reports of the impending clearance operations by intensifying pressure on the junta to prevent further atrocities against populations in Myanmar.
UN EXPERTS FIND EVIDENCE OF WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN LIBYA
On 4 October the UN Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on Libya presented its first report to the Human Rights Council, alleging that war crimes and crimes against humanity have likely been committed in Libya since 2016. The report details that all parties to the conflict, including third state parties, foreign fighters and mercenaries, have committed violations of International Humanitarian Law. The violations include murder, torture, extrajudicial killings and rape.
Libya has been marred by recurrent conflict and atrocities since the 2011 overthrow of then President Muammar Qaddafi. Despite a UN Security Council-mandated arms embargo, multiple states, including permanent members of the Council, provided arms to several parties to the conflict, which prolonged the fighting. Civilians have been caught in the crossfire of armed confrontations throughout the country since 2016, and in particular when fighting escalated during 2020 in Tripoli. The intensification of hostilities displaced over 270,000 people and left 900,000 in need of humanitarian assistance. Hundreds of bodies have been exhumed from mass graves around the city of Tarhuna, southeast of Tripoli. Attacks on healthcare and other civilian centers have also been prevalent. After years of setbacks, a unified government was established in March and presidential elections are scheduled for December.
The FFM’s findings were presented amidst an unprecedented crackdown by Libyan authorities and ongoing abuses against migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, who are languishing in Libya’s infamous detention centers. On 1 October more than 5,000 migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, including children and women, were arrested during a series of raids. The UN received reports of unarmed migrants being harassed in their homes, beaten and shot. On 9 October guards at Al Mabani detention center opened fire on migrants attempting to escape inhumane and crowded conditions, killing six people. Al Mabani is currently hosting 4,000 detainees – four times its occupancy limit.
According to the FFM’s investigation, non-state actors – with the encouragement of government officials – committed widespread violations against migrants that may amount to crimes against humanity. The FFM detailed myriad abuses suffered by migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, including rape and sexual violence, murder, torture and enslavement. Such abuses have taken place in detention, with traffickers or while attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe.
Sarah Hunter, Communications and Digital Media Officer at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “in order to build on recent political progress, Libya’s leaders must end ongoing abuses against migrants, reconcile past atrocities and provide credible justice for victims and survivors. Libya’s justice system needs sustained international support for these efforts to succeed.”
ANGLOPHONE CRISIS IN CAMEROON CONTINUES TO DETERIORATE FIVE YEARS ON
On Thursday, 14 October, a five-year-old girl was killed on her way to school at a checkpoint in Buea, the capital of the Anglophone south-west region of Cameroon, when a gendarme allegedly fired warning shots at the vehicle she was traveling in. Hundreds of people took to the streets in protest and carried the body of the girl to the governor’s office. This incident is part of a pattern of increased militarization and intimidation against the Anglophone minority in the north-west and south-west regions by the Francophone-dominated government.
The conflict over cultural rights and marginalization in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions began five years ago in October 2016. Since then, over 4,000 civilians have been killed and more than 780,000 have been displaced. Clashes between government forces and armed separatist groups have resulted in atrocities, including extrajudicial killings, kidnappings and torture. There has also been widespread destruction of villages, schools and hospitals throughout the north-west and south-west regions. Both sides of the conflict have been accused of grave violations and abuses of human rights. Since the beginning of this year, the government has intensified its attacks against armed separatist strongholds in an attempt to end the conflict. Armed separatists have retaliated by using more deadly weapons, including improvised explosive devices and anti-tank rocket launchers.
Amidst the conflict, populations are often denied access to basic services, while aid workers are routinely attacked or kidnapped. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that 1.1 million people are severely food insecure in the north-west and south-west regions.
Juliette Paauwe, Senior Research Analyst at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “while only certain incidents make the international news, populations in the Anglophone regions live in constant fear of atrocities. Without effective action, the conflict will only escalate further. The African Union’s Peace and Security Council and the UN Security Council should urgently help facilitate a ceasefire and inclusive dialogue between the government and separatist groups, mediated by a neutral player on neutral territory.”..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
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Sub-title:
World attention to Myanmar is waning, despite the deepening impasse between the junta and resistance forces. Major powers should back the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in reinvigorated efforts to relieve the suffering of people facing poverty and disease as well as regime repression.
Description:
"What’s new? A dangerous stalemate has developed between Myanmar’s military regime and resistance forces. Both sides are determined to prevail, but neither seems likely to deliver a knockout blow imminently. With deadly attacks on regime targets and brutal regime retaliation continuing, violence and insecurity will persist across the country.
Why does it matter? The crisis is playing out against a backdrop of deepening economic recession, health system collapse, and surging poverty and food insecurity. In addition to violence and regime oppression, people across Myanmar face a dire humanitarian predicament and long-term development challenges, with serious implications for South East Asia and beyond.
What should be done? Myanmar’s crisis should be a higher priority for Western and Asian governments, which should throw greater weight behind the so-far dysfunctional process led by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. External actors urgently need to address the humanitarian emergency without reinforcing regime structures – a political challenge requiring creative diplomacy.
I.
Overview
Since the 1 February coup d’état, Myanmar’s military regime has brutally repressed the population as it tries to quash dissent and consolidate its grip on the country. A broad-based resistance movement is using non-violent and violent means to prevent the junta from succeeding. With no sign that the deadlock will end soon, vulnerable populations face a dire future. In addition to the insecurity, Myanmar’s economy is in freefall, the national currency is crashing, health and education systems have collapsed, poverty rates are estimated to have doubled since 2019, and half of all households cannot afford enough food. Despite the severe situation and the considerable risks associated with having a failed state at the heart of the Indo-Pacific, international attention is waning. Myanmar needs to be a higher foreign policy priority for Western and regional governments, with greater weight thrown behind efforts by the regional bloc, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). An urgent focus should be finding ways to deliver crucial aid – including COVID-19 vaccines – in a way that does not reinforce regime structures.
To date, most foreign governments, as well as the UN Security Council, have been content to leave the international diplomatic response to ASEAN. The ASEAN process, aimed at resolving the political crisis in Myanmar and providing urgent humanitarian assistance, gained initial momentum at a special summit the organisation convened in Jakarta in April 2021, which coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended. The region’s leaders agreed on a five-point consensus, including an immediate cessation of violence, the delivery of humanitarian aid and the appointment of an ASEAN envoy to facilitate dialogue among all parties concerned. Since then, the process has atrophied, with the bloc taking more than three months to appoint an envoy, who has not been able to visit Myanmar. As a result of the regime’s lack of cooperation, ASEAN leaders decided to exclude Min Aung Hlaing from their 26 October summit.
Meanwhile, the military regime, or State Administration Council, has continued to target its foes as well as their supporters and sympathisers. Its forces routinely carry out summary executions and torture of detainees – including children – and have used heavy weapons heedlessly in attacking cities. UN investigators have stated that these tactics likely constitute crimes against humanity.
In response, the parallel National Unity Government (NUG) in September declared a “people’s defensive war”, calling on civilians across the country to rise up against the regime. While the NUG has no military capability of its own, and its declaration has not led to the hoped-for escalation, resistance forces continue to stage attacks on a daily basis, ambushing military convoys, bombing regime-linked targets and assassinating regime-appointed local officials, suspected informants and others seen as loyal to the ruling junta. The NUG’s efforts to secure diplomatic recognition – including its goal of occupying Myanmar’s seat at the UN – will be complicated by the fact that it has now put its imprimatur on a struggle that includes killing of civilians and use of indiscriminate weapons.
International actors should redouble efforts to address the crisis’s humanitarian and economic fallout.
Outside powers have little room for manoeuvre, with both sides determined to prevail, and therefore showing no interest in any negotiated settlement. Still, international actors should redouble efforts to address the crisis’s humanitarian and economic fallout. ASEAN, while continuing to pursue its five-point plan, should focus in particular on using its access to the generals to help negotiate expanded aid delivery. Other countries should back up their expressions of support for ASEAN with more active reinforcement of the bloc’s efforts. They could, for instance, provide advice and expertise to bolster ASEAN’s diplomatic and humanitarian engagement and help iron out divisions among its member states.
Any international strategy for supporting Myanmar’s population will have to grapple with how to deliver aid at scale without reinforcing regime structures and how best to support civil society organisations without overwhelming their capacity or exposing them to security risks. These tasks will require political discussions with the junta, the NUG and other legitimate representatives as well as de facto local authorities such as ethnic armed groups to secure access, preserve operational space to deliver via non-regime channels and ensure that assistance has the buy-in of beneficiaries. The UN and its new special envoy are probably best placed to take the lead, in close consultation with donors and ASEAN. The rollout of COVID-19 vaccinations will be a key test in determining what is possible.
While it will be hard to de-escalate the conflict or protect civilians at present, international accountability mechanisms have an important role as a deterrent and to keep hope alive that those responsible for atrocities – primarily the military, but also other armed elements – can be brought to justice. Those outside actors engaging with the NUG and other resistance actors should also press them to take action on alleged violations by forces they claim to represent, and provide training and advice to help them do so.
II.
A Deadly Stalemate
Eight months after the coup, the Myanmar junta continues to use violence, intimidation and arbitrary arrests in its efforts to secure its hold on power. To date, it has reportedly killed at least 1,178 demonstrators, dissidents and bystanders, detaining 7,355 more. In addition to small-scale acts of defiance and peaceful protests, locally organised anti-regime militias and underground networks operating in the country’s larger cities (collectively known as “people’s defence forces”) are mounting resistance, including assassinations, improvised explosive device attacks and ambushes of regime targets. On 7 September, the NUG – a parallel administration in hiding, appointed by elected lawmakers ousted in the coup – declared a “people’s defensive war” against the regime, hoping to prompt a major escalation in resistance activity.
With both sides dug in, but neither seemingly strong enough to defeat the other for good, a deadly stalemate has emerged in Myanmar that will likely continue for many months. Meanwhile, the country is suffering severe economic decline, runaway poverty and food insecurity, and terrible strain upon the health system amid a wave of COVID-19 infections.
A.
The Regime’s Brutal “Pacification Campaign”
Since the 1 February coup, the regime has cracked down hard on peaceful protesters, activists and the general population, triggering more violent forms of resistance. In its attempts to smash dissent, disrupt armed resistance and consolidate its grip on power, the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, relies on the following methods:
The regime continues to carry out daytime and night-time raids on communities, detaining dissidents and suspected members of resistance groups, and in some cases arresting family members as hostages if they are unable to locate the person they are looking for. Some targets are summarily executed on site, and those detained are routinely tortured in interrogation centres, sometimes to death. On 2 September, for example, soldiers arrested two men in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo township, beating one to death during the arrest. The other, a 20-year-old, succumbed to his injuries two weeks later.
The military also deploys heavily armed combat battalions to crush urban dissent, using tactics that appear intended to kill as many people as possible. For example, security forces have fired rifle grenades at protest camps and herded unarmed civilians into what in military terminology are known as “kill zones” before starting to shoot. The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar – established by the UN to build case files on possible international crimes to facilitate future prosecutions – says its preliminary analysis of information collected about such attacks “indicates that crimes against humanity … have likely been committed” by the Myanmar security forces. The UN human rights office has issued similar findings.
In rural parts of the country where resistance groups are persistent in their attacks, the Tatmadaw has unleashed its pitiless “four cuts” counter-insurgency strategy. Long used by the Myanmar military when battling ethnic armed groups in the uplands, this approach aims to deny rebels four essentials – food, funds, intelligence and recruits – and deliberately targets civilians on the grounds that they are a key support base for insurgency. The security forces are applying this approach against anti-coup militias in ethnic areas such as Kayah and Chin States, as well as against resistance groups in lowlands inhabited by the Burman majority. For example, following a spate of ambushes by militias in Magway Region’s Gangaw township, on 9-10 September the military occupied the area, killing and in some cases torturing to death at least 24 villagers, including teenagers and elders, and burning down about 100 houses.
In addition to the military’s actions, a degree of mobilisation against resistance forces is taking place within communities. In light of the security forces’ inability to protect regime-appointed local administrators, retired soldiers, members of the military-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and others marked for death by resistance groups (see below), regime supporters have formed their own paramilitary networks, known as Pyusawhti groups, particularly in rural areas. Pyusawhti was a semi-mythical king of Bagan, the dynasty that at its height around 1200 was the first to incorporate most of what is now Myanmar. The government used his name in the mid-1950s to describe the auxiliaries it recruited locally to deal with widespread lawlessness and insecurity. The formation of these networks today has raised the prospect of escalated tit-for-tat killings in various localities, with Pyusawhti groups targeting active resistance members and vice versa. There are indications that the regime is arming some of these groups, and some have reportedly fought people’s defence forces alongside regular soldiers.
B.
Violent Resistance to the Coup
In the weeks after the 1 February coup, as the Tatmadaw began its campaign to quash protest and other dissent, many communities and groups of protesters across Myanmar began forming militias to protect themselves from regime violence and launch an armed resistance. Some 250 such groups have emerged over the last six months and are carrying out regular attacks on regime targets. Although numbers are difficult to verify, the NUG claimed in September that popular resistance forces and ethnic armed groups had killed 1,710 regime troops over the preceding three months.
The resistance groups … range from underground urban cells consisting of a few people to large, well-organised militias.
The resistance groups, many of which have the words “defence force” in their names, range from underground urban cells consisting of a few people to large, well-organised militias with hundreds of fighters equipped with modern light arms. Some of these are working closely with – and being trained by – ethnic armed groups. All the resistance groups rely predominantly on asymmetric warfare tactics, including:
Assassinations. Resistance forces have been killing several people per day in recent months, including regime-appointed local administrators, USDP members, security force personnel and alleged informants (known as dalan in Burmese). The regime claims that, as of 9 September, the resistance had murdered 799 such individuals since the coup and injured another 726 in assassination attempts – numbers that are broadly consistent with Crisis Group tallies compiled from independent media reports. On 30 August, for example, an assailant shot dead a village tract administrator in his home in Taungtha township, near Mandalay. The junta had appointed the administrator two months earlier. A local anti-regime militia, the Taungtha Guerilla Task Force, claimed responsibility for the killing.
Improvised explosive devices. Since early April, there have been hundreds of explosions across Myanmar. While some of these incidents have gone unclaimed, the targets and the methods used suggest that anti-regime forces carried out the vast majority. Targets include government and local administration offices and houses, businesses owned by or seen as supportive of the military, homes or businesses of alleged informants, public places (such as city intersections), and police and military posts. In the lead-up to the school year, which began on 1 June, parties unknown planted bombs at schools – in some cases apparently to support an education boycott and in others to attack troops posted or billeted at schools. (For their part, Pyusawhti groups appear to have carried out other bombings aimed at the regime’s political opponents. )
Drive-by shootings and ambushes. As underground resistance cells have gained better training, mostly from ethnic armed groups, and managed to supplement their makeshift arsenals with more modern firearms, they have been conducting more deadly attacks on security forces. In various cities, militants have killed policemen and soldiers manning security posts and checkpoints in drive-by shootings. In rural areas, resistance forces have regularly hit military convoys with roadside bombs, including as part of complex attacks where fighters follow the explosions with small arms fire, causing double-digit death tolls. There have also been a few similar attacks in urban areas. On 9 September, for example, a resistance group threw a bomb into a passing army truck in downtown Yangon, and then engaged in a shootout with surviving soldiers; a major and a private were reportedly killed, and several other troops injured.
Sabotage of critical infrastructure. Resistance groups have also been targeting economic, communications and transport infrastructure deemed important to the regime. They have sabotaged more than 120 cell phone towers since June, most of which were used by MyTel, a company partly owned by the military. Resistance groups have also hit electricity transmission towers, bridges and railway lines. All these targets are soft and dispersed, making them difficult for the regime to guard effectively.
Decisions on who or what constitutes a legitimate target, and what methods and tactics are appropriate, are in the hands of the individual resistance groups, who lack experience or clear criteria for making such judgments. Recognising that abuses could discredit the resistance movement, the NUG has issued guidance, in the form of a brief set of ethical rules in May, followed by one page of disciplinary rules in September. The NUG has no command and control over resistance groups, however, and no obvious way of enforcing compliance. In any case, the rules it laid out are very general, with no explanation of how militants should apply them in real-world situations.
Resistance forces have staged a number of problematic attacks and sometimes failed to prevent harm to bystanders. In these cases, it is rare for any group to admit responsibility. On 25 May, for example, a parcel bomb disguised as a present exploded at the wedding of a well-known nationalist who had reportedly participated in pro-Tatmadaw rallies. He was unharmed, but his bride, cousin and another distant relative were killed while three more people, including two children, were injured. In another example, a bomb that exploded on 14 September in front of the USDP office in Magway town killed a five-year-old child and wounded two other passers-by. Targeting alleged informants carries obvious risks of misidentification or other mishap: in some cases, militants might be acting upon personal grudges or misinformation from third parties.
C.
Socio-economic Crisis
Myanmar’s political turmoil and the resulting violence is taking place against a backdrop of a grave economic crisis, a sharp rise in poverty and food insecurity, a collapsed health system, and a serious COVID-19 outbreak. The junta may be able to insulate itself and its security apparatus from major hardship, but the implications for the population are devastating.
The shock of the coup hit a Myanmar economy already reeling from the global impact of COVID-19.
The shock of the coup hit a Myanmar economy already reeling from the global impact of COVID-19. The World Bank has estimated that the economy will shrink by 18 per cent in the fiscal year to September 2021. Combined with the pandemic’s effects in 2020, this damage will have made the economy shrink by close to a third in less than two years. Myanmar’s currency, the kyat, has lost half its value since the coup, dramatically increasing the cost of imports, such as cooking oil or refined petroleum products, which has a knock-on effect on the price of all goods.
The economic crisis is compounded by the fact that the coping mechanisms Myanmar people typically resort to when faced with economic difficulties, such as rural-urban migration and emigration overseas, are no longer available. Formal sources of employment have dried up, with a collapse in manufacturing, tourism, hospitality, construction and other sectors leading to 1.2 million job losses in the second quarter of 2021. Add these figures to COVID-19’s ravages, and more than 3.2 million people, or 15 per cent of the formal work force, have lost their jobs between the end of 2019 and July 2021, while millions of others have seen their working hours reduced. Women have been disproportionately hurt due in particular to the impact on the garment industry, which employs mostly young women. Border closures and slow economic recovery in destination countries, particularly Thailand, means that heading abroad to work is not feasible. The damage to livelihoods has been extreme, with the number of people in poverty estimated to have doubled since 2019, and around half of households unable to afford sufficient food.
Since the coup, Myanmar’s public health system has fallen apart. Doctors and nurses have been at the forefront of protests and public-sector strikes known as the Civil Disobedience Movement. The security forces have targeted medical staff, emergency responders and private clinics with violence, with the World Health Organization reporting 260 such attacks across the country. The resulting blow to the health-care system has coincided with – and greatly exacerbated – a wave of COVID-19 that has killed thousands since July. The collapse, combined with a general loss of public trust in regime-controlled services, has also severely disrupted routine childhood immunisation, as well as testing and treatment for communicable diseases including malaria, tuberculosis and HIV – putting many lives at risk and threatening a setback to global efforts to combat these illnesses.
III.
Future Trajectory
A.
The Regime’s Political Roadmap
On 1 August 2021, exactly six months after the coup, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing provided details of the regime’s political roadmap. He announced the formation of a “caretaker government” with himself in the new position of prime minister and most sitting ministers, who were appointed shortly after the coup, remaining in place. Six weeks later, for reasons it did not explain, the junta renamed the caretaker government as a “union government” (the standard usage in Myanmar). The State Administration Council (SAC) remains the ultimate decision-making authority, meaning that Min Aung Hlaing has given himself both the head of state (SAC chairman) and head of government (prime minister) positions.
In the same 1 August speech, Min Aung Hlaing announced that elections would be held and power transferred by 1 August 2023 – presumably with him as civilian president. The regime’s timetable for holding new elections has thus slipped from the “one to two years” announced at the time of the coup to two and a half years. While the coup itself was unconstitutional, this extended period is longer than the two-year maximum for a state of emergency set out in the constitutional provision that the junta invoked to justify the military takeover.
It seems clear that the military intends to refashion the electoral landscape to ensure a result amenable to … its interests.
It now seems clear that the military intends to refashion the electoral landscape to ensure a result amenable to what it perceives as its interests. In detention since the coup, Aung San Suu Kyi, the 76-year-old former head of government, faces a raft of charges that could see her sentenced to up to 75 years of prison. The regime-appointed election commission has suggested that the state will dissolve her National League for Democracy party, which won the November 2020 polls with 82 per cent of the elected seats, due to unsupported allegations of fraud. The junta and its election commission have also talked regularly about changing the electoral system from first-past-the-post, which has delivered large majorities to victors in nearly all Myanmar’s elections since colonial times, to a more proportional system that would likely prevent any party from winning big, allowing the military to dominate a fractured legislature. This change would seem to require altering the constitution, requiring a referendum, but the regime-appointed election commission has recently stated that no constitutional amendment is needed.
The regime has shown no inclination toward dialogue.
The regime has shown no inclination toward dialogue as a way out of the crisis that the country is facing. It has designated the NUG a “terrorist” organisation, stated that it will not negotiate with terrorists and demanded that outside actors – such as the ASEAN special envoy – refrain from engaging with the parallel administration. Rather, the regime is attempting to use violence and intimidation to bring the country to heel. It appears determined to crush the resistance as quickly as possible and move ahead with its political roadmap without compromise. Through mass arrests and interrogations, it appears to have improved its intelligence on its adversaries, leading to a number of arrests in September that have disrupted resistance cells, although to what degree is unclear.
The junta’s timeframe could, however, still stumble. In light of the great challenges it faces, and considering that some of the steps will not only be difficult but may provoke unrest given the regime’s tenuous authority in many parts of the country, it is possible that the regime will not be able to meet its self-declared August 2023 deadline for returning power to civilians. In any case, a shift from direct military rule to an elected pro-military government with Min Aung Hlaing as president would do little to assuage public anger or placate the resistance movement. Despite its efforts to quash dissent and apply a veneer of legitimacy to its rule, the military is likely to face more resistance, both non-violent and violent.
B.
The Resistance Forces
While the regime is focused on repression and rolling out its political roadmap, resistance forces continue their efforts to disrupt these plans and deny the junta the ability to rule. Locally organised networks, some of which are cooperating closely with ethnic armed groups, are carrying most of this load. On 7 September, in an effort to lend further momentum to these actions, the NUG declared a “people’s defensive war”, calling on the population “in every corner of the country” to rise up against the military regime. Since then, resistance activities have continued to expand in some areas, but have not escalated dramatically nationwide.
The NUG hopes to develop its military and bureaucratic capabilities to be able to control territory and administer populations, but so far these aims remain aspirational. It has released a $700 million budget, including $300 million for mass COVID-19 vaccination, and large allocations for supporting striking public-sector workers. The parallel legislative body, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), issued a tax law for the fiscal year from October. But the NUG’s ability to raise tax revenue and execute its budget remains extremely limited due to its lack of administrative and territorial sway. These announcements are therefore more about projecting legitimacy than actual governance. Similarly, the war declaration allowed the NUG to demonstrate agency at a time when there were signs that people were increasingly perceiving it as “all talk and no action”.
That declaration, which gave the NUG’s imprimatur to the actions of independent resistance groups, received a wary international reaction. It was not the first instance when the parallel administration publicly backed violent resistance. The CRPH first endorsed armed revolution a month after the coup, in March 2021. The NUG then announced on 5 May its intention to form an armed wing, which remains a work in progress. While many people in Myanmar welcomed the 7 September war declaration enthusiastically, the international response was lukewarm. The British ambassador in Yangon tweeted that his country “supports peaceful efforts to restore democracy”, warning that “further violence will harm vulnerable communities”; a State Department spokesperson said the United States “does not condone violence as a solution to the current crisis” and “calls on all sides to remain peaceful”.
The NUG’s declaration came as the UN General Assembly was about to get under way in New York and needed to decide which competing set of credentials – those of the NUG or those of the regime – to accept. The parallel government has denied that it timed its declaration with the aim of influencing the credentials debate, but regardless of whether it did, the call for war has complicated its diplomatic efforts. Inevitably, the NUG will be now be seen as a party to a conflict, rather than a purely political entity. Despite its efforts to come up with a code of conduct for resistance forces, it also risks being perceived as endorsing tactics that have included the killing of civilians and the use of indiscriminate weapons.
The question of who represents Myanmar at the UN remains unresolved. Ahead of the General Assembly, the U.S. and China reached a deal, backed by other key states, that the UN would take no decision until at least October on the competing credentials submitted by the NUG and the regime. The deal allowed the incumbent Permanent Representative of Myanmar in New York, who was appointed by the Aung San Suu Kyi administration and has backed the NUG, to remain in place for the moment, on the understanding that he will keep a low profile, in particular by refraining from speaking at the high-level debate.
IV.
What Can International Actors Do?
There is no end in sight to the deadly stalemate that has emerged in Myanmar, suggesting that civil strife will continue to roil the country for months, if not years to come. With both sides focused on defeating the other, there appears to be very little room for dialogue about a negotiated solution.
The outside world has little space or capacity to address the central political crisis and shows waning interest in Myanmar’s plight. The crisis has dropped far down the international agenda, partly due to other global priorities – COVID-19, Tigray, Afghanistan – and partly because most governments have concluded that they have little leverage in Myanmar and that while ruinous for the country, the current turmoil will have limited ramifications abroad. The UN special envoy, Christine Burgener, has been increasingly vocal, but she still has not been able to visit Myanmar since the coup and the regime has repeatedly rebuffed her efforts to kickstart dialogue. As a result, diplomatic efforts to address the crisis in Myanmar have largely been left to ASEAN.
ASEAN’s efforts, notably a special summit it convened in April attended by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, have gained little traction. The summit saw leaders agree upon a five-point consensus, including a call for an immediate cessation of violence, the appointment of an ASEAN envoy to facilitate dialogue among the parties and the delivery of humanitarian aid from ASEAN member states. But immediately on his return to Myanmar, Min Aung Hlaing began walking back commitments he had made at the summit. There was no reduction in regime violence.
Divisions among other ASEAN members then delayed the appointment of an envoy by another three months – Brunei’s second minister for foreign affairs, Erywan Yusof, took on the role only in August. He has not been able to visit Myanmar, as the regime has not consented to his precondition that he have access to Aung San Suu Kyi. As a result of Myanmar’s lack of cooperation and failure to implement the five-point consensus, ASEAN leaders decided to exclude Min Aung Hlaing from their 26 October summit, triggering an indignant response from the regime. Erywan has signalled that his position will rotate as the yearly ASEAN chairmanship moves from Brunei to Cambodia for 2022, giving him only a few more weeks in the job.
Despite its clear limitations, which largely stem from the body’s consensus-based non-interference approach and its internal divisions, other international actors seem content to outsource the global diplomatic response to ASEAN. The UN Security Council has repeatedly expressed its support for the ASEAN process, as have its permanent members and many other countries and groupings, including the G7 and the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the U.S.). Beyond public statements, however, none of these countries or groupings have provided tangible support to ASEAN in carrying out this role. The continued expressions of support appear to stem more from an unwillingness on the part of these countries to address the problem themselves, rather than any conviction that the ASEAN process can achieve meaningful results.
Action to address the crisis in Myanmar must start with recognition that the situation warrants greater international attention. Myanmar is a failed state in the heart of the Indo-Pacific, with a health system in tatters, a dysfunctional COVID-19 response, a massive humanitarian emergency unfolding and a crumbling economy. Its troubles will not stay within its borders: they are likely to be a significant regional and global challenge, due to public health concerns, refugee flows and security issues, particularly in the form of the drug trade and other illicit activities. There is also no prospect of resolution to the Rohingya refugee crisis as long as Myanmar’s predicament persists.
Aid delivery [to Myanmar] is fraught with difficulties … but [this] should not lead donors to give up on the Myanmar people.
While international actors, including ASEAN, have limited leverage for now to address the political crisis and its violent manifestations, they should redouble efforts to address the humanitarian and economic fallout. The extent of damage to the economy and social service delivery means that the prognosis for Myanmar’s population is grim in the near to mid-term future. Supporting vulnerable people through the extremely tough months and years to come must be a priority for the outside world. At present, to be sure, aid delivery is fraught with difficulties, including potential aid diversion and the risk of giving undue recognition to the junta. But these problems should not lead donors to give up on the Myanmar people or limit their interventions to small-scale humanitarian projects. More attention and creative diplomacy can play a critical role.
International actors should thus throw greater weight behind ASEAN’s process. While ASEAN should continue pursuing its five-point plan, its prospects for addressing the political turmoil are limited. It does have one of the few channels with some access to the generals, however, which can also play a role in negotiating expanded aid delivery. If ASEAN as the regional grouping is considered best placed to lead the charge, other countries should more actively reinforce its diplomacy. They could, for example, provide advice and expertise to ASEAN to reinforce its diplomacy and humanitarian engagement. They could also work more closely with ASEAN member states themselves, in part to help overcome divisions among them that have slowed the momentum of the process. While Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines have been pushing for a more robust ASEAN intervention, other member states such as Vietnam and Thailand are wary of applying too much pressure on the Myanmar junta, for fear of harming their own interests, and arguing that isolating Myanmar would be counterproductive for ASEAN.
An effective aid strategy will need to address several complex issues. First is how and when it is appropriate to engage state structures. While working through the regime or its ministries is out of the question other than in exceptional cases, it will be difficult, for example, to restore childhood vaccinations and treatment for infectious diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis without dealing with public-sector hospitals and clinics. Second is how to support civil society organisations consistent with their own priorities while being conscious of constraints and risks they face. Those groups that have navigated the enormous security and logistical difficulties of delivering aid risk being swamped with funds that donors are desperate to spend, or having to comply with bureaucratic and documentation requirements that can put beneficiaries at risk by not accounting for the fact that aid must often be delivered discreetly. Last is how to deliver cross-border assistance in a way that takes account of political sensitivities in neighbouring states, particularly Thailand, which does not want to anger the Myanmar regime.
Working out how to support vulnerable people without inadvertently reinforcing repressive regime structures or putting implementing partners or recipients at risk will be no small challenge. Donors might be able to draw some lessons from places like North Korea, Syria and now Afghanistan, though any solutions will have to be tailored to Myanmar itself. Aid delivery in Myanmar in the 1990s and 2000s offers lessons: for example, supporting civil society organisations with flexible small grants, achieving scale through multi-donor funds separate from government structures and reaching populations through cross-border delivery. That said, such approaches will need to be updated to factor in crucial differences today in the regime’s nature (it has not managed to consolidate control and sees aid as more of a threat), external leverage (diminished even from the low levels it was at back then) and regional politics (with Thailand, for example, having far closer relations with the regime than in the 1990s).
Apart from immediate humanitarian aid, long-term support for public health, education and livelihoods will be essential, as will other forms of assistance to civil society, such as protections for journalists, legal counsel for dissidents, and funding and other support for local organisations working on gender, human rights and environmental issues.
Overcoming the obstacles is a fundamentally political challenge. Progress inevitably requires political discussions with the regime to get visas, access and other permissions; and with the NUG and other legitimate representatives, as well as de facto authorities, such as ethnic armed groups, in parts of the country where the junta has little clout, to secure access, preserve operational space to deliver via non-regime partners and ensure that beneficiaries see the assistance as legitimate. Any negotiation is likely to be strewn with pitfalls. Still, discussions on these essential issues are, for now, more likely to bear fruit than efforts to tackle the political crisis.
While ASEAN’s role is important and the body has an explicit mandate for humanitarian aid in the five-point consensus, the UN, given its expertise, is the most appropriate body to coordinate the actual delivery of assistance, in close consultation with ASEAN and donor countries. The new UN special envoy for Myanmar, who is expected to be named imminently, can have a critical role to play in these efforts alongside the UN Secretariat and the incoming resident coordinator, whose appointment is urgent. The UN’s planned rollout of COVID-19 vaccinations will provide an important early test case for these efforts.
Finally, while the regime is unlikely to be steered off its repressive path, it is vital to support international accountability mechanisms – both for any deterrent effect they may have and for ensuring that those responsible for atrocities can be held to account in the future. For example, countries should provide legal support to The Gambia in its genocide case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice and consider joining the case; and provide diplomatic, practical and funding support to the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar.
Outside powers should stress the importance of preventing violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by resistance groups.
Similarly, outside powers should stress the importance of preventing violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by resistance groups when engaging with the NUG and others arrayed against the junta. It is crucial that the NUG, ethnic armed groups and people’s defence forces issue stronger guidance to their forces, promptly investigate alleged violations and publicise the findings, take action against perpetrators and provide remedies, possibly including reparations to victims of abuses. Countries or organisations with access and ability to do so should provide all necessary training, capacity building and assistance in this regard.
V.
Conclusion
The Tatmadaw and resistance forces are locked in a violent stalemate that shows no sign of abating. The regime has stepped up raids and arrests to disrupt urban guerrilla activity, and is continuing brutal attacks on communities in areas where armed resistance groups operate. The resistance continues its efforts to prevent the generals from consolidating control, through ambushes of military convoys, bombings of regime targets and assassination of individuals associated with the junta. With both sides determined to prevail, the room for a negotiated solution is extremely limited.
This deadlock is having a catastrophic impact on the lives and livelihoods of Myanmar’s people. The economy is in freefall, health and education services have collapsed, and rates of poverty and food insecurity are surging. The country is in dire straits and its plight will have serious implications for South East Asia and beyond. In addition to efforts to address the political crisis and associated violence, there is an urgent need for international actors to support vulnerable populations through the arduous months and years to come. Achieving this end is a political challenge that requires deft diplomatic engagement from states and the UN. Myanmar needs to remain a priority for the outside world..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication:
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-21
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Individual Documents
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"Introduction
Nine months since a military coup, the future of Myanmar remains uncertain. Despite a brutal crackdown, millions of people continue to resist the military junta that seized power, both through civil disobedience and armed resistance. What is certain is that a humanitarian and displacement catastrophe has engulfed the country and is likely to get worse. Myanmar's neighbors and leading donors of humanitarian aid, including the United States, cannot allow the complex domestic, regional, and geo-political dynamics preventing resolution of the ongoing violence to prevent the provision of humanitarian aid to those in need---nor refuge to those fleeing for their lives.
Since February 1, 2021, the military leaders responsible for decades of repression of minority groups and genocide against the Rohingya have expanded their abuses to target all citizens of Myanmar who oppose their power grab. The junta's actions have resulted in the killing of more than 1,100 civilians and the forcible displacement of more than 200,000 people, and have left an estimated 3 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. The junta continues its attacks on civilians, which includes the targeting of health workers and the blocking of aid---in the midst of economic failure and the COVID-19 pandemic---virtually guaranteeing a worsening crisis likely to continue to spill over to countries throughout the region.
The junta's actions have also dissolved any hopes of return for those displaced by previous violence by the military. Some 1 million Rohingya refugees remain in trying conditions in Bangladesh, living in the largest refugee settlement in the world. Hundreds of thousands of other ethnic minorities from Myanmar remain in Malaysia and Thailand, and thousands more have recently fled to India.
The nature of the atrocities committed by the military junta and the trajectory of the humanitarian and displacement crises demand regional and global attention. Yet, torn by competing interests, the UN Security Council and regional powers, led by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have failed to act decisively to address the crisis in Myanmar. Coordinated targeted sanctions, a global arms embargo, and further efforts at accountability are sorely needed. But even as the struggle continues to push actors like China, Russia, and ASEAN countries to address the roots of the crisis, more must be done immediately to mitigate the humanitarian catastrophe engulfing the country and affecting the region.
An effective response must start with Myanmar's neighbors holding up global standards of refugee protection and non-refoulement---permitting access to those fleeing for their lives and not returning them to a country where they would not be safe. With the support of global donors, Myanmar's neighbors must also immediately mobilize and facilitate the delivery of aid across borders in coordination with local organizations and ethnic groups controlling border areas. Coordinated global pressure must also be brought to bear on the military junta in Myanmar to demand an end to atrocities, including attacks on health and aid workers, and to secure unfettered access for humanitarian relief.
The United States should press ASEAN governments and the members of the UN Security Council to take a stronger stance, but not wait to do so itself. It should simultaneously coordinate increased pressure on the junta through a global coalition of like-minded states, including more forward leaning ASEAN countries. Major donor countries must also continue humanitarian support and increase responsibility sharing with countries like Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Thailand that are hosting those who fled previous persecution at the hands of Myanmar's military. This should include ensuring meaningful access to refuge and resettling refugees, while at the same time urging host countries to permit access to those fleeing violence and to change restrictive refugee policies.
The tragedy in Myanmar is far from over. While complex geo-political dynamics may prevent broader measures from being taken to address its root causes, actions to provide humanitarian aid and refuge for those fleeing for their lives need not and must not wait..."
Source/publisher:
Refugees International
Date of publication:
2021-10-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
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"Introduction
The purpose of the rapid assessment was to gather information on the priority protection concerns perceived by communities in 2021 and the causes of these concerns. Additionally, the assessment sought to understand which protection concerns communities perceived to have increased in 2021. The assessment was a joint initiative between UNICEF and the Child Protection Sub-Sector to inform a range of stakeholders of the importance of child protection in the humanitarian response and the key focus areas for intervention in 2022. When triangulated with other sources such as the bi-weekly reports from child protection focal points and CPIMS+ trends analysis, the results are largely consistent, therefore addition validity to these findings.
Methodology
The methodology for the assessment was random sampling of community members in Camp 1E, Camp 1W, Camp 2E, Camp 2W, Camp 3, Camp 4, Camp 6, Camp 7, Camp 8E, Camp 8W, Camp 10, Camp 11, Camp 12, Camp 14, Camp 15, Camp 16, Camp 17, Camp 18, Camp 19, Camp 20, Camp 21, Camp 22, Camp 24, Camp 25, Camp 26, and Camp 27. A sample size of 690 male and female adults were interviewed by partner staff and recorded on a Kobo survey form on the Kobo Humanitarian database. The sample size was 684 with 342 female (41 with disabilities) and 341 male (26 with disabilities) and 1 other gender.
Limitations
The assessment was conducted over 4 days and was limited to Rohingya refugee camps. Therefore, the child protection issues in the host community are not captured in the findings within this report. Furthermore, the assessment was a perception-based assessment and therefore the inherent biases of the respondents must be considered. Additionally, it is important to note that child protection concerns are often underreported such as sexual and gender-based violence and violence in the home, due to cultural sensitivities surrounding these issues. Additionally, while neglect is often the most visible child protection concern, it is not necessarily the result of direct actions by the caregiver but relates to the overall condition in the camps..."
Source/publisher:
Protection Cluster and UN Children's Fund via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Human Rights and international relations, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Public Health
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"October 20, 2021
A legal memorandum has found that international law and guidance places due diligence obligations on the Singapore Exchange (SGX), and possible liability on the Monetary Authority of Singapore and the Singapore Government, in relation to companies doing business with the Myanmar military.
The legal memo authored by Felicity Gerry QC, counsel on the list at the International Criminal Court and at the Bar of England and Wales and Victoria, Australia, and Daye Gang, also of the Victorian Bar in Australia, focussed on the listing of Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore (ETC), the developer of the Golden City complex, under a build-operate-transfer agreement with the Myanmar Army’s Quartermaster General’s Office (QMGO). The memo was written at the request of the Australian Centre for International Justice and Justice For Myanmar.
Read the Legal Memo
International Legal Issues Arising for the Singapore Stock Exchange from its Listing of the Singapore-domiciled Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore Ltd given its Financial Relationship with the Quartermaster General’s Office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar army
While the memorandum should be read in full, we highlight some key quotes from the legal memorandum on International Legal Issues Arising for the Singapore Stock Exchange from its Listing of the Singapore-domiciled Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore Ltd given its Financial Relationship with the Quartermaster General’s Office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar army.
Authored by Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang
Insufficiency of ETC’s independent reviews (para 34)
“Checks required are wide ranging but questions of broader compliance with international law do not appear to have been part of Nexia’s review and it is not certain whether the review by Kelvin Chia Partnership will consider international laws to be ‘applicable laws’. To the extent that SGX’s financial relationships with ETC, and with QMGO by extension, arise under international law, they may ultimately not be raised with SGX. This appears to be inconsistent with the expectations of SGX in its own guidance and the expectations of potential sponsors of listed entities.”
Due diligence in relation to SGX listings (para 48)
“We have focused on state responsibility for business and human rights, and risk-taking by SGX in its approval of listing arrangements, which in turn could affect its status on international markets.”
Singapore’s obligations under Principle 7 of the UN Guiding Principles (para 53)
“Singapore may not have fulfilled its obligations under Principle 7 of denying access to public support and services for a business enterprise involved in human rights violations. Given the ongoing relationship between ETC and the Myanmar military and, in light of the FFMM’s findings, it is at least arguable that Singapore can do more to comply with the Guiding Principles to ensure that it is not complicit in human rights abuses.”
SGX and ETC corporate responsibility obligations under the UN Guiding Principles (para 57; 62)
“Thus, to comply with this principle, ETC and SGX should avoid causing or contributing to adverse human rights impacts through their own activities, or activities linked to their business relationship, regardless of the multiple links in the supply chain of their funding for Golden City.”
“If there is insufficient due diligence in a supply chain, then investment entities put themselves at risk of both criminal law and commercial liability, ranging from corruption to complicity.”
Singapore and the OECD Guidelines (para 73)
“While Singapore is not an OECD member, SGX, RHT, and ETC should all be aware of these types of risks: due diligence is a routine practice among financial institutions, and adding effective human rights due diligence to those practices is a prudent fiscal decision in the face of increased scrutiny, particularly where companies are becoming more transparent about their due diligence policies and practices.”
Due diligence risks under the OECD Guidelines (para 78; 79)
“It is not clear whether ETC has conducted an impact assessment pursuant to the higher standard required by the Guiding Principles, nor whether ETC has grievance mechanisms in place to address any actual adverse impacts on human rights resulting from their investments.”
“Due diligence failures by ETC create risk which, in turn, should be of concern to SGX, as a corporation and arguably a state organ, and to the Singapore Government. Such failures are investment risks, as well as risks of being connected to human rights violations. It is not just about rebuffing external pressures.”
Legal risks related to the Myanmar-Singapore Bilateral Investment Treaty (para 85)
“Where MEC is already subject to sanctions and further financial penalties may apply in the future, the entry into force of a BIT is likely to further complicate matters as the parties will be able to seek recourse in the Investor Grievance Mechanism or arbitration, rather than litigation in a domestic court. Companies are already considering legal action arising from the consequences of the coup and the pandemic. We add this material to remind those concerned that avoiding the complications of litigation or arbitration are desirable from a reputation and costs management perspective but also to observe that the risk of future complications flowing from the eventual entry into force of the BIT are relevant at the current time given that Golden City is a long term investment with a lease back arrangement running for some decades. It follows that SGX is likely to want to carefully review the financial arrangements around Golden City, with a view to minimising the risk of future as well as present complications.”
Commercial liability related to contracts (para 87)
“It is not necessarily enough to say that payments on a contract were conducted with due diligence. By trading with a military organisation that the FFMM found had engaged in human rights abuses, the circumstances of a construction project within Myanmar ought to be the subject of very close oversight to be satisfied that investment in it does not carry the risk of fiscal imprudence through the execution and life of the project.”
Commercial liability under torts-based regimes (para 93; 95)
“The overarching point for multinational entities is that an examination of compliance with domestic regulations will not absolve those in the chain of control of corporate acts or omissions which lead to harm, even in other countries. In principle at least, the questions for Singaporean entities can be summarised as follows:
(a) Could it be argued that there are victims of human rights abuses that give rise to a tort- based claim by the actions of the Myanmar military?
(b) What are the connecting factors as between the Myanmar military within Myanmar and the entities within Singapore?
(c) Are there connecting factors as between the entities in Singapore and UK entities?
(d) Would the victims suffer a lack of substantial justice in Myanmar?”
“In terms of global governance by networks of connected businesses facing a compliance mesh in a range of jurisdictions, the approach of the UK and US Supreme Courts remain highly relevant to the assessment of corporate risk.”
Potential criminal liability (para 99-101)
“Laws on complicity can be wide enough so investigations can engage in the assessment of individual conduct, not only corporate conduct. This can encompass international or domestic criminal liability and liability in jurisdictions with extra-territorial or universal jurisdiction. Connection to war crimes, terrorism, organised crime or international bribery and corruption through financial institutions may be relevant crimes for investigation.”
“MAS has already fined Asiaciti Trust Singapore S$1.1million for serious breaches of its anti- money-laundering and counter-terrorism finance requirements between 2007 and 2018. It is likely to be watching SGX’s actions carefully, given that SGX exercises regulatory responsibilities delegated by MAS.”
“It is unclear whether these risks have been considered by SGX. It is also not clear if the enquiries by or into ETC have considered the wide scope of criminal law and what risks might arise for both corporate and individual liability.”
International sanctions risk (para 110; 112-113)
“Golden City lease payments are capable of being caught by international sanctions, attracting further unwanted attention about the probity and origins of funds. Where sanctions impose reporting obligations, confidential information may be released to third parties, potentially without the knowledge or consent of the business. This is a particular concern in the case of Singapore, which has since 1988 found Myanmar an attractive target for foreign investment. ETC and its chain of subsidiaries are theoretically a subject for sanction. What is publicly known about its lease payments to the QMGO has already been concerning enough for ETC to engage its own independent reviewers. There are likely to be more financial relationships under investigation that would, if substantiated and passed on to interested parties, place ETC at greater risk of being captured by sanctions.”
“SGX and RTE, as fundraiser and sponsor respectively for ETC, face a need to assess risk of sanctions-avoidant depression in funding for projects with companies known to be affiliated with the Myanmar military. Depending on the amount of funds it raises across its whole offering, Mainboard and Catalist alike, it is also theoretically a subject of sanction for having provided financial support for MEC.”
“On both fronts, it is desirable that SGX assess the risk of being sanctioned itself, or its risks arising from listing companies at risk of sanction.”
Implications for SGX and the Singapore government under the International Law Commission Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (para 118)
“Singapore in turn is faced with a correlated obligation to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts. Accompanying this is also possible obligations to pay reparations for harm caused by funding the QMGO. In both instances, there may be likelihood that SGX, as the overseer of these actions, is condemned or further regulated as a result. The failure to further investigate or prevent ETC’s transactions may cause the MAS to shift to a stance of needing greater oversight over SGX than what SGX Reg-Co provides, and may even impact the discretion SGX have over its listing and oversight policies.”
Obligations under the Convention of the Rights of the Child (para 121-123)
“Singapore, therefore, has an obligation to ensure that SGX does not facilitate or aid the infringement of children’s rights. If Singapore fails to meet this obligation it is in breach of the Convention and may need to take necessary recourse to prevent this. This may include the imposition of penalties upon SGX for failing to meet human rights standards in allowing ETC to operate on the market.”
“Where ETC are engaging in commercial transactions which fund or otherwise support the Myanmar military – they are at risk of being complicit in the ongoing harm perpetuated against children within this conflict.”
“International law, through the Convention, recognises that every child has the right to life, and that states will do what is necessary to the extent possible to ensure their survival. The obligation on Singapore also extends to violations which occur in foreign territory, as the Convention does not limit jurisdiction. As stated by the Committee on the Rights of Child, states “must ensure that all business enterprises, including transnational corporations operating within their borders, are adequately regulated within a legal and institutional framework that ensures that they do not adversely impact on the rights of the child and/or aid and abet violations in foreign jurisdictions”. Therefore, where Singapore has the ability to regulate a transnational corporation, as it does in this instance with MAS regulating SGX and ETC, the state has the obligation to ensure that ETC does not engage in activities which aid breaches of Convention rights.”
Bribery and corruption (para 126)
“Bribery may be carefully disguised through a series of opaque transactions, such as in the recent conviction of Petrofac Limited and its former Head of Sales, and may therefore not have been detected among transactions audited for an independent review commissioned by ETC. It is therefore worth exploring how investigative findings of bribery may be addressed in the context of SGX’s financing of lease payments to the QMGO.”
Obligations under international humanitarian law (para 131)
“If there are findings of breach and the QMGO are financially implicated in those breaches, companies in financial relationships with the QMGO will have enabled them by financing breaches of international humanitarian law. General Assembly Resolution 60/147 of 16 December 2005 on “Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law” provides guidance that States should enable domestic judgments for reparation against entities liable for harm suffered because of gross violations of international human rights law and serious violations of international humanitarian law. Any such breach in which the QMGO is implicated attracts remedies that would be easily pursued and enforced in a situation such as the one in which SGX finds itself now: in a highly mature and competent jurisdiction with independent judicial authority, where the MAS is a regulator with teeth where necessary, and Singapore and its companies have been the largest foreign investor in Myanmar since 1988. SGX runs the real risk of being financially liable for reparations in a future where the Myanmar military and its financial organs, such as the QMGO and MEC, may be found responsible for grave breaches of international human rights or humanitarian law.”
Conclusion (para 133-135)
“Due diligence in a global marketplace is an onerous and important exercise that requires attention to a range of legal problems and risks and financial markets are at the core of ensuring corporate integrity and responsibility for human rights abuses.”
“There are remedies and risks which are very real for Singapore as a state, SGX as a holding company, global financial actor, and potential state organ, and ETC as a listed investment entity, together with its sponsor.”
“While the issues to be considered are broad and wide-ranging, in essence the global marketplace has developed to a stage where financial entities are expected to engage in the wider issues of corporate responsibility we have outlined.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Humanitarian Law (reports of violations in Burma), Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions
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"KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
22,000 Estimated refugee movements to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
980,000 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 31 December 2020
219,000 Estimated total internal displacement within Myanmar since 1 February 2021
589,000 Estimated internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 18 October
HIGHLIGHTS
Of the total 589,000 internally displaced people in Myanmar, approximately 219,000 have been displaced by armed conflict and unrest since 1 February 2021, while numbers of refugees who have fled to neighboring countries remained steady at some 22,000. The majority of those displaced internally since 1 February—some 155,000 IDPs—remain displaced in South-East Myanmar and Shan State (South), including over 4,000 people newly displaced in the last two weeks by clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) or people’s defence forces (PDFs) in Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, and between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) in Mongkaing Township, Shan State (South). New displacement was also observed in Thantlang and Matupi townships, Chin State, as armed conflict escalated. Small-scale returns have been observed in some parts of the country, such as Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region, and Myaung and Kani townships in Sagaing region, following a pattern of temporary and fluid displacement in which people seek immediate refuge in nearby forests or safe locations, then return home once fighting in their villages subsides.
With fuel and other commodities becoming scarce as prices rise sharply, IDPs and other vulnerable communities—such as the Rohingya in Rakhine State—are at risk of becoming increasingly isolated due to transport challenges that impact both humanitarian access and livelihood opportunities. Electricity cuts and communications disruptions continue in much of South-East Myanmar, while prolonged internet shutdowns have been reported in Sagaing Region and Kachin State’s Hpakant Township. The COVID-19 pandemic also continues to spread among IDPs, with new cases reported in Demoso and Hpruso townships in Kayah State, despite COVID-19 positive rates declining nationally. At the same time, ongoing security concerns—ranging from increasing explosions and landmines in the South-East to vandalism and destruction of private property and religious sites in the North-West—continue to make it extremely difficult for IDPs to meet their basic needs..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Human Rights and international relations, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar
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"UNICEF gained access to Mindat for the first time since February 2021 to deliver urgent humanitarian relief supplies to displaced persons.
* The names of the family have been changed to protect confidentiality.
When conflict escalated between local armed groups and the Myanmar Armed Forces in the small mountain town of Mindat in the western State of Chin, Hay Mar, and her family decided to flee their home like most residents of the town. As the sounds of gunfire and explosions became louder, Htun, her five-year-old son, froze with fear and Hay Mar had to put him on her back and run as fast as she could into the dense forest near their home with the rest of the family. Those left behind were the most vulnerable - mostly the elderly and heavily pregnant women.
“My mother-in-law could have run with us, but she said she didn’t want to. She wanted to stay in her home”, said Hay Mar.
Like thousands of others, Hay Mar and her husband made makeshift shelters for their three children in the forest, but they had little protection from the monsoon rains that had just begun. Fortunately, after a couple of weeks, the family found refuge in a friend’s home in a nearby village.
Humanitarian aid getting through despite conflict and pandemic
In Mindat, martial law has been declared since May 2021 and alongside continuing armed clashes, the town has also been caught up in Myanmar’s devasting third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to a United Nations humanitarian report, an estimated three million people in Myanmar need assistance and Mindat is reportedly one of the worst affected places in the country. This means there are several families like Hay Mar who are in urgent need of support.
In August, The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) gained access to Mindat for the first time since February 2021 to deliver urgent humanitarian relief supplies to displaced persons in 10 camps for internally displaced people. UNICEF distributed critical supplies including multi-micronutrient tablets to pregnant and lactating women, a four-month supply of multi-micronutrient powder sachets for children under the age of five, hygiene kits that included 10-litre and 20-litre plastic buckets and water purification sachets, child protection and early childhood education kits for children and adolescents, including stationery and toys for the younger children.
During this mission, UNICEF had hoped to reach more camps, but the continued operational disruptions did not allow the agency to access them. UNICEF, however, will remain committed to providing help to many children and families who are being forced to make temporary homes in these camps, often without even the most basic services.
What does the future hold?
“If we live in this situation, how will my children grow? I’m very worried about their future. I just want to live in peace.”
Over two weeks had passed since Hay Mar and her family had to flee Mindat and she began to worry about her mother-in-law. With her three children, Hay Mar decided to return to the town to look for her. Htun, her youngest, was petrified as they re-entered their hometown, but he is now slowly showing signs of overcoming the trauma and returning to being the lively boy he once was, said Hay Mar.
But while she is happy to see these positive changes in her son, she is unsure how long this period of peace and calm will last. Like most of the other children in Mindat, her two older children, aged 12 and 17, have now been out of school for almost two years. First, it was the pandemic that halted their education and lives, and now, there is a security situation threatening their safety.
“If we live in this situation, how will my children grow? I’m very worried about their future. I just want to live in peace,” said an anxious Hay Mar, echoing the thoughts and voices of mothers across Myanmar.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်ရှိ ပဋိပက္ခများကြောင့် စားနပ်ရိက္ခာများ ဆိုးဆိုးဝါးဝါး ဖြတ်တောက်ခံထားရသည့် မိသားစုများထံသို့ ယူနီဆက် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းများရောက်ရှိ
(လုံခြုံရေးအရ မိသားစု၏ အမည်များကို ပြောင်းလဲထားပါသည်)
ချင်းပြည်နယ်အနောက်ပိုင်းက တောင်ပေါ်မြို့ငယ်လေးတစ်မြို့ဖြစ်တဲ့ မင်းတပ်မြို့မှာ ဒေသခံ လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့တွေနဲ့ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်ကြား ပဋိပက္ခများ အရှိန်မြင့်လာချိန်မှာ ဟေမာနဲ့ သူ့မိသားစုဟာ မြို့ခံအများစုလိုပဲ အိမ်တွေကိုစွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးဖို့ ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ဒါပေမဲ့ ငါးနှစ်အရွယ် သူ့သားအငယ်ဆုံးလေး ထွန်းဟာ သေနတ်သံတွေနဲ့ ပေါက်ကွဲသံတွေ ပိုပြီးကျယ်လောင်လာချိန်မှာ အကြောက်လွန်ပြီး အငိုအရယ်မရှိ ကြက်သေသေသွားခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ဟေမာက သားလေးကို ကျောပိုးပြီး ကျန်တဲ့မိသားစုတွေနဲ့အတူ အိမ်အနီးက တောထဲကို တတ်နိုင်သမျှ အမြန်ဆုံး ပြေးခဲ့ရပါတယ်။
ကျန်နေခဲ့ကြတဲ့သူတွေကလဲ အားနည်းထိခိုက်လွယ်ဆုံးသူတွေဖြစ်ပြီး အများစုကတော့ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုတွေရယ်၊ ကိုယ်ဝန်အရင့်အမာနဲ့ အမျိုးသမီးတွေရယ်ပဲဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
“ကျွန်မယောက္ခမကြီးက ကျွန်မတို့နဲ့အတူ ပြေးလို့ရပေမဲ့ သူကမပြေးချင်ဘူး၊ သူ့အိမ်မှာပဲနေခဲ့ချင်တယ်လို့ပြောတယ်” လို့ ဟေမာက ပြောပြပါတယ်။"
အခြားထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာသောလူတွေလိုပဲ ဟေမာနဲ့ ခင်ပွန်းဖြစ်သူက တောထဲမှာ သူတို့ကလေးသုံးယောက်အတွက် ယာယီတဲလေးတစ်ခုဆောက်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ဒါပေမဲ့ အဲ့သည့်အချိန်မှ စကာစ မုတ်သုန်မိုးအတွက်တော့ အကာအကွယ်က မလုံလောက်ပါဘူး။ ကံကောင်းတာက နှစ်ပတ် သုံးပတ်ကြာပြီးနောက်မှာ ဟေမာတို့မိသားစု အနီးအနားရွာတစ်ရွာက မိတ်ဆွေတစ်ဦးရဲ့အိမ်မှာ ခိုလှုံခွင့်ရခဲ့တာပဲဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
ပဋိပက္ခနဲ့ ကပ်ဘေးများကြားမှပင် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေး အကူအညီများ ရောက်ရှိ
မင်းတပ်မြို့မှာ မာရှယ်လောအမိန့်ကြေညာထားပြီး လက်နက်ကိုင်တိုက်ပွဲများ ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပွားနေသလို ဒီဒေသမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ တတိယလှိုင်း ရိုက်ခတ်တဲ့ဒဏ်ကိုလည်း ခံခဲ့ရပါတယ်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးအစီရင်ခံစာအရ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက လူပေါင်း သုံးသန်းခန့်နီးပါးက အကူအညီလိုအပ်မယ်လို့ မှန်းဆထားပါတယ်။ မင်းတပ်မြို့ဟာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက အဆိုးဝါးဆုံး ထိခိုက်ခံရတဲ့နေရာတွေထဲက တစ်ခုအပါအဝင်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒါဟာ ဟေမာတို့မိသားစုလိုပဲ အရေးပေါ် အကူအညီတွေ လိုအပ်နေတဲ့ မိသားစုတွေ အများကြီးရှိနေတယ်ဆိုတာကို ပြနေပါတယ်။
သြဂုတ်လထဲမှာ ယူနီဆက်က မင်းတပ်မြို့ရှိ စစ်ရှောင်စခန်း ၁၀ ခုရှိ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာသူများထံ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ မှစပြီး ပထမဦးဆုံးအကြိမ်အဖြစ် အရေးပေါ် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေး အကူအညီများ ပေးပို့နိုင်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ယူနီဆက်က ကိုယ်ဝန်ဆောင်နဲ့ နို့တိုက်မိခင်တွေအတွက် ဘက်စုံအနုအာဟာရဆေးပြားများ၊ အသက် ငါးနှစ်အောက်ကလေးတွေအတွက် လေးလစာ အနုအာဟာရမှုန့်အထုပ်ငယ်များ၊ ၁၀ လီတာနဲ့ လီတာ ၂၀ ဆန့် ပလတ်စတစ်ရေပုံးများနဲ့ ရေသန့်ဆေးအထုပ်ငယ်များ ပါဝင်တဲ့ တစ်ကိုယ်ရေသန့်ရှင်းရေးသုံးပစ္စည်းများ၊ ကလေးငယ်များနဲ့ ဆယ်ကျော်သက်လူငယ်များအတွက် ကလေးသူငယ်များအား အကာအကွယ်ပေးခြင်းနှင့် အစောပိုင်းကလေးဘဝအရွယ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပညာရေးပစ္စည်းများ၊ စာရေးကိရိယာများနဲ့ ကစားစရာများ စတဲ့ အရေးပါတဲ့ ပံ့ပိုးရေးပစ္စည်းများကို ဖြန့်ဝေပေးခဲ့ပါတယ်။
ယူနီဆက်က နောက်ထပ်စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းများထံ အကူအညီများပေးနိုင်ဖို့ မျှော်လင့်ထားခဲ့ပေမဲ့ ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေတဲ့ အခက်အခဲများစွာကြောင့် မရောက်ရှိနိုင်ခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါပေမဲ့လည်း အခြေခံအကျဆုံး ဝန်ဆောင်မှုတွေကိုတောင် မရရှိဘဲ စစ်ရှောင်စခန်းတွေမှာ ယာယီနေထိုင်နေကြရသူ ကလေးများစွာနဲ့ မိသားစုတွေအတွက် အကူအညီများပေးနိုင်ရန် ယူနီဆက်က မရပ်မနား ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမှာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
အနာဂါတ်ကာလမှာ ဘာတွေဖြစ်လာမှာလဲ..?
“ကျွန်မတို့ ဒီအခြေအနေမှာ ဆက်နေမယ်ဆိုရင် ကျွန်မကလေးတွေ ဘယ်လိုကြီးပြင်းလာရမှာလဲ ကျွန်မတို့အနာဂတ်အတွက် သိပ်စိတ်ပူတယ်၊ ကျွန်မ အေးအေးချမ်းချမ်းလေးပဲ နေချင်တာပါ။”
ဟေမာတို့မိသားစု မင်းတပ်မြို့ကနေ စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးလာတာ နှစ်ပါတ်ကျော်ကာလကိုရောက်လာပါပြီ။ မြို့ထဲမှာကျန်ခဲ့တဲ့ ယောက္ခမဖြစ်သူကို စိုးရိမ်တဲ့အတွက် ကလေးသုံးယောက်နဲ့အတူ မင်းတပ်ကိုပြန်ဖို့ ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ဟေမာ့ရဲ့ အငယ်ဆုံးသားလေးဖြစ်တဲ့ ထွန်းက သူတို့ဇာတိမြို့ကိုပြန်ဝင်လာချိန်မှာပဲ အကြောက်လွန်ပြီး တုန်လှုပ်သွားခဲ့ပါတယ်။ အခုကတော့ သူရဲ့ စိတ်ဒဏ်ရာကို ကျော်ဖြတ်နိုင်တဲ့ လက္ခဏာတွေကို ပြသလာပြီး အရင်ကလို ပျော်ပျော်နေတတ်တဲ့ကလေးလေး ပြန်ဖြစ်လာပါပြီလို့ ဟေမာက ပြောပြပါတယ်။
ထွန်းရဲ့ ကောင်းတဲ့ပြောင်းလဲမှုတွေအတွက် ဟေမာက ပျော်ပေမယ့် ဒီအခြေအနေကဘယ်လောက်ထိ ကြာမလဲဆိုတာ သူသေချာမသိဘူးလို့ ဖြည့်စွက်ပြောပါတယ်။ မင်းတပ်က ကလေးအများစုလိုပဲ သူ့ရဲ့နောက်ကလေးနှစ်ယောက်ဖြစ်တဲ့ အသက် ၁၂ နှစ်နဲ့ ၁၇ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးနှစ်ယောက်က ကျောင်းမတက်ရတာ နှစ်နှစ်နီးပါးရှိနေပါပြီ။ အစကတော့ ကပ်ရောဂါကြောင့် သူတို့အိမ်ပြန်လာကြတာပါ၊ ဒါပေမဲ့ နောက်ပိုင်းမှာတော့ လုံခြုံရေးအခြေအနေ ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုတွေကြောင့်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
“ကျွန်မတို့ ဒီအခြေအနေမှာ ဆက်နေမယ်ဆိုရင် ကျွန်မကလေးတွေ ဘယ်လိုကြီးပြင်းလာရမှာလဲ” လို့ စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်စွာနဲ့ ဟေမာက မေးခဲ့ပါတယ်။ “ကျွန်မတို့အနာဂတ်အတွက် သိပ်စိတ်ပူတယ်၊ ကျွန်မ အေးအေးချမ်းချမ်းလေးပဲ နေချင်တာပါ။” လို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက မိခင်အများစုရဲ့ သောကတွေကို ထင်ဟပ်အောင်ပြောပြသွားပါတယ်။..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, Human rights and education, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
New MoU between UNHCR and Bangladesh kept private
Description:
"The Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. Refugee Agency should revise and release their recent agreement regarding the provision of U.N. services to Rohingya refugees on Bhasan Char island, said Fortify Rights today. Both parties should ensure the right to freedom of movement to and from the island as well as the meaningful participation of Rohingya refugees in any decisions affecting them.
On October 9, the Bangladesh Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to establish a common framework for humanitarian services for Rohingya refugees on Bhasan Char island. The MoU has not been made public; Fortify Rights obtained and reviewed a copy of the signed document.
“The U.N. and Dhaka should revise their MoU, especially a provision outlining restrictions on freedom of movement,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director at Fortify Rights. “UNHCR’s lifesaving services are essential and needed on the island, but the agency must ensure it is not propping up a refugee prison with this agreement.”
The MoU not only fails to ensure the right to freedom of movement of Rohingya on Bhasan Char island, but one provision explicitly codifies the government and UNHCR’s restrictions on refugee movement, permitting Rohingya movement from the island only under conditions agreed upon between both parties. Section (2)g of the document seen by Fortify Rights states that the government and UNHCR will decide on the precise ways Rohingya will be permitted to leave the island on an as-needs basis.
The Secretary of the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief, Mohammed Mohsin, and the Bangladesh Representative of UNHCR, Johannes van der Klaauw, reportedly signed the MoU on behalf of their respective organizations. The memorandum allows for close cooperation between the Bangladesh government and the U.N. Refugee Agency to deliver services on the island.
A public statement by the U.N. on October 9 stated that the MoU covers “key areas of protection, education, skills-training, livelihoods and health, which will help support the refugees to lead decent lives on the island and better prepare them for sustainable return to Myanmar in the future.” The MoU provides UNHCR unhindered access to Bhasan Char, a welcomed move, and stipulates that refugees will be permitted to move freely on the island for daily activities.
The MoU also remains unpublished, despite the Rohingya people’s longstanding requests for transparency in decisions affecting them.
“Bangladesh citizens, Rohingya refugees, and the public-at-large deserve access to the MoU,” said Ismail Wolff. “There is no defensible reason to refuse anyone access to this document, especially Rohingya people, who have been subjugated by powerful actors for too long.”
The MoU also includes reference to Rohingya as “Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals” and “FDMNs,” terminology representative of Dhaka’s longstanding refusal to confer deserved refugee status on Rohingya, the majority of whom fled genocide and other atrocities in Myanmar. Bangladesh should ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol and develop a domestic legal framework to regulate the status and protection of refugees, said Fortify Rights.
At the time of writing, there are nearly one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and an estimated 20,000 Rohingya on Bhasan Char island. The Bangladesh government currently confines those refugees on the island, forbidding them from leaving.
From June to September 2021, Bangladesh security forces reportedly arrested more than 200 Rohingya for attempting to leave the island, forcing them to return or detaining them on the mainland. These arrests would constitute arbitrary detention, said Fortify Rights. During the same period, dozens of Rohingya reportedly died at sea while trying to escape the island.
Refugees on the island face widespread human rights violations, including severe restrictions on freedom of movement, beatings, and threats and ill-treatment by Bangladesh security forces. In 2020, testimonial evidence indicated that some relocations to the island were coerced and involuntary.
Over the last year, Fortify Rights interviewed dozens of Rohingya refugees on Bhasan Char regarding conditions on the island, including restrictions on freedom of movement and the fate of those who attempted to escape.
On August 14, 2021, a fishing boat capsized while carrying more than 40 Rohingya refugees, including children, fleeing Bhasan Char island. Bangladesh police reported that some had survived; Fortify Rights interviewed two survivors after authorities returned them to the island. Some Rohingya lost almost their entire families in the avoidable accident.
One Rohingya man, 27, who was on the boat when it capsized, told Fortify Rights: “I had three children. I lost every one of them on the boat while we were trying to escape the island. Along with my children, I lost a niece, my younger brother, and wife of my younger brother.”
The same man explained his rationale for leaving the island:
The reason we tried to escape the island was because of the many hardships [we faced] even for daily survival. . . After our arrival [on Bhasan Char], we found this place was nothing less than a prison. We are made crippled. . . We’re surrounded by the authorities, and we can’t move anywhere. It’s very difficult to escape the island because of the security personnel. . . The authorities know that people are in a circle of persecution and unhappy with the current system they put us in. They [the authorities] also know that if they allow movement for the people, they will not come back, so they keep all of us under control.
Almost all Rohingya on the island Fortify Rights spoke with reported restrictions on freedom of movement. A 30-year-old Rohingya mother of three told Fortify Rights how she has demanded to return to the mainland refugee camps, saying: “The suffering is unbearable on this island. . . Even on this island, the movement is restricted for us. . . We are demanding the authorities send us back to the [mainland] camps.”
Another Rohingya refugee, 32, told Fortify Rights in June 2021 about barbed-wire fencing on the island: “There is fencing around the camps on Bhasan Char. We can show you how they are keeping us. It’s as if we are in a jail.”
In 2015, the Bangladesh government began developing Bhasan Char as part of plans to relocate more than 100,000 Rohingya refugees from overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar District. Despite multiple requests by the U.N., the Government of Bangladesh did not grant U.N. agencies access to the island until March 2021 and began transferring Rohingya to the island before any protection and technical assessment by the U.N. Over the last two years, Fortify Rights and others repeatedly urged the Bangladesh government to allow the U.N. to conduct protection assessments and review the sustainability and environmental conditions on the island before any transfers are made.
While governments are obligated to protect the right to freedom of movement, restrictions are allowed under international law if they are necessary to achieve specific legitimate aims and only if they are proportionate to achieving those aims. However, given the remote and isolated nature of Bhasan Char island, the inability of refugees to leave, and the severe restrictions on freedom of movement, Bhasan Char is essentially an island detention center, said Fortify Rights. There is no basis in international law for detaining refugees solely based on their immigration status. Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Bangladesh is a state party, protects the rights to liberty, which in this case would include refugees.
“Rohingya tell us they are grateful for Bangladesh’s protection, but they must be free, and they must be front and center of all decisions that impact them. Time and again, governments and other actors have failed to ensure meaningful participation of refugees in the decisions that directly impact their lives and rights,” said Ismail Wolff. “The Bhasan Char project has been a human-rights misadventure from its very inception. The U.N. and the Bangladesh government must address previous violations and ensure the rights of Rohingya refugees are fully respected.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-10-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"ILO launches International Year for the Elimination of Child Labour 2021 to encourage legislative and practical actions to eradicate child labour worldwide.
This year, the International Labour Organization (ILO), in collaboration with the Alliance 8.7 global partnership, launched the International Year for the Elimination of Child Labour 2021 to encourage legislative and practical actions to eradicate child labour worldwide.
The ILO in Myanmar has been spearheading efforts with partners to implement action to ensure children are protected from child labour within the current constraints and challenges brought about by the military takeover as well as COVID-19. The ILO is providing direct services in three pilot areas including formal and non-formal education support for children, vocational training and life skills to youth, and livelihoods training for adults. In addition, more than 150 households have received management and skills training.
The ILO’s SCORE Project also delivered Business Eye Opener training of trainers to be rolled out in remote villages to support youth and vulnerable families with starting small businesses using locally available resources.
A key emergency response has also been supporting families in coping with the pressure of COVID-19 on their economic livelihoods, including awareness-raising and supporting seed funds to kickstart pilot initiatives during 2020 and 2021.
The International Year was unanimously adopted in a UN General Assembly resolution in 2019. A main aim of the year is to urge governments to do what is necessary to achieve Target 8.7 of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which includes ending child labour in all its forms by 2025."
ILO Myanmar delivers three child labour projects: The Myanmar Project on the Elimination of Child Labour (My-PEC), funded by the US Department of Labour, Achieving Reduction of Child Labour in Support of Education: Programme to reduce the worst forms of child labour in agriculture, funded by the Government of Japan, and Asian Regional Child Labour Programme (ARC), funded by the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office of the UK Government.
*For more information, please contact Anne Boyd *[email protected]
Written by
Anne Boyd
ILO
Project Manager, LLR Project, ILO-NPT
[email protected]
+ 95 9446441763..."
Source/publisher:
International Labour Organization via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
News about the ILO and Burma/Myanmar, Documents submitted to or about the ILO and Burma, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The humanitarian situation in Myanmar remains serious due to ongoing armed clashes and insecurity, as well as the COVID-19 pandemic. Three million people need assistance and protection services. This includes 1 million people previously identified in the existing Humanitarian Response Plan and a further 2 million identified since 1 February.
More than 218,900 people have been internally displaced due to clashes and insecurity since 1 February 2021 in Chin, Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Mon and Shan states, and in Magway, Sagaing and Tanintharyi regions.
In addition, about 370,000 people remain displaced due to earlier conflicts before 2021. This includes 106,102 people in camps for protracted displacement established since 2011 in Kachin and northern Shan, 144,000 Rohingya people in camps in Rakhine established since 2012 and 86,700 people due to Arakan Army(AA)-Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) conflict in 2019..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Human Rights and international relations, Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
249.44 KB
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Description:
"The ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (APF) 2021 second day has been
successfully commenced under the conference’s theme
for Collective Actions to Address Rising Inequality and Shrinking Civic Space in South East Asia.’
was intended to promote solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar and to discuss the chall
solutions from the ground against the shrinking civic space in South East Asia.
After the recap of day one, day two started with a plenary session, titled
the Collective Humanity: Justice Must be Served fo
diverse backgrounds including the His Excellency U Aung Myo Min of National Unity Government (NUG), former
foreign minister of Thailand Kasit Piromya
Nneng -Kuki Woman from Women League of Burma (WLB), and Ye Wai Phyo Aung of General Strike Committee.
The panel has highlighted the root of February’s attempted coup is the military’s total impunity. And the panel
rang the alarm on the passivity, and in some cases total inaction by the international community, in particular
ASEAN, to pursue justice and accountability has further emboldened the military in their continued commission
of atrocity crimes today in Myanmar.
Kasit Piromya called for the transformation of ASEAN into a democratic space where freedom of expression
and human rights as core values. He said,
the people”.
Aung Myo Min said within Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is a national issue to address impunity.
Military has responded to the revolution with brutality and terrorism, it is regarded that
taking place against people of the country
culture of impunity is well established . So far,
their communities – now became IDPs and Refugees.
current atrocities. Crimes against the few are now crimes against the many.
military accountable for all the crimes committed
international accountability mechanisms.
Ye Wai Phyo Aung said the Military is the oppressor of the people
been used to keep it in power. So far,
military and political system created. Our
transitional justice and human rights must be at the core of the new Myanmar
Nga Ngai Nneng said 60 percent of all prote
to torture, sexual assault, verbal abuse and intimidation.
violence against women – including sexual violence
committed while rape is used as an instrument of war to demoralize and destroy communities.
ASEAN to ensure that the release of all pol
against female detainees, to end military violence and terror camp
atrocity crimes. She also call on international commu
embargo with monitoring mechanism, and to
– focus on ethnic peoples.
ACSC/APF 2021
Day 2 Press Release
17.10.2021
The ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (APF) 2021 second day has been
successfully commenced under the conference’s theme ‘Authoritarianism, Militarism, and Covid
for Collective Actions to Address Rising Inequality and Shrinking Civic Space in South East Asia.’
was intended to promote solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar and to discuss the chall
solutions from the ground against the shrinking civic space in South East Asia.
After the recap of day one, day two started with a plenary session, titled “Culture of Impunity
Justice Must be Served for Peoples of Myanmar”. Panel speakers are varied from
diverse backgrounds including the His Excellency U Aung Myo Min of National Unity Government (NUG), former
ailand Kasit Piromya - the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rig
Kuki Woman from Women League of Burma (WLB), and Ye Wai Phyo Aung of General Strike Committee.
The panel has highlighted the root of February’s attempted coup is the military’s total impunity. And the panel
passivity, and in some cases total inaction by the international community, in particular
ASEAN, to pursue justice and accountability has further emboldened the military in their continued commission
ed for the transformation of ASEAN into a democratic space where freedom of expression
and human rights as core values. He said, “We cannot wait for ASEAN politicians to lead this charge, has to be
ithin Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is a national issue to address impunity.
on with brutality and terrorism, it is regarded that
taking place against people of the country. The culture of human rights is not respected by military
. So far, thousands of ethnic peoples including Rohingya
IDPs and Refugees. It is clear that previous atrocities laid the groundwork for
current atrocities. Crimes against the few are now crimes against the many. We will bring justice and make the
military accountable for all the crimes committed over six decades in the country by
international accountability mechanisms.
Military is the oppressor of the people – historic overview
people have not been able to enjoy any kind of democracy due to the
Our goal is a federal democratic union. He also stressed that
transitional justice and human rights must be at the core of the new Myanmar”.
60 percent of all protesters are women. Those Woman detainee
to torture, sexual assault, verbal abuse and intimidation. It is the Long history of violence of Myanmar military
including sexual violence. War crimes and crimes agains
ape is used as an instrument of war to demoralize and destroy communities.
elease of all political detainees and protesters, end the use of sexual violence by junta
to end military violence and terror campaign against the people to prevent further
international community to investigation crimes and take a role on
bargo with monitoring mechanism, and to refer situation of Myanmar to `International Criminal Court (
The ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (APF) 2021 second day has been
Authoritarianism, Militarism, and Covid-19: Challenges
for Collective Actions to Address Rising Inequality and Shrinking Civic Space in South East Asia.’ The second day
was intended to promote solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar and to discuss the challenges and seek
“Culture of Impunity – A Threat to
. Panel speakers are varied from
diverse backgrounds including the His Excellency U Aung Myo Min of National Unity Government (NUG), former
the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR), Nga Ngai
Kuki Woman from Women League of Burma (WLB), and Ye Wai Phyo Aung of General Strike Committee.
The panel has highlighted the root of February’s attempted coup is the military’s total impunity. And the panel
passivity, and in some cases total inaction by the international community, in particular
ASEAN, to pursue justice and accountability has further emboldened the military in their continued commission
ed for the transformation of ASEAN into a democratic space where freedom of expression
“We cannot wait for ASEAN politicians to lead this charge, has to be
ithin Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is a national issue to address impunity. Since the
on with brutality and terrorism, it is regarded that International crimes are
culture of human rights is not respected by military while the
Rohingya have had to flee
revious atrocities laid the groundwork for
will bring justice and make the
over six decades in the country by fully cooperate with
historic overview while Constitution has
eople have not been able to enjoy any kind of democracy due to the
He also stressed that “democracy,
Woman detainee are being subjected
Long history of violence of Myanmar military –
War crimes and crimes against humanity are being
ape is used as an instrument of war to demoralize and destroy communities. She also urges the
nd the use of sexual violence by junta
aign against the people to prevent further
and take a role on total arms
`International Criminal Court (ICC)
The day continued with two convergence spaces with the thematic 1) Environmental Justice, Land Rights and
Climate Change and 2) COVID-19 impact social, political, cultural, and economic issues. One workshop conducted
under convergence space 3 was discussing a food system based on environmental and social justice through
recognition, securing land rights, and ecological sustainability in Timor Leste, Myanmar and Laos. The speakers’
discussed many obstacles and a substantial number of policies for the agriculture development, food security and
social reality is concerning in the country and the region, especially, like the country of Timor Leste and Laos who
are depending on agricultural production. The workshop also emphasized the Indigenous Peoples are agents of
change in the face of climate change.
“Indigenous Peoples (IPs) and their communities are nurturing a close relationship with their natural
environment, which is intimately tied to their livelihoods. As IPs depend on biodiversity for their well-being,
they are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change, says the speakers from Myanmar (Unnamed).”
Therefore, the discussion synthesizes with a few important points. In the longer run, ASEAN and its member
countries must strive to put in place resilient farming systems. They should develop sustainable food systems that
place small farmers at their very heart and are inspired, inter alia, by agro-ecology. Further food security systems
and mechanisms must also be set up. A certain emphasis should be put on the diversification of food sources
thereupon. Also, mechanisms should be put in place to monitor and evaluate the commitments of ASEAN as well
as its member countries in tackling climate change.
There are 3 workshops under the convergence space 4 on the 1) social, political, cultural, and economic of
COVID-19, 2) Striving for establishing a welfare state in ASEAN countries. One of the good practices advocacy and
campaign were stressed by the Universal Basic Income Movement in Indonesia was the relevance of the
momentum, rights-based income model for the marginalized groups, the transition where the basic income can
be floor and basic safety net for the citizen and the synergy in its implementation and it can improve welfare
policy efficiency, 3) Challenges to solidarity with migrant workers in Southeast Asia. The participants reflected on
the importance of investing in the rights and welfare of children, girls, youth, and women as an important of a
welfare state and social reforms. The workshop opportunities in solidarity building with migrants’ rights activists
and migrant leaders who have been advocating in the ASEAN region. This workshop became a platform for
various inputs from the region on human, and migrants’ rights affected by the pandemic. The workshop urged
ASEAN member states to ratify the ILO Convention 189 on Domestic Workers and ILO Convention 190 on
Violence and Harassment Convention. This includes the ratification of CEDAW and CRC.
More than 160 participants from across 11 countries in Southeast Asia together with other 15 countries from
various regions attended the plenary and the plenary has reached more than 50,000 people across ASEAN
through our media partners Myanmar Nowม Khit Thit Media and other local media channels.
The session will continue again until 17 October and to discuss the impacts of COVID-19 on human rights and
the economic projections in ASEAN rebuilding post-COVID-19 and moving forward for the recovery better, in
solidarity with hope..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Peoples’ Forum
Date of publication:
2021-10-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
151.23 KB
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Description:
"The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, the Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste, the United Kingdom, and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, on behalf of the European Union, in support of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar.
Begin Text:
The Governments of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, the Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, on behalf of the European Union, remain deeply concerned about the dire situation in Myanmar, its growing toll on the people of Myanmar, and its worsening implications for regional stability. A peaceful and non-violent resolution of the crisis and return to democracy is a matter of urgency.
Recognising ASEAN’s central role in the Indo-Pacific region, we reaffirm our strong endorsement of ASEAN’s ongoing efforts to chart a course out of the current crisis in Myanmar. We welcome the prospective visit to Myanmar by the Minister of Foreign Affairs (II) of Brunei Darussalam, Dato Erywan, as the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, and are committed to supporting his efforts to facilitate Myanmar’s full and urgent implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, as decided by ASEAN Leaders and the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar military on 24 April. We emphasise support for the objectives of Dato Erywan’s visit, including his intention to meet all parties in line with the Five-Point Consensus, and call on the regime to facilitate his access. We reiterate our support for the Special Envoy role going forward, and stand ready to support ASEAN’s efforts across Chairs.
We call on Myanmar to engage constructively with the ASEAN Special Envoy to also implement other aspects of the Five-Point Consensus swiftly and completely. In line with the Five-Point Consensus, we call on the military to immediately cease violence; engage in constructive, inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders; and to facilitate safe, unimpeded access for humanitarian assistance, including by ensuring the safety of humanitarian and health workers. We also call for full respect for human rights, including the immediate release of those unjustly detained, including foreigners. We further call on the military to facilitate regular visits to Myanmar by the ASEAN Special Envoy, and for him to be able to engage freely with all stakeholders..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-10-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"The emergency ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting was held on 15 October 2021 via videoconference to discuss preparations for the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits, which will take place on 26-28 October 2021 via videoconference.
The Meeting was presented with the report of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar on his work to facilitate Myanmar’s implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, which was adopted by the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting held on 24 April 2021, at the ASEAN Secretariat, in Jakarta, Republic of Indonesia. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers expressed appreciation for the continued work of the Special Envoy, and while noting the importance of a visit of the Special Envoy to Myanmar, they also emphasised the importance of access to all parties concerned and upholding the FivePoint Consensus.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers listened carefully to Myanmar’s explanation of its implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, including its views that the Special Envoy should avoid engagement with parties currently undergoing legal proceedings, such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Win Myint, as well as those declared as illegal and unlawful entities, such as the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People’s Defence Forces (PDF). The ASEAN Foreign Ministers welcomed Myanmar’s continued readiness to work closely with the Special Envoy, while emphasising the need to exercise flexibility to build trust and confidence as well as the importance of access to all parties concerned.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers noted the importance of upholding the principles enshrined in the ASEAN Charter while at the same time acknowledging that the situation in Myanmar was having an impact on regional security as well as the unity, credibility and centrality of ASEAN, as a rules-based organisation. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers reiterated that Myanmar is an important member of the ASEAN family.
As there had been insufficient progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus by Myanmar as well as concerns over Myanmar’s commitment, in particular on establishing constructive dialogue among all concerned parties, some ASEAN Member States recommended that ASEAN give space to Myanmar to restore its internal affairs and return to normalcy in accordance with the will of the people of Myanmar.
ASEAN Member States considered the question of Myanmar’s representation at the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits. It was also noted that some ASEAN Member States had received correspondence from the NUG requesting to be invited to the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits. Following extensive discussions, there was no consensus reached for a political representative from Myanmar to attend the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits in October 2021.
Therefore, in view of the competing claims to attend the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits, while reaffirming the principle of non-interference in internal affairs of another Member State, and to allow Myanmar the space to restore its internal affairs and return to normalcy, the Meeting accepted the decision to invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to the upcoming Summits, while noting the reservations from the Myanmar representative..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brunei Darussalam
Date of publication:
2021-10-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations
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"For more than two years, a UN-appointed team of 59 people has been collecting and analyzing more than two million pieces of evidence about possible human rights violations in Myanmar.
Working out of Geneva, there are experts in gender violence and crimes against children; analysts with experience in international justice; specialists in open source evidence; and investigators working with sophisticated information systems.
The team of professionals are formally known as the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, (IIMM) or Myanmar Mechanism, and was created in 2018 by the Human Rights Council.
The Mechanism was established after an Independent International Fact-Finding Mission found “clear patterns” of violations by the military, known as the Tatmadaw, and insisted that the perpetrators of the “gross human rights violations”, including those against the Rohingya, must not go unpunished.
The IIMM is not a court, neither does it have the power to prosecute. The hope is that all the information that could otherwise be lost, is preserved, and then shared with national, regional or international courts.
In an extensive interview with UN News, the head of the Mechanism, Nicholas Koumjian, explains the importance of preserving this evidence before it is potentially lost.
“Crime scenes get disturbed, bodies decompose, wounds can heal, people’s memories can fade, witnesses with information can pass away”, he explains. “So it’s very important to collect the information while you can.”
*The interview has been edited for clarity and length. *
**UN News: You and your colleagues have been working for over two years. What has been your focus? What has been achieved so far? **
Nicholas Koumjian: We started two years ago, in July of 2019, and we've been building up the Mechanism, acquiring all of the expertise that we believe would be necessary.
We have those with expertise in International Criminal law, in things like gender violence, investigation of crimes against children, investigation of sexual assaults, analysts with experience in very complex international cases.
We have those with experience in using open source evidence and very sophisticated and secure information systems, so that the information that we collect and preserve, is held confidentially and no one has access to it, and that also allows us to analyse the very vast quantities of data that we have collected.
We're now looking at the evidence that we've collected, over two million pieces, and analysing that in various situations, that we believe have the potential to amount to criminal cases against individuals responsible for those offences.
**UN News: Are there any preliminary conclusions? Can you share any? **
**Nicholas Koumjian: **What's different about our mechanism is that we're not really a reporting mechanism. We're not a court or prosecution service. We're collecting the evidence and preparing files to share them with those courts that might, or judicial authorities that might have the authority, and the willingness, to hold fair proceedings to hold individuals to account.
We've specifically been asked to cooperate with the International Criminal Court, which has an investigation related to Rakhine State [home to many of those mostly-Rohingya Muslims who have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh], and we're doing that.
We also have been asked by the parties at the International Court of Justice to share evidence, and we looked at that situation. We want to help the judges in that case reach the best decision, and so we've agreed to look for relevant evidence that we can share, with the permission of those that provided it to us.
UN News: Can you tell me how you're conducting this work without having access to the country?
Nicholas Koumjian: It's unfortunate that we don't have access. The Human Rights Council specifically asked Myanmar to cooperate with us and we've reached out to them and we will continue to reach out and seek cooperation and access to the country, to the crime scenes, and to witnesses inside Myanmar when we can do so safely.
UN News: Do you have any hope that it can happen at any time soon?
**Nicholas Koumjian: **I don't think there's an immediate prospect of that happening. But what I've learned is, in International Criminal law, and generally in history, it's very hard to predict the future. Things can change much quicker than we imagined, so we will continue to reach out and hope that things do change and that we will eventually have access.
UN News: Regarding the military coup in in February, has it impacted your work? If so, in what ways?
Nicholas Koumjian: We said, when the coup first happened, that the change of government itself, the overthrow of the constitutional authority, the question of fair elections and democratic process, is not within our mandate, which is limited to the most serious international crimes and violations of international law.
But we said that we were very concerned, given the history of Myanmar, of so many crimes against civilians occurring in political conflicts, that we would be watching the situation closely.
What we've seen since then is, unfortunately, that it appears that very serious crimes have been happening, throughout the country, in different regions, systematically and on a widespread basis. So, we're collecting that information.
Many different sources have been voluntarily reaching out to us to provide us with information.
Others we have contacted. I believe we received over 200,000 communications just in the first few months after the coup, so it's increased the burden on us, but it's also given us the opportunity to have more individuals and organizations willing to speak to us, more opportunities to talk to those who have information about what is happening or has happened in the past in Myanmar. And this has created some opportunities for investigations.
UN News: Is it correct to say that some of these investigations, some of the information you're collecting, wouldn't otherwise happen, or be collected, if your mechanism didn't exist?
Nicholas Koumjian: Yes, I believe that it is absolutely fair to say that.
I've worked on different war crime tribunals, different processes to seek accountability, and one of the things that we've seen in other conflicts is the importance of preserving information while it's still fresh, while you can, because, of course, crime scenes get disturbed, bodies decompose, wounds can heal, people’s memories can fade, witnesses with information can die, can pass away without that information being collected.
So, it's very important to collect the information while you can, because unfortunately international justice often is a long process.
I came to the Myanmar mechanism from being the co-prosecutor at the Extraordinary Chambers for the courts in Cambodia, otherwise known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, which was looking into crimes committed between 1975 to 1979.
Even in 2019, 40 years after those crimes were committed, that process was ongoing, and the evidence was being used. Fortunately, a lot of the evidence that was used there had been collected by a civil society organization, DC-Cam, in the 1990s, and that was very helpful to us.
So we think what we're doing now is very important, to preserve the evidence so that someday – and we hope it certainly will be much sooner than 40 years – this evidence can be used in courts that can hold those responsible for crimes accountable.
UN NEWS: When you talk about information and evidence, what are you talking about? Electronic communications? Forensic evidence?
Nicholas Koumjian: It's a broad category of information. We will be collecting information from individuals, sometimes interviewing individuals, collecting information that different organizations have previously collected, consolidating that, and analysing it.
Looking at digital information, looking at photographic and video information, analysing that with the most modern information technologies. We can locate where videos were taken and identify the duplicates, because we're getting so many thousands and thousands of videos and photographs, this is very important for us to do.
UN NEWS: And you're getting those from civil society organizations? People in the country?
**Nicholas Koumjian: **We're getting it from a broad range of different sources, and of course one of the basic premises of our work is that we don't name the individuals or organizations that we received the information from. But I would say from a very broad range of different types, organizations, businesses, individuals, many different types of sources.
UN NEWS: You spoke about having justice. What does it look like in this case?
Nicholas Koumjian: I think in Myanmar, as in many other conflicts around the world, many, many people have suffered. Some of them continue to suffer. There are hundreds of thousands of refugees living outside of their homes, either inside Myanmar or outside the borders of the country, wanting to go home.
Unfortunately, the crimes that they fled from continue to occur in some way or another, so they don't feel it's safe to go home.
Part of justice is assuring that those who committed crimes previously with impunity will now be held responsible, so that hopefully that will deter future crimes from occurring, and that the people of Myanmar who suffered can have some hope that these crimes will end and that they will receive some justice for what happened to themselves or to their family members..."
Source/publisher:
UN News via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"To: ASEAN Leaders
H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei
H.E Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia
H.E Joko Widodo, President of Indonesia
H.E Thongloun Sisoulith, Prime Minister of Laos
H.E Dato’ Sri Ismail Sabri, Prime Minister of Malaysia
H.E Rodrigo Roa Duterte, President of the Philippines
H.E Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore
H.E Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister of Thailand
H.E. Nguyen Xuan Phuc, Prime Minister of Vietnam
CC: ASEAN Dialogue Partners
H.E. Will Nankervis, Ambassador of Australia to ASEAN
H.E. Diedrah Kelly, Ambassador of Canada to ASEAN
H.E. Deng Xijun, Ambassador of China to ASEAN
H.E. Igor Driesmans, Ambassador of the European Union to ASEAN
H.E. Shri Jayant N. Khobragade, Ambassador of India to ASEAN
H.E. Chiba Akira, Ambassador of Japan to ASEAN
H.E. Lim Sungnam, Ambassador of Korea to ASEAN
H.E. Pam Dunn, Ambassador of New Zealand to ASEAN
H.E. Alexander Ivanov, Ambassador of Russia to ASEAN
H.E. Melissa A. Brown, Chargé d’Affaires, a.i., U.S. Mission to ASEAN
13 October 2021
Re: Myanmar’s presence at the ASEAN Summit
Your Excellencies,
We, the undersigned organisations, write to you to urge you not to extend an invitation to Myanmar’s military junta to the upcoming ASEAN Summit on 25 to 28 October because of the military’s blatant disregard for the Five Point Consensus agreed at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting and continuing refusal to cooperate with ASEAN towards its implementation.
We welcome the remarks made by the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia and Malaysia who questioned whether the junta should be invited to the Summit and urge the other Member States to come to the same conclusion.
ASEAN’s credibility depends on its ability to act decisively and bring an end to the Myanmar military junta’s relentless violence against the people of Myanmar. A lack of decisiveness and consequences for the military’s total contempt for the ASEAN’s leaders’ agreement risks undermining the bloc’s legitimacy as a key regional player that can bring peace and stability.
On 24 April 2021, the leaders of nine Member States and the Myanmar junta, represented by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, agreed on a consensus that included the “immediate cessation of violence”, constructive dialogue among all parties, the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar, humanitarian assistance to be delivered to the country, and for the Special Envoy and delegation to visit Myanmar to “meet with all parties concerned“.
Myanmar’s junta has failed to respect this consensus on every single count.
Since the Myanmar junta agreed to immediately cease the violence on 25th April till the end of September there have been 3,534 attacks either on civilians by the military or armed clashes that failed to protect civilians – that’s an 840% increase from the same period in 2020 (376). Thousands have been forced to flee their homes in search of safety. Violent acts amounting to crimes against humanity have been documented. It is clear that junta leader Min Aung Hlaing will not stop in his attempts to crush the democratic opposition to his rule.
The military junta has also continually opposed any form of dialogue. Zaw Min Tun, the military’s spokesman, recently said that dialogue between the ASEAN Special Envoy and the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, the National Unity Government and People’s Defence Forces could not take place because they have been declared by the junta as “illegal organizations”. The junta’s stalling tactics also contributed to the delay in announcing Brunei’s Foreign Affairs Minister II Erywan Yusof as ASEAN’s special envoy to Myanmar.
While we note aid commitments made to the AHA Centre and delivered through the Myanmar Red Cross, it is important to recall that the Myanmar military’s own actions are creating the current humanitarian crisis engulfing the country. According to the United Nations (UN), three million people require assistance. That number has tripled over the last eight months. In addition to that, there are now 20 million people living below the poverty line – nearly half the population. Yet, the military junta is weaponizing humanitarian aid; blocking the distribution of supplies, placing travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, hoarding and destroying aid, and attacking civilians, health and humanitarian aid workers.
It is clear that Myanmar’s military has displayed a flagrant lack of respect for ASEAN, and in fact since the coup, it appears to have used the bloc to try to gain legitimacy while at the same time increasing its brutal reprisals against the people.
The UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has also warned that the opportunity to prevent the Myanmar junta from entrenching its rule could be narrowing. He has called for unified regional and international action to prevent the crisis from becoming a large-scale conflict and multi-faceted “catastrophe” in Southeast Asia and beyond.
It is time for ASEAN to act decisively. This starts by denying the Myanmar junta the legitimacy it craves, and which has been rejected constantly by the people of Myanmar. The junta has refused to cooperate with regional and international neighbors, failed to stand by the commitments it has made, and exposed to the world not only its barbaric brutality but also an inability to deal with the deepening social and economic disaster currently taking place in the country, which includes the dereliction of public health services amid the global pandemic.
Reiterating the remarks of Malaysia and Indonesia’s foreign ministers, a firm united response by the other Member States is required. The Myanmar junta’s actions must not be accepted as “business as usual.” They are endangering the stability, prosperity, peace and health of the region.
We therefore call on ASEAN leaders to deny the head of the Myanmar military junta a seat at the table and display to him that his callous disregard for the people, and his regional neighbors, does not come free of consequences..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-10-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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pdf
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59.7 KB
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"Highlights
Cases of COVID-19 continue to rise sharply in East Asia and the Pacific. In total, 12.8 million positive cases and 274,923 deaths have been confirmed in the region, with Indonesia (4.2 million cases), Philippines (2.6 million cases), Malaysia (2.3 million cases) and Thailand (1.6 million cases) being the most affected.
A combined approach of supporting vaccine roll-out while continuing to focus on efforts to contain the spread of the virus and respond to the social-economic impacts of the pandemic is needed in order to save lives and alleviate suffering, especially for children.
An estimated 1.7 million children in the region are affected by severe wasting - this is expected to increase an average of 14 per cent from 2020 through 2022 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
UNICEF has provided 16.5 million children and adolescents with messages on healthy diets.
UNICEF has also supported 176,327 schools to implement safe school protocols and 32.2 million children with access to formal or non-formal education, including early learning.
Regional Funding Overview
In 2021, UNICEF is appealing for US$117.2 million to meet the humanitarian needs of children, adolescents and women affected by emergencies, including chronic, protracted humanitarian situations as well as UNICEF’s response to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic in the East Asia and Pacific (EAP) region. So far, a total of US$61.2 million has been received against the 2021 EAP HAC (including US$32.7 million carried-over from 2020 and US$28.5 million received in 2021) from donors, including the Governments of Australia, Canada, China, Denmark, Ireland, Japan, New Zealand, Republic of Korea, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States of America, European Commission, Asian Development Bank, World Bank, CERF, Global Partnership for Education, Gavi, Solidarity Fund, United Nations Office for South South Cooperation, several private donors and UNICEF committees in Australia, Belgium, France, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Switzerland, Thailand, and the USA. UNICEF is currently in discussion with several public and private donors to raise funding for the US$56 million shortfall for the EAP regional response. UNICEF acknowledges the generous contribution of donors including private sectors supporting this joint effort to respond and mitigate the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and other emergencies in the EAP region. Please refer to Annex B and Annex C for more detailed information on funding per functional area and country.
In addition, UNICEF has also received US$93.1 million for COVID-19 vaccine roll-out in East Asia and Pacific for 2021 in response to the Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator (ACT-A) / COVAX appeal. The ACT-A / COVAX HAC appeal which was launched and is managed globally complements the EAP Regional HAC appeal by supporting country readiness for COVID-19 vaccine roll out, together with WHO and Gavi, while supporting the strengthening of health systems. This includes providing commodities needed for safe vaccine administration, such as cold chain equipment, personal protective equipment (PPE), and hand hygiene (soap and hand sanitizer), operational costs for vaccine delivery and associated technical assistance. Crucially, this also includes support for vaccine delivery to humanitarian populations. The seven support areas are in alignment with the categories of National Deployment and Vaccination Plans and include: planning and coordination, prioritization and targeting, service delivery, training, monitoring and evaluation, vaccine cold-chain and logistics, communication and community engagement. Funding and results from the ACT-A / COVAX HAC appeal are reported through a separate global ACT-A situation report.
Regional Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
The number of confirmed cases and deaths from COVID-19 in EAP continued to rise sharply over the past three months. Since the beginning of the pandemic, 12.8 million positive cases and 274,923 deaths have been confirmed in the region, with Indonesia (4.2 million cases), Philippines (2.6 million cases), Malaysia (2.3 million cases) and Thailand (1.6 million cases) being the most affected. Countries across the region continue racing to vaccinate their populations against COVID-19; however, the pandemic and related control measures continue to disrupt essential health, nutrition, and social services and to drive steep declines in household incomes. A combined approach of supporting vaccine roll-out while continuing to focus on efforts to contain the spread of the virus and respond to the social-economic impacts of the pandemic is needed in order to save lives and alleviate suffering, especially for children.
The COVID-19 pandemic has the potential to increase all forms of malnutrition for young children, but the most imminent concern is its impact on life-threatening wasting, particularly amongst the poorest children, who face an even greater struggle to access nutritious and affordable foods and required nutrition services. An estimated 1.7 million children in EAP are affected by severe wasting - the most life-threatening form of malnutrition. And this is expected to increase an average of 14 per cent from 2020 through 2022 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
The COVID-19 pandemic has also exposed the weaknesses in systems delivering water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) in many contexts. Across the region, 89 million people do not have basic handwashing facilities with soap and water at home. At the beginning of the pandemic, three out of 10 households in East Asia and Pacific region did not have a dedicated place for washing hands with soap and water. More than half of the schools in the region did not have hand-washing facilities with soap and water available to students, and more than six out of 10 health care facilities in EAP lacked functional handwashing facilities with soap and water or hand sanitizer. As a result of the pandemic, millions of people had disrupted access to life-saving water and sanitation services as service providers struggled with staff health and safety concerns and financial difficulties.
Meanwhile, in the face of continuing high cases of COVID-19 spread through the delta variant, many countries in EAP have only partially reopened schools. Schools are partially open in Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Mongolia, Thailand, Timor-Leste and Viet Nam, while schools have remained fully closed in Fiji and the Philippines. Emerging evidence indicates increasing dropouts and learning loss due to the recurring and prolonged school closures combined with distance learning programmes not being on par with face-to-face teaching and learning. Schools in the Philippines (hosting 24.9m children) have remained closed since end of March 2020, making it one of the last countries globally with schools continuously closed for face-to-face learning. Partly thanks to UNICEF Philippines Country Office advocacy, the government is now planning to reopen a small number of schools in low-risk areas as a pilot. UNICEF is providing technical assistance to the government on the pilot school reopening in the hope of wider school reopening following the initial pilot. UNICEF is also supporting the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in developing comprehensive guidance for the safe reopening and operation of schools.
As a result of school closures and economic shocks caused by COVID-19, the latest report on child labour (UNICEF/ILO) estimates that globally 9 million additional children are at risk of being pushed into child labour by the end of 2022. In EAP, 50,200 children are involved in child labour, accounting for one in every 16 children in the region, and 42 per cent of them are in hazardous work putting them at risk of physical and mental harm. Indonesia’s Minister of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection has warned that the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak has increased the risk of children being pushed into child labour. Meanwhile, a regional survey on climate change and child protection in emergencies was carried out in Southeast Asia as part of a global joint initiative between IFRC and UNICEF. The survey reached 29,133 children and youth aged between 10 and 25 years. The findings suggest that climate change related disasters are a threat multiplier, elevating the potential risk of violence, abuse, exploitation and neglect against children. The findings informed a recently released IFRC policy brief on anticipatory action and child protection.
The pandemic is also exacerbating the vulnerability of families to natural hazards, such as typhoons and floods, and protracted humanitarian situations due to unresolved conflict and political instability. This situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate as the country falls deeper into a situation of armed conflict and targeted violence, pushing a growing number of children into a situation of humanitarian needs. Further details on the situation in Myanmar and UNICEF’s response can be found in a separate situation report dedicated to the Myanmar 2021 HAC appeal..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Right to Food - standards, definitions and mechanisms, Human Rights and international relations, Human rights and education, Public Health
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.25 MB
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"မြန်မာအစိုးရ အဆက်ဆက်သည် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်သားများအပေါ် လွှမ်းမိုးချုပ်ကိုင်ခြင်းဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့အာဏာတည်မြဲရန် ကြိုးစားခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကြိုးစားမှုများသည် ဗမာ့ တပ်မတော်နှင့် ကေအဲန်ယူ – ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး ကဲ့သို့သော တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင် အဖွဲ့စည်းများအကြား ပဋိပက္ခများသာ အမြစ်တွယ်၊ ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်။ အကျိုးဆက်အားဖြင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့စည်း အဖွဲ့၀င်များနှင့် စစ်ရှောင် ဒုက္ခသည်များသည် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံသို့ ထွက်ပြေးခိုလှုံခဲ့ရသည်။ ၁၉၈၀ နှင့် ၁၉၉၀ နှောင်းပိုင်း နှစ်များတွင် ထိုင်းနှင့် မြန်မာ နယ်စပ်တလျှောက်တွင် ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်း ၄၀ ကျော် ရှိခဲ့သည် (Kasetsisi 2001; Trichote 2004; Vaddhanaphuti and Sitthikriengkrai 2016) ။ အစပိုင်းတွင် ထိုင်း အာဏာပိုင်များသည် ဒုက္ခသည်များအား လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထား မှုဆိုင်ရာ ပံ့ပိုးမှုများ၊ ယာယီ ခိုလှုံခွင့်များပေးခဲ့သည်။ သို့သော် ၁၉၉၀ နှောင်းပိုင်းကာလများတွင် ယာယီ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများကို ဗမာ့ တပ်မတော်မှ မကြာခဏ တိုက်ခိုက်သည့်အတွက် ထိုင်းအာဏာပိုင်များက ၎င်းတို့ စီမံရ လွယ်ကူစေရန် ဒုက္ခသည်များကို ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းကြီးများထဲသို့ ရောနှော စုပေါင်းထားခဲ့သည်။ ယခုဆိုလျှင် ထိုင်းနယ်စပ် ခရိုင်လေးခု ဖြစ်သည့် တတ်၊ မယ်ဟောင်ဆောင်၊ ကဥ္စနပုရီ၊ ရာဇပုရီ တို့ရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်း ကိုးခုသာလျှင် အကူညီများ ရရှိတော့သည်။ လက်ရှိတွင် ထိုင်း-မြန်မာ နယ်စပ်တွင် ဒုက္ခသည်ပေါင်း ကိုးထောင်ကျော် ရှိပြီး အများစုမှာ ကရင် ဒုက္ခသည်များ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ အများစုမှာ ဒုက္ခသည်အဖြစ် ခိုလှုံ နေရသည်မှာ ဆယ်စုနှစ် သုံးခုစာ ရှိပြီ ဖြစ်သည်။
ဒုက္ခသည်များအပေါ် ကမ္ဘာ၏ အာရုံစိုက်အလေးထားမှုသည် ၂၀၁၁ ခုနှစ်မှစ၍ လျော့ပါး ပျောက်ကွယ် လာပြီး ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ အနာဂတ်မှာလည်း မသေချာမရေရာ ဖြစ်လာသည်။ ထိုင်း-မြန်မာ နယ်စပ်ရှိ အိုးအိမ် စွန့်ခွါတိမ်းရှောင်ရသူ ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် လုံခြုံစိတ်ချရသည့်၊ လက်တွေ့ အလုပ်ဖြစ်နိုင်မည့် နည်းလမ်း အဖြေ များ ပေးရန်ဆိုလျှင် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့စည်းများအနေဖြင့် ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ အသံနှင့် အမြင်များကို ထည့်သွင်းစဥ်းစားရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ စာရေးသူ ကိုယ်တိုင်သည် ထိုင်း-မြန်မာ နယ်စပ် တွင် ကြီးပြင်းလာသည့် ကရင်တယောက်ဖြစ်သည့်အလျောက် ဒုက္ခသည်အရေးကိစ္စသည် စာရေးသူအတွက် ရင်ဘတ်ချင်းနီးစပ်သည့် အလွန်အရေးကြီးကိစ္စ တခုဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကျွန်တော်သည် တတ်ခရိုင် မဲဆောက်မြို့ တွင် အခြေ စိုက်သည့် Partners Relief and Development Foundation နှင့်အတူ၊ ဒုက္ခသည်များနှင့်အတူ အလုပ် လုပ် နေသည် မှာ သုံးနှစ်မျှရှိပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
မဲဆောက်ရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်များသည် ကျွန်တော်တို့နှင့်ရင်းနှီးကြပြီး သူတို့နှင့်ပြောဆိုဆက်ဆံရသည်မှာ ကျွန်တော့် နေ့စဥ်ဘ၀၏ တစိတ်တပိုင်းဖြစ်လို့နေသည်။ ကျွန်တော့် ဇာတိမြေသို့ ကားစီးပြန်သည့် အခါများတွင် ကရင် ဒုက္ခသည်များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံသည်။ သူတို့နှင့်စကားပြောရသည်ကို ကျွန်တော်နှစ်ခြိုက်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍လည်း ကရင်ဒုက္ခသည် အများစုနှင့် ကျွန်တော် ရင်းနှီးလာခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ဒုက္ခသည်သူငယ်ချင်းတယောက်ဆိုလျှင် ကျွန်တော်အလုပ်လုပ်သည့် ဖောင်ဒေးရှင်းတွင် လုပ်ကိုင်သည်။ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းမှ နေရပ်မြန်မာပြည်သို့ ပြန်ရန် သို့မဟုတ် စား၀တ်နေရေးအတွက် အလုပ်လုပ်ရန်အတွက် ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းမှ ထွက်ခွာသွားသူများထက်၊ အခြားဘေးကင်းရာသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့ ခိုလှုံရန် သို့မဟုတ် အကူညီ အထောက်ပံ့များ ပိုမိုရရှိလာရန် ဒုက္ခသည် စခန်းတွင် စောင့်ဆိုင်းသူများ ရှိနေသည့်အပေါ် ကျွန်တော်နားမလည်နိုင် ဖြစ်လာသည်။ ထိုနားမလည်မှုက ကျွန်တော့်အား ချင်းမိုင် (ဇင်းမယ်) တက္ကသိုလ်တွင် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးရေးရာနှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေး ဘာသာရပ်ဖြင့် မဟာတန်း တက်ရောက်ရန် တွန်းအားဖြစ်စေခဲ့သည်။
တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးရေးရာလေ့လာမှု နှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး စင်တာ (CESD) တွင် လေ့လာဆည်းပူးရသည့် အဓိက ပထမ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်မှာ ဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒအပြောင်းလဲဖြစ်ပေါ်စေရေး တွန်းတိုက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် မဟုတ်ဘဲ ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ ပြဿနာများ၊ ဘဝများ နှင့် အိပ်မက်များကို နက်နက်နဲနဲ နားလည်နိုင်ရန် လေ့လာလို ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွါ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းမှုကို ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေသည့် အခြေနေ ဖြစ်တည်ပုံ အကြောင်းတရားများ နှင့် ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်သောအင်အားစုများကို နားလည်ရန် ကျွန်တော်လပေါင်းများစွာ အချိန်ယူခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် အထောက်ကူဖြစ်မည့် ရလဒ်များကို ဖန်တီးရန်ဆိုလျှင် ရေရှည် အလုပ်ဖြစ်မည့်နည်းလမ်းများကို အဖြေရှာဖော်ထုတ်နေသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့စည်းများအနေဖြင့် ဒုက္ခသည် များ၏ အသံကို နားထောင်ရန် လိုအပ်သည်ဟု ကျွန်တော်နားလည်လာခဲ့သည်။ နေရာသစ်များတွင် ဘဝ တလျှောက်လုံး အခြေချ နေထိုင်ရမည့် ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် အဆိုပါကိစ္စရပ်နှင့်ပတ်သတ်၍ အနဲဆုံး မည်သို့ ဖြစ်သင့်သည် ဆိုသည့် ရွေးချယ်စရာ ပေးသင့်ပါသည်။
ရေရှည်အလုပ်ဖြစ်မည့် နည်းလမ်းအဖြေများ?
ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများသည် ယာယီအတွက် ရည်ရွယ်သော်လည်း ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် ရေရှည်အလုပ် ဖြစ်မည့် နည်းလမ်းများ လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရန်ပုံငွေများ လျော့ပါး ပျောက်ကွယ် သွား နိုင်သည့်အတွက် ကူညီဖြေရှင်းမည့်နည်းလမ်းများသည် ၎င်းတို့အတွက် ရေရှည်အလုပ်ဖြစ်မည့် နည်းလမ်း မျိုးဖြစ်ရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ ဒုက္ခသည် စခန်းများပိတ်သိမ်း နိုင်ရန်မျှော်လင့်ချက်ဖြင့် ထိုင်း-မြန်မာ နယ်စပ်မှ ဒုက္ခသည်များအပါအဝင် ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် ဒုက္ခသည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂမဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး (UNHCR) မှ ထုတ်ဖော် ထားသည့် နည်းလမ်း အဖြေ သုံးခုမှာ အခြားဘေးကင်းရာအရပ်သို့ ရွှေ့ပြောင်း အခြေချနေထိုင် ခြင်း၊ မိမိနေထိုင်သည့် ဒေသရှိ လူမှုအသိုက်၀န်းများနှင့် ပေါင်းစည်းနေထိုင်ခြင်း နှင့် မိမိဆန္ဒအလျောက် နေရပ်ပြန်ခြင်း တို့ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ဒုက္ခသည်များအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏ မူလနိုင်ငံသို့ ပြန်ရန်မဖြစ်နိုင်သည့်အခါတွင် ပထမ နည်းလမ်းအဖြေ ဖြစ်သည့် အခြားဘေးကင်းရာအရပ်သို့ ရွှေ့ပြောင်း အခြေချနေထိုင်ခြင်းအား စဥ်းစားသည်။ ရွှေ့ပြောင်း အခြေချ နေထိုင်ခြင်းသည် ဒုက္ခသည်များအနေဖြင့် အခြားနိုင်ငံတခုတွင် ပိုမိုတည်ငြိမ်သည့် ဘဝ တခု ရှာဖွေနိုင်ရန် အထောက်ကူပေးသည်။ ၂၀၀၅ ခုနှစ်တွင် အမေရိကန်အစိုးရသည် ထိုင်း-မြန်မာ နယ်စပ်မှ ဒုက္ခသည်များအား လက်ခံရန် သဘောတူခဲ့သည်။ သို့သော် ၂၀၁၄ ခုနှစ်တွင် အဆိုပါနည်းလမ်းသည် ရပ်တန့် သွားခဲ့သည်။ ယနေ့တွင် အမေရိကန်၏ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းအခြေချ နေထိုင်ရေး အစီစဥ်တွင် အမည်စာရင်း ပေးသွင်း ထားပြီး ပြောင်းရွှေ့ရန် စောင့်ဆိုင်းနေသည့် ဒုက္ခသည်များ ရှိနေသေးသည်။ အချို့ ဒုက္ခသည်များသည် အဆိုပါအစီစဥ် တနေ့ ပြန်လည်စတင်မည်အထင်ဖြင့် ဆက်လက်စောင့်ဆိုင်းနေကြသည်။
မိမိတို့နေထိုင်ရာအရပ်ဒေသရှိ လူမှုအသိုက်၀န်းတွင် ပေါင်းစည်းနေထိုင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည့် ဒုတိယ နည်းလမ်းတွင် ဒုက္ခသည်များသည် ၎င်းတို့ ခိုလှုံရာ ပထမ နိုင်ငံတွင် ဘဝတခု အပြည့်အဝ တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် လိုအပ်သည့် ဘာသာစကားနှင့် အခြား ကျွမ်းကျင်မှုများအတွက် အကူညီများရရှိသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံသည် ၁၉၅၁ ခုနှစ် ဒုက္ခသည်ဆိုင်ရာညီလာခံ အဖွဲ့၀င်နိုင်ငံ မဟုတ်သည့်အတွက် ဒေသတွင်းပေါင်းစည်းရေးသည် လက်တွေ့တွင် မဖြစ်နိုင်ပေ။ သို့သော်လည်း အချို့ ဒုက္ခသည်များမှာ မိမိနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ဒေသခံများနှင့် ပေါင်းစည်းနေထိုင် နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးစားကြသည်။ ဒေသခံလူမှုအသိုင်း၀ိုင်းနှင့် ဆက်ဆံရေးတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် ထိုင်းကျောင်းများ သို့ မိမိတို့၏သားသမီးများစေလွှတ်ခြင်းမျိုးရှိသကဲ့သို့ အချို့ကိစ္စရပ်များတွင် ဒုက္ခသည် များသည် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံသားများနှင့် လက်ထက်ကြသည်လည်း ရှိသည်။
တတိယနည်းလမ်းသည် မိမိတို့သဘောဆန္ဒအလျောက် မိမိ၏မူလနိုင်ငံ နေရပ်သို့ပြန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ လက်ရှိတွင် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် တခုတည်းသော တရား၀င်လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်သော နည်းလမ်းတခုလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ အချို့ ဒုက္ခသည်များအနေဖြင့် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ စား၀တ်နေရေး အခြေနေ ယိုယွင်းဆိုးရွားမည်ကို စိုးရိမ်မှုများရှိပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ အမှန်တကယ် ပြန်ချင်စိတ်ရှိသော်လည်း အချို့မှာ ၎င်းတို့သဘော ဆန္ဒမပါဘဲ “မိမိတို့ဆန္ဒအလျောက်” ဟုဆိုကာ အတင်းကျပ်ပြန်ရန် စေခိုင်းခံရခြင်း မျိုးရှိသည်။ အဘယ်ကြောင့်ဆိုသော် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး၏ နေရပ်ပြန်ရေးဆိုသည်မှာ အစိုးရထိန်းချုပ်ထားသော ဒေသများသို့ ပြန်ပို့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ဒုက္ခသည်အများစု၏ နေအိမ်များမှာ ကေအဲန်ယူ ထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေများတွင် ရှိသောကြောင့် အဆိုပါနည်းလမ်းကို လက်မခံလိုခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာသို့ နေရပ်ပြန်ရေးမှာ အလွန်ရှုပ်ထွေးသော ပြဿနာဖြစ်ပြီး ဒုက္ခသည်အချို့ကသာလျှင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး ၏ နေရပ်ပြန်ပို့ရေး နည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ပြန်ကြသည်။ အချို့ဒုက္ခသည်များမှာ ကေအဲန်ယူ ထိန်းချုပ်နယ် မြေများသို့ ပြန်ရန် ရွေးချယ်သော်လည်း အဆိုပါလမ်းကြောင်းမှာလည်း စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ သောလမ်းကြောင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကျွန်တော်လင်းပါမည်။
ကျွန်တော်သုတေသနလုပ်စဥ်တွင် နယ်စပ်ဒေသရှိ ရွာအတော်များများသို့ ခရီးထွက်ခွင့်ရခဲ့သကဲ့သို့ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်ရှိ ကေအဲန်ယူ ထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေသို့ ပြန်ရန် ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့သည့် ဒုက္ခသည်များစွာနှင့် လည်း တွေ့ခွင့်ရခဲ့သည်။ အများစု ပြန်ကြသည့် အကြောင်းရင်းသည် ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများမှတဆင့် ၎င်းတို့ထံပေးပို့သည့် အကူညီများ လျော့ကျသွားခြင်းကြောင့်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံ၏ မူဝါဒ စည်းမျဥ်းစည်းကမ်းများအရ ဒုက္ခသည်များသည် ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းမှ တရားဝင်ထွက်ခွာ၍ မရပေ။ ၎င်းတို့အနေဖြင့် အကူညီများ တောင်းခံရန်နှင့် ပိုလွတ်လပ်စွာ လှုပ်ရှားသွားလာခွင့် တောင်းခံရန် တရား၀င် လမ်းကြောင်းများမရှိဘဲ နှုတ်ဆိတ်နေရသည်။ သို့ ဖြစ်၍ ရန်ပုံငွေ အရေအတွက်နှင့် ရန်ပုံငွေပေးသည့် အမျိုးအစားများ လျော့နည်းလာသည့်အခါ ၎င်းတို့အပေါ် တိုက်ရိုက်သက်ရောက်စေသည်။ ကျွန်တော့် အင်တာဗျူးတွင် ဖြေဆိုခဲ့သူအချို့က ရန်ပုံငွေလျော့ကျခြင်းကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့လိုအပ်သည့် အခြေခံ လိုအပ်ချက်လေးမျိုးဖြစ်သော အဝတ်အစား၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ၊ နေရာထိုင်ခင်းနှင့် ဆေးဝါးများ မရရှိကြောင်း ပြောဆိုကြသည်။
နေရပ်ပြန်ရေးနှင့်ပတ်သတ်၍ ဒုက္ခသည်များ မည်သို့စဥ်းစားသနည်း
ကရင်ဒုက္ခသည်တဦးဖြစ်သူ နော်ဆူပိုး (အမည်လွှဲ) သည် မကြာမီက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အစိုးရ ထိန်းချုပ် သည့် နေရာတခုမဟုတ်သည့် ဒေသသို့ ပြန်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့သည် ။ သူမသည် ကေအဲန်ယူ ထိန်းချုပ်နေရာသို့ သွားရန် ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့သည်။ ကျွန်တော့် သီးစစ် စာတမ်းအတွက် ဒေတာ အချက်လက်များ ကောက်ယူနေစဥ်က သူမနှင့် သူမ၏ မိသားစုတို့နှင့်အတူ နေ့လည်စာစားရန် ဖိတ်ကြားပြီးနောက် သူမ၏ စခန်းမှထွက်ခွာသည့် အတွေ့ အကြုံကို ပြောပြခဲ့သည်။
နော်ဆူပိုး ၏ ဝါးအိမ်လေးမှာ ရိုးရိုးရှင်းရှင်းဖြစ်သည်။ သူမ စကားပြောသည့်အခါ သမီးနှစ်ယောက်မှာ သူမ၏ အမျိုးသားဘေးတွင် ထိုင်နေသည်။ သူမသည် မူလအစက ကရင်အမျိုးသား လွတ်မြောက်ရေး တပ်မတော် (KNLA) တပ်မဟာ ၆ နယ်မြေမှ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၎င်းတို့ ရွာတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများ ဖြစ်ပွားသဖြင့် မိသားစုနှင့် အတူ ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံသို့ ဖြတ်ကျော်ဝင်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများတွင် ၁၅ နှစ်မျှ နေထိုင်ပြီးနောက် စခန်းသို့ ပို့သည့် စားနပ်ရိက္ခာအကူညီများ သိသိသာသာ လျော့နည်းလာခဲ့သည်။ နော်ဆူပိုးက “ကျွန်မတို့ ချက်ပြုတ်စားသောက်ဖို့ သစ်သား၊ ဝါး ရှာမရလို့ မီးတောင်မွှေးလို့မရခဲ့ဘူး။ ကျွန်မတို့နေ့စဥ်ဘဝက ဆင်းရဲမွဲတေမှုတွေနဲ့ ရင်ဆိုင်ရတယ်။ ထင်းခြောက်ရှာဖို့လေးကို ကျွန်မတို့ စခန်းကနေ ပုန်းလျှိုးကွယ်လျှိုး ထွက်ခဲ့ရတယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ကျွန်မ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ပြန်ဖို့ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့တာ” ဟု ကျွန်တော့်ကို ပြောပြပါသည်။
အသက်အများကြီးပိုကြီးသည့် ဦးလေး တီးဝါး (အမည်လွှဲ) က အချို့ ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် ကေအဲန်ယူ ထိန်းချုပ်ရာ နယ်မြေသို့ ပြန်ရန် ဘာကြောင့်ပိုလိုလားသည် ဆိုသည့် သူ့အမြင်ကိုပြောပြသည်။ ကေအဲန်ယူထိန်းချုပ် နယ်မြေရှိ ဝမှီးအေး (အမည်လွှဲ) ရွာတွင် ကျွန်တော်သူ့ကိုတွေ့ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုနေ့က ထိပ်ထူတဲ့ နေ့တနေ့ဖြစ်ပြီး အဖေ့ဆိုင်ကယ်အဟောင်းကို စီးလာခဲ့သည့်အတွက် ပြိုမလို မဲမှောင်ညှို့မှိုင်း နေသည့် ကောင်းကင်ကို ကျွန်တော်အကဲခတ် မောင်းနှင်လာခဲ့သည်။ လမ်းတလျှောက်တွင် လယ်သမားများ ပြောင်းမျိုးစေ့ချနေကြပြီး အညိုရောင်ကမ္ဘာမြေကြီးမှ ချောကလက်ကဲ့သို့ ပေါ်ထွက်လာသည့် မြင်ကွင်းအား ကြည့်ရင်း ကျွန်တော့် မျက်နှာပေါ် ရိုက်ခတ်လာသည့်လေကို သဘောကျနေခဲ့သည်။
ဝမှီးအေးရွာသို့ ကျွန်တော်ရောက်သည့်အခါ ဦးလေး တီး၀ါးနှင့် မတွေ့ခင် လူအများကြီးနှင့် ကျွန်တော် စကားလက်ဆုံကျသည်။ ၎င်းတို့ ကေအဲန်ယူ နယ်မြေတွင် နေထိုင်ရန် ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့သည်မှာ တပ်မတော်၏ သိမ်းပိုက်မှုများစွာ ကြုံတွေ့ခဲ့ ရသောကြောင့် ဖြစ်သည်။ ယနေ့ထိတိုင်တွေ့ကြုံနေရသေးသည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် အာဏာပိုင်များအပေါ် သံသယရှိနေပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ ရှုထောင့်မှာ “ကိုယ့်အခွင့်ရေး ရပိုင်ခွင့်အတွက် တိုက်တာကို ကိုယ့်အိမ်ကနေအတင်းကျပ် ဖယ်ထုတ်ခံရပြီး အဲ့လိုတိုက်ခိုက်ဖယ်ထုတ်ခဲ့တဲ့ သူတွေက မင်းပြန်လာလို့ ရပါတယ်လို့ တနေ့ပြောလာရင် မင်းယုံမလား။ မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေးနဲ့ အခြေနေ တွေဟာ ပြောင်းလဲခဲ့ပြီလို့ ထင်ရတယ်၊ ဒါပေမယ့် အာဏာပိုင်အသစ်တွေကို မင်းယုံမလား” ဟူ၍ ဖြစ်သည်။
“မြန်မာအစိုးရက ဒုက္ခသည်တွေကို လက်ခံချင်တယ်လို့ ပြသဖို့ ကြိုးစားနေပေမယ့် သူတို့ကို ငါတို့ ယုံကြည်လိုက်လို့ မဖြစ်ဘူး” ဟု ဦးလေး တီးဝါးက ဘွင်းဘွင်းပဲ ဆိုပါသည်။ “ဆိတ်ခေါင်းချိတ် ပြီး ဝက်သားရောင်းနေတာ” ဟု ပုံပမာခိုင်းနှိုင်း ပါသည်။ စျေးကြီးသည့် ဆိတ်သား ရောင်းနေဟန်ဖြင့် ဆိတ်ခေါင်းအား ဆိုင်ဦးခန်းတွင် ချိတ်ထားသော်လည်း အမှန်တကယ်မှာ ဝယ်သူများကို တ၀က်စျေး သာရှိသော စျေးပေါသည့် ဝက်သားများကို ဆိတ်သားစျေးဖြင့် လိမ်ညာ ရောင်းချနေခြင်းသာ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု သူဆိုလိုခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
ဦးလေးတီးဝါးအနေဖြင့် ကျန်ရှိသည့်သူ့ဘဝအား “မဖြုန်းတီး” လို၍ ဝမှီးအေးရွာသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ သူသည် အသက်ကြီးလာပြီ ဖြစ်၍ နေထိုင်ရန် အချိန်သိပ်မကျန်တော့သည့် သူ့ အတွက် သူ့ဘဝအား ဒုက္ခပင်လယ်ဝေစေခဲ့သော၊ ဒဏ်ရာပေးခဲ့သော သူများကို မယုံကြည်တော့ဟု ပြောပြ သည်။ မြန်မာ အာဏာပိုင်များနှင့် ပတ်သတ်ရသည်မှာ အချိန်ဖြုန်းတီးခြင်းသာဖြစ်သည်။ “ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်း မှာထက်စာရင် ဒီနေရာကို ပိုလာချင်ကြတယ်။ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းမှာ အကူညီတွေလျော့၊ အလုပ်တွေလည်း ရှာမရဘဲ အခြေနေတွေက အရမ်းဆိုးနေတယ်။ ဦးလေးကအသက်ကြီးလာပြီလေ ၊ ဦးလေးဖျားရင် ဘယ်သူမှ ဦးစားပေး အလုပ်ပေး မှာမဟုတ်ဘူး” ဟု ဦးလေးတီးဝါးက ပြောသည်။
ဦးလေးတီးဝါး၏ အတွေ့ကြုံများက ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ခံစားချက်များကို ၎င်းတို့၏စိတ်ဒဏ်ရာများ၊ မမေ့နိုင်စရာ မှတ်ဥာဏ်များက မည်မျှစိုးမိုးနေသည်ကို ပြသသည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့
စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်း မှုပြီး အခြေနေများကို ကြည့်ပါက တပ်မတော်နှင့် KNLA ကဲ့သို့သော တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင် အဖွဲ့များနှင့် တိုက်ပွဲများအတိုင်းတာတခုရှိနေသေးသည် ကိုတွေ့နိုင်သည်။
အဆိုပါအခြေနေက “ဒုက္ခသည်များ အမှန်တကယ် အိမ်ပြန်နိုင်ပြီလား” ဆိုသည့် မေးစရာဖြစ်လာသည်။
ထိုင်း-မြန်မာနယ်စပ်တွင် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်တည်းစတင်ကတည်းမှ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံးနှင့် ထိုင်းအာဏာပိုင်တို့ အားပေးဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည့် အပေါ်မှမူချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သည့် နည်းလမ်းများအား ပြန်လည်စဥ်းစားသုံးသပ်ရန်လိုပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဖြေရှင်းသည့် နည်းလမ်းများက ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ အနာဂတ် ဘဝအပေါ်တိုက်ရိုက်သက်ရောက်မည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာပိုင်များအားလုံး မည်သည့်ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မှ မချမှတ် မဆုံးဖြတ်ခင် ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ အသံများနှင့် စိတ်ကူးများကို ထည့်သွင်း စဥ်းစား၍ ၎င်းတို့အတွက် အမှန်တကယ်အကျိုးရှိ ရေရှည်အထောက်ကူဖြစ်မည့် ဖြေရှင်းနည်းများကို ဖန်တီးဖော်ထုတ်ကြရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
ကိုးကား
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Trichote, P. (2004). The Policy of Burma Repatriation from Thailand Research Project [ထိုင်းမှ ဗမာသို့ နေရပ်ပြန်ရေးမူဝါဒ သုတေသန စီမံကိန်း]. Institute of Asian Studies. Chulalongkorn University.
Vaddhanaphuti, C. & Sitthikriengkrai, M. (2016). The Alternative of Policy to Solving the problem of refugees in temporary shelters [ယာယီခိုလှုံရာနေရာများရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်များ၏ ပြဿနာ အဖြေရှာ ရေး အခြားမူဝါဒသစ်]. National Human Rights Commission of Thailand.
Aryuwat Raruen သည် ချင်းမိုင်တက္ကသိုလ် (CMU) ၏ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးရေးနှင့် ဖွံ့ ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေး အစီစဥ်မှ ပညာရေးဘွဲ့ရကျောင်းသားတဦးဖြစ်သည်။ သူသည် ဒုက္ခသည်များအရေး၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား လူမျိုးအရေး၊ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်သူများ နှင့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသအရေးများကို စိတ်ဝင်စားသည်။ လက်ရှိတွင် သူသည် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံ တတ်ခရိုင် မဲဆောက်မြို့ရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် ညှိနှိုင်းရေးမှုးအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်သူများအတွက် ကျောင်းတွက် ဆရာတဦး အဖြစ် လည်းကောင်း ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည်။ ယခုဆောင်းပါးသည် ယခုနှစ်ကုန်ပိုင်းတွင် ထုတ်ဝေမည့် Moving Around Myanmar: Migration In, From and Back [မြန်မာပြည်အနှံ့ ရွေ့လျားသွားလာခြင်း။ ။ မြန်မာပြည်ထဲ၊ မြန်မာပြည်မှ နှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သို့ ] (ချင်းမိုင်တက္ကသိုလ်မှ ပုံနှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေမှု) စာအုပ်တွင် သူပါ၀င်ရေးသားခဲ့သည့်အခန်း တခန်းပေါ် အခြေခံသည်။
ယခုပို့စ်အား လက်ဘက်ရည်ဝိုင်း ဘာသာပြန်အဖွဲ့မှ ပြန်ဆိုသည်။.."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles, Armed conflict in Karen State - general articles and reports, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Ensure Prompt Access to UN Refugee Agency for Protection
Description:
"(New York) – Indian authorities should immediately free all detained Myanmar asylum seekers, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities should investigate the deaths of two women who had fled Myanmar and died in custody in Manipur state from Covid-19 in June 2021.
Since Myanmar’s military coup on February 1, tens of thousands of Myanmar nationals have fled the country to escape the violent crackdown. Approximately 16,000 Myanmar nationals have crossed into India in the four bordering states – Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh, the media have reported. Those fleeing include parliament members, civil servants, military and police officials, and civil society and human rights activists. Most are in hiding, afraid of being arrested.
“People from Myanmar fleeing threats to their lives and liberty should be offered a safe haven in India, not detained and deprived of their rights,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The Indian government should uphold its international legal obligations and work with the UN refugee agency to ensure prompt access to international protection mechanisms.”
In June, two women from Myanmar, Ma Myint, 46, and Mukhai, 40, died from Covid-19 in a district hospital in Manipur state. Ma Myint and Mukhai were among 29 Myanmar nationals arrested on March 31 under the Foreigners Act for entering the country without valid travel documents. They were later placed in judicial custody by the district court. On July 2, the Manipur-based group Human Rights Alert wrote to the state human rights commission alleging that government officials were not providing immigration detainees with food and adequate health care, and that detainees were dependent on the charity of local civil society groups for food.
Ma Myint and Mukhai were only taken to a hospital once their illness was critical, according to Human Rights Alert and both died within three days of being admitted. At least 13 other asylum seekers also contracted Covid-19 in detention in Manipur.
Since February, the Myanmar junta and security forces have responded with increasing violence and repression to the nationwide anti-coup movement. Security forces have killed over 920 people and arbitrarily detained an estimated 5,300 activists, journalists, civil servants, and politicians. In March, the Indian government condemned the violence in Myanmar at the UN Security Council and called for the release of detained leaders, but at the same time the government ordered northeast border states to check the flow of “illegal immigrants from Myanmar.”
The chief minister of Mizoram state, which has had the greatest influx since February, wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi saying this directive was unacceptable and urged the national government to instead provide asylum to the refugees.
While Indian border guards have not pushed back any arrivals from Myanmar since the coup and several village councilors in northeast states have expressed a willingness to accommodate the refugees, the Modi government has provided no clarity regarding their status, local rights groups said. In addition, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in India requires asylum seekers to travel to one of the agency’s designated centers, none of which are in the northeast, to apply for refugee status. As a result, thousands of Myanmar nationals in India fleeing persecution remain vulnerable to arrest, detention, and possible return to Myanmar.
UNHCR Detention Guidelines, which draw on international law, say that government authorities may detain adult asylum seekers only “as a last resort” as a strictly necessary and proportionate measure to achieve a legitimate legal purpose based on an individual assessment. Legitimate justifications for detention should be clearly defined in law, and conform to reasons clearly recognized in international law, such as concerns about danger to the public, a likelihood of absconding, or an inability to confirm an individual’s identity. Victims of torture and other serious physical, psychological, or sexual violence should, as a general rule, not be detained.
Refugees in the border states are largely dependent on civil society groups, who are providing support. Several groups have written to the national government asking it to provide humanitarian aid to the asylum seekers and ensure that specialized humanitarian agencies, including UNHCR, have unhindered access to them.
On May 3, the High Court of Manipur ordered safe passage for seven Myanmar nationals, including three journalists, to Delhi so that they could seek protection from UNHCR. “They fled the country of their origin under imminent threat to their lives and liberty,” the court stated, adding “They aspire for relief under International Conventions that were put in place to offer protection and rehabilitation to refugees/asylum seekers. In such a situation, insisting that they first answer for admitted violations of our domestic laws, as a condition precedent for seeking ‘refugee’ status, would be palpably inhuman.”
Although India is not a party to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, the international legal principle of nonrefoulement is recognized as customary international law binding on all countries. Nonrefoulement prohibits countries from returning anyone to a country where they may face persecution, torture, or other serious harm.
Since 2017, Indian authorities have repeatedly sought to return ethnic Rohingya to Myanmar despite serious allegations of crimes against humanity and genocide by the military. In March, Indian authorities in Delhi, Jammu, and Kashmir detained dozens of Rohingya with plans to deport them to Myanmar. In April, the Supreme Court rejected a plea to stop their deportation.
Many of the detained Rohingya say they hold identity documents issued by UNHCR and that they feared for their safety in Myanmar. Over a million Rohingya have fled Myanmar, primarily to Bangladesh, most of them since the military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing that began in August 2017. The 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Myanmar’s Rakhine State face severe repression and violence, with no freedom of movement, no access to citizenship, or other basic rights. Abuses against the Rohingya in Rakhine State amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution, Human Rights Watch said.
Indian authorities say that they will deport irregular immigrants from Myanmar if they do not hold valid travel documents required under the Foreigners Act. But any forcible returns to Myanmar would violate the principle of nonrefoulement.
India’s failure to provide fair asylum procedures or to allow UNHCR to make refugee determinations for those fleeing Myanmar because of the threat to their lives violates the government’s international legal obligations, Human Rights Watch said.
“Prime Minister Narendra Modi needs to ensure that the Indian government meets its obligations under international refugee law,” Ganguly said. “Indian authorities should treat those from Myanmar seeking refuge in India with dignity and provide them protection from further abuse.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-07-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Response to the briefing by Mr. Andrew Kirkwood,
United Nations Resident Coordinator a.i and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i
1. Introduction
The National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) recognises the critical roles performed by United Nations (UN) agencies, funds and programmes in Myanmar, and restates its commitment to working in partnership with the UN Country Team (UNCT) and the Resident Coordinator’s Office.
The NUG also notes the 3 October 2021 media briefing by Mr. Andrew Kirkwood, UN Resident Coordinator a.i and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i. It is however concerned by some inaccurate and misleading representations and significant omissions. They are addressed in this statement.
2. Military takeover
The Resident Coordinator a.i. referred to a “military takeover” and claimed that the military had “seized control”. This is a dangerous misrepresentation. The NUG, Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and pro-NUG districts and local communities control significant swathes of territory and are delivering essential services, including healthcare, education and humanitarian assistance. The NUG is constituted of and was established by democratically-elected parliamentarians and enjoys the popular support of the people. Critically, the UN Security Council and the General Assembly have recognised the continuing authority of President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The Myanmar military staged an illegal, unsuccessful coup d’état on 1 February 2021 and has since been unable to wrest control of the country’s territory, infrastructure or institutions. It has collapsed service provision. It has acted unlawfully and unconstitutionally. It is opposed by the Myanmar people on a mass, country-wide scale, including by civil servants. On no grounds has the military junta “taken over” or “seized control”.
3. Multi-dimensional crisis
The Resident Coordinator a.i. rightfully spoke of “a crisis on top of a crisis with yet another crisis on top of that”. What he failed to add during his discussion of the “devastating third wave” of COVID-19 is that these are military-induced crises. The military junta has weaponised COVID-19 through targeted attacks on medical personnel and by withholding access to medical treatment, medicines, oxygen and vaccines. An unknown number of people have died and millions have been plunged into poverty – the same millions that the UNCT is now struggling to reach.
4. Displacement
The Resident Coordinator a.i. reported that over 200,000 people have been “newly displaced” since 1 February 2021 “due to the conflict between the Myanmar armed forces, many of the ethnic armed organizations, and these newly formed People’s Defence Forces”. This statement stopped short of linking displacement to the large scale and widespread military operations that have seen civilians executed and tortured, villages raided and torched, and property destroyed and looted. These military actions comprise grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and in some cases crimes against humanity. It is disingenuous and dangerous to generically attribute displacement to “conflict”.
5. Humanitarian access
The NUG stands ready to work in partnership with the UNCT and humanitarian agencies to facilitate the delivery of emergency assistance and supplies. The Resident Coordinator a.i. has called on “all parties to use their influence to facilitate… safe and unhindered access”. As the legitimate Government of Myanmar, the NUG will meet this call. However, it is critical that the international community and the UNCT acknowledge that the military junta’s actions are plunging the country into a deeper humanitarian crisis.
6. Human rights and accountability
The Resident Coordinator a.i. did not make a single reference to human rights or to military atrocities in his statement. Only ten days earlier, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights briefed the UN Human Rights Council on the military’s crimes, reporting:
serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, including violations of the rights to life, liberty and security of person; the prohibition against torture; fair trial guarantees; freedom of expression, and freedom of peaceful assembly. Several of these violations may amount to crimes against humanity committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against the civilian population – or, to the extent arising in armed conflict, war crimes.
The High Commissioner added that ‘[t]he human rights violations… being committed by the Tatmadaw today are built upon the impunity with which they perpetrated the shocking campaigns of violence against the Rohingya just four years ago – and also against many other ethnic minorities over decades.’
The Resident Coordinator a.i. must present a more comprehensive picture of the UN’s work in country, including by addressing human rights concerns. The Rosenthal Report on the UN’s involvement in Myanmar found a collective failure on behalf of the UN system to convey ‘more forcefully the United Nations’ principled concerns regarding grave human rights violations.’ These failures must not be repeated.
7. Depoliticisation
The Resident Coordinator a.i. has called for a “depoliticised” humanitarian response. The military junta continues to apply its well-worn tactic of holding human lives to ransom. The UNCT must not take the bait by engaging with the junta based on justifications such as “staying and delivering” or “securing a license to operate”. The UNCT must strictly abide by its Engagement Principles, which demand that all programmes accrue benefits directly to the people and in no way grant legitimacy to the military junta. To act otherwise would see the UNCT enable the very “politicisation” that the Resident Coordinator a.i. has warned against. The UNCT is at grave risk of being instrumentalised by the military junta.
8. Socio-Economic Response Framework (SERF) for Myanmar
The NUG supports the Resident Coordinator a.i. in calling for increased contributions to alleviate the dire suffering in Myanmar. We stand ready to support SERF implementation. All humanitarian and development projects must be implemented through the NUG and its partners, EAOs, INGOs, NGOs, local and civil society organisations, and community-based organisations. Not a single dollar should be directed to the military junta. Calls have been made for the Security Council to list the military junta as a terrorist organisation. The UNCT and donor agencies should treat it as such.
9. Conclusions and recommendations
The NUG requests clarifications from the Resident Coordinator a.i in the form of a corrective statement. Particular caution must be exercised to avoid phrases that misrepresent the situation in Myanmar. The NUG also calls on the Resident Coordinator a.i. and the UNCT to:
• Engage directly with the NUG as the legitimate Government of Myanmar. The NUG and its partners control significant territory, deliver essential services, and enjoy the support of the people. The Security Council and the General Assembly continue to recognise the authority of President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the NUG’s Permanent Representative to the UN continues to represent Myanmar in UN fora.
• Ensure that all humanitarian and development projects are implemented through the NUG and its partners, EAOs, INGOs, NGOs, local and civil society organisations, and community-based organisations. Not a single dollar should be directed to the military junta
• Avoid taking any actions that legitimise the military junta, in line with the UNCT’s Engagement Principles
• More comprehensively present the views of UNCT members, including with regard to the human rights situation in Myanmar and military atrocities
• Update the UNCT’s Human Rights Strategy. New programmes must be informed by human rights due diligence, conflict-sensitivity and risk assessments, and the do no harm principle. The Strategy should also identify the NUG as the primary implementing partner.
Finally, the NUG calls on the UN Secretary-General to formally appoint the new Resident Coordinator as a matter of urgency, in consultation with the NUG..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Amicus Curiae submitted by Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights and Fortify Rights in support of a Universal Jurisdiction Case in Argentina to Prosecute Atrocity Crimes against Rohingya in Myanmar
Description:
"In an amicus curiae submitted to the National Chamber of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals in Buenos Aires, RFK Human Rights and Fortify Rights provide expert analysis in support of a petition filed in Federal Court in Argentina on November 13, 2019 by Rohingya activist Maung Tun Khin of the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K. (BROUK), six female survivors, and two Latin American human rights organizations. The original petition urges the court to investigate, under “universal jurisdiction,” genocide and crimes against humanity, including sexual violence, mass atrocity crimes committed with impunity against Rohingya in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-10-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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162.45 KB
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Sub-title:
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights and Fortify Rights submit amicus curiae to Federal Court in Argentina
Description:
"In the amicus curiae submitted today to the National Chamber of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals in Buenos Aires, RFK Human Rights and Fortify Rights provided expert analysis to the court in support of a petition filed in Federal Court in Argentina on November 13, 2019 by Rohingya activist Maung Tun Khin of the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K. (BROUK), five other survivors, and two Latin American human rights organizations. The original petition urges the court to investigate, under “universal jurisdiction,” mass atrocity crimes committed with impunity against Rohingya in Myanmar.
Universal jurisdiction enables states to investigate and prosecute crimes under international law, such as crimes against humanity or genocide, regardless of where they occurred. The principle of universal jurisdiction is enshrined in the Argentine national legal framework, including in Article 118 of the Constitution.
Maung Tun Khin and BROUK are represented by Argentine lawyer Tomás Ojea Quintana, a former U.N. Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar from 2008 to 2014 and a founding member of the International Advisory Board at Fortify Rights.
On July 12, 2021, a lower court in Argentina decided not to investigate atrocity crimes committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar. The court ruled that the Argentinian courts were not the appropriate forum to adjudicate the alleged crimes, as the Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC) is already investigating crimes against Rohingya.
Maung Tun Khin appealed the decision; the first appeal hearing was held on August 17.
In the 21-page amicus curiae, RFK Human Rights and Fortify Rights argue that the lower court in Argentina relied on a misunderstanding of the ICC’s principle of complementarity. The principle of complementarity maintains that the ICC is a “court of last resort” and may only exercise jurisdiction when States are unable or unwilling to do so; however, the rule as defined in the Rome Statute of the ICC is that the ICC would refrain from investigating if another State is already investigating, not the other way around. There is no international customary norm to support the lower court’s interpretation of complementarity.
The amicus curiae also explains that if the court were to accept the lower court’s argument, there would still be a variety of international crimes against Rohingya in Myanmar that the ICC is not at present investigating, as it is investigating only the crime of forced deportation.
Myanmar is not a State Party to the Rome Statute of the ICC. The ICC’s investigation into crimes against the Rohingya is limited to the forced deportation of Rohingya to Bangladesh and other related crimes partially committed in Bangladesh, which is a State Party to the Rome Statute.
The original petition filed by BROUK and others in Argentina covers a variety of crimes committed in Myanmar against the Rohingya since 2012, including murder, enforced disappearance, torture, sexual violence, and imprisonment.
On August 17, 2021, as a part of the proceedings in Argentina, five Rohingya survivors of sexual violence testified remotely to the Federal Criminal Appeals Court in Buenos Aires from refugee camps in Bangladesh.
On August 23, 2021, six Rohingya civil society organizations in Cox’s Bazar District, Bangladesh also submitted an amicus curiae to the Federal Criminal Appeals Court. The Rohingya-led groups include the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, Rohingya Youth for Legal Action, Rohingya Women Development Forum, Rohingya Women’s Empowerment and Advocacy Network, Rohingya Student Unity and Rights, and the Rohingya Peace Innovation Unity.
There are more than one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and the Myanmar military junta continues to confine more than 120,000 people, mostly Rohingya, to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State, Myanmar. Like the pre-coup government, the military junta now confines an estimated 500,000 other Rohingya in Myanmar to their villages, denying them citizenship, freedom of movement, and other fundamental human rights.
Since seizing power in February, the Myanmar military junta has killed more than 1,100 women, men, and children and arbitrarily arrested, detained, and charged more than 6,800 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
In 2018, Fortify Rights published a 160-page report detailing genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingya during the Myanmar military-led “clearance operations” of 2016 and 2017..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), International Criminal Court, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"DHAKA (Reuters) - U.N. officials signed a deal with Bangladesh on Saturday to help provide basic services to thousands of Rohingya Muslim refugees who have been moved to camps on a remote island in the Bay of Bengal.
The Bangladeshi government has moved nearly 19,000 Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char island from border camps despite protests by some refugees and opposition from rights groups, who say the low-lying island is vulnerable to flooding and storms.
Authorities in the densely populated South Asian country eventually want the island to accommodate about 10% of the 1 million Rohingya refugees who currently live in ramshackle border camps after fleeing violence in neighbouring Myanmar.
UNHCR, the U.N. refugee agency, said the agreement signed on Saturday allowed for close cooperation with the government on providing services for the island’s growing refugee population.
“These cover key areas of protection, education, skills-training, livelihoods and health, which will help support the refugees to lead decent lives on the island and better prepare them for sustainable return to Myanmar in the future,” a UNHCR statement said.
About 81,000 Rohingya should be living on the island within three months, Mohammad Mohsin, a senior official at the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief, told reporters after singing the accord.
Refugees in Bhasan Char, some of whom have protested against living conditions on the island, welcomed UNHCR’s involvement.
“Now we’ll get enough of the assistance that we need,” Mohammed Arman, a Rohingya refugee told Reuters by telephone.
Residents of the island’s camps have said they face restrictions on movement, no opportunities to earn a livelihood and inadequate healthcare and education.
Dozens of people died after a fishing boat crammed with Rohingya trying to flee the island sank in August.
Some Rohingya have spoken of being coerced to go to Bhasan Char, but Bangladesh says relocation is voluntary and has dismissed safety concerns - citing the building of flood defences, housing for 100,000 people and hospitals..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-10-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Human Rights and international relations
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more
Description:
"Your Excellencies,
I urge you, as Member States of the United Nations, to take further urgent and concrete action to halt the ongoing human rights and humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar and hold to account those responsible for human rights violations.
I am sharing an appeal signed by over 70,000 people from 161 countries and territories to governments and businesses around the world, to unite to protect the people of Myanmar. They specifically urge governments to:
increase diplomatic pressure to stop the Myanmar military’s human rights violations and to hold perpetrators accountable;
stop the flow of all arms and other resources to the Myanmar military used to commit violations;
request ASEAN to implement its Five-Point Consensus with a clear timeline, call for the release of all individuals arbitrarily detained, and support UN actions;
increase humanitarian assistance;
Additionally, local and foreign businesses are asked to fulfil their responsibility to respect human rights, including to assess the human rights impact of their operations and partnerships in Myanmar.
In just eight months since the coup, the Myanmar security forces have killed over 1,100 people, and injured countless protesters, bystanders, and other civilians. More than 7,000 people remain arbitrarily detained under repressive laws, largely for exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, with reports of torture in custody continuing to emerge. These rights are further curtailed with the rise of state surveillance and censorship, including continued attacks by security forces on media workers and those who speak out against the coup, blocking of websites, a ban on satellite dishes, and internet shutdowns and slowdowns. Escalating armed violence has killed or injured civilians and recently displaced over 237,000 people from their homes. The healthcare system is broken amid a global pandemic and crumbling further under attacks by security forces on healthcare workers. The economy continues to collapse with millions of people losing their livelihoods, particularly women, and millions facing hunger or expected to face hunger in the coming months.
The crimes occurring in Myanmar after the coup are “widespread and systematic,” according to the latest analysis of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, which was established by the Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect, consolidate, preserve, and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar since 2011, and to prepare files for future prosecutions. The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has warned that these post-coup violations “amounted to crimes against humanity”; and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has urged states with influence to pressure the Myanmar military "to halt the commission of grave human rights violations and possible crimes against humanity”.....The suspected perpetrators of these crimes under international law include the coup leader and Commander-in-Chief of the military, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and other senior military leaders and commanders, who the UN’s Fact-Finding Mission has previously called for to be investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. The renewed round of atrocities currently devastating communities across the country has been made possible because of the continued impunity enjoyed by the military.
After years of diplomatic endeavours, the outgoing Special Envoy of UN-Secretary General on Myanmar has concluded that the military does not welcome an inclusive dialogue, and clearly lacks the will for a peaceful solution. In the absence of adequate and concrete actions capable of averting the onslaught of human rights violations, many people in Myanmar are taking matters into their own hands. Myanmar’s self-declared parallel government, the National Unity Government, declared “a people’s defensive war against the military junta” earlier this month, which could result in a full-blown war and a deepening of the ongoing human rights and humanitarian crisis across the country.
I acknowledge and appreciate the statements and actions taken so far by the UN, including: the statement on Myanmar by the President of the UN Security Council issued in March, condemning the violence against peaceful protesters and calling on the military to exercise utmost restraint; the resolution overwhelmingly adopted at the UN General Assembly in June, calling on all member states to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar; and the resolution adopted by consensus at the 46th Session of the Human Right Council, mandating the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to focus on enhanced monitoring, documentation, analysis, and public reporting on the human rights situation, and to follow up on the findings and recommendations of the 2019 report by the UN’s Fact-Finding Mission on the economic interests of the military.
However, these statements of concern and actions have yet to lead to meaningful improvement in the lives of the over 54 million people in Myanmar, and of the hundreds of thousands who have already fled the country for their safety. Further concrete actions, in particular by the Security Council and the ASEAN, are required urgently, so that the enjoyment of human rights is a lived reality in Myanmar. Words without accompanying concrete measures do not have much, if any, impact on the conduct of the Myanmar military, particularly while governments and corporations continue to operate business as usual, providing resources and enabling the military to further commit human rights violations.
“How many bodies does the UN need to take action?” asked 23-year-old Nyi Nyi Aung Htet Naing, the day before he was shot dead on 28 February, while peacefully protesting in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. At that point, the death toll stood at 23. Today, his twin brother is in hiding, his mother is held hostage by the military, and over 1,100 people have been killed by the Myanmar security forces.
The international community has a responsibility to act, to end the cycle of human rights violations and impunity in Myanmar. Failure to act has already cost Myanmar a heavy price in lost lives and liberties – and the death toll is only likely to worsen if urgent interventions are not made. Concrete measures, such as those called for by tens of thousands of people around the world, are urgently needed, including: the implementation of a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar and targeted financial sanctions on senior officials; referring the situation of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court; increasing humanitarian aid; and pressuring the Myanmar military to release all individuals arbitrarily detained. I urge governments and businesses to unite to prevent further unlawful killings and repression, protect the people of Myanmar, and end decades of impunity..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-10-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-09
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Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed a call by the European Parliament for more European Union (EU) sanctions on state owned banks, gas revenue, and the State Administrative Council, a body set up by the military after the coup.
The European Parliament passed a Resolution on 7th October calling for further action by the EU.
It is now almost four months since the last round of EU sanctions targeting members of the military and revenue going to the military. During this time the military has stepped up repression of those opposing the coup, with more than 7,000 political prisoners in detention and more than 1,100 people killed. At least quarter of a million people have been displaced as a result of fighter jets bombing civilian areas and attacks by the Burmese Army.
“The EU had appeared to be on the right track with regular rounds of sanctions targeting revenue to the military, but now progress has stalled,” said Mark Farmaner. “The delay in new EU sanctions not only means more money for the military, but also sends the wrong signal to the military, that the EU won’t apply more pressure.”
Under the previous military dictatorship sanctions were not applied strategically, but rather as a kind of slap on the wrist every few years in response to atrocities. It had appeared that the European Union and others were applying a more strategic approach this time, with a more systematic effort to identify sources of revenue to the military and cut them off, and doing so on a continuous basis. This is essential in order to let the military and its business allies know that the economic noose will keep tightening around their neck, there will be no let-up in pressure.
However, in recent months only the British government has continued to implement new sanctions, with the USA also failing to take further action. With the Biden administration failing to act, a new Burma sanctions bill has been introduced in Congress.
There have been no new sanctions by any country targeting gas revenues, which are one of the single biggest sources of foreign currency for the military. Nor have there been any sanctions targeting the supply of aviation fuel to the military, despite bombings and flyovers by military jets and drones resulting in tens of thousands of people being displaced and creating a humanitarian crisis.
New sanctions have an important short term financial and political impact, but in addition there is a vital long term cumulative impact of sanctions which will be effective in not only reducing revenue to the military, but also undermining the crony nepotistic business infrastructure which is so important to the military support base.
“The European Parliament has sent an important reminder to the EU that they must keep identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue to the military,” said Mark Farmaner. “EU member states have to stand up to Macron, who is putting the financial interests of Total ahead of human rights and democracy in Burma, and opposing EU sanctions on gas revenue.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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"The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions on Myanmar and on the situation of the Rohingya, in particular those of 22 November 2012(1), 20 April 2012(2), 20 May 2010(3), 25 November 2010(4), 7 July 2016(5), 15 December 2016(6), 14 September 2017(7), 14 June 2018(8), 13 September 2018(9), 19 September 2019(10) and 11 February 2021(11),
– having regard to the Council conclusions of 22 February 2021 on Myanmar,
– having regard to the statements of the Vice President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) of 23 March 2021 on the escalation of violence in Myanmar, and of 19 April 2021, 30 April 2021, 12 May 2021 and 27 July 2021 on the situation in Myanmar,
– having regard to the declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the EU of 30 April 2021 on the outcome of the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting,
– having regard to the statements by the Spokesperson of the European External Action Service of 3 March 2021 on continued human rights violations by the military, and of 23 May 2021 on the latest developments in Myanmar,
– having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2021/1000 of 21 June 2021 amending Decision 2013/184/CFSP concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma(12),
– having regard to the Council Decision (CFSP) 2021/711 of 29 April 2021 concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma(13),
– having regard to the EU guidelines on the promotion and protection of freedom of religion or belief,
– having regard to Article 34 of the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar recognising the freedom of religion or belief and guaranteeing citizens the ‘right to freely profess and practice religion’,
– having regard to the Association of Southeast Asian Nation’s Five Point Consensus of April 24 2021,
– having regard to the report of the UN Secretary-General of 31 August 2021 entitled ‘Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar’,
– having regard to Resolution 75/287 of 18 June 2021 of the UN General Assembly on the situation in Myanmar,
– having regard to the report of 22 August 2019 of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar entitled ‘Sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar and the gendered impact of its ethnic conflicts’,
– having regard to the reports of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the reports of the International Labour Organization supervisory mechanism,
– having regard to the report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights of 16 September 2021 on the situation of human rights in Myanmar,
– having regard to the statements by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on Myanmar of 23 September 2021,
– having regard to the statement by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Thomas H. Andrews, of 22 September 2021,
– having regard to the UN Human Rights Council reports on Myanmar and the situation of the human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities,
– having regard to the report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar of 1 July 2021,
– having regard to the final report and recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State (Annan Report),
– having regard to the order of the International Court of Justice of 23 January 2020 on the request for the indication of provisional measures submitted by the Republic of the Gambia in the case concerning the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar),
– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948,
– having regard to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the additional protocols thereto,
– having regard to the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948,
– having regard to Rule 144(5) and 132(4) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas on 1 February 2021, the military of Myanmar, known as the Tatmadaw, in a clear violation of the constitution of Myanmar, arrested President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as leading members of the government, seized power over the legislative, judicial and executive branches of the government by means of a coup d’état, and declared a one-year state of emergency; whereas in August 2021, the commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing, announced that he was appointing himself Prime Minister and that the state of emergency would be extended until August 2023;
B. whereas the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar indicated in a formal statement that the military junta’s widespread, systematic attacks against the people of Myanmar likely amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes under international law; whereas the UN Special Rapporteur explicitly stated that the architects and perpetrators of the coup and the violations should be held accountable;
C. whereas in May 2021, the military junta took initial steps to dissolve the political party of Aung San Suu Kyi, which was in government until the coup d’état of February 2021;
D. whereas the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and the National Unity Government (NUG) were formed to represent the democratic wishes of the people of Myanmar;
E. whereas in response to the coup, peaceful protests and demonstrations broke out in various cities in Myanmar; whereas since 1 February 2021, politicians, government officials, civil society representatives, religious actors, peaceful protestors and writers have been unlawfully arrested or put under house arrest; whereas the latest report from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights states that since the coup, more than 1 120 people have been killed and military authorities have arrested over 8 000 people, including hundreds of politicians, activists and civil servants; whereas the courts have sentenced 312 people, 26 of whom have been sentenced to death, including two children; whereas at least 120 people have reportedly died in custody; whereas as of July 2021, the junta had killed at least 75 children;
F. whereas the military has, in parallel, been increasing its crackdown on the media in Myanmar, with a growing number of journalists having been arbitrarily arrested, detained and charged in order to silence the media and eradicate freedom of expression; whereas the junta is increasingly making use of tools of surveillance and censorship through restrictions on telecommunications and the internet;
G. whereas torture is widely used against the people held in custody for taking part in pro-democracy demonstrations; whereas methods of torture include beatings, mock executions with guns, cigarette burns, and rape and threats of rape; whereas torture by the police has been a problem in Myanmar before, but the Tatmadaw is now using a systematic threat of torture as a part of its efforts to oppress the opposition;
H. whereas the junta is increasingly relying on the use of collective punishment, including the abduction of the family members of those who have been issued with arrest warrants, but who the police and military forces are unable to locate; whereas children, including toddlers, have also been killed or abducted, presumably to force their parents to turn themselves in to the authorities;
I. whereas ethnic minorities practice Christianity (6,3 %, particularly the Chin, Kachin and Karen people), Islam (2,1 %, particularly the Rohingya, Malays, people from Yangon and other minorities), and Hinduism (0,5 %, particularly Burmese Indians);
J. whereas violations of the freedom of religion or belief and other human rights are being perpetrated against religious and ethnic minorities in Myanmar;
K. whereas churches have been shelled and raided, and priests and pastors have been arrested; whereas military troops have also set up camps in church compounds, thus further undermining their role as sanctuaries for people in need;
L. whereas there are numerous ethnic groups in Myanmar; whereas internal conflicts have led to the tragic loss of thousands of lives over the past decades;
M. whereas Myanmar’s Citizenship Law declares the Rohingya ‘non-national’ or ‘foreign residents’ and therefore deprives them of citizenship, which further exacerbates their precarious situation; whereas the persecution of the Rohingya minority has not ended, despite numerous calls by the international community;
N. whereas the roughly 600 000 Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State are being subjected to persistent discriminatory policies and practices, systematic violations of their fundamental rights, arbitrary arrests, confinement in overcrowded camps and severely limited access to education and healthcare; whereas the oppressive conditions imposed on the Rohingya amount to crimes against humanity;
O. whereas the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities, in particular women and girls, remain at significant risk of sexual violence, notably in the context of the protracted conflict between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army;
P. whereas the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar is worsening, with more than 210 000 people internally displaced this year alone, three million people in need of humanitarian aid, a number which has tripled in the last eight months, and half the population, approximately 20 million people, living below the poverty line;
Q. whereas the UN Secretary-General has warned that ‘the risk of a large-scale armed conflict requires a collective approach to prevent a multi-dimensional catastrophe in the heart of Southeast Asia and beyond’;
R. whereas the World Food Programme estimates that 6.2 million people across Myanmar are at risk of food insecurity and hunger, up from 2.8 million prior to the military coup;
S. whereas the humanitarian situation in Myanmar has also been worsened by the COVID-19 crisis; whereas the arbitrary mass detention of protesters, crowded prisons and the overall neglect of prisoners’ health have also contributed to an increase in the number of COVID-19 infections;
T. whereas the military has used COVID-19 measures to crack down on pro-democracy activists, human rights defenders and journalists; whereas the right to health is being undermined; whereas the junta has shut down hospitals and targeted medical professionals, leading to the collapse of the health system as COVID-19 surges across the country; whereas troops have destroyed medical supplies and equipment and have occupied dozens of medical facilities, which has prompted the people of Myanmar to stay away from medical facilities for fear of being detained or shot;
U. whereas the Tatmadaw and its generals are illegally securing funds through the illegal sale of timber, gems, gas and oil, and are faced with widespread allegations of corruption;
V. whereas according to the UN, the 2021 UN Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan has received only 46 % of the requested funds to date and humanitarian operations are suffering as a result of a major funding shortfall;
1. Strongly condemns the coup d’état of 1 February 2021 executed by the Tatmadaw under the leadership of commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing; calls on the Tatmadaw to fully respect the outcome of the democratic elections of November 2020 and to immediately reinstate the civilian government, end the state of emergency, end the use of violence against peaceful protesters, respect the right to freedom of expression and association, and allow all elected parliamentarians to assume their mandates; calls on Myanmar’s military to release all political detainees, to reverse restrictions on the freedom of expression, assembly and association, and to respect the freedom of religion or belief;
2. Calls for the immediate and unconditional release of President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and all others who have been arrested on unfounded accusations; considers the release of all political leaders and prisoners the first essential step towards a peaceful solution to the crisis and the restoration of the legitimate authorities;
3. Expresses its support for the people of Myanmar in their struggle for democracy, freedom and human rights;
4. Denounces the Tatmadaw’s widespread violent response to any kind of protest and the gross human rights violations it has committed and continues to commit against the people of Myanmar, including against ethnic and religious minorities, which amount to crimes against humanity; expresses its deep concern at the frequent attacks on churches, mosques, schools and medical facilities, and the arrests of religious leaders;
5. Supports the CRPH and the NUG as the only legitimate representatives of the democratic wishes of the people of Myanmar, and calls on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the international community to include and involve them in genuine and inclusive political dialogue and efforts aimed at the peaceful resolution of the crisis based on respect for the rule of law;
6. Calls for immediate and regular access for the International Committee of the Red Cross to detainees and prisons, as covered by the Geneva Conventions; calls on the military and police forces to provide the families of all individuals detained in connection with the security force operations across Myanmar prior to and in the aftermath of 1 February 2021 with full information about their fate and whereabouts;
7. Recalls the multi-ethnic nature of Myanmar; urges the Tatmadaw to fully respect each ethnicity’s inalienable rights; calls for an immediate, rigorous, independent and transparent investigation into the crimes committed in the country by the military and for their perpetrators to be brought to justice ;
8. Is appalled by the Tatmadaw’s crimes against ethnic and religious groups in Myanmar; strongly condemns the attacks by the Tatmadaw in the states of Kayin, Kayah, Kachin, Shan and Chin, which have led to large-scale displacement, the death of civilians, including children, the destruction of religious buildings, and other violations of human rights and humanitarian law;
9. Condemns the persecution of Christians in the country; urges the Tatmadaw to stop killing and arresting Christians and to end the shelling and raiding of churches; stresses that the international community has expressed its deep concerns about the violent targeting of Christian communities in Myanmar;
10. Reiterates its condemnation of the human rights violations and systematic and widespread attacks against the Rohingya population; underlines that the EU will continue to closely monitor the actions of the military leadership towards minorities in the country, in particular the Rohingya; reiterates its call on the authorities of Myanmar to establish conditions and guarantees for the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable return, under the oversight of the UN, of those Rohingya who wish to return to their native land;
11. Strongly condemns the ongoing discrimination against ethnic minorities, whose freedom of movement is severely restricted and who are deprived of basic services in Myanmar;
12. Condemns any use of violence by the junta against its citizens, as well as other forms of harassment, in particular towards human rights defenders, civil society activists and journalists; urges the junta to remove any restrictions on telecommunications and the internet, including independent media websites and social media platforms;
13. Calls for an immediate end to the violence towards labourers and unions, and for the rights of unions and their members to be protected, including the right to operate freely;
14. Calls for immediate humanitarian access to and assistance for vulnerable communities, including women, children and ethnical minorities, and for the empowerment of civil society organisations and ethnic community-based organisations, in order to ensure that humanitarian aid effectively reaches those in need; asks the Commission to redirect and step up humanitarian aid, including healthcare support, through cross-border channels, local humanitarian networks, ethnic service providers, and community-based and civil society organisations; asks the Commission to analyse how best to pursue development projects with these groups and to direct development assistance accordingly;
15. Notes with grave concern that the humanitarian crisis has been exacerbated by a third wave of COVID-19 in Myanmar, with particularly worrying transmission levels among the most marginalised populations, including those in the country’s overcrowded and unsanitary prisons; urges the junta to re-establish a containment strategy and a contact-tracing system, and to ensure that people have access to healthcare services and vaccines; asks the Commission to step up its support in this regard and to guarantee that this support reaches the citizens, including by providing doses of COVID-19 vaccines;
16. Is appalled by the attacks, harassment, detainment and torture of healthcare workers, especially during the ongoing COVID-19 healthcare crisis; calls on the junta to guarantee the security and safety of all healthcare workers and to immediately cease all harassment and attacks against these people; stresses the responsibility of the Myanmar authorities to guarantee full access to healthcare;
17. Condemns the attacks by the military authorities against medical professionals and facilities, and the response of these authorities to the COVID-19 pandemic; highlights that health and access to healthcare and vaccinations are universal human rights;
18. Calls on the Tatmadaw to stop denying the right of the population to protection against and proper treatment for COVID-19, which could cause significant loss of life in Myanmar;
19. Urges the governments of the neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not prevent anyone from crossing the border in search of refuge; calls on these governments to ensure that aid organisations and local civil society organisations are allowed to access areas with internally displaced people along their borders with Myanmar;
20. Reiterates its support for civil society and democracy advocates in Myanmar and calls for the EU and its institutions to continue efforts aimed at civil society advancement, despite the current and possibly ongoing limitations imposed by the current military government;
21. Calls on ASEAN, its members and particularly its Special Envoy to Myanmar to make more proactive use of their special role in Myanmar, to cooperate with the UN Special Envoy and to engage with all parties involved, notably with the NUG and representatives of civil society, in particular women and ethnic groups, in order to promote, at a minimum, the effective and meaningful implementation of the five-point consensus with a view to achieving the sustainable and democratic resolution of the current crisis in the near future;
22. Further calls on China and Russia to actively engage in international diplomacy and live up to their responsibility as permanent members of the UN Security Council; expects them to play a constructive role when scrutinising the situation in Myanmar;
23. Urges Myanmar to cooperate with international efforts to ensure accountability, including by finally granting the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) full access to the country; calls for the EU, its Member States and the international community to ensure that the IIMM has the requisite support to execute its mandate; recalls that Myanmar is under the obligation to comply with the provisional measures order of the International Court of Justice;
24. Welcomes the recent rounds of sanctions imposed by the Council against members of the Tatmadaw and their businesses, and calls on the Council to continue imposing targeted and robust sanctions, with the aim of cutting off the lifelines of the junta while ensuring that the people of Myanmar come to no harm; is of the opinion that the international community must continue to take additional action against, and impose costs on, the military and its leaders until they reverse course and provide for a return to democracy; stresses the need for all EU Member States to strengthen and enforce sanctions imposed against any state-run Myanmar businesses, notably in the timber and gem industry; urges the Commission to ensure that national penalties imposed on Member States and associated countries for breaching EU sanctions are effective; stresses that this would require imposing specific asset freezes and bans on international financial transfers to the two state-owned banks, the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank and the Myanmar Investment and Commercial Bank, through which all foreign currency is collected, and adding to the sanctions list the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, which generates the junta’s single largest foreign currency inflow;
25. Calls on the Council to continue to impose targeted sanctions against those responsible for the coup of February 2021 and to consider other possible measures; urges the Council to include the State Administrative Council as an entity instead of its individual members, on the list of natural and legal persons, entities and bodies subject to restrictive measures;
26. Reiterates its call on EU-based businesses with operations or supply chains in Myanmar to conduct heightened human rights due diligence and to ensure that they have no ties with Myanmar’s security forces, their individual members or entities owned or controlled by them, and that they do not contribute, directly or indirectly, to the junta’s crackdown on democracy and human rights; calls on EU-based businesses to publicly disclose their conclusions and to work on continually improving labour conditions and environmental standards within their undertakings in Myanmar;
27. Reiterates its call to continue implementing targeted sanctions against those who are responsible for the atrocities against the Rohingya;
28. Reiterates its call on the Commission to swiftly launch an investigation into the trade preferences that benefit Myanmar, especially regarding companies owned by members of the Myanmar military, in specific sectors and to keep Parliament duly informed of the steps to take; acknowledges that improvements have been achieved since Myanmar was reinstated into the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme in 2013, for example the creation of jobs in the garment sector, which has benefited women in particular; underlines, however, that the enhanced engagement process had already been established in 2018, focusing on compliance with international human rights conventions and labour rights, and that the coup reversed the progress made during the democratisation process, thereby undermining the conditions for granting EBA preferences;
29. Calls on the EU delegation to Myanmar and the embassies of the Member States to closely monitor the human rights and health situation in Myanmar and the cases of political leaders and others who are currently detained and imprisoned;
30. Calls on the Member States and associated countries to maintain the embargo on the direct and indirect supply, sale and transfer, including transit, shipment and brokering, of all weapons, munitions and other military, security and surveillance equipment and systems, as well as the provision of training, maintenance and other military and security assistance; highlights the need for the further investigation of the situation by the International Criminal Court;
31. Warns of the risk of an even larger humanitarian emergency as a consequence of the escalation of violence and of the country’s severe economic crisis, poverty and number of displaced people; calls for the EU, its Member States and the international community to urgently meet their financial obligations to the 2021 UN Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan;
32. Calls on the VP/HR and the Member States to vigorously address the situation in Myanmar, and calls on the VP/HR to report back to Parliament, in particular to its Committee on Foreign Affairs, on a regular basis, including on the situation of religious and ethnic groups, in order to ensure adequate parliamentary dialogue on this important and worrying situation;
33. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the legitimate President and National Unity Government of Myanmar, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the State Counsellor of Myanmar, the Tatmadaw, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the governments and parliaments of the United States, Bangladesh, the United Kingdom, Japan, India, Australia, Canada, the Member States of ASEAN, the governments and parliaments of Russia and China, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Secretary-General of ASEAN, the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the UN Human Rights Council..."
Source/publisher:
European Parliament (Brussels)
Date of publication:
2021-10-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
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more
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"To: Members of Congress of the U.S Senate and House of Representatives:
Subject: Joint Open Letter from Burmese diaspora, community based-organizations and Civil Society Organizations to the United State Congress to pass the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021 or BURMA Act of 2021
Dear Members of Congress,
We, the undersigned 242 Burmese diaspora, local CSOs inside Burma, community-based organizations, and civil society organizations both here in the U.S. and around the world welcome the introduction of the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021, or, the BURMA Act, and call on all members of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives to co-sponsor this crucial legislation and support its expeditious passage into law. As the situation in Burma worsens daily, U.S. action is vital to the millions of lives currently suffering at the hands of the Burmese military. The BURMA Act will provide much needed U.S. support for the realization of all Burmese peoples’ aspirations for an inclusive, rights respecting democracy.
Since the February 1st coup, the people of Burma have seen increased human rights violations and militarization, and the situation is growing more dire by the day. While the number of people killed by the junta is significantly higher, there are over 1,100 confirmed deaths since February, including at least 75 children. More than 8,700 people have been arrested, of which an estimated 7,104 are still detained. 220,000 have been newly displaced, with 3 million in need of humanitarian assistance, according to the UN. The World Bank predicts an 18% drop in GDP for Burma this year, which, combined with slower growth in 2020 because of the COVID-19 pandemic, will leave Burma’s economy 30% smaller than originally expected. The World Food Program estimates that food insecurity will have more than doubled since the coup by October 2021 to more than 6.2 million people.
Despite the Burmese military junta campaign of oppression to terrorize and demoralize the people, they have not won. In each of Burma’s states, ethnic minorities are witnessing the worst of the Burmese military’s violence and crimes against humanity. While it is clear that Burma’s ethnic minorities are disproportionately impacted by violence from the Burmese military, the country’s majority Burman group are also affected, representing the extent to which the junta’s attacks are indiscriminate and truly affect all in Burma.
On September 7, the Burmese military used two farmers from Shan State as human shields to guard soldiers as they walked in front of a battalion. Similarly, in Karen state, reports of the Burmese military capturing and forcing women to be porters and human shields have been increasingly common. In early September, Kachin Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) were forced to return to their villages after being unable to find food in the IDP camps, despite their homes remaining in a conflict zone. Karenni state suffered from 21 clashes in August that led to an additional 5,000 IDPs to the 100,000 displaced in the state, which makes up nearly half of the Karenni population. Reports from Mon state in early September highlight the intensified militarization in many of the state’s townships, where civilian arrests and security checkpoints have increased. In Rakhine state, close to 10,000 IDPs returned to their villages in fear of rising COVID-19 cases in IDP camps, despite the threat of landmines and zero humanitarian aid in their townships. An estimated 50,000 civilians and 5,000 IDPs living in southern Chin state are suffering from food shortages as the Burmese military blocks transportation routes into the area. From February to July, there were 3,601 attacks on civilians or armed clashes that failed to protect them, which is a 521% increase from the same months in 2020. These atrocities occurring throughout the country have been the lived experiences of marginalized communities for decades. Clearly, the situation in Burma necessitates U.S. action and will only continue to deteriorate the longer accountability and aid are delayed.
In July, Burma was hit hard with a third-wave of the COVID-19 virus. While the junta officially reported an estimated 6,000 deaths and 141,000 infections, many civil society organizations in Burma believe these reports grossly underestimate the actual number of COVID-related deaths, especially as cemeteries in Yangon received 1,500-2,000 bodies every day in mid-July. As thousands were dying of COVID-19, the junta cut off medical and oxygen supplies to the people of Burma. Many accused the junta of denying oxygen to private clinics and hospitals, instead funneling the available oxygen to military-controlled health facilities. The junta also shut down any charity supplies and blocked all initiatives created by community and civil society organizations to battle COVID-19. In an aggressive approach to deny access to lifesaving oxygen, the military fired into a line of people waiting to purchase oxygen tanks. In another case, witnesses stated that the military also lured medical professionals by pretending to be COVID-19 patients, only to arrest them and raid their affiliated clinics.
Even as the COVID vaccine was procured from China, the junta reportedly reserved the vaccine for its military and loyal allies before making it available to the public. However, it was also reported that due to the mistrust of the junta’s intentions and the vaccine from China, many avoided vaccinations. It is clear from the actions of the junta and its military that they are weaponizing the virus and vaccine. While COVID-19 numbers have decreased since August, the people of Burma are still battling the COVID crisis while fighting the illegal junta for democracy.
Despite the violence perpetrated by the Burmese military, the Burmese people continue to stand resolutely against the junta’s rule. Since February, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) continues to be supported by over 400,000 civil servants without losing any steam. This movement started in central Burma and spread to major cities in the ethnic states. The people of Burma also launched themed protests, such as the hanging of sarongs, flashlights at night, and the clanging of pots and pans to display signs of dissidence. Members of the CDM also boycott military businesses and refuse to pay for military-controlled services like electricity bills, with estimates reporting that this loss of revenue will cost the junta up to $1 billion per year. The CDM has grown past the borders of Burma to gain international support. The Burmese diaspora in other countries, such as the United States, Australia, and the UK, have come together to protest against the February 1st Coup and rally their respective policymakers to make a public stand against the military junta. For more than six months, the protest movement has remained undeterred by the junta’s brutal crackdowns and arbitrary arrests. In addition to the CDM movement, civilians are joining the National Unity Government’s People’s Defense Force to provide safety and security that has been repeatedly denied by the Burmese military.
Given the Burmese military’s unrelenting violence, it is clear that Congress must act now to support the people of Burma. The BURMA Act will showcase U.S. leadership in alleviating an increasingly dire situation and hold the Burmese military accountable for their illegal seizure of power. Justice and accountability are more important than ever, given the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya people - and the over one million Rohingya people who have been forced to flee their homeland over many decades and remain stuck in limbo in Bangladesh and other countries in the region with limited access to livelihoods or education and any chance to return home, integrate into their country of asylum, or be resettled to a third country. Checking the junta’s power would ensure that the crimes they continue to commit against the Rohingya, other ethnic and religious minorities, and all civilians come to an end. The bill will additionally support a strategy for the U.S. to coordinate policy on Burma multilaterally; provide support for civil society organizations, democracy activists, political prisoners and independent media; and authorize sanctions laser-focused against the military, its economic interests, and its primary sources of remaining revenues, while minimizing a humanitarian impact on the people of Burma.
While we note and appreciate the action that the U.S. has taken for Burma so far, it is simply not enough. We thank Sen. Cardin (D-MD), Sen. Klobuchar (D-MN), Sen. Lujan (D-NM), Sen. Merkley (D-OR), Sen. Wyden (D-OR), Sen. Markey (D-MA), Sen. Murray (D-WA), Sen. Peters (D-MI), Sen. Padilla (D-CA), Sen. Sanders (D-VT), Sen. Rosen (D-NV), Sen. Feinstein (D-CA), Sen. Durbin (D-IL), Sen. Kaine (D-VA), Rep. Gregory W. Meeks (D-NY), Rep. Steve Chabot (R) (co-lead), Rep. Michael McCaul (R), Rep. Ami Bera (D), Rep. Karen Bass (D), Rep. Joaquin Castro (D), Rep. Ilhan Omar (D), Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R), Rep. Ted Lieu (D), Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D), Rep. Suzanne Bonamici (D), Rep. Young Kim (R), Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D), Rep. Ro Khanna (D), Rep. Juan Vargas (D), Rep. Claudia Tenney (R), Rep. Grace F. Napolitano (D), Rep. Lois Frankel (D), Rep. James P. McGovern (D), Rep. Grace Meng (D), Rep. Peter Meijer (R), Rep. Kathy Manning (D), Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D) and Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D) for introducing the BURMA Act, and call upon all members of Congress to stand in solidarity with the people of Burma and co-sponsor the BURMA Act of 2021 to end the junta’s campaign of violence and cycle of impunity.
Sincerely,
Signed by:
Burmese diaspora, community based-organizations and Civil Society Organizations
1. Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney), Australia
2. Action Committee for Democracy Development, Burma
3. Action Corps, USA
4. African Great Lakes Action Network, USA
5. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress, Thailand-Burma Border
6. All Kachin Youth Union (AKYU), Burma
7. All Young Burmese League, Australia
8. ALTSEAN-Burma, Thailand
9. Ameinu, USA
10. American Baptist Churches USA
11. Americans for Rohingya, USA
12. Anti-Dictatorship in Burma DC Metropolitan Area, USA
13. Arakan Rohingya Union, USA
14. Arakan Watch, Malaysia
15. Arizona Kachin Community, AZ, USA
16. Asian Community and Cultural Center, USA
17. Asian Student Union, KS, USA
18. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters- HRDP, Myanmar
19. Australia Karen Organisation Inc, Australia
20. Backpack Health Workers Team, Thailand-Burma Border
21. Bakersfield Karen Community, CA, USA
22. Blood Money Campaign, Myanmar
23. Boston Free Burma, MA, USA
24. Burma Action Ireland, Ireland
25. Burma Border Projects, MA, USA
26. Burma Campaign UK, United Kingdom
27. Burma Medical Association, Thailand-Burma Border
28. Burma Nationals Organization, USA
29. Burma Task Force, USA
30. Burmese American Millennials, USA
31. Burmese American women Alliance, CA, USA
32. Burmese Community Center for Education, USA
33. Burmese Community Support Group, Australia
34. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, United Kingdom
35. Calgary Karen Community Association (CKCA), Canada
36. California Kachin Community, CA, USA
37. California Karen Youth Forum, USA
38. Campaign for a New Myanmar, USA
39. Citizen of Burma Award, USA
40. Coalition of Rohingya Organisations in Malaysia (CROM)
41. Congregation Neveh Shalom, OR, USA
42. Crane Center for Mass Atrocity Prevention, USA
43. Da'wah and Empowerment Association of Rohingya (DEAR), Malaysia
44. Dallas Fort Worth Myanmar Ethnic Community, Burma
45. Dallas Kachin Community, TX, USA
46. Darfur and Beyond, USA
47. DEEKU-Karenni Community of Amarillo, TX, USA
48. Democracy, Peace and Women's Organization, Burma
49. EarthRights International, USA
50. Edmonton Karen Community Youth Organization, Canada
51. European Karen Network, UK
52. First Karen Baptist Church of Indianapolis, IN, USA
53. Florida Kachin Community, FL, USA
54. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa), South Africa
55. Free Myanmar Inc., USA
56. Freedom for Burma, USA
57. Friends of Rohingya USA
58. Friends of TCI Australia, Australia
59. Future Light Center, Burma
60. Future Thanlwin, Burma
61. Gender Equality Network, Myanmar
62. Georgia Kachin Community, GA, USA
63. Global Justice Center, USA
64. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD), USA/Global
65. Good News Detroit Church, USA
66. Hanna United Methodist Church, IN, USA
67. Holocaust and Genocide Studies Project/Portland State University, OR, USA
68. Holy Family church, USA
69. Houston Kachin Community, TX, USA
70. Human Rights Foundation of Monland, Thailand/Myanmar
71. Indianapolis Jewish Community Relations Council, IN, USA
72. Institute for Asian Democracy, USA
73. International Campaign for the Rohingya, USA
74. International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), USA
75. International Karen Organisation, Australia
76. Iowa Kachin Community, IA, USA
77. Jewish World Watch, USA
78. Justice for All, USA
79. Justice for Myanmar, Myanmar
80. Kachin American Community (Portland – Vancouver), USA
81. Kachin Community of Indiana, IN, USA
82. Kachin Community of USA
83. Kachin National Organization USA
84. Kachin Peace Network, Myanmar
85. Kachin Refugee Council – India
86. Kachin Women's Association Thailand
87. Kansas Karenni Community, KS, USA
88. Kansas Zotung Community, KS, USA
89. Karen American Association of Wisconsin, USA
90. Karen Association of Huron, South Dakota, USA
91. Karen Baptist Churches USA, USA
92. Karen Community of Akron, USA
93. Karen Community of Canada (KCC), Canada
94. Karen Community of Czech Republic
95. Karen Community of Finland
96. Karen Community of Hamilton, Canada
97. Karen Community of Iowa, USA
98. Karen Community of Ireland
99. Karen Community of Israel
100. Karen Community of Kansas City (KS & MO), USA
101. Karen Community of Kitchener & Waterloo, Canada
102. Karen Community of Leamington, Canada
103. Karen Community of Lethbridge, Canada
104. Karen Community of London, Canada
105. Karen Community of Minnesota, USA
106. Karen Community of North Carolina, USA
107. Karen Community of Ottawa, Canada
108. Karen Community of Regina, Canada
109. Karen Community of Saskatoon, Canada
110. Karen Community of South Carolina, USA
111. Karen Community of Thunderay, Canada
112. Karen Community of Toronto, Canada
113. Karen Community of Windsor, Canada
114. Karen Community of Winnipeg, Canada
115. Karen Community Society of British Columbia (KCSBC), Canada
116. Karen Environmental and Social Action Network, Burma
117. Karen Human Rights Group, Thai-Burma border
118. Karen Organization of America, USA
119. Karen Organization of Minnesota, USA
120. Karen Organization of San Diego, USA
121. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN), Thailand/Burma
122. Karen Refugee Committee Education Entity, Thailand
123. Karen Society of Nebraska, USA
124. Karen Student Association at UNO, USA
125. Karen Swedish Community, Sweden
126. Karen Thai Group, Thailand
127. Karen Youth Education Pathways, USA
128. Karen Youth Networks, Burma
129. Karen Youth of Norway
130. Karen Youth of Toronto, Canada
131. Karen Youth Organization, Thailand
132. Karenni Civil Society Network, Thailand-Burma Border
133. Karenni Community of Arizona, AZ, USA
134. Karenni Community of Arkansas, AK, USA
135. Karenni Community of Austin, TX
136. Karenni Community of Bowling Green, KY
137. Karenni Community of Buffalo, NY
138. Karenni Community of Chicago, IL
139. Karenni Community of Colorado, CO
140. Karenni Community of Dallas, TX
141. Karenni community of Des Moines, IA
142. Karenni Community of Florida, FL,
143. Karenni Community of Fort Worth, TX
144. Karenni Community of Georgia, GA
145. Karenni Community of Houston, TX
146. Karenni Community of Idaho, ID
147. Karenni Community of Indianapolis, IN
148. Karenni community of Kansas City
149. Karenni Community of Massachusetts, MA
150. Karenni Community of Michigan, MI
151. Karenni community of Minnesota, MN
152. Karenni Community of Missouri, MO, USA
153. Karenni Community of North Carolina, NC, USA
154. Karenni Community of Portland, OR, USA
155. Karenni Community of Rockford, IL, USA
156. Karenni Community of San Antonio, TX, USA
157. Karenni Community of Sioux Falls, SD, USA
158. Karenni Community of Utah, UT, USA
159. Karenni Community of Utica, NY, USA
160. Karenni Community of Washington, WA, USA
161. Karenni Community of Wisconsin, WI, USA
162. Karenni Society of Omaha, NE, USA
163. Karenni-American Association, USA
164. Karenni-American Catholic Association, USA
165. Kentucky Kachin Community, KY, USA
166. Korea Karen Organization, Korea
167. Korea Karen Youth Organization, Korea
168. LAI Baptist Church of Maryland, USA
169. Like We Don’t Exist, USA
170. Louisiana Kachin Community, LA, USA
171. Lowell International Church, USA
172. Mae Tao Clinic, Thailand
173. Maryland Kachin Community, MD, USA
174. Metta Campaign, Myanmar
175. Michigan Kachin Community, MI, USA
176. Milwaukee Myanmar Christian Church, USA
177. Minnesota Kachin Community, MN, USA
178. Minnesota Peace Project, USA
179. Mon State Development Center, Myanmar
180. Myanmar Community Church, CA, USA
181. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS), Yangon
182. Nationalities' Alliance of Burma, Washington D. C., USA
183. ND-Burma, Canada
184. NeT Organization, Myanmar
185. Never Again Coalition, USA
186. New York Kachin Community, NY, USA
187. No Business With Genocide, USA
188. North Carolina Kachin Community, NC, USA
189. Nyan Lynn Thit Analhtica, Myanmar
190. Olive organization, Burma
191. Omaha Kachin Community, NE, USA
192. Oversea Karen Organization Japan, Japan
193. Overseas Burmese Christian Fellowship, USA
194. Pennsylvania Kachin Community, PA, USA
195. Progressive Voice, Thailand
196. Pyit Taing Htaung Social Club, Australia
197. Refugees International, USA
198. Rohingya American Society (RAS), WI, USA
199. Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee (RARC), USA
200. Rohingya Cultural Center of Chicago, IL, USA
201. Rohingya National League, USA
202. Rohingya Society of Greater Nashua, NH, USA
203. Rohingya students Unity Right, Bangladesh
204. Rohingya Women Empowerment and Advocacy Network, Bangladesh
205. Rohingya Youth Development Forum, Burma
206. Rohingya Youths for legal Action (RYLA), Bangladesh
207. RW Welfare Society, Bangladesh
208. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas, Burma
209. Saydanar Community Development Center, MA, USA
210. Shan MATA, Myanmar
211. South Carolina Kachin Community, SC, USA
212. St. Puis X Catholic Church, USA
213. STAND: The student-led movement to end mass atrocities, USA
214. Students for Free Burma (SFB), USA
215. Support the Democracy Movement in Burma, USA
216. Ta'ang Legal Aid, Burma
217. Ta'ang Students and Youth Union - TSYU, Myanmar
218. Temple Adath Israel --Lexington, KY, USA
219. Tennessee Kachin Community, TN, USA
220. The Burmese Rohingya Association of North America, USA
221. The PLAN: Public Legal Aid Network, Myanmar
222. The Sound of Hope, USA
223. The Urban Village, USA
224. U.S. Advocacy Coalition for Myanmar, USA
225. U.S. Campaign for Burma, USA
226. Unitarian Universalist Association, USA
227. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC), USA
228. University of Hartford Philosophy Club, USA
229. US Chin Coalition, USA
230. Utica Karen Community, USA
231. Utica Karen Wesleyan Church, USA
232. Virginia Kachin Community, VA, USA
233. Washington Kachin Community, WA, USA
234. West Virginia Kachin Community, WV, USA
235. Women Advocacy Coalition, Myanmar
236. Women Empowerment and Advocacy Network, Bangladesh
237. Women's Peace Network, USA
238. World Outside My Shoes, USA
239. World Rohingya Organization, Jackson Heights, NY, USA
240. Youths of Tomorrow, Myanmar
241. Zion Karen Baptist Church of Albert Lea, MN, USA
242. Zotung organization of America, USA..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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pdf
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162.22 KB
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Sub-title:
Spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights: Ravina Shamdasani
Description:
"Alarming reports indicate that there has been substantial deployment of heavy weapons and troops by the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, over the past few weeks in Kanpetlet and Hakha townships in Chin State; Kani and Monywa townships in the central Sagaing region; and Gangaw township in Magway. Two high-level commanders have also been deployed to the area and the Internet has been shut down.
We are gravely concerned by these developments, particularly given the intensifying attacks by the military that we have documented over the past month in these areas, including killings, raiding of villages and burning of houses, apparently to seek out armed resistance elements and as reprisals against villages perceived to be sympathetic to people’s defence forces or ethnic armed groups. There have been reports of mass arrests, as well as torture and summary executions.Military “clearance operations” have involved the use of artillery barrages and airstrikes against villages. The Internet shutdowns have also meant that millions of people have lost the means to communicate and obtain information necessary for their survival, and cast an information blackout over potential abuses.
As the High Commissioner has already noted, there has been an established pattern of attacks by the Tatmadaw against unarmed individuals using lethal force, destruction of residential properties, mass arbitrary detention and deaths in military custody. We urge the international community to speak with one voice, to prevent the commission of further serious human rights violations against the people of Myanmar. Influential states must prevail on the Tatmadaw to de-escalate the situation, protect civilian lives and property, and ensure access to humanitarian aid for those who need it..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2021-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Media contact: Myra Dahgaypaw, U.S. Campaign for Burma (718) 207-2556
Soe Reh, Karenni-American Association (832) 526-2849
Jan Jan Maran, Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD) (571) 620-9163
Washington, DC, October 6, 2021) – Today, 242 Burmese diaspora groups, local CSOs in Burma, community based organizations, and civil society organizations in the U.S. and around the world sent a letter to the U.S. Congress to urgently support and pass the BURMA Act, which was introduced by Chairman Meeks (D-NY), Senator Cardin (D-MD), and Representative Chabot (R-OH) on Tuesday, October 5th.
The BURMA Act was warmly welcomed yesterday as a vital next step in supporting the people of Burma and holding their perpetrators, the junta and its military, accountable for the countless human rights abuses committed daily. The introduction and eventual passing of the BURMA Act will show strong U.S. leadership in alleviating an increasingly dire situation in Burma by holding the junta accountable with targeted sanctions and providing vital aid to the people of Burma. Ending the military’s cycle of impunity will not only prevent further violence, but will aid in creating safer conditions for all people in the country.
The human rights violations committed by the Burmese military since the February 1st Coup are well documented by the CSOs on the ground and international organizations. For decades, the Burmese military incited conflict across Burma and waged a campaign of violence against ethnic minorities. Since February, the level of violence escalated to include the people of central Burma in targeted waves of human rights violations to silence any opposition and force the people into submission. Congress must take decisive action to hold the Burmese military accountable for their grave crimes and support impacted communities by urgently voting to pass the BURMA Act.
Burma’s ethnic communities in the U.S. have friends, family, and loved ones that are directly affected by the military coup. The people of Burma deserve sustainable peace, security and political stability after years of human rights abuses and a lack of justice.
“The people of Burma have waited far too long for tangible action like the Burma Act, which was introduced yesterday by Chairman Meeks, Senator Cardin, and Representative Chabot. We now need other members of Congress to step up and co-sponsor the bill in order for it to pass successfully. With U.S. leadership taking the initiative to help and support the people, as well as taking the necessary actions to hold the junta accountable for its brutal crimes; hopefully, the rest of the international community will follow suit.” – Myra Dahgaypaw..."
Source/publisher:
U.S. Campaign for Burma
Date of publication:
2021-10-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
216 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"Media Release from US Campaign for Burma
Today, 242 Burmese diaspora groups, local CSOs in Burma, community- based organizations, and civil society organizations in the U.S. and around the world sent a letter to the U.S. Congress to urgently support and pass the BURMA Act, which was introduced by Chairman Meeks (D-NY), Senator Cardin (D-MD), and Representative Chabot (R-OH) on Tuesday, October 5th.
The BURMA Act was warmly welcomed yesterday as a vital next step in supporting the people of Burma and holding their perpetrators, the junta and its military, accountable for the countless human rights abuses committed daily. The introduction and eventual passing of the BURMA Act will show strong U.S. leadership in alleviating an increasingly dire situation in Burma by holding the junta accountable with targeted sanctions and providing vital aid to the people of Burma. Ending the military’s cycle of impunity will not only prevent further violence, but will aid in creating safer conditions for all people in the country.
The human rights violations committed by the Burmese military since the February 1st Coup are well- documented by the CSOs on the ground and international organizations. For decades, the Burmese military incited conflict across Burma and waged a campaign of violence against ethnic minorities. Since February, the level of violence escalated to include the people of central Burma in targeted waves of human rights violations to silence any opposition and force the people into submission. Congress must take decisive action to hold the Burmese military accountable for their grave crimes and support impacted communities by urgently voting to pass the BURMA Act.
Burma’s ethnic communities in the U.S. have friends, family, and loved ones that are directly affected by the military coup. The people of Burma deserve sustainable peace, security and political stability after years of human rights abuses and a lack of justice.
“The people of Burma have waited far too long for tangible action like the BURMA Act, which was introduced yesterday by Chairman Meeks, Senator Cardin, and Representative Chabot. We now need other members of Congress to step up and co-sponsor the bill in order for it to pass successfully. With U.S. leadership taking the initiative to help and support the people, as well as taking the necessary actions to hold the junta accountable for its brutal crimes; hopefully, the rest of the international community will follow suit.” – Myra Dahgaypaw..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-10-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description:
"8 October 2021: The United Nations is in danger of repeating its past mistakes in Myanmar, warns the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Effective leadership and an appropriate strategy are desperately needed if the UN is to avoid contributing to the suffering caused by the illegal military junta.
Since February, military leader Min Aung Hlaing’s violent assault on the people of Myanmar has driven the country into a state of acute crisis. During this unprecedented nation-wide emergency, the people of Myanmar feel they have been abandoned by the UN.
A lack of leadership from the Secretary-General and paralysis within the Security Council have added another eight months to years of UN failure in Myanmar. Recent comments by senior UN officials inaccurately suggested that the military has ‘taken over’ has an ‘iron grip on power,’ and presented the crisis as being the latest development in a protracted armed conflict. This misrepresents the situation and risks worsening the problem severely.
“The sheer level of violence being inflicted on the population by Min Aung Hlaing is a clear indication that he does not have a grip on anything. The junta is the source of the violence, and to deduce otherwise is a serious misinterpretation,” said Yanghee Lee, founding member of SAC-M. “Misinterpretation leads to misrepresentation, misrepresentation leads to misunderstanding, and misunderstanding leads to mistakes.”
This has been a persistent problem for the United Nations in Myanmar. The Rosenthal report on UN involvement in Myanmar from 2010-18 found systemic and structural failures that rendered the world body impotent in the face of atrocities against the Rohingya in Rakhine state in 2016 and 2017. These failures were noted throughout the UN’s engagement, from the Secretary-General to the Resident Coordinator. They must not be repeated in the latest crisis instigated by the illegal junta.
SAC-M is gravely concerned that the same failed logic of trying to accommodate the military, in an effort to continue in-country programming and maintain a presence in Myanmar, is guiding a misrepresentation by the UN of the current crisis and the junta’s role in it.
“There is clearly no military-led solution to the conflict in Myanmar, after an eight-month period of a failed post-coup attempt by Min Aung Hlaing and his brutal forces,” said Marzuki Darusman, founding member of SAC-M. “The UN in the country is adrift and seemingly beholden to the military. It risks being perceived as allowing a creeping process of imposing a military solution on the people’s democracy movement.”
The UN in Myanmar needs an appropriate strategy for engaging with the junta for what it is – an armed actor employing terrorism, not a government.
Despite the severity of the trials confronting Myanmar and the significant number of UN agencies, funds and programmes present, the UN Country Team has been without a permanent Resident Coordinator for most of the past four years.
“A deeply unfortunate series of circumstances has led to a lack of effective UN leadership in Myanmar throughout the crisis,” said Chris Sidoti. “The top UN position in Myanmar is now vacant again. This is unacceptable and must be rectified without delay. Myanmar needs a senior, well-experienced person as the next UN Resident Coordinator, selected after consultation with the National Unity Government and civil society.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
pdf
Size:
113.72 KB
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Sub-title:
The ITUC has welcomed the pioneering decision by the French Senate to recognise the National Unity Government (NUG) as the official government of Myanmar.
Description:
"he Senate, the upper house of the French parliament, adopted the resolution unanimously.
ITUC General Secretary Sharan Burrow said: “Well done to the French Senate for setting this precedent. We call on all governments to follow this example and recognise, without delay, the NUG as the official and legitimate government of Myanmar.
“The writing is on the wall for the military junta. They’ve already been shunned by the UN General Assembly, the ILO International Labour Conference, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization. They all refused to accept the junta’s credentials.
“It’s time for the regime to return power to legitimate, elected leaders and restore democracy in Myanmar.”
To support the workers and families in Myanmar who have lost their livelihoods due to strikes or other protest actions, the ITUC has established a solidarity fund. Please show your solidarity and donate through the ITUC Myanmar strike fund here and promote it on your social networks..."
Source/publisher:
International Trade Union Confederation (Brussels)
Date of publication:
2021-10-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Country Overview: The current situation continues to be not in favour of the most vulnerable children and families in Myanmar with the violence on the rise across the country. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet warned that urgent action is needed to ensure that the situation in Myanmar does not spiral out of control.
A recent report by UN Human Rights Office stated that Myanmar is facing an economy in freefall and the devastating impact of the COVID-19 pandemic as a human rights catastrophe that shows no signs of abating. The sharp depreciation of Myanmar currency (kyat) has caused the rise in commodity prices such as essential foods, medicines and fuel which is severely impacting people’s daily lives.
With the escalation in fighting between Myanmar military and EAOs or PDFs, mobile internet access and most Wi-Fi services were cut off in a total of 22 townships in Chin and Kachin states and Magway, Mandalay and Sagaing regions making it difficult for local residents to communicate and access information. Between February and September 2021, 206,000 people were displaced internally due to armed clashes and insecurity..."
Source/publisher:
World Vision (Uxbridge) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights and international relations, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.72 MB
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Description:
"KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
22,000 Estimated refugee movements to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
980,000 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 31 December 2020
215,000 Estimated total internal displacement within Myanmar since 1 February 2021
370,000 Estimated internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 31 December 2020
HIGHLIGHTS
There are currently an estimated 215,000 internally displaced within Myanmar due to conflict and unrest since 1 February 2021. In the second half of September, violence and displacement increased in various parts of Myanmar, particularly the Northwest (Chin State, Sagaing and Magway regions). Nearly 41,096 people are currently displaced in the Region (not including Paletwa Township) as a result of heightened clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Chinland Defence Forces (CDF) or People's Defence Forces (PDF). Acts of vandalism and destruction of private property and religious sites, arbitrary arrests, physical assaults, injuries, and deaths are reported. Harvesting and other livelihood activities have been seriously disrupted, leaving IDPs with an urgent need for food, healthcare, and other basic services.
Internal displacement also increased in Shan State (North), due to intense armed clashes between Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) in Mongkaing Township; in Kayah State, due to the intensification of conflict, arbitrary arrests, and general insecurity in Demoso and Loikaw townships; and in Mon State where people were displaced in Kyaikhto Township from mid-September, due to clashes between the Tatmadaw and the Border Guard Forces (BGF) and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). Across South-East Myanmar, access to basic services, especially healthcare, remains constrained. The situation remains compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, with new positive cases among IDPs, including some 90 IDPs at two displacement sites in Kayah State. With positivity rates still increasing in some IDP sites, IDPs continue to have urgent needs for personal protective equipment (PPE), and COVID-19-related restrictions continue to restrict their access to livelihoods and humanitarian assistance. Despite the easing of such restrictions in some parts of the country, more than 110 townships remain under stay-at-home orders.
In Kachin State, armed clashes between the MAF and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) erupted in Tar Lon village, Tanai Township, with civilians caught in the crossfire, while in Shan State (North), fighting in Mongkaing Township forced hundreds of people to seek refuge in village monasteries. IDPs reported difficulties accessing food, healthcare, education, shelter, and WASH assistance.
In Rakhine State, a relatively small number of IDPs continue to return to their places of origin to access livelihoods and food that had been in shortage at displacement sites, but the majority of IDPs remain reluctant to return, fearing a resumption of conflict and landmines. IDPs across Rakhine State, as well as non-displaced Rohingya communities, continue to report restrictions in accessing basic services, livelihoods, and humanitarian assistance, a situation exacerbated by rising commodity prices and COVID-19 prevention measures.
RESPONSE
Myanmar
Following needs assessments, UNHCR delivered life-saving assistance to IDPs across SouthEast Myanmar. In Kayah State, over a thousand people will benefit from pipeline and water catchment systems installed in IDP sites in Demoso and Loikaw townships; the construction of one bathing unit in Loi Nan Hpa region and two at a displacement site in Loikaw township; and solar lights installed in Demoso township. Essential COVID-19 PPE items and medical equipment were also delivered to 25 hospitals and clinics in Bago (East) Region, and Tanintharyi Region, where UNHCR and the Myanmar Red Cross Society concluded a second rapid protection assessment in Palaw Township; and in Kayin State, where UNHCR conducted a rapid protection assessment in Hpapun Township.
In Kachin and Shan States, UNHCR has started distributing NFIs via local partner to IDPs recently displaced, including over 100 people in Lawa, Hpakant township, and some 660 inMongkoe Muse township, a border area near China. UNHCR conducted rapid needs assessments at 13 sites in Waingmaw township, while in Bhamo UNHCR engaged local partners to assess areas of return, as IDPs there continue to indicate return intentions and needs.
In Rakhine State, UNHCR field missions in central Rakhine continue, with some new access to IDP sites that were previously inaccessible. Between 19 September and 1 October UNHCR and its partners have distributed much needed NFI kits for 1,160 households in Rohingya camps in Sittwe Township. Additionally, shelter construction is ongoing and almost completed for more households in Sin Tet Maw camp in Pauktaw Township, and for Thet Ka Pyin in Sittwe Township. In northern Rakhine, UNHCR completed COVID-19 related NFI distributions for IDP sites in Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.46 MB
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Description:
"Washington, DC – Today, House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Gregory W. Meeks (D-NY), House Foreign Affairs Asia-Pacific Subcommittee Ranking Member Steve Chabot (R-OH) and Senator Benjamin L. Cardin (D-MD) introduced the “Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021” or BURMA Act.
The legislation condemns the actions taken by the Burmese military during its February 1 coup d’état and its aftermath. By authorizing targeted sanctions against the Burmese military, the State Administrative Council, as well as their affiliated entities and conglomerates, the bill holds accountable those responsible for the perpetration of the coup and the ensuing atrocities that have claimed over a thousand lives. In light of the growing crisis in Burma, the legislation also authorizes support for civil society and humanitarian assistance and calls on the State Department to issue a genocide determination for the persecution of the Rohingya.
“It has been eight long months since the Burmese military staged its illegal and illegitimate coup, reversing years of reform and Burma’s fragile transition to democracy. Despite diplomatic pressure from the United States and the international community, the Burmese military has refused to cease its violence, release those unjustly detained, or participate in meaningful dialogue with local stakeholders. The United States must do more to support and protect the Burmese people and send a clear signal to the Burmese military,” said Chairman Meeks.
“The Burmese military’s coup in February, and the ongoing atrocities that have followed, continue to be a direct attack on the people of Burma and their basic desire for self-government. Self-government is not some sort of temporary arrangement or gift from the military. The people of Burma have had enough of military rule and, to their credit, have courageously stood up for their legitimate democratic aspirations. As a longtime champion of human rights in Burma, I’m proud to join Chairman Meeks to introduce this legislation which will authorize a forceful response to these heinous crimes,” said Representative Chabot.
“As the death toll continues to rise, the United States must not be indifferent to Burma’s fate. Horrible atrocities have been committed against minority groups, including the Rohingya, which has led more than one million to flee as refugees. Our bicameral legislation aims to hold responsible the military leaders and others who have ravaged this nation and committed crimes against humanity. We stand in solidarity with the people of Burma and condemn the violence that has been perpetrated against them,” said Senator Cardin.
A copy of the BURMA Act of 2021 can be found here. Key elements of the legislation include:
Authorization to impose sanctions on individuals and entities who helped stage the February 1 coup d’état and are responsible for the subsequent repression of fundamental freedoms, human rights abuses, use of indiscriminate violence towards civilians, and other gross atrocities.
Authorization to prohibit the import of precious and semi-precious gemstones from Burma into the United States.
Authorization for a new position at the State Department, a Special Coordinator for Burmese Democracy, to promote an international effort to impose and enforce multilateral sanctions on Burma and coordinate United States Government interagency efforts on Burma.
Authorization for support to civil society and for humanitarian assistance in Burma, Bangladesh, Thailand, and the surrounding region.
Call for the Department of State to make a genocide determination with regards to the persecution of the Rohingya.
Call for the United States to pressure the United Nations to take more decisive action with regards to Burma..."
Source/publisher:
House Foreign Affairs Committee
Date of publication:
2021-10-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"Highlights
• The number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) substantially increased to 400,000 people (43% children) during the reporting period, due to the intensifying armed clashes, increased military operations, and monsoon floods across the country.
• Although the COVID-19 transmission rate declined overall in September, there was a reported surge of COVID cases in Kachin IDP camps and in Kayah and Kayin states in August 2021.
• With UNICEF’s support, the Myanmar Health Assistant Association vaccinated 8,102 people in 10 camps in Rakhine against COVID-19.
• In August, over 125,000 people were reportedly affected by floods across the country. In Rakhine and Kayin, UNICEF reached 33,260 people affected with critical WASH supplies • Legal aid service and assistance was given to 395 children (29 per cent girls) and 587 young people (26 per cent females) who had been arbitrarily arrested and detained following the military takeover.
• Timely humanitarian responses are constrained by additional mandatory requirements for travel authorization, a limited number of humanitarian partners, restricted access to conflict areas and limited banking services..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-10-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
446.44 KB
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Description:
"Monday 4 October 2021 – More than 76,000 children[i] in Myanmar have been forced to flee their homes since the coup on 1 February as armed conflict has erupted in several parts of the country, Save the Children said today.
Most of the displaced children are living outside in the jungle, with nothing but tarpaulins held up with bamboo sticks to protect them from the torrential monsoon rain. Many families do not have adequate food supplies and are sharing just one meal between them per day, Save the Children said.
Since the coup, 206,000 people have been displaced across the country. In Kayah State in southeastern Myanmar – a displacement hotspot - around 22,000 people fled their homes in September alone, according to the UN. More than 79,000 people – including around 29,000 children – are currently displaced in the state[ii]. One town, Demoso, has been left completely empty after its entire population fled violent clashes there last month.
A UN human rights envoy warned in June that Kayah State could see “mass deaths from starvation, disease, and exposure”. With access to food and life-saving services blocked, displaced families were reported to have been living on only rice broth.
Cherry*, 33, has been living in a displacement camp in a forest since she fled her home in Demoso Township five months ago with her husband and their two children. The family is living under a small makeshift tarpaulin shelter. Cherry* is pregnant with her third child, and faces the prospect of giving birth outside without access to medical care.
“I cannot even describe in words the pain I feel,” Cherry* told Save the Children. “My delivery date is close, and I’m so worried about the baby because I’m living in this camp. I can’t even think about eating nutritious food, as we have to eat whatever we can get. I’m also worried about what I’m going to feed my baby after its born. All we have is donated food and we have to eat whatever there is – it’s not the right food for a baby.”
In many parts of the country aid agencies have been unable to reach families in need due to ongoing conflict and restrictions on delivery of aid. Many displaced families are relying on donations from local people for food and essentials.
U Tun* and his family fled their home with nothing when fighting in their hometown of Demoso escalated in May. The family is unable to return home as their house was set alight in the conflict along with everything they own.
“I was only able to bring a few important identity documents, and I fled with my family. Now, we are living on a hill in a temporary shelter. It is very difficult to get food and we have to rely on donations because all of our property was destroyed and we can’t go home. Other people here are also suffering like us,” U Tun* told Save the Children.
Save the Children warned that thousands of displaced children could go hungry without urgent food aid. Some 60% of Kayah families surveyed by Save the Children in April said they relied on farming as their primary source of food, but had been uprooted from their farms by the conflict.
Earlier this year, the WFP estimated that the number of children in the country going hungry could more than double to 6.2 million in the next six months, up from 2.8 million prior to February.
Esther*, a volunteer at a displacement camp in Kayah State, said hunger was a huge concern for displaced families.
“In the beginning they received some donations from local people or charities that were helping people in the camps. But now donations are limited because people are being prevented from going to the camps. We got some bags of rice bags donated, and when we divided it, every household got just five cups of rice per family. That’s not much for a family of seven people to live off for long,” Esther* told Save the Children.
Save the Children said:
“While the world’s attention has moved on, a hunger crisis is unfolding in Myanmar. Tens of thousands of children across the country who have fled their homes are living outside in jungles or sheltering in temples, many of them with nothing but a tarpaulin sheet to protect them from the torrential monsoon rains. Families are living on next to nothing, sharing just one meal a day between six or seven people. Children are already going hungry, and very soon they will start to succumb to disease and malnutrition.
“Displaced families urgently need tents, food, clean water, medical care and sanitation. Our teams will continue doing everything they can to get children and their families the help they need, but we urgently need access to displaced families to deliver our life-saving services.
“As long as the violence continues, more families will be forced to flee in search of safety. We call on all parties to protect children’s rights and keep them out of harm’s way. This goes beyond protecting them from the dangers of conflict – children need to get back to school, and they need support to process the trauma they have experienced. Myanmar children have shown incredible strength and resilience, but they cannot be expected to keep carrying such a heavy load.”
Save the Children and its partners in Myanmar are providing food assistance and essential items to families who need it most. It provides life-saving health and nutrition services, as well as getting children back into learning and supporting them with their mental and physical health and wellbeing..."
Source/publisher:
Save the Children (London)
Date of publication:
2021-10-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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