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Title: Myanmar Humanitarian Update No. 20 | 31 July 2022
Description: "This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 31 July, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. The next humanitarian update will be issued in August 2022. HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES • More than 1.2 million people are currently displaced across the country. This includes nearly 866,400 people displaced by the conflict and insecurity since the military takeover last year. • Inflation in commodity prices, including for food, fuel, shelter materials and NFIs, remains a major concern to partners in addressing the needs of the most vulnerable. Interim measures are being applied to mitigate against its impact on humanitarian programming where possible, but communities are struggling in the face of cost pressures. • Humanitarians are stepping up efforts to expand support to affected people in northwest Myanmar which hosts the majority of the country’s new IDPs (583,100 as of 25 July 2022). • Contingency planning is underway as tensions escalate in Rakhine. • The unstable security situation and cyclical displacement across the Southeast and Northwest are exacerbating mental health issues among children and their caregivers, generating increased need for child protection responses in these areas. • In northern Shan, forced recruitment, extortion and landmines continue to put IDPs and host communities at risk. • In Rakhine, there remain significant shelter gaps for displaced people. There are also significant deficits in water availability in the AA-MAF sites in Rakhine and Chin. • In the Southeast, shelter and other humanitarian support is urgently needed for newly displaced people including 5,400 new IDPs in Kyaukkyi township in eastern Bago. • The 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) is only 13 per cent funded prompting the need for prioritization in the second half of the year. KEY FIGURES 1.2M People internally displaced across Myanmar 866K People currently displaced by clashes and insecurity since February 2021 346K People internally displaced due to conflict prior to February 2021, mainly in Rakhine, Kachin, Chin, and Shan 21K Civilian properties estimated burnt or destroyed since February 2021. Displacement figures fluctuate during any given month. These figures represent the number of people currently displaced. Cumulative numbers for returns and displacement are not always available. SITUATION OVERVIEW The people of Myanmar continue to bear the brunt of ongoing hostilities and a crippling economic situation that has been compounded by increasing inflation since May. Both crises have entrenched people’s pre-existing vulnerabilities and generated new needs. There are currently, more than 1.2 million internally displaced people (IDPs) in camps and informal displacement sites across the country. Of those who are displaced, 866,4002 fled their homes since the 2021 military takeover. A further 346,600 people are in protracted displacement as a result of conflict prior to 2021, the majority of whom are in Rakhine State. Many of the new IDPs have been displaced multiple times. Many have been sheltering for months in the jungle, where it is difficult to reach them with humanitarian assistance, particularly during the rainy season. During the past year, limited numbers of IDPs have managed to return to their places of origin, but this is sometimes short-lived and most people have been unable to return due to insecurity and ongoing hostilities in their places of origin, the destruction of their homes, or lack of livelihood opportunities. More than 21,000 civilian properties, including homes, churches, monasteries, and schools, have reportedly been destroyed since the military takeover. Humanitarian partners are trying to reach 6.2 million people with life-saving assistance this year, including IDPs in conflict areas, wherever access is possible. Despite the ongoing access challenges and shortfalls in funding, humanitarian partners have been providing affected people with critical life-saving assistance, including emergency shelter and NFIs, food and livelihood assistance, health and nutrition, education, as well as protection services, including child protection, gender-based violence, legal aid and mine action, to alleviate their suffering and strengthen their resilience. Mid-year results are being finalized now and are expected to show at least 3 million people or almost half the 2022 target have been reached with humanitarian assistance since the beginning of the year. The Inter-Cluster Coordination Group (ICCG) is working to identify ways of expanding reach into under-served, high displacement areas, particularly in the Northwest where the response has been challenging. On 29 July, the HCT endorsed a proposal to proceed with the establishment of a sub-national ICCG for the Northwest to improve coordination and information sharing, as well as access advocacy. Myanmar remains one of only four countries in the world classified by ACAPS as having “extreme” access constraints, alongside Eritrea, Ukraine and Yemen.3 A new analysis of the physical, conflict and stakeholder constraints that are affecting accessibility in different parts of the country has been produced by the Humanitarian Access Working Group. The analysis indicates that humanitarian access is considered ‘difficult’ or ‘very difficult’ to at least 1.4 million people of the 6.2 million targeted for assistance this year. High-level efforts continue to advocate for access to these areas and donors are encouraged to support efforts by partners in underserved locations where needs are severe, on the understanding that this work may take longer, require more human resources and deliver results on a smaller scale because of the access constraints. Several inter-agency needs monitoring missions have taken place in the first half of the year. In late June, several UN agencies visited one relocation site, one temporary displacement site and three protracted IDP camps in Kyaukme, Manton and Namtu townships in northern Shan to assess the overall humanitarian situation of the IDPs and identify need and gaps in responses. Based on the findings of this mission, IDPs are in need of more vocational training activities to support their livelihoods. In Namtu township, IDPs are in need of desludging services and water purifying chemicals. Displaced children have access to public education in these two towns, and health services are also provided, but there is a need to scale-up. With the ongoing increase of commodity prices, the running costs for camps have become challenging within existing allocations, especially in protracted IDP camps and relocation sites in Manton and Namtu townships. The UN, in collaboration with its partners, including local organization, is currently arranging responses to the identified needs. The joint distribution mission to southern Shan that was scheduled for early July in response to a prior needs monitoring mission, remains pending due to travel authorization issues. Advocacy is underway to resolve this delay. It is critical that humanitarian partners have unconditional, unimpeded and safe access to all affected people wherever they are in Myanmar. Funding is also critically needed, especially in light of the increasing inflation since May 2022, in order to save more lives, protect people and alleviate their suffering. As of 27 July, the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan is only 13 per cent funded, leaving a gap of $719 million (FTS) and clusters will be working to make difficult prioritization decisions for the second half of the year..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-31
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Title: The speech to International Community By H.E Daw Zin Mar Aung Union Minister of Foreign Affairs
Description: "Dear Friends of Myanmar the world over who stand with us in solidarity I I address you today as the Minister o f Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, i on behalf of the National Unity Government, and as a parliamentarian elected to office by the f express will of the people. 1 August 1st marked 18 months o f the people’s revolution. Eighteen months o f shared struggle of 1 resistance, of national unity against an illegal military junta bent on destroying this great beautiful T nation. 1 The darkest days are upon us. War, poverty, terrorism, economic devastation. These are the 1 hallmarks of Min Aung Hlaing and the Junta. And now, in its ever-escalating embrace of atrocities, I we grieve the execution of political prisoners. 1 Each of your calls for - expressions of concern and condemnation is from your side just regrettable 1 failure of sincere intention to facilitate moderation and de-escalation of violence. For us it is J extremely painful loss of lives. For us it is burning the houses and whole villages - destruction of 1 most basic conditions for life of tens of thousands and hundreds of thousand ordinary people who | anyhow have lived on the edge of poverty and in constant struggle to sustain their families. 1 While you are again and again calling for restrain and negotiations, Min Aung Hlaing is hardening 1 his stand. While you call for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to be released, MAH has moved her from | house arrest to prison. I While you put significant and quiet diplomacy to persuade MAH not to carry on executions, he i has killed four political prisoners and junta's spoke person in boosting that "according to law" they I will execute more. 1 Min Aung Hlaing must be stopped once and for all. The senseless and illegal execution of Ko 1 Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw is reprehensible. Once again proved Min Aung lllaing and the junta's showed absolute disregard to international norms, human rights, and amicable resolution to the current crisis. But more gravely a complete contempt and disregard for Myanmar people. Min Aung l llaing has repeatedly exploited and betrayed ASEAN's efforts to help find sustainable political solution This execution further demonstrates the Junta's disregard to the commitments it has made to the current ASEAN chair and ASEAN envoy. Indiscriminate bombings, murder, arbitrary arrests and detentions and destruction o f properties arc intolerable now for our people in every corner of our society. How many more lives docs the international community needs before it can act decisively against the junta? Weapons for Ukraine, air lifts from Afghans, and deafening silence for Myanmar people Who are we to you now? Are we expected to suffer their atrocity more than others? Endless debates on legitimacy and credentials, statements of condemnation, leveraging humanitarian access here and there. Yet nothing for our people, for our effort to restore that is rightly ours- the right to live in safetyw Four of our brothers martyred for their commitment to a free and democratic Myanmar. 41 political prisoners announced for execution. Who will be next? A bounty on the head of those democratically election in 2020 elections who dare to serve our people in health, education, humanitarian response, protection of women and girls. All the while I have respected every request to me to keep meeting secret, to be patient, to be grateful for your attention. All the while I want to scream 'help! help our people need your help'. The Preamble of the United Nations Charter states that "the People o f the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge o f war, which has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaff i rm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth o f the human person, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect fo r the obligations arising from treaties and other sources o f international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards o f life in larger freedom. "" It is time to put this into action. To the United Nations member states, security council and international community , We appreciate the statements of condemnation of the execution our friends but without practical action it is hollow words. Effective, decisive, and united collective action is needed immediately, 1. Cut the revenue streams of Min Aung Hlaing and his terrorist army as efficiently as possible. 2. Suspend all international representations of the junta and prevent any representative of the Junta in any international platforms 3. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) must act swiftly utilizing Responsibility to Protect by sending troops and weapons supplies to our united ethnic and democratic forces. 4. Immediately recognize the National Unity Government as the government of Myanmar and afford us the same right and dignity of all other democratically elected governments in the world today. We have vision for the peaceful future of our country. We have legitimacy. We have sense of responsibility. We have support of the people of country. We care for lives, for rights, for rule of law, for peace, for understanding, for accountability. We care! Start by talking with us instead of either creepingly engaging and legitimizing junta or issuing ineffective statements of regret. None of those is bringing you closer to help us and both of that is bringing us every day closer to death and destruction. As our people die in IDP camps and in people defenses forces trying to protect themselves, we compel international partners to exhaust all possible political and diplomatic means to help realize our yearning for safety, stability, peace, and freedom from the Junta' s dictatorial rule. As I close, I assure you with full voice that the people of Myanmar shall prevail. Peace and justice shall prevail. And we will restore Myanmar to its place among the vanguard of democracies. Our unshakable faith in our revolution carries at its core a commitment to our international obligations and our commitment to development, peace, and stability to our neighboring countries, to our region and to the world. I thank you..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-30
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Title: Open Society Foundations Condemn Horrific Myanmar Executions
Description: "NEW YORK—The Open Society Foundations are appalled and deeply saddened by the recent horrific executions by the military regime in Myanmar of former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The executions are the first in Myanmar in more than three decades. The executions, which were unanimously condemned by the UN Security Council on July 27, mark a further regression in the already dire human rights situation that has prevailed in Myanmar since the military coup of February 2021. Since the coup, Myanmar’s military regime has engaged in countless human rights violations including military air assaults targeting villages of ethnic communities, burning civilian facilities, and cracking down civil society organizations inside the country. Open Society calls on the international community to step up its efforts to end the crisis in the country, with steps including: the imposition of a full arms embargo action to expand the number and type of sanctions on senior military leaders and those around them fully supporting and expediting the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar established by the UN Human Rights Council in September 2018 Open Society is also calling on Myanmar to allow unimpeded access to UN investigators and human rights monitors, and urges the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to adopt a more effective diplomatic response to the crisis, drawing on support from civil society and humanitarian groups. We urge G20 leaders and donors to increase support for humanitarian aid, including funding for civil society to document these heinous acts and push for international accountability..."
Source/publisher: Open Society Foundations
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-29
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Title: Latest Report by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Finds Crimes Against Humanity, War Crimes Perpetrated by the Myanmar Junta
Description: "Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) released, “Resisting a Coup,” a new six-month report which covers human rights violations committed by the Myanmar military junta between January and June 2022. Over the course of the six-month reporting period, the regime torched thousands of homes, and murdered civilians with impunity. Against the backdrop of the violence continues to be a full-fledged humanitarian crisis that has left thousands displaced and living in poverty. ND-Burma calls for immediate international intervention including targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo. Across ND-Burma’s member target areas are cases of extreme violence perpetrated by the soldiers of the Myanmar military. The wide-spread antagonism against the junta has led to the regime responding the only way they know how – by waging more internal conflict. This is evident in the mass numbers of civilians who have been routinely internally displaced. Evidence of the military junta deliberately embarking on a ‘trajectory of terror’ suggest that the regime will not stop their merciless attacks until the masses submit. ND-Burma members have documented crimes committed by the Myanmar Army including arbitrary arrest and detainment, torture, rape and sexual violence, destruction of property, enforced disappearances, murder and others. The acts of violence that the junta has committed amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Accountability for their crimes is long overdue. Further, the ND-Burma calls for an immediate cessation in violence and a retreat of junta soldiers from civilian areas. The international community, including UN bodies, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, must take concrete steps which hold the junta responsible. ND-Burma supports a United Nations Security Council resolution on a global arms embargo, and an immediate referral of the situation of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. We call for diplomatic, political, and economic pressure on the military junta to immediately cease the targeting of the civilian population in Myanmar. Attempts for peace and reconciliation will not be taken seriously under the military junta..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Families in Myanmar lose more than half their income in year of conflict, says Save the Children
Description: "28 July 2022 – Families in Myanmar have lost on average more than half of their income since the political crisis and escalation of conflict in February 2021, according to Save the Children, with soaring poverty rates threatening to reverse 17 years of economic progress. The economic impact of the political crisis, coupled with the COVID-19 pandemic, has left families struggling to feed themselves and their children, the child rights organisation said. Some 80% of families said food was their primary concern, with adults in one in five households cutting back on meals in order to feed their children. A third of households are borrowing food or relying on help from others to feed their families. Kin Thida*, 39, lives with her husband and three children in Yangon, Myanmar. She and her husband used to work as masons on a construction site and all three of their children went to school. But since February 2021 and the ensuing economic turmoil, the couple are now both without jobs. “In the past, I could buy some pieces of meat and some vegetables for two meals with around 3000 kyat (around US$1.5), but for now, it’s only enough for one meal, sometimes not even that,” Kin Thida said. Kin Thida’s 17-year-old daughter, Sabal*, had to drop out of school to work in a garment factory to support her family – before she also lost her job due to factory closures. “I need to find another job, but for that I need a national registration card, and to get that I need to travel to my parents’ hometown to apply. I can’t afford the transport to get there,” Sabal said. “I only want to go back to school – that's the only place I was happy. I was hoping to be a nurse after school.” The political crisis in Myanmar started when the country was already vulnerable. The economic crisis drove an increase in the share of households experiencing moderate to severe food insecurity between August and October 2020. Since February last year the country has suffered further economic decline, with mass job losses, business closures and weakening of the Myanmar currency (kyat), which has affected households across the country. Even middle-income households that were benefiting from the country’s economic growth since 2011 are now being pushed below the poverty line, Save the Children said. Families are reporting an average price increase of between 30% and 70% for basic foods. Earlier this year, the child rights organisation warned that at least 150,000 children had been forced to flee their homes due to violence, and last month reports showed that the number of children out of school had doubled over the past two years. Save the Children called on the international community to do everything it can to prevent the country plummeting into mass poverty and hunger, including stepping up humanitarian funding. Shaheen Chughtai, Regional Advocacy Director for Save the Children in Asia, said: “More than a year on from the coup, millions of children do not have enough to eat and families are having to beg or borrow to survive. These new figures are especially sobering at a time where humanitarian response is severely underfunded. At a time when children in Myanmar need us most, they are being let down by the international community. "Deprivation and hunger on this scale is a worrying step backwards for a country that was already struggling to pull itself out of poverty after decades of political turmoil. The speed at which poverty levels are regressing after 17 years of progress – and the impact this is having on children and their families - is an absolute tragedy, and the world must ensure children in Myanmar are not forgotten.” Save the Children has been working in Myanmar since 1995, providing life-saving healthcare, food, education and child protection programmes through more than 50 partners and 900 staff across the country..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the executions by the military junta in Myanmar
Description: "We, the G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, strongly condemn the four executions by the military junta in Myanmar. These executions, the first in Myanmar in over thirty years, and the absence of fair trials show the junta’s contempt for the unwavering democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. Those executed were prominent members of the democratic opposition – democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu (known as “Ko Jimmy”), former Member of Parliament Phyo Zeyar Thaw, as well as Aung Thura Zaw and Hla Myo Aung. Our thoughts are with the families of the four victims and with those of the many others who have been killed, arrested or tortured in Myanmar since the military illegitimately took over power in February 2021. We continue to condemn in the strongest terms the military coup in Myanmar and express deep concern about the political, economic, social, humanitarian and human rights situation in the country. We call on the military regime to immediately end the use of violence, to refrain from further arbitrary executions, to free all political prisoners and those arbitrarily detained and to return the country to a democratic path. We continue to support efforts by ASEAN, and call for the military to meaningfully implement all aspects of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. This includes an inclusive process of dialogue with a broad range of democratic opposition. We also continue to support efforts by the United Nations, and encourage effective coordination between the ASEAN Special Envoy and the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Canada, Government of France, Government of Italy, Government of Japan, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: RESISTING A COUP
Description: "Throughout the reporting period of January to June 2022, ND-Burma members witnessed the Myanmar military make a mockery of democratic norms and principles. Our findings make clear that the regime is continuing to act with deeply ingrained impunity amid a full fledged humanitarian crisis which has now seen over one million civilians internally displaced by the junta’s violence.1 When the Myanmar military orchestrated their coup on 1 February 2021, it changed the political discourse in the country. It also triggered a domino-like effect of opposition groups forming to protest the junta’s illegitimate seizure of power. Within the first few months following the overthrow of the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government, a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) which continues to show its strength, emerged. Led by the civil service sector, medics, teachers, engineers and those representing other professions, announced that they would refuse to adhere to their responsibilities under the military junta. In March 2021, the CDM was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize.2 In addition, the Spring Revolution has rallied support through strategic organizing efforts which have even exposed the military junta for violating their own Constitution in the attempted power-grab. The establishment of the National Unity Government (NUG) and the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) were formed as legitimate platforms for formal engagement and diplomacy in Myanmar. Armed opposition groups called People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) were created in direct response to the junta’s violence being deployed against civilians who rejected their illegal coup. Civilians across various backgrounds and ethnicities continue to work in solidarity in fierce opposition to the dictatorship. What has become abundantly clear throughout the reporting period is that the junta is no match against the resilience and bravery of civil society organizations and pro-democracy affiliated organizations, including EROs. While global actors have overwhelmingly failed to respond to the multiple crises in Myanmar with the urgency required, actors inside the country have exemplified bravery by sacrificing their lives for their freedom. Rather than work with trusted, long-time activists, including the NUG, some international bodies have risked legitimizing the junta by working with them..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) နောက်ဆုံးထွက်ရှိသည့် အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် မြန်မာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့်ပြစ်မှုနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိထားသည်
Description: "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ)၊ ND-Burma မှ “အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ခုခံခြင်း” ဆိုသည့် ၆ လပတ်အစီရင်ခံစာထုတ်ပြန်ပြီး ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီမှ ဇွန်လအတွင်း မြန်မာစစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ကျူးလွန် သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို တင်ပြထားသည်။ လွန်ခဲ့သည့် ၆ လအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ သည် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ခတ် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ထောင်နှင့်ချီသည့် အိုးအိမ်များအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး၍ ပြည်သူများအား သတ်ဖြတ်နေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုများကြောင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကြပ်အတည်းများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျှက်ရှိပြီး သောင်းနှင့်ချီသည့် ပြည်သူများ စစ်ပြေးဒုက္ခသည်များအဖြစ် ထွက်ပြေးရကာ ဆင်းရဲကြပ်တည်းစွာ နေထိုင်ကြရသည်။ ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဒေသများတွင် ဆိုးရွားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို မြန်မာ့တပ်မ တော် စစ်သားများက ကျူးလွန်နေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် ၎င်းတို့အား ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဆန့်ကျင် နေမှုအား ၎င်းတို့နားလည်သည့် တခုတည်းသောနည်းလမ်းဖြစ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဖြင့် တုန့်ပြန်သည့်အ တွက် ပြည်တွင်းပဋိပက္ခများ ပိုမိုများပြားလာသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထု အများအပြားမှာ အဆက် မ ပြတ် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးရပြီး လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်းဖြစ်ပေါ်စေသည့် အထောက် အထားများဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့မှ တမင်ရည်ရွယ်၍ ‘ကြောက်မက်ဖွယ် လမ်းကြောင်းသို့ တွန်းပို့နေသဖြင့်’ ၎င်းတို့အား လက်မခံသရွေ့ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို အာဏာရှင်တို့က ရပ်ဆိုင်းမည်မဟုတ်ပေ။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ ကျူးလွန်သည့် အတင်းအဓမ္မဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ် စက်ခြင်း၊ မုဒိန်းကျင့်ခြင်းနှင့် လိင် ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ မတရားသိမ်းဆည်းခြင်း၊ လက်စတုန်းဖျောက်ဖျက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ လူသားများအပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ပြစ်မှုနှင့် လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု များကို ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များမှ မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု များအတွက် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံရန်မှာ အချိန်ကြာမြင့်နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာဒေသတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ ချက်ခြင်းရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တပ်များရုပ်သိမ်းရန် ND-Burma မှ တောင်းဆိုသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ASEAN အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေးအတွက် လက်တွေ့ကျသည့် အရေးယူများ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ချမှတ်သည့် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာ လက်နက်တင်ပို့ ရောင်းချမှု ပိတ်ပင်ရေးကို ND-Burma မှ ထောက်ခံကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ မြန်မာ့အခြေအနေအား နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး (ICC) သို့ လွှဲပြောင်းပေးရန်နှင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အပေါ် သံတမန်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးအရ ဖိအားပေး အရေးယူရန် တောင်းဆို ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Title: အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ခုခံခြင်း
Description: "ယခုအစီရင်ခံသည့် ကာလဖြစ်သည့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီမှ ဇွန်လတလျှောက် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် ဒီမိုကရေ စီ စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများနှင့် အခြေခံမူများအပေါ် မထီမဲ့မြင်ပြုနေသည်ကို ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များက မျက်ဝါးထင်ထင် မြင်တွေ့ကြရသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ အရိုးစွဲအောင် ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် ဓ လေ့နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုကြောင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကြပ်အတည်းကိုဖြစ်ပေါ်စေပြီး လူဦးရေ တသန်းကျော် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးနေရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေမှာ အကြီးအကျယ်ပြောင်းလဲသွားသည်။ ထို့အတူ တခုပြိုလဲသွားပြီးနောက် ဆင့်ကဲ ရိုက်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်စဥ်အရ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် အတိုက်အခံအင်အားစုများအ ပေါ် ရိုက်ခတ်မှုရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) သောင်ပြိုကမ်းပြို အနိုင်ရပြီး လအနည်း ငယ်အတွင်းမှာပင် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) အားကောင်းလာသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ဝန် ထမ်းများဖြစ်သည့် ဆရာဝန်၊ ကျောင်းဆရာ၊ အင်ဂျင်နီယာနှင့် တခြားနယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ ကျွမ်းကျင်သူများ က စစ်အာဏာရှင်အောက်တွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်း ငြင်းဆန်ကြေငြာခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လတွင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုသည် နိုဘယ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဆုအတွက် အမည်စာရင်း တင်သွင်းခြင်းခံရ သည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အာဏာငမ်းငမ်းတက် ရယူလိုချင်မှုကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့ မူကြမ်းရေးဆွဲခဲ့သည့် ဖွဲ့ စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေကိုပင် ပြန်လည်ချိုးဖာက်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ ဗျူဟာမြောက် စုစည်း ကြိုးပမ်းမှုမှ တဆင့် ထုတ်ဖော်ပြသခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီ (NUCC) တို့ကို တရားဝင် ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံမှုနှင့် သံတမန် ဆက်သွယ်မှုအတွက် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ လက်နက်ကိုင် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး (PDFs) အဖွဲ့များကိုလည်း စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင် သည့် အရပ်သားများဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ခိုက်ရန် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ နောက်ခံ အခြေအနေအမျိုးမျိုးနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးအသီးသီးတို့ ညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ဆန့်ကျင်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ ယခုအစီရင်ခံသည့် ကာလအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် EROs အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ၏ ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ခုခံမှုကို ယှဥ်ပြိုင်အံတုနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ကမ္ဘာ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်မှုများအပါအဝင် အကြပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ တုန့်ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ပျက်ကွက်နေစဥ်တွင် နိုင်ငံတွင်းရှိ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများက စံပြအနေဖြင့် ရဲရင့်စွာ အသက်ကို ပဓာနမထားပဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည်။ NUG အပါအဝင် ကာလကြာရှည်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် လှုပ်ရှားတက်ကြွသူများနှင့် ယုံကြည်စွာ လက်တွဲ အလုပ်လုပ်ရမည့်အစား နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းအချို့သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် လက်တွဲ၍ ၎င်းတို့အား အသိ အမှတ်ပြုစေသည့် တရားဝင်မှုကို အရဲစွန့် ပေးနေသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးရုံး (OHA) နှင့် ASEAN ၏ လူသားချင်းဆိုင်ရာ ကူညီမှု အဖွဲ့သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ခြေလှမ်းပြင်နေသည်[4]။ အထောက်အပံ့ အကူအညီများကို တလွဲသုံးခြင်းနှင့် စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ၊ ရေ၊ ဆေးဝါးနှင့် အမိုးအကာများ အပါအဝင် အရေးတကြီးလိုအပ်နေသည့် အခြေခံလိုအပ်ချက်များအား ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးနေသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ နှင့် လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ လက်တွေ့မြေပြင်တွင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အားကိုးစိတ်ချ၊ ယုံကြည်ရသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လက်တွဲ လုပ်ဆောင်မည်လား? မြန်မာစစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား အရဲစွန့်၍ တရားဝင်မှုကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုမည်လား? ဟု အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက ကုလသမဂ္ဂအား မေးခွန်းထုတ် တောင်းဆိုနေကြသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများအား တလွဲအသုံးပြုနေသည်ဟု မှတ်တမ်းရှိသည့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ အကူအညီများ ပေးပို့ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့် အရှေ့တောင်အာရှနိုင်ငံများအသင်း (ASEAN) ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အား NUG ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန် ကြီးဌာနသည် ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး (KNU), ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) နှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား တိုးတက်ရေး ပါတီ (KNPP) တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ကန့်ကွက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လက်နက်မဲ့ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများအပေါ် စက်ဆုတ်စရာကောင်းအောင် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု များတွင် ကြံရာပါအဖြစ် အရဲစွန့် လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Atrocity Alert No. 310: Myanmar (Burma), Afghanistan and Libya
Description: "Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes. FIRST EXECUTIONS IN MYANMAR IN DECADES UNDERSCORE ONGOING MILITARY REPRESSION Myanmar’s (Burma) military – also known as the Tatmadaw – announced on 25 July that it had executed two democracy activists, as well as two other men, marking the first known executions in the country since 1988. Accused of violent resistance against the military, all four men – Phyo Zeya Thaw, Kyaw Min Yu (also known as Ko Jimmy), Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw – were sentenced to death by military tribunals during closed, politically motivated trials. Since the February 2021 coup, over 100 people in Myanmar have been sentenced to death, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The executions indicate a grave escalation in the Tatmadaw’s repression. The executions received widespread condemnation from the international community, including from UN Secretary-General António Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and several governments, among others. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said, “these depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?” The executions occurred amidst growing evidence of mass atrocities perpetrated by the military throughout the country, including the scorched earth campaign in the northwest. Last week, the military killed at least ten people and burned approximately 500 homes during a raid on a predominantly Muslim village in Sagaing Region – a resistance stronghold. The victims’ bodies were found burned beyond recognition with their hands bound. Amnesty International also recently reported that the Tatmadaw is “systematically” laying antipersonnel landmines in a “massive scale” in and around at least 20 villages in Kayah State. The military has reportedly laid landmines in homes, on farmland and on church grounds, threatening the lives and livelihoods of civilians in contaminated areas. The military’s use of banned landmines likely amounts to war crimes. The international community – especially ASEAN and the UN Security Council – has a responsibility to respond to the deepening crisis in Myanmar with more than just words. The military should heed the calls of High Commissioner Bachelet by reinstating Myanmar’s de facto suspension on the use of the death penalty. All political prisoners and others arbitrarily detained must be immediately released. Member states must stop providing arms and weapons to Myanmar and support efforts to hold those responsible for atrocities to account..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: [Joint Statement] Myanmar: Execution of four democracy activists highlights junta’s brutality
Description: "We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the execution carried out by the military junta against four pro-democracy activists in Myanmar. We call on the international community, including ASEAN states, to publicly denounce these grave violations committed by the junta and to hold them accountable for their crimes. The four include prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu better known as ‘Ko Jimmy’, who was arrested in October 2021 and Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a former lawmaker from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and rapper, who was arrested in November 2021 for allegedly committing “terror acts” by the junta. The other two activists are Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. The four pro-democracy activists were convicted of trumped-up charges of terrorism under the draconian 2014 Counterterrorism Law and others laws and sentenced to death in June 2022. Their closed-door trial by secretive military tribunals has been condemned due to a lack of transparency and adherence to the due process of law. Kyaw Min Yu was also allegedly tortured during his detention. We are appalled that family members of the activists were not informed ahead of time that the executions would be carried out. Since news of the executions was released, family members have only received vague answers from officers at Insein Prison, such as that the prison procedures had already been followed. Further, the military junta continues to refuse to disclose the location and condition of the bodies of those executed. When Phyo Zeyar Thaw’s mother requested for his body, the prison officers responded that there is no law that calls for the return of the body to family members. The military junta must clarify the exact date and time that the executions were carried out, as well as immediately provide information on the whereabouts of the bodies. We condemn the cruelty of the military junta and are seriously concerned about the fate of many others who have been sentenced to death by the junta. These appalling actions are serious human rights violations and should be denounced by all members of the international community with calls for justice and accountability. With a total of 117 political prisoners being sentenced to death since the coup, failing to do so will put many other detained activists at risk of suffering the same fate. The executions are reportedly the first known judicial executions for over the three decades in Myanmar. It was undertaken despite repeated calls from human rights groups and the international community to the junta to halt and reverse the decision. The junta has even disregarded the calls from the ASEAN chair, Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, to refrain from carrying out the executions. The execution was conducted three days after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) dismissed the Myanmar military government’s preliminary objections regarding the allegation of genocide against the Rohingya, giving the possibility of the investigation as requested by the Gambia to move forward. Since the coup in February 2021, human rights groups have documented the arbitrary and extrajudicial killings of more than two thousand individuals in the country. Thousands remain in detention facing torture and ill-treatment while the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate government elected by the people of Myanmar in November 2022, was declared a terrorist organisation. The junta has also weaponised humanitarian aid to undermine the resistance movement and to gain legitimacy. Various diplomatic efforts by international and regional mechanisms, including the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus that focuses on a meaningful and inclusive dialogue toward a peaceful solution, have failed to prevent the junta from committing serious human rights violations – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. While some countries have imposed targeted sanctions, others such as Australia and Japan have failed to move in that direction and have effectively relied on the Five-Point Consensus as a solution. By executing the activists, the military junta has sent a strong message that it has no interest in respecting proposals from ASEAN and the international community to uphold democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the country. The international community must urgently step up and immediately deploy stronger actions to halt this brutality and hold the junta accountable..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: Security Council Press Statement on Situation in Myanmar
Description: "The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Ronaldo Costa Filho (Brazil): The members of the Security Council condemned the Myanmar military’s execution of opposition activists over the weekend. They recalled the Secretary-General’s statement of 25 July 2022 and echoed his call for the immediate release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. The members of the Security Council also recalled the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Chair’s Statement of 25 July 2022, which expressed ASEAN’s denunciation and strong disappointment at the execution despite the appeals of the ASEAN Chair and some ASEAN member States for the sentences to be reconsidered. They noted ASEAN’s view that implementation of the death sentences was highly reprehensible and presented a gross lack of will to support the efforts of the ASEAN Chair in expediting progress on the implementation of the Five Point Consensus. They noted ASEAN’s call for utmost restraint, patience and efforts to avoid escalating the situation, and for all parties concerned to desist from taking actions that would only further aggravate the crisis. The members of the Security Council reiterated their strong support to ASEAN and the efforts of the ASEAN Chair and echoed ASEAN’s call for concrete actions to effectively and fully implement the Five Point Consensus. They underlined the important role of the United Nations Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar and encouraged close coordination with the ASEAN Special Envoy to ensure synergy. The members of the Security Council called for the pursuance of dialogue with all parties concerned and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar. They also called for an immediate cessation of all forms of violence, including attacks on infrastructure, health and education facilities, for full respect for human rights and the rule of law, and for full, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all those in need. They reiterated their full support for Myanmar’s democratic transition and their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: United Nations
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: Joint Statement on Execution of Pro-Democracy and Opposition Leaders in Myanmar
Description: "On July 26, Mr. HAYASHI Yoshimasa, Foreign Minister of Japan, released the joint statement on the Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders together with the High Representative on behalf of the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States. （Joint Statement） The Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders are reprehensible acts of violence that further exemplify the regime’s disregard for human rights and the rule of law. We urge the regime to release all those unjustly detained, grant full and independent access to prisons and fulfill its obligations under the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus to seek peace through dialogue, not further violence. We support the people of Myanmar in their aspirations for freedom and democracy and call on the regime to end the use of violence, respect the will of the people, and restore the country’s path toward democracy. Our thoughts and condolences are with the bereaved families and loved ones as they grieve those unjustly put to death. We remember and mourn all lives lost in Myanmar in the aftermath of the coup..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Australia, Government of Canada, Government of Japan, Government of New Zealand, Government of Norway, Government of the Republic of Korea, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Title: National Unity Government Statement No.17/2022
Description: "In the morning of 24th July 2022, state propaganda media of the terrorist military council reported that U Kyaw Min Yu also known as U Jimmy, U Phyo Zeyar Thaw, U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thuya Zaw had their punishment meted out according to prison procedure. When family members approached the authorities in Insein Prison, they confirmed that the announcement was true and that they were not at liberty to release the bodies of the deceased. It is totally unacceptable that the terrorist military council, against all national and international legal norms, inhumanely went ahead with the executions of U Kyaw Min Yu, also known as U Jimmy, one of the leaders of the 88 Generation Students Group student leader, a veteran democracy activist and founder of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society and U Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a member of National League for Democracy and former Parliament Member of Pyithu Hluttaw including U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thuya Zaw. For this atrocious act of brutality, the National Unity Government pledges to take a systematic approach to any legal and political routes available, be it national, international, and military, to get legal retribution for their unlawful deaths and punish those responsible. We bow our heads, salute, pay homage and stand together with the families, friends and relatives of all those fallen heroes of the Spring Revolution and those who had been arbitrarily detained in prison, tortured and murdered. To show our gratitude to those heroes who gave up their lives during the Spring Revolution, the National Unity Government vows to, together hand in hand with the people, uproot and rid our land of the ruthless fascist policy forever never to rear its head again. We also believe that the populace and those risking their lives on the frontline must be feeling sad and sorrowful and with this force of feeling focus on the revolution and fight to the end to achieve victory. To those democracy activists and leaders of the revolution, this is solid evidence that the terrorist military is not prepared to solve our country’s difficulties and has no intentions of doing so peacefully. This is also proof, and a warning shot to those who believe that the terrorist military leaders can be approached, and political solutions found. We urge the international institutions and allied countries that treasure and value democracy and human rights to put pressure to bear on the terrorist military to stop their atrocities and in future to lend a helping hand to, and stand together with the Myanmar people, Committee Representing Pyithu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) and democracy activists and as result ending fascism in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Title: Alleged new use of anti-personnel mines by Myanmar, would be a terrible assault on the international norm banning the use of this weapon
Description: "Geneva -- "The global norm created against the production and use of anti-personnel mines is at danger. The international community needs to raise in unison to condemn any such activity, by any actor anywhere", said the President of the treaty that bans the use, production, stockpiling and transfer of anti-personnel mines. H.E. Alvaro Enrique AYALA, Ambassador of Colombia to the UN in Geneva, and President of the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (also known informally as Ottawa Convention or Mine Ban Treaty), made the comments following a report published by Amnesty International on 20 July, indicating that the Government of Myanmar has actively engaged in an activity condemned by over 80% of the world's countries. "As a Colombian, I know too well the terrible implications of the use of anti-personnel mines. They have a devastating long-term impact on communities, impede the safe return of displaced persons, and generate injuries and suffering that last a lifetime. For this reason, even as armed non-state actors littered our countryside with these weapons, Colombia never responded by employing anti-personnel mines. I urge Myanmar to follow that path and refrain from using them. There is no such thing as 'proper or discriminate use' of a weapon that is so insidious, that can not discern between a military target or a child walking home from school", added the Ambassador citing communication with Myanmar as one of his priorities. While Myanmar remains outside the treaty, it had progressively made significant gains in mine action and shown greater affinity for the means and ends of the Convention. Just this past June, Myanmar had participated as Observer of a meeting of the Convention in Geneva. In 2018, Myanmar also welcomed the Special Envoy of the Convention to meet with military leaders. The norm created by the Convention has been so strong that only a couple of countries have made use of this weapon in more than two decades; unfortunately, this year alone the Convention has received reports of two countries using anti-personnel mines (Russia (see press release), and now Myanmar), neither one party to the treaty. In contrast, in June during a meeting of the Convention in Geneva, the United States announced that it had re-instated moratoria against this weapon. Editorial note: The Convention was adopted in Oslo and signed in Ottawa 25 years ago, and entered into force in 1999. It is the prime humanitarian and disarmament treaty aimed at ending the suffering caused by anti-personnel mines by prohibiting their use, stockpiling, production, and transfer, ensuring their destruction, and assisting the victims. Collectively, the States Parties have destroyed over 54 million stockpiled anti-personnel mines. The implementation of the Convention has contributed to peace and development by clearing vast tracts of land in more than 50 countries, which now safe again are used for normal activity..."
Source/publisher: Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Burma/Myanmar – France strongly condemns the execution of four political prisoners (July 25, 2022)
Description: "France strongly condemns the execution, announced on July 25, of four political prisoners by the military regime in Burma that came to power through the coup of February 1, 2021. They are writer Kyaw Min Yu, former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. With no executions reported in the country for more than 30 years, these executions represent a major step backward and a further escalation in the atrocities committed by the Burmese junta since the coup d’état. France reaffirms its staunch opposition to the death penalty everywhere and in all circumstances. We remain firmly committed to the universal abolition of this unjust, inhuman and ineffective punishment. We call on all nations that still apply the death penalty to place it under a moratorium ahead of its ultimate abolition. France reiterates its call for the release of all those who have been arbitrarily detained since February 1, 2021; for an end to the violence perpetrated by the Burmese military regime; and for the establishment of a dialogue that includes all stakeholders. France’s support for the Burmese people, whose courage we salute, remains unchanged..."
Source/publisher: Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar Junta Executes Four
Description: "(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta on July 25, 2022, reported the execution of four men in the country’s first death sentences carried out in over 30 years. The men put to death were Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41; Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” 53; Hla Myo Aung; and Aung Thura Zaw, all of whom were convicted after closed trials that fell far short of international standards. A military tribunal sentenced Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zeya Thaw to death on January 21 under Myanmar’s overbroad Counterterrorism Law of 2014. Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were convicted in April 2021 for allegedly killing a military informant. Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all countries and under all circumstances because of its inherent cruelty and finality, and has long called on Myanmar to end all use of the death penalty. “The Myanmar junta’s execution of four men was an act of utter cruelty,” said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “These executions, including of activist Ko Jimmy and opposition lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, followed grossly unjust and politically motivated military trials. This horrific news was compounded by the junta’s failure to notify the men’s families, who learned about the executions through the junta’s media reports. “The junta’s barbarity and callous disregard for human life aims to chill the anti-coup protest movement. European Union member states, the United States, and other governments should show the junta that there will be a reckoning for its crimes. They should demand immediate measures, including the release of all political prisoners, and let the junta know the atrocities it commits have consequences.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar/Burma: Declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the execution of pro-democracy and opposition leaders in Myanmar/Burma
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has executed former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’ as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The European Union strongly condemns the executions and expresses its sincere condolences to the bereaved families and friends of the victims. These politically motivated executions represent yet another step towards the complete dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar. The four men were the first prisoners to be executed in Myanmar in more than three decades, a move that is contrary to the overall worldwide trend to abolish the death penalty. The European Union is fundamentally opposed to the death penalty as an inhumane, cruel and irreversible punishment that violates the inalienable right to life. The executions are reprehensible acts that show that the military authorities have no respect for the life or dignity of the very people they are supposed to protect. They will only exacerbate the polarization, violence and dramatic humanitarian situation in Myanmar. The EU stands unequivocally with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom, and urges the military regime to end all acts of violence without further delay and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained, as well as to return to a democratic path. We will continue to support all efforts by the United Nations and ASEAN to this end..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar: Bachelet condemns executions, calls for release of all political prisoners
Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – UN human rights chief Michelle Bachelet today condemned in the strongest terms the execution of four democracy activists by Myanmar’s military despite repeated calls by the United Nations and the wider international community to not carry out death sentences. “I am dismayed that despite appeals from across the world, the military conducted these executions with no regard for human rights,” Bachelet said. “This cruel and regressive step is an extension of the military’s ongoing repressive campaign against its own people. “These executions – the first in Myanmar in decades - are cruel violations of the rights to life, liberty and security of a person, and fair trial guarantees. For the military to widen its killing will only deepen its entanglement in the crisis it has itself created.” The High Commissioner called for the immediate release of all political prisoners and others arbitrarily detained, and urged the country to reinstate its de-facto moratorium on the use of the death penalty, as a step towards eventual abolition. On 25 July, Myanmar state media reported that the military had executed four people including former National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, popularly known as Ko Jimmy. Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were the other two men executed. Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zaya Thaw were arrested on 23 October and 18 November 2021 respectively. Ko Jimmy was subsequently charged with sedition. Both Phyo Zayar Thaw and Ko Jimmy were also charged under the Counter Terrorism Law and sentenced to death by a military tribunal on 21 January 2022. Their subsequent appeals were denied. Hla Myo Aung, and Aung Thura Zaw were convicted on murder charges. Their appeals were also denied. In Myanmar, such cases are being heard by military courts behind closed doors. Since the military coup on 1 February 2021, 117 people, including two children, have been sentenced to death including 41 sentenced in absentia. Over 11,500 people remain in detention for opposing the military’s seizure of power. “Most concerningly, over 30 percent of over 2,100 people killed since February 2021 have died in military custody – most as a result of ill-treatment,” said Bachelet. On 3 June, UN Secretary General António Guterres expressed concern at the military’s decision to go ahead with executions and reiterated his calls for the respect of people’s rights to freedom of opinion and expression. Bachelet echoed his call for the military to “drop all charges against those arrested on charges related to the exercise of their fundamental freedoms and rights” and the immediate release of all political prisoners in Myanmar. “The military seems unconcerned with ending this crisis or reducing violence in accordance with its international obligations, let alone any willingness to respect due process, justice or rule of law,” Bachelet said. The High Commissioner reiterated her call to Myanmar’s neighbours and to the wider international community to hold the military accountable to its commitments under international law, as well as further to ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus”..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar: First executions in decades mark atrocious escalation in state repression
Description: "Responding to reports that Myanmar’s military authorities have carried out executions for the first time since the late 1980s, Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght said:  “These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record. The four men were convicted by a military court in highly secretive and deeply unfair trials. The international community must act immediately as more than 100 people are believed to be on death row after being convicted in similar proceedings.” These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record. Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght “For more than a year now, Myanmar’s military authorities have engaged in extrajudicial killings, torture and a whole gamut of human rights violations. The military will only continue to trample on people’s lives if they are not held accountable.” “At a time when more and more countries take steps to abolish the death penalty, the resumption of executions after more than three decades not only puts it at odds with the global trend, but is also contrary to the goal of abolition enshrined under international human rights law and standards. Myanmar’s isolation could not be any more glaring. We urge the authorities to immediately establish a moratorium on executions as a first critical step.” Background: According to Myanmar state media, four executions have been carried out. Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, also known as Ko Jimmy, were convicted of and sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January for offenses involving explosives, bombings and financing terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Law – charges that Amnesty International believes to be politically motivated. Two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, convicted of the alleged murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar in Yangon, also had their death sentences confirmed. All four were named in the report in state-run newspaper Global New Light of Myanmar. The proceedings before a military-controlled court were secretive and grossly unfair. Following Myanmar military’s issuance of Martial Law Order 3/2021, the authority to try civilians was transferred to special or existing military tribunals where individuals are tried through summary proceedings without right to appeal. These courts oversee a wide range of offences including those punishable with the death penalty. Under international law and standards, executions carried out following unfair trials violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life, as well as the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment. Myanmar’s last known execution was in the late 1980s. Since the military coup in February 2021, Amnesty International has recorded an alarming increase in the resort to the death penalty in Myanmar, where it has become a tool for the military in the ongoing persecution, intimidation and harassment of all who dare to challenge the authorities. Amnesty International opposes the death penalty unconditionally, in all cases and under any circumstances. More than two-thirds of countries all over the world have abolished the punishment in law or practice..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Regarding Executions of Myanmar Citizens including Pro-democracy Activists (Statement by Foreign Minister HAYASHI Yoshimasa)
Description: "On July 25, the Myanmar’s state-owned newspaper reported that the executions of Myanmar citizens including pro-democracy activists were carried out according to the relevant department, despite the strong calls against it from the international community including Japan and the ASEAN Chair to the Myanmar military. Japan seriously deplores these actions by the Myanmar military, as they completely go against the “release of the detainees” which Japan has consistently called for, and also lead to deeper conflict due to the hardening of public sentiment and further isolation of Myanmar from the international community. Japan expresses its deepest condolences to the families of all those who have lost their lives after the coup. Japan will continue to support the efforts of ASEAN, including Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair, to improve the situation in Myanmar. Japan once again strongly urges the Myanmar military to faithfully work towards the peaceful resolution of the situation through taking concrete actions to (1) immediately stop the violence, (2) release those who are detained, and (3) swiftly restore Myanmar’s democratic political system and swiftly implementing ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus.”..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Secretary-General Strongly Condemns Executions by Myanmar Military against Political Activists
Description: "The following statement was issued today by the Spokesman for UN Secretary-General António Guterres: The Secretary-General strongly condemns the executions carried out this weekend by the Myanmar military against four political activists in Myanmar — Phyo Zeya Thaw, Kyaw Min Yu (Ko Jimmy), Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw — and offers his condolences to their families. The Secretary-General opposes the imposition of death penalty in all circumstances. These executions, the first to be conducted since 1988 in Myanmar, mark a further deterioration of the already dire human rights environment in Myanmar. The Secretary-General reiterates his call for the immediate release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi..."
Source/publisher: United Nations
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Southeast Asian MPs condemn barbaric executions of four political prisoners in Myanmar
Description: "JAKARTA – The recent executions of four political prisoners at the hands of the illegal military junta in Myanmar is an act of judicial barbarism, Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia have denounced today, after the state media announced that the death sentences have been carried out on an unspecified date at Insein Prison, in Yangon. The four executed men, all charged under anti-terrorism laws, are Phyo Zeya Thaw, former lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD); the prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’; Aung Thura Zaw; and Hla Myo Aung. These death sentences are the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988, according to Amnesty International, which hitherto has considered the country as “Abolitionist in Practice”. “These executions are nothing but appalling acts of evil committed by a brutal junta that has shown no qualms about waging a war against the Myanmar population in order to cement its power. The global community, and all ASEAN members in particular, should take these cold-blooded assassinations as yet another wake up call on the true nature of the regime of terror that the Myanmar military is attempting to impose in the country,” said Eva Sundari, former member of the House of Representatives in Indonesia and Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). According to the Myanmar group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 22 July there were 76 prisoners in Myanmar sentenced to death, including two children, while 41 people have been given the death penalty in absentia. Since the coup on 1 February 2021, at least 2114 people have been killed by the self-styled State Administration Council (SAC), led by General Min Aung Hlaing, in its campaign to suppress the widespread opposition to military rule. These death sentences should be viewed as an attempt by the Myanmar military to provide a veneer of legality to political assassination. Yet it is evident that these sentences were handed without fairness, by military tribunals conducting trials lacking in any respect for due process, APHR denounced. “It is clear that these executions are made to strike fear among representatives of the democratic forces and political activists who oppose the junta . We believe that all those accused by the military junta are tried in secret, unfair and biased trials with no legal safeguards. Many political prisoners are subjected to torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and now there are dozens of prisoners in Myanmar jails who could be executed at any moment,” said Tom Villarin, former Philippine MP and APHR Board Member. “Not even the previous military regime, which ruled the country between 1988 and 2011, dared to carry out the death penalty against political prisoners. This means yet another increase in the junta’s brutality, which comes from a sense of impunity largely fostered by the failure of the global community to do anything effective to prevent it from committing further atrocities,” said Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament from Malaysia, and APHR Chairperson. The executions also serve as proof that the SAC led by Min Aung Hlaing has no intention to engage in any meaningful political dialogue with the pro-democracy forces led by the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). Such a dialogue, one of the key points of the Five-Point Consensus agreed by ASEAN member states and Min Aung Hlaing’s junta in April 2021, has never materialized. The Consensus also called for an immediate cessation of violence, something that the Myanmar military, which continues shelling villages and killing protesters, has also failed to implement. Yet the Myanmar military, in its all-out war over its people is committing “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses” that may amount to “war crimes and crimes against humanity,” according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. “The junta’s contempt for the agreement it signed is clear, especially considering that the announcement of these executions comes two weeks after the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair to Myanmar, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, visited the country. The Special Envoy, and ASEAN members, should condemn these executions, and seriously rethink their approach to the crisis in Myanmar. For starters, they should begin exerting pressure on the SAC with targeted sanctions and travel bans in the region in order to show Min Aung Hlaing and his men that they cannot commit their crimes with impunity,” said Kasit Piromya, former MP and Foreign Minister in Thailand, and APHR Board Member..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: UN Special Rapporteurs appeal for strong international response in the wake of ‘devastating’ executions by Myanmar junta
Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, and the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial summary or arbitrary executions, Morris Tidball-Binz, today condemned the Myanmar junta’s execution of four individuals, as reported by the junta. “We are outraged and devastated at the news of the junta’s execution of Myanmar patriots and champions of human rights and democracy. Our hearts goes out to their families, friends and loved ones and indeed all the people of Myanmar who are victims of the junta’s escalating atrocities,” the UN Experts* said. "These individuals were tried, convicted, and sentenced by a military tribunal on 21 January without the right of appeal and reportedly without legal counsel, in violation of international human rights law," Andrews and Tidball-Binz said. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, military tribunals have sentenced a total of 117 individuals to death, including 41 in absentia. “These depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?" they said. "The widespread and systematic murders of protesters, indiscriminate attacks against entire villages, and now the execution of opposition leaders, demands an immediate and firm response by member states of the United Nations. The status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected.” “Having made a mockery of the Five Point Consensus, Min Aung Hlaing has now callously rejected the personal appeal of the Chair of ASEAN, Prime Minister Hun Sen, to spare the lives these individuals. ASEAN – and indeed all UN Member States—must take action that is commensurate with this outrage.” ENDS **The experts: Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; Mr. Morris Tidball-Binz Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial summary or arbitrary executions The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂၅ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၅ ရက် ယနေ့ထုတ် သတင်းစာများတွင် ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ဦးဂျင်မီ၊ ဦးလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ (၄) ဦး အပေါ် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် အမိန့်အား ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဖေါ်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ဥပဒေမဲ့ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် အမိန့်အား ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက် (တစ်နည်းအားဖြင့် ကြိုးပေးသတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ခြင်း) သည် လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုနှင့် ဥပဒေပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက် များကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရှုတ်ချလိုက်သည်။ ၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အထက်ပါ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်း လုံးဝ မရှိဘဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်ကိုင်တုတ်သဖွယ်ဖြစ်သော တရားရုံးများနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးယန္တရားကို အသုံးချလျှက် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ နေ့စဉ် လူနေမှုဘ၀ကို အညှိုးအတေး၊ အာဃာတ ကြီးမားစွာဖြင့် စနစ်တကျ ဆက်လက် ခြိမ်းခြောက်ဖျက်ဆီးနေခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ ၄။ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် သေဒဏ်ကို အတည်ပြု စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အဓိက တာဝန်ရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်တကွ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သူများ အားလုံးသည် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးက ခွင့်လွှတ်နိုင်စရာ အကြောင်း လုံး၀ မရှိသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသူ အားလုံး ထိုက်သင့်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်အသီးသီးကို မလွဲမသွေ ကျခံစေရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Justice
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Reaction to the ruling by the International Court of Justice to reject Myanmar’s preliminary objections – Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Description: "22 July 2022 – Today’s decision by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to reject Myanmar’s preliminary objections in the case concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar) is of great importance – not just to the people of Myanmar, but also to the development of international law and to defining the obligation of States that have signed the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Today’s ruling means the ICJ will next consider the parties arguments concerning the merits of the case – that is, The Gambia’s allegations that Myanmar has failed to fulfill its obligations to prevent and punish acts of genocide committed against the Rohingya people in Myanmar as required under the Convention. The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is mandated to assist in efforts to bring about justice for serious international crimes committed in Myanmar, with the Human Rights Council explicitly calling for our cooperation with the ICJ in its resolution 43/26. We will continue to share materials relevant to these proceedings with both Myanmar and The Gambia, provided that we have the consent of those that provided the information and that we are confident that disclosure will not endanger the security or privacy of any individual. We believe it is critical that the judges who will decide this very important case have the best evidence available to enable them to determine the true facts about what has happened and the current situation in Rakhine state. Now, almost five years after the mass exodus of Rohingya from Rakhine state in 2017, hundreds of thousands remain living as refugees, and many place great hope in these ICJ proceedings. The Mechanism collects, preserves and analyses evidence of violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011 regardless of the race, religion, ethnicity or citizenship of the perpetrators or of the victims. Should anyone have information relevant to these proceedings, you can contact us confidentially via secure channels, as described on our contact page..."
Source/publisher: Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-22
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Title: World Court Rejects Myanmar Objections to Genocide Case
Sub-title: ICJ Decision Advances Justice for Rohingya
Description: "(The Hague) – The International Court of Justice (ICJ) on July 22, 2022, rejected Myanmar’s preliminary objections to the case brought by Gambia under the international Genocide Convention, Human Rights Watch said today. The case concerns Myanmar’s alleged genocide against the ethnic Rohingya population in Rakhine State, with a focus on military operations launched in October 2016 and August 2017. Gambia filed the case before the ICJ in November 2019 alleging that the Myanmar military committed the genocidal acts of “killing, causing serious bodily and mental harm, inflicting conditions that are calculated to bring about physical destruction, imposing measures to prevent births, and forcible transfers … intended to destroy the Rohingya group in whole or in part.” “The ICJ decision opens the door toward an overdue reckoning with the Myanmar military’s murderous campaign against the Rohingya population,” said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “By holding the military to account for its atrocities against the Rohingya, the World Court could provide the impetus for greater international action toward justice for all victims of the Myanmar security forces’ crimes.” In February 2022, the ICJ heard Myanmar’s four objections challenging the court’s jurisdiction and Gambia’s legal standing to file the case, as well as Gambia’s response. In its ruling, the court unanimously rejected three of Myanmar’s objections, and rejected one by a vote of 15 to 1. The judgment affirmed that “the applicant in this case is the Gambia”; that “a dispute relating to the interpretation, application and fulfilment of the Genocide Convention existed between the parties at the time of the filing of the application by the Gambia”; and that “the Gambia, as a state party to the Genocide Convention, has standing to invoke the responsibility of Myanmar for the alleged breaches of its obligations under Articles I, III, IV and V of the Convention.” In response to Myanmar’s argument that Gambia has no standing to bring the case due to its lack of ties to Myanmar or the Rohingya, the court concluded, “All the States parties to the Genocide Convention thus have a common interest to ensure the prevention, suppression and punishment of genocide, by committing themselves to fulfilling the obligations contained in the Convention.” By rejecting the preliminary objections, the ICJ is allowing the case to proceed on the merits to examine Gambia’s genocide allegations against Myanmar. Myanmar will now have to submit its response to Gambia’s main arguments filed in October 2020 detailing its case. The ICJ case is not a criminal case against individual suspects, but a legal action brought by Gambia against Myanmar alleging that Myanmar bears responsibility for genocide as a state. In December 2019, the court held hearings on Gambia’s request for provisional measures to protect the Rohingya remaining in Myanmar from genocide, which it unanimously adopted in January 2020. The provisional measures require Myanmar to prevent all genocidal acts against the Rohingya, to ensure that security forces do not commit acts of genocide, and to take steps to preserve evidence related to the case. The court also ordered Myanmar to report on its compliance with the provisional measures every six months. Myanmar is legally bound to comply with the order. However, Human Rights Watch and other groups have continued to document grave abuses against the 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Myanmar, contravening the provisional measures. The severe restrictions imposed on the Rohingya by the Myanmar authorities amount to the crimes against humanity of persecution, apartheid, and severe deprivation of liberty. Since the February 2021 coup, the military junta has placed even greater movement restrictions and harsher punishments on Rohingya for attempting to leave Rakhine State. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi led the Myanmar delegation at the December 2019 opening hearings of the ICJ. Since her arrest during the 2021 coup, Suu Kyi has been sentenced to 11 years in prison, while facing over 180 years total on various fabricated charges. In the preliminary objections hearings, Myanmar was represented by the junta’s Minister for International Cooperation Ko Ko Hlaing and Union Attorney General Thida Oo, whom the United States and other governments have sanctioned for their roles in the military regime. Since the 2021 coup, the junta has imposed a brutal nationwide crackdown, killing over 2,000 people and arbitrarily arresting over 14,000. While the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) and others raised concerns regarding the junta’s representation of Myanmar at the February hearings, the junta’s participation has no bearing on its recognition at the United Nations as Myanmar’s legitimate representative, Human Rights Watch said. The court’s decision on Myanmar’s preliminary objections should encourage the United Kingdom, Netherlands, Canada, and other concerned governments to support Gambia’s case through formal interventions to bolster the legal analysis on specific aspects of the Genocide Convention as it relates to the Rohingya, Human Rights Watch said. Under article 41(2) of the ICJ Statute, the court’s order for provisional measures is automatically sent to the UN Security Council. As the fifth anniversary of the military’s atrocities against the Rohingya approaches, Security Council members should take steps to address the failure to secure justice and security for the Rohingya. Council members should work to adopt a resolution that gives the International Criminal Court (ICC) a mandate over the situation in Myanmar and severs the junta’s supply of arms and revenue, even if the resolution would be vetoed by Russia or China. As the Myanmar armed forces continue to carry out atrocities against civilians and ethnic minorities, the ICJ remains one of the few available paths for holding the military to account. Ethnic groups and human rights defenders have aligned in Myanmar to push for the establishment of democratic rule, efforts that are amplified by the pursuit of justice at the ICJ. “Concerned governments seeking to be leaders for accountability in Myanmar should formally intervene in the Genocide Convention case,” Pearson said. “The case provides an important opportunity to scrutinize the Myanmar military’s abusive policies and practices that have preserved its power over decades.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-22
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Title: Burma and Bangladesh - Regional Crisis Response Fact Sheet #5, Fiscal Year (FY) 2022
Description: "SITUATION AT A GLANCE 6.2 MILLION People Targeted for Humanitarian Assistance in Burma UN – July 2022 783,400 People Displaced Since February 2021 Who Remain IDPs in Burma UNHCR – July 2022 1.1 MILLION People Displaced in Burma UNHCR – July 2022 1.5 MILLION People in Need and Targeted by 2022 Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis JRP UN – March 2022 926,606 Estimated Number of Refugees in Bangladesh UNHCR – June 2022 The total number of IDPs in Burma surpasses 1.1 million people in June, with more than 783,000 individuals displaced by ongoing violence and insecurity since the February 2021 coup. Approximately 1.3 million children in Burma remain unable to access critical nutrition support, and less than 40 percent of children are enrolled in school, the UN reports. Severe wind and rain following the onset of the Juneto-October monsoon season destroys more than 9,500 shelters and displaces nearly 9 individuals in Cox’s Bazar from mid-May to late June...."
Source/publisher: US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: Statement by Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, Permanent Representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations at the UN Security Council Open Debate on “Children and Armed Conflict”
Description: "Please check against delivery Statement by Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations at the UN Security Council Open Debate on “Children and Armed Conflict” (New York, 19 July 2022) Mr. President, At the outset, I would like to thank the presidency of Brazil for convening today’s high-level open debate on children and armed conflict. We welcome this year’s focus on protection of displaced children, abduction and their reintegration. I also appreciate all the briefers for their insightful briefings. I particularly thank the Secretary General and his special representative Ms. Gamba for this year report on children and armed conflicts. Mr. President, The situation of children in armed conflict continues to be a great concern to all of us. The number of grave violations against children remains high with 22,645 violations committed in 2021 alone. Myanmar expresses its deep sympathy for over 19,000 children affected by those violations in conflict situations. We are saddened by the tragic loss of over 8,000 children lives as the result of the killing and maiming. On the other hand, we are encouraged by the release of over 12,000 children from armed groups as the result of the UN’s engagement with parties to the conflicts. We are particularly alarmed by the trends of increased impact of improvised explosive devices and mines on children, attacks on schools, the military use of schools and the significant rise in abduction of girls. As the Secretary-General rightly pointed out in the report, while the COVID-19 pandemic aggravated the vulnerabilities of children, the military coups have worsened their situation including in Myanmar. Mr. President, In Myanmar, the elected civilian Government strengthened the legal framework for child protection despite the constitutional constraint with regard to the armed conflicts. A new Child Rights Law was enacted. The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict and the ILO Minimum Age Convention, 1973 were ratified. The Government established an inter-ministerial committee for the prevention of the six grave violations during armed conflicts. The Government fully cooperated with the United Nations entities including the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. While supporting the UN led monitoring and reporting mechanism, the National Unity Government of Myanmar is committed to promoting and protecting the rights of the child, and is cooperating with relevant UN entities in this regard. NUG developed a set of guidelines on prevention and protection of children affected in armed conflict in Myanmar and an implementation plan in accordance with international laws and relevant UN Security Council resolutions. NUG submitted in March this year to the UN the report on the efforts of the NUG for promoting and protecting the rights of the child especially in situation in armed conflict, as well as the guidelines on CAAC. Mr. President, After the military perpetrated the illegal coup in February 2021 in Myanmar, the illegal military effectively destroyed the rule of law by lawlessly arresting, torturing and killing civilians including children in cold blood. Even with the elected civilian government and parliament in place, the military was the main perpetrator of grave violations against children. After the coup, no legal protection in place was able to prevent Myanmar children from the violence by the military which has no regard for domestic and international law. The impact of conflict on children in Myanmar is indeed severe and deeply disturbing and heart breaking. In this year report, the United Nations verified 503 grave violations against 462 Myanmar children, most of which were committed by the military. The military killed and maimed 75 children, recruited and used 222, detained 87, raped 1 and abducted 10 children. They attacked schools and hospitals 17 times, used 52 schools and hospitals for military purposes and denied humanitarian access. These verified accounts in the report do not necessarily represent the full scale of attacks and violations by the military against the children. Since the coup, over 1,400 children have been arbitrarily arrested. Over 270 children remained in the military detention as of May this year. The military took children hostage to force their parents to surrender. Nearly 7.8 million children remain out of school. 250,000 out of over 1 million internal displaced persons in Myanmar are children. Children retaining safe and access to quality education is another important matter. There is no doubt that attacks on schools and hospitals have destructive effects on children and societies in every way. To this end, the military has deliberately deprived children of their basic human rights to health, education, and development. Mr. President, In addition to the displacement of children within the country, many children together with their parents escaped from Myanmar to neighbouring countries to seek refuge. We are greatly concerned that they are now at high risk of becoming victims of human trafficking. Therefore, we are seeking UNHCR protection for them. Many of them are still awaiting effective actions from UNHCR. I hereby appeal to the international community to look into this matter seriously and timely and help them. Children must be protected under every circumstance. Every child deserves a future. In conclusion, Mr. President, as we speak, the war that Myanmar military has waged on their own citizens including children continues. Unless the international community takes concrete action to protect Myanmar children from ongoing grave violations, we risk having a lost generation of children due to the coup-inflicted consequences. Needless to say, the key root cause of the children’s sufferings in Myanmar is the military junta’s brutal attempt to do anything to assert control over the population who resoundingly continues to resist their illegal coup. With their culture of impunity, the military forces have proven that they are not reluctant to go to extreme length including by blatantly violating both domestic child rights law and the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. In this situation, the international community needs to protect children in Myanmar who have been victims of the military junta’s widespread and systematic attacks against the civilian population. Here I wish to urge the UN Security Council to take swift and decisive action, in accordance with its Charter responsibilities and children and armed conflict resolutions, to end military violence against children, stop military use of schools and hospitals and release all arbitrarily detained children. The Council must also do everything it can to bring the perpetrators of grave violations against children to justice and help aid workers get safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to children in need, especially those displaced by conflicts not only in Myanmar but also in other conflict situations. The Council must act now. I thank you..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေနှင့် ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းပါ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများနှင့်အညီ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ ကလေးငယ်များနှင့် ပြည်သူများအား ကာကွယ်ပေးရေးအတွက် ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းမှ အလေးထားတိုက်တွန်းခဲ့
Description: "ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေနှင့် ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းပါ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများနှင့်အညီ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ ကလေးငယ်များနှင့် ပြည်သူများအား ကာကွယ်ပေးရေးအတွက် ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းမှ အလေးထားတိုက်တွန်းခဲ့ (နယူးယောက်မြို့၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၉ ရက်) ၁။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ “ကလေးများနှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခ” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်သည့် တံခါးဖွင့်အစည်းအဝေးသို့ တက်ရောက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ မိန့်ခွန်းပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်း၏ မိန့်ခွန်း၌ အောက်ပါအဓိကအချက်များ ပါဝင်ပါသည် - (က) လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ အခြေအနေနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မိမိတို့အနေနှင့် များစွာစိုးရိမ်နေရဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်အတွင်း ကလေးများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ရပ်အရေအတွက်သည် (၂၂,၆၄၅) အထိ ရှိခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ပဋိပက္ခများကြောင့် ကလေးသူငယ် (၁၉,၀၀၀) ဦး ကျော်အပေါ် အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုရှိခဲ့ရာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် များစွာ စိတ်မကောင်းဖြစ်ရကြောင်း၊ (ခ) ထို့ပြင် ကလေး (၈၀၀၀) ဦးကျော်နီးပါး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးရမှုနှင့် သေရာပါဒဏ်ရာရရှိမှုတို့အပေါ် များစွာဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရကြောင်း၊ တစ်ဖက်တွင်လည်း ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်သည့် အဖွဲ့များနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ စေ့စပ်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုဖြင့် ကလေး (၁၂,၀၀၀) ဦးကျော် လွှတ်ပေးနိုင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် အားတက်ရကြောင်း၊ သို့ရာတွင် ဖောက်ခွဲရေး ကိရိယာများနှင့် မိုင်းဗုံးများ၏ ကလေးများအပေါ် ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှု၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများအား တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များအား စစ်ရေးအရ အသုံးပြုခြင်း၊ မိန်းကလေးငယ်များအား အဓမ္မသွေးဆောင်ခေါ်ဆောင်ခြင်းတို့ မြင့်တက်လာခြင်းအပေါ် အထူးစိုးရိမ်မိကြောင်း၊ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကြောင့် ကလေးများအပေါ် ထိခိုက်လွယ်မှု ပိုမိုမြင့်တက်လာနိုင်သည့် အချိန်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်ဖြစ်ပွားမှုအပါအဝင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုများကြောင့် အခြေအနေကို ပိုမိုဆိုးရွာစေသည်ကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်က ၎င်း၏ အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် ထောက်ပြထားကြောင်း၊ (ဂ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ရွေးကောက်ခံအရပ်သားအစိုးရသည် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အကန့်အသတ်များကြားမှ ကလေးသူငယ်ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ဥပဒေမူဘောင်ကိုချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေသစ်တစ်ရပ်ကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ကလေးသူငယ်များ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်မှုနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ကလေးသူငယ်များ အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ နောက်ဆက်တွဲအခြေပြစာချုပ်နှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ အလုပ်လုပ်ခွင့်ပြုသည့် အနိမ့်ဆုံးအသက်အရွယ်သတ်မှတ်ချက်ဆိုင်ရာ သဘော တူညီချက်တို့အား အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ (ဃ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဦးဆောင်သည့် ယန္တရားလုပ်ငန်းများကို အားပေးထောက်ခံ၍ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးနှင့် ယင်းကိစ္စနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ သက်ဆိုင်ရာကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မူကြမ်းများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ကလေးသူငယ်ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရေးစီမံကိန်းနှင့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်များကို ချမှတ်ထားကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေး ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် အစီရင်ခံစာနှင့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်တို့ကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂသို့ ယခုနှစ်မတ်လက တင်သွင်းခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ (င) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊​ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလက မတရားစစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုပြီးနောက် တရားမဝင်စစ်တပ်သည် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးကိုဖျက်ဆီး၍ ကလေးသူငယ်များအပါအဝင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား သွေးအေးအေး ဖြင့် သတ်ဖြတ်၊ ဖမ်းဆီး၊ နှိပ်စက်နေကြောင်း၊ ရွေးကောက်ခံအရပ်သားအစိုးရနှင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံ အရပ်သားလွှတ်တော်တို့ တာဝန်ယူသည့် အချိန်ကပင်လျှင် စစ်တပ်သည်​ ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ အဓိကကျူးလွန်သူဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုပြီးနောက် မြန်မာကလေးသူငယ်များအား အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ တားဆီးပေးနိုင်မည့် ဥပဒေကာကွယ်မှုမရှိတော့ဘဲ စစ်တပ်သည် ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း၊ (စ) ယခုနှစ် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ အစီရင်ခံစာ၌ မြန်မာကလေးသူငယ် (၄၆၂) ဦး အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးသော လုပ်ရပ် (၅၀၃) ခုကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ဖော်ပြထားပြီး၊ ယင်းအကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်အများစုကို စစ်တပ်မှ​ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ စစ်တပ်သည် ကလေးသူငယ် (၇၇) ဦး ကို သတ်ဖြတ်၍​ သေရာပါဒဏ်ရာရရှိအောင် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့၍ (၂၂၂) ဦး ကို စစ်သားသစ်အဖြစ် စုဆောင်းအသုံးပြုခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် ကလေးသူငယ်(၈၇) ဦး ကို ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခဲ့ပြီး၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းနှင့် ဆေးရုံ (၅၂) ခုတို့ကို စစ်ရေးအရ အသုံးပြုခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ (ဆ) အာဏာသိမ်းသည့်အချိန်မှစ၍ ကလေးသူငယ် (၁,၄၀၀) ဦး ကျော်ကို စစ်တပ်မှ အဓမ္မ ထိန်းသိမ်းဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ စစ်တပ်သည် မိဘများအား လာရောက်အဖမ်းခံစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍​ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကလေးများကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ကလေးငယ် (၇.၈) သန်း နီးပါးသည် ပညာဆက်လက်သင်ယူနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိတော့ကြောင်း၊ ပြည်တွင်းနေရပ်စွန့်ခွာသူ (၁) သန်းကျော်အနက် (၂၅၀,၀၀၀) ဦး သည် ကလေးသူငယ်များဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ (ဇ) မြန်မာကလေးငယ်များသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ မိဘများနှင့်အတူ လုံခြုံမည်ဟုယူဆသည့် အိမ်နီးချင်း နိုင်ငံများသို့ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ကြရကြောင်း၊ ၎င်းတို့သည် ယခုအခါ လူကုန်ကူးမှုအန္တရာယ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ရနိုင်သည့်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ အေဂျင်စီမှ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မှုပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုထားကြောင်း၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ အေဂျင်စီ၏ ထိရောက်သည့် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို ရရှိရန် စောင့်ဆိုင်းနေသူအများအပြားရှိကြောင်း၊ အခုကိစ္စအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း အနေဖြင့် ပိုမိုအလေးအနက်ထား ထည့်သွင်းစဉ်းစား၍ အချိန်မီကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း၊ မည်သည့်အခြေအနေမျိုး၌မဆို ကလေးငယ်များကို ကာကွယ်မှုပေးရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ကလေးတိုင်းသည် အနာဂတ်နှင့် ထိုက်တန်ကြောင်း၊ (ဈ) ယခုပြောကြားနေသည့်အချိန်၌တွင်ပင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ကလေးသူငယ်များ အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ပွဲသည် ဆက်လက် ဖြစ်ပွားနေဆဲဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းမှ မြန်မာကလေးများအား အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ​ ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရန် ထိရောက်ခိုင်မာသည့် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှု ချမှတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိပါက၊ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု၏ အကျိုးရလဒ်အဖြစ် ကလေးငယ်မျိုးဆက်သစ်တစ်ခု ဆုံးရှုံးမည့် အန္တရာယ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကျသင့်မခံရသည့် စစ်တပ်၏အစဉ်အလာသည် စွဲမြဲနေပြီး၊ စစ်တပ်သည် ပြည်တွင်းကလေးအခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးများ ဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူညီချက်များကို ဗြောင်ကျကျချိုးဖောက်၍ အစွမ်းကုန် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များ ကျူးလွန်ရန် တုံ့ဆိုင်းခြင်း ရှိမည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ ယင်းအခြေအနေတွင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးငယ်များကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှာက်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ (ည) ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းနှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မူကြမ်းများတွင် ဖော်ပြသည့် တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများနှင့်အညီ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်တပ်၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ ကျောင်းနှင့် ဆေးရုံများကို စစ်တပ်က အလွဲသုံးစားမှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ လွတ်မြောက်စေရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေနှင့် ခိုင်မာပြတ်သားစွာ ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုအပ်နေကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌သာမက အခြားပဋိပက္ခအခြေအနေများ၌ပါ ကလေးငယ် များကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရန်နှင့် ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူအားလုံး ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကျသင့်ရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ လိုအပ်သည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များထံ အတားအဆီးမရှိ ရောက်ရှိစေရေးအတွက် လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီသည် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း။..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: Myanmar: TotalEnergies Withdraws; Junta Gains
Sub-title: US Sanctions Urgently Needed on Billions in Oil and Gas Revenue
Description: "(Paris) – Myanmar’s abusive junta will obtain an increased stake in the country’s largest oil and gas field when the French company TotalEnergies withdraws from Myanmar on July 20, 2022, Human Rights Watch said today. TotalEnergies’ shares will be divided proportionally among the remaining three partners – US-based Chevron, Thai-based PTTEP, and the junta-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). TotalEnergies in January announced its plans to leave Myanmar in six months due to a deteriorating human rights situation that “no longer allows TotalEnergies to make a sufficiently positive contribution in the country.” The company has operated the Yadana gas project since the 1990s in partnership with Chevron and PTTEP. “Total’s transfer of ownership shares to a military-controlled company will further enrich the junta at the expense of human rights,” said Bénédicte Jeannerod, France director at Human Rights Watch. “Other energy companies looking to exit should make sure they do so responsibly, without contributing to the junta’s coffers.” Since the February 1, 2021 coup in Myanmar, the junta has imposed a brutal nationwide crackdown on all opposition. The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses, including mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. Security forces have killed over 2,000 people and arbitrarily arrested over 14,000. In March, the oil and gas project partners approved PTTEP to take over as the operator of Yadana. The division of TotalEnergies’ 31.2 percent stake in both the gas field and pipeline will leave Chevron with 41.1 percent interest, PTTEP with 37.1 percent, and MOGE with 21.8 percent. Chevron also announced plans to withdraw and has indicated its intention to sell its stake to PTTEP, though few details about its exit have been made public. Natural gas projects in Myanmar generate over US$1 billion in foreign revenue for the junta annually, its single largest source of foreign currency revenue. The money is transmitted in US dollars to MOGE and other military-controlled bank accounts in foreign countries in the form of fees, taxes, royalties, and revenues from the export of natural gas, most of which travels by pipeline to Thailand or China. On February 21, the European Union imposed new sanctions on junta-controlled businesses including MOGE, the first government entity to do so. However, it also issued a license with ambiguous language that seems to allow exiting companies to relinquish or transfer their shares to MOGE. Other companies including Woodside, Mitsubishi, Petronas, and ENEOS have announced plans in recent months to withdraw at least in part from operations in Myanmar. Petronas is being replaced as operator of the Yetagun field by Gulf Petroleum Myanmar, according to reports by Myanmar Now and Justice for Myanmar. When companies exit from Myanmar, they should place their existing shares or property rights into trust or escrow, including shares of exploration or development projects, production, or pipeline transportation ventures, to ensure the revenues from those shares do not benefit the military. If exiting companies determine that they must sell or transfer their shares to another business entity, they should ensure that those entities will respect international sanctions and follow international standards on business and human rights. Adopting these measures would be consistent with companies’ responsibilities under the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which state that “appropriate action” in cases in which business activities are enabling rights abuses includes consideration of “whether terminating the relationship with the entity itself would have adverse human rights consequences.” Concerned governments should join the EU in sanctioning MOGE while specifying that transfers of ownership to the junta are prohibited. The US in particular is in a key position to impose sanctions since payments in the gas sector – even those handled by non-US companies – are typically made in US dollars and require the involvement of correspondent US or EU banks to finalize, or “settle,” large dollar or Euro transactions. Additional sanctions would also help ensure that the junta is not able to evade the new EU sanctions in other jurisdictions. PTTEP and South Korea’s POSCO, the two main energy companies remaining in Myanmar, should signal their support for such measures. The largest gas revenue payments to junta-controlled accounts are made via PTT, PTTEP’s parent company, which purchases about 80 percent of Myanmar’s exported natural gas from Yadana as well as the Zawtika gas field, which it operates itself. In April, PTTEP announced it was withdrawing from the nearly depleted Yetagun field. POSCO runs the second largest project, Shwe. Human Rights Watch has previously written to all of these companies and their shareholders, urging them to support sanctions on gas revenues. Human Rights Watch has also urged other governments including the US, UK, Australia, and Japan to adopt the EU’s approach and sanction Myanmar’s military-owned companies such as MOGE. “The US and other governments should follow the EU’s lead by urgently imposing measures that will cut the junta off from its millions in gas revenue before companies indifferent to rights take over the payment flows,” Jeannerod said. “Junta leaders need to face economic consequences for the atrocities they are carrying out across Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Title: India supplying fuzes to Myanmar military, supporting indiscriminate attacks
Description: "Indian firm Sandeep Metalcraft Private Limited is supplying fuzes to the Myanmar military, directly supporting its attacks against the people of Myanmar that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Indian firm’s ongoing business with the Myanmar military is exposed in a Justice For Myanmar investigation. Fuzes are devices that cause detonation in bombs and artillery. The most recent shipment from Sandeep Metalcraft was on March 25, 2022, consisting of 3,000 fuzes, according to records from the Panjiva trade database. This followed a shipment of 1,000 fuzes in 2020 and 5 fuzes in 2019. While the records of two later shipments did not specify the type of fuzes, the 2019 shipment was of time mechanical fuze 447, designed for 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rifles. The Myanmar military has used 84mm Carl Gustaf rounds during attacks in ethnic areas. Saab Group, a Swedish corporation that manufactures Carl Gustaf launchers and munitions, did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding licencing of fuzes to India’s Ordnance Factory Board and the Sandeep Metalcraft shipments to Myanmar. The fuzes were sent to the private Myanmar military supplier, Creative Exploration Ltd, formerly named mySpace International. Creative Exploration is a major broker of arms and equipment for the Myanmar Police Force. The company is owned by Dr Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his wife, Zar Phyu Tin Soe, the daughter of a former military officer who was Myanmar’s ambassador to Russia. Kyaw Kyaw Htun is a former military officer and graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy. Since 2020, Creative Exploration has also imported US digital forensics technology from the US company, Oxygen Forensics, and a digital forensics examination station from the US firm Sirichie, both via Indian suppliers. Justice For Myanmar calls on India to impose an immediate arms embargo on the Myanmar military. Sweden must suspend exports and licence production agreements with Indian arms manufacturers for launchers and munitions, and investigate if any of the Sandeep Metalcraft shipments to Myanmar contain Swedish technology. Fellow members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), Australia, Japan and the USA, must use their influence to stop the flow of arms from India to the Myanmar military. Sanctions must urgently be imposed on Creative Exploration, Sandeep Metalcraft, their owners and all other Myanmar military arms suppliers. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “India’s supply of fuzes to the Myanmar military is inexcusable. “India is directly supporting the junta’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians by allowing the export of key components in the very weapons the military is using to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. “The junta has used airstrikes and shelling to bomb homes and villages, kill and maim people and forcibly displace an estimated 690,000, in a nationwide campaign of terror. “As a democratic country and a neighbour of Myanmar, we appeal to the Indian government to stand with the people of Myanmar, not war criminals and their illegitimate junta. “We call on India to impose an immediate arms embargo on the Myanmar military and end complicity in the junta’s atrocity crimes. “It is deeply concerning that a Swedish company may be tied to the provision of weapons that are killing innocent people in Myanmar “We demand Sweden immediately suspend exports and licencing of launchers and munitions until India stops the flow of arms to the terrorist junta.” More information: Read our investigation, India supplying fuzes to Myanmar military, deepening complicity in its atrocity crimes..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
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Title: Atrocity Alert No. 308: Myanmar (Burma), Children and Armed Conflict and Syria
Description: "Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes. MYANMAR’S MILITARY USING SURVEILLANCE TECHNOLOGY TO MAINTAIN POWER Myanmar’s (Burma) military – the Tatmadaw – is planning to install surveillance camera systems with facial recognition capabilities in cities across all of the country’s seven states and seven regions, according to an 11 July report by Reuters. The military claims the projects will help maintain security and foster civil peace. However, recent reporting indicates that the military will increasingly rely upon surveillance technology in an attempt to strengthen its hold on power and oppose resistance efforts. This poses heightened safety risks for activists and resistance groups, including by making it easier for the military to track their movements. Prior to the February 2021 military coup, some surveillance camera systems were already installed or planned in several major cities, including Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw. Local authorities have initiated new camera surveillance projects in at least five cities around Myanmar, including Mawlamyine, the country’s fourth-largest city; Taunggyi, the capital of Shan State; and Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. Local firms are sourcing the cameras and other related technology from Chinese companies – Dahua, Huawei and Hikvision – that are tied to the surveillance of the ethnic Uyghur population in China. The surveillance cameras are part of a wider effort to monitor the activities of populations in Myanmar. Last month four UN experts condemned the military’s attempts to establish a “digital dictatorship” in Myanmar with tactics like sweeping internet blackouts, digital censorship and surveillance. According to the experts, telecommunications providers have been pressured to activate surveillance technology and hand over user data to police and military officials. Since August 2021 at least 31 townships in seven states and regions across Myanmar have reportedly experienced internet shutdowns, and an additional 23 have faced severely slowed internet speeds. The internet shutdowns have targeted areas where the military faces strong resistance from opposition groups. The UN experts said, “online access to information is a matter of life and death for many people in Myanmar, including those seeking safety from indiscriminate attacks by the military.” Notably, the imposition of internet blackouts in Sagaing Region coincided with the escalation of a military offensive characterized by arson and airstrike campaigns against civilian areas. The UN experts also noted that “internet restrictions are being used by the junta as a cloak to hide its ongoing atrocities.” The barriers to internet access and lack of connectivity in many parts of the country are hindering the collection of evidence of possible war crimes and crimes against humanity by human rights monitors and journalists. The military in Myanmar must respect the population’s right to privacy. Member states should support civil society efforts to combat censorship and surveillance and impose sanctions to restrict the sale or supply of dual-use surveillance technology..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Myanmar: Urgent Needs for Displaced Communities in Southern Shan
Description: "Shan State in Myanmar is home to many diverse communities. It is the largest state in the country, bordering China to the north, Laos to the east and Thailand to the south. But for decades, this beautiful land has experienced ongoing clashes leading to waves of displacement. While long-term displacement in the north exacerbates vulnerability both to conflict and COVID-19, newly displaced communities in the south also need urgent humanitarian support. "I lost everything," says Daw Nu Rai*, a mother of five children who now lives in Hsi Hseng, southern Shan. "We've been displaced for a year now. We couldn't sleep properly till we arrived at this camp three months ago." Following intense clashes in Kayah State, several thousand people from Loikaw, Demoso, Hpruso and Pekon were forced to leave their homes and seek refuge in southern Shan State. "I didn't know what to do first when the fighting started. I have five children who depend on me," says Daw Nu Rai. Some undertook their journey by car, some took trucks and others rode motorbikes as they left their homes behind. "We tried to fit four people on one bike when we crossed the Shan and Kayah border. It took us about 12 hours to reach a place that we felt safe in," Daw Nu Rai says. When people are forced from their homes by conflict, they often have to leave almost everything behind. They arrive at sites of temporary shelter without daily household items like soap, water filters or a roof overhead -- things all too easily take for granted. Many rely on the hospitality of temporary host communities in monasteries, churches or the homes of relatives. "They have gone through so much over the past months. I can't even imagine the physical and mental trauma that they are going through right now," says Daw Myint* from one such displacement site in Hsi Hseng. As a member of the host community, she has been helping to care for the displaced people from Kayah State. With multiple generations of a family -- children to grandparents -- displaced together, there is a range of humanitarian needs within the community. "Every weekend we try to conduct psychosocial support sessions for adults, where we listen to their stories of trauma and comfort them," says Daw Myint. While dealing with conflict trauma is always challenging, it can be even more difficult for children who are still learning and growing. "We organize playtime and lessons for children to help them refocus their mind and slowly process what is going on around them, at their own pace," says Daw Myint Alongside the hospitality of the host communities, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) to support people displaced by violence in Pin Laung and Hsi Hseng and provide emergency aid. "We recently completed our second trip to Hsi Hseng and Pin Laung. Together with the MRCS, we were able to provide rice, peas, oil and salt to nearly 2000 families to ensure that they don't go hungry," says Martin Samtan from the ICRC Lashio team. Beyond emergency assistance, we shared life-saving information about landmines and other explosive hazards that continue to be a risk to all communities. We also shared our ICRC hotline number to help people connect with loved ones separated by clashes or displacement. Our teams are still on the ground, working with communities affected by conflict, alongside the MRCS, to identify and respond to those most urgent needs..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: UNHCR Regional Bureau for Asia and Pacific (RBAP) Myanmar Emergency - External Update, 6 July 2022
Description: "HIGHLIGHTS Armed clashes across Myanmar continued to trigger displacement and affect civilians. As of 4 July, an estimated 1,116,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were reported, including some 769,000 people who have been displaced within Myanmar since 1 February 2021. In the North-West, ongoing fighting continued to undermine the safety and security of civilians with sporadic clashes reported in Chin State and Magway and Sagaing regions. In the South-East, armed clashes generated some displacement largely due to the deteriorating security situation in Mon State, Bago (East) and Tanintharyi regions. Humanitarian access remained challenging although new displacement and IDP returns to areas of origin continues to be monitored. In protracted situations, many IDPs face acute food and supply shortages, which have been exacerbated by a shortage of essential goods and services in the host community. In Kachin and Shan (North), IDPs’ limited access to financial services continued to undermine their capacity to engage in sustainable livelihoods. Access to education was another challenge, particularly in Kachin and Shan (North) as a result of school closures in response to COVID-19 and security-related measures. Other challenges facing children and adolescents include forced recruitment and child marriage. In Rakhine State, simmering tensions spilled over into clashes in Chin State’s Paletwa Township on 27 June. The abduction of two teachers in Maungdaw (North) also heightened existing anxieties within communities. The evolving situation stands to impact the already limited freedom of movement for the Rohyinga communities, further impeding access to services and social cohesion. RESPONSE Myanmar In the South-East, UNHCR and partners distributed core relief items (CRIs) to 14,000 people in Kayin and Kayah States and Bago (East) Region. 850 people in Kayah State and Shan State (North) received corrugated galvanized iron sheets to help them construct transitional shelters. In response to several landmine related incidents in Kayah State, UNHCR, in collaboration with UNICEF, distributed 750 mine risk education leaflets to IDPs. In Rakhine State, UNHCR and partners distributed CRIs to 6,300 people living in Rohingya IDP camps and IDP sites. Following heavy rains and strong winds, 19,750 people living in camps and sites received emergency shelter assistance. The distribution of shelter-related materials is also planned for some 5,000 people in displacement sites. As part of COVID-19 prevention and response measures, UNHCR and partners provided personal protective equipment to 3,400 people. In Rakhine State (North), humanitarian access continues to be restricted, particularly for some 1,400 families currently residing in IDP sites. In the North-West, preparations for a multi-sectoral needs assessment by UNHCR and partners are already underway in Magway Region. This exercise is intended to promote responsive humanitarian assistance for all affected populations. In Kachin and Shan (North), UNHCR and partners provided 270 corrugated galvanized iron sheets to support the maintenance of existing shelters and reconstruction of shelters burned down in a recent fire. In addition, 3,275 IDPs living in 10 displacement sites in Shan State (North) received solar lamps. In order to better understand the diverse needs and protection..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Myanmar Emergency Update (as of 6 July 2022)
Description: "HIGHLIGHTS Armed clashes across Myanmar continued to trigger displacement and affect civilians. As of 4 July, an estimated 1,116,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were reported, including some 769,000 people who have been displaced within Myanmar since 1 February 2021. In the North-West, ongoing fighting continued to undermine the safety and security of civilians with sporadic clashes reported in Chin State and Magway and Sagaing regions. In the South-East, armed clashes generated some displacement largely due to the deteriorating security situation in Mon State, Bago (East) and Tanintharyi regions. Humanitarian access remained challenging although new displacement and IDP returns to areas of origin continues to be monitored. In protracted situations, many IDPs face acute food and supply shortages, which have been exacerbated by a shortage of essential goods and services in the host community. In Kachin and Shan (North), IDPs’ limited access to financial services continued to undermine their capacity to engage in sustainable livelihoods. Access to education was another challenge, particularly in Kachin and Shan (North) as a result of school closures in response to COVID-19 and security-related measures. Other challenges facing children and adolescents include forced recruitment and child marriage. In Rakhine State, simmering tensions spilled over into clashes in Chin State’s Paletwa Township on 27 June. The abduction of two teachers in Maungdaw (North) also heightened existing anxieties within communities. The evolving situation stands to impact the already limited freedom of movement for the Rohyinga communities, further impeding access to services and social cohesion..."
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-12
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Title: Paths of Assistance: Opportunities for Aid and Protection along the Thailand-Myanmar Border
Description: "Introduction Nearly a year and a half since the military junta’s coup in Myanmar, the country remains caught in a crisis of conflict, mass forced displacement, and growing humanitarian needs. Fighting among the junta’s forces and multiple opposition groups has affected nearly every part of the country. The military junta has committed widespread atrocities and blocked international humanitarian groups from delivering aid to areas that desperately need it. The United States and other countries must pressure the junta to end its abuses and to allow aid to be delivered. In the meantime, delivery of international aid through Myanmar’s neighbors, particularly through local groups active along the Thai-Myanmar border, presents an underutilized path for getting assistance to those in need. More than 1 million people are now displaced in Myanmar, 750,000 of whom were forced to flee their homes since the coup. A quarter of the country’s population – an estimated 14 million people – needs humanitarian assistance, as the military junta continues to restrict or outright block access to aid. The most intense fighting in recent months has occurred in northwestern Myanmar’s Chin, Sagaing, and Magway states and in Karen and Karenni states in the southeast, bordering Thailand. This report focuses on the latter area, both as one of the main areas facing widespread displacement and humanitarian crisis, and as the one with the most immediate potential for mitigating human suffering. It explores the challenges facing populations living along the Thai-Myanmar border and the role long-established local civil society and community-based organizations (CSOs and CBOs) along the border can play in addressing humanitarian needs. The report is informed by a research trip to the area in late May 2022, during which Refugees International interviewed dozens of UN actors, international NGOs, local organizations, and refugees recently arrived from inside Myanmar. Currently, Thailand is restricting cross-border aid, and the Myanmar military junta’s control of main roads and tough terrain limit how much and how far informal aid can reach into Myanmar. However, informal aid is providing a vital lifeline for hundreds of thousands of people in need. Indigenous community networks across a porous 1,500-mile border provide numerous entry points for further informal aid delivery. Increased engagement by the United States and like-minded countries with Thailand, along with donor support for the already active local networks, could enable aid to reach tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, more people in need. The international community must also continue to press the military to allow aid access for UN agencies and other humanitarian actors within the country, where the majority of those in need can best be reached. But since the junta denies aid to those deemed enemies, it should not be directly involved in aid delivery. UN agencies and donor countries must monitor aid delivery to ensure it is done impartially, equitably, and on a needs-basis. Displacement in Myanmar. Credit: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Addressing the broader humanitarian fallout of the coup will require an array of efforts, including holding the military accountable for its actions. The United States and allies, including Myanmar’s neighbors, must push the junta through further coordinated sanctions, including on military-owned oil and gas companies, an arms embargo, and accountability measures. But equally important, in the interim, will be finding ways to deliver humanitarian aid to the Myanmar people. Myanmar’s neighbors should work with local actors and the humanitarian and health agencies of ethnic organizations to facilitate aid to areas accessible across borders. Neighboring countries must also ensure the safety and support of people fleeing from Myanmar by not pressuring them to return home and by allowing UN agencies and local and international NGOs to access newly arrived refugees. The United States and other countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. Addressing the causes of the crisis and reaching affected populations requires ongoing broader efforts by the United States, Myanmar’s regional neighbors, and other allies to pressure and engage the junta. But the local networks along the Thai-Myanmar border offer the most readily available path to mitigating humanitarian suffering in the country. Research Overview This report focuses on the Thai-Myanmar border area. It first addresses the current conditions inside areas of Myanmar bordering Thailand. Next it explores barriers and opportunities for the provision of humanitarian assistance and protection to those reachable along the border. It then examines protection concerns for people from Myanmar who have sought refuge in Thailand and the conditions in long-established camps on the Thai side of the border where 90,000 refugees still live. The report is based on visits in late May 2022 to Mae Sot, Mae Sariang, Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai, and Bangkok. Background On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, refused to accept the latest election results and launched a coup. A military junta arrested de facto civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of other political leaders. In response, everyday citizens protested en masse, initially peacefully. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) included boycotts of military products and walk-outs and strikes by civil servants, doctors, teachers, and others. While the junta formed a State Administrative Council (SAC) chaired by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, elected officials, whom the military had removed from government, joined with the leaders of ethnic-based opposition groups to form a National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and a National Unity Government (NUG)—a government in exile. Following a brutal response and crackdown by the SAC military, people around the country formed civilian militias or People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and several long-established Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) ended long-standing ceasefires. This led to fighting between the SAC military and EAOs and PDFs in nearly all parts of the country. The fighting continues today, often marked by SAC military attacks on civilians and wholesale destruction of villages. At the time of this report, the military junta’s forces had detained more than 14,000 people, killed at least 2,000 civilians, and committed numerous atrocities. Some PDFs have also targeted civilians seen as military sympathizers and fighting has killed thousands more armed actors on both sides. Neither the SAC military nor the opposition seem able to win outright in the short to intermediate term, meaning that fighting is likely to continue for some time. As detailed in an earlier Refugees International report, the humanitarian fallout from the coup has been immense. More than 750,000 people have been forcibly displaced from their homes since the coup began. In the first months following the coup, the estimated number of people in need tripled from 1 million to 3 million. Violence, displacement, the COVID-19 pandemic, and economic mismanagement have caused that number to skyrocket to an estimated 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2022. In addition, the coup has made the prospect of return for the 1 million Rohingya refugees living in dire conditions in Bangladesh – most of whom fled genocidal attacks by the Myanmar military in 2017 – even less likely. The highest levels of displacement and need exist in areas facing the most intense fighting in the northwest and southeast. The junta’s forces have burned thousands of homes in the northwest and fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 500,000 people to flee their homes according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). This includes tens of thousands of people who have fled across the border into India, more than 330,000 people who have been displaced in Sagaing, and another 90,000 in Magway and Chin states. In the southeast, more than 240,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, many displaced multiple times. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke report that these UN estimates are conservative and that 170,000 people have been displaced in Karen state alone with an equal number displaced in Karenni state, roughly two-thirds of the population there. Thousands more people have fled across the border into Thailand for limited periods of time. Even as displacement and humanitarian needs grow, barriers to aid delivery have increased. Part of this is due to fighting and insecurity, but in many instances the military junta has either directly or indirectly blocked the delivery of aid. In several documented cases, the military has seized or destroyed aid or attacked humanitarian workers. Physicians for Human Rights reported more than 415 attacks and threats on health workers and health infrastructure during the first year since the coup. In December 2021, two humanitarian workers with Save the Children were among at least 35 people, including women and children, killed in a Myanmar military attack. Military bombardments and use of land mines by both military and opposition forces have also prevented farmers from planting crops. UN agencies and international non-government organizations (INGOs) still operating in Myanmar have consistently reported delayed travel authorizations from the junta, and INGOs with whom Refugees International spoke have cited banking restrictions as significant challenges. Increased costs of transporting and purchasing aid materials have further exacerbated the challenges. These are due in part to global trends (including the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on commodity prices) and in part to the junta’s own economic mismanagement. Challenges with Humanitarian Access From within Myanmar, UN agencies and INGOs have been able to deliver some aid to SAC military-controlled areas and to a few opposition-held areas, largely through local civil society partners. UN OCHA reports that humanitarian actors provided assistance to 2.6 million people in the first quarter of 2022, but that is just 41 percent of those targeted to receive aid under the latest humanitarian response plan. The vast majority of those provided with aid were in urban areas, meaning that only a small portion of those in rural and conflict-affected communities received any aid. UN efforts have also led to some short-term access to non-military-controlled areas in need. For example, OCHA reports that concerted advocacy efforts helped to secure the first UN access to Karenni State in April 2022, after which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was able to deliver core relief items to 53,000 individuals, and OCHA further reports that the World Food Program (WFP) has begun distributing relief food assistance to up to 80,000 internally displaced people (IDPs). Expanding access to this aid will require further advocacy since significant barriers to delivery remain. Efforts to expand aid have been discussed within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional block. Humanitarian aid is a key part of the block’s Five-Point Consensus on addressing the crisis in Myanmar. The ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management and a Myanmar Task Force that includes the military junta are planning to conduct humanitarian needs assessments. But regional CSOs have raised serious concerns about the junta’s involvement, the failure to include the NUG and other opposition groups, and the real risks of aid being weaponized through junta denials of access to certain areas. Any UN or ASEAN efforts to work through or around the junta to deliver aid will be fraught with questions of misuse and unequal allocation. To address these challenges will require the involvement of credible third parties, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or UNHCR, and delivery of aid impartially and according to needs, ideally through local groups unaffiliated with the military. Despite these obstacles, efforts by the UN and the regional block to get the military to allow impartial and independent delivery of aid by third parties must continue, especially since cross-border aid will not reach the majority of those in need. In the meantime, there are a significant number of people living along Myanmar’s border who could be accessed with cross-border aid. This includes the potential delivery of aid from Bangladesh, China, and India, but most readily in the short term from Thailand. Conditions and Humanitarian Needs in Karen and Karenni States Refugees International spoke with several people who were or who had recently been inside of Karen and Karenni states and who have been working directly to assist IDPs—and many of our interlocutors were IDPs themselves. They described widespread displacement from villages, children hiding in the jungle in caves and trenches, and constant fear of airstrikes or artillery fire. As one Karenni CBO representative described to Refugees International, “there’s no safe place in Karenni state. If you stay in the village, you risk bombs. But if you flee too far, it is tough to get aid.” Similarly, a Karen woman who recently returned from assisting IDPs in Karen state summarized the conditions by saying, “This is not a way we can survive for long.” Since the coup, Karen and Karenni states have seen some of the most intense levels of fighting, displacement, and humanitarian need in the country. As reported by Thai-based human rights group Altsean-Burma, Karenni state has seen by far the most attacks per capita in the country. Since the coup, many CDM protestors have fled to non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen and Karenni states. Long-standing EAO’s in Karen and Karenni states, particularly the Karen National Union (KNU) and its Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its Karenni Army (KA) wing provided refuge to those fleeing the military crackdown and soon engaged in fighting with the SAC military themselves. Both of these groups have resisted the military for decades but signed a ceasefire with the military in 2012 as a period of democratic reforms was beginning. The ceasefires lasted until the coup in 2021. PDFs also sought refuge in these territories and have engaged SAC forces both independently and alongside EAOs. The EAOs have controlled large rural areas in both states and have at times seized various SAC military outposts. But junta forces have largely controlled main roads and urban areas and responded to resistance with aerial attacks and shelling, often of civilian areas. Fighting between the SAC military and these groups has intensified in several areas of both Karen and Karenni state since April 2022. The SAC military has turned to regular aerial bombardments from fighter jets and intense shelling. For example, on May 19, during Refugees International’s visit, 28 airstrikes were reported by local media and a local human rights group near the Thai-Myanmar border. The effect on the battlefield has been mixed, but the impact on the civilian population has been devastating. One woman who leads a local community-based organization described people hiding in the jungle at night, not using lights for fear of drawing the attention of bombers and being fearful of falling asleep. She told Refugees International that she is afraid to check her text messages at night, because too often they bring news of another injury or death. “There’s too much killing,” she told the Refugees International team, “It’s unforgettable, unforgiveable.” Others described the SAC military forcing civilians to carry their supplies or using them as human shields. Local groups also reported the use of land mines by the SAC and opposition forces alike. Reports from those who had been inside Karen and Karenni state were largely in line with the reports of atrocities documented by Amnesty International, described as “war crimes and likely crimes against humanity.” The result of these serious human rights abuses, airstrikes, and general fighting has been widespread and often repeated displacement of civilians in both Karen and Karenni states. Some villages and localities have been completely or nearly completely abandoned. Spillover from fighting in Karenni state has also added to the numbers of people displaced in Shan, another state bordering Thailand, which is housing an estimated 56,600 IDPs, including several thousand in close proximity to the border and only accessible through cross-border aid. Those displaced in each of these states in Myanmar face similar needs for food and shelter, particularly as the rainy season started early in 2022 and has continued. The rainy season also increases the need for mosquito nets and medicines. The trauma of flight from people’s homes and the constant threat of bombardments have also given rise to an acute need for psycho-social support. Educating children is difficult. CDM teachers have set up schools in the jungle but need supplies like pens and pencils, according to one CBO representative. Local groups are organizing educational activities and even building new makeshift structures to serve as schools. But resources are limited, and the risk of attacks looms ever-present. Cross-border Aid as a Lifeline For those living in non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen, Karenni, and southern Shan states, unofficial aid provided by local civil society organizations with links to Thailand has been a vital lifeline. While Thailand does not officially sanction such aid, long established local cross-border networks have gotten significant amounts of aid across. Those involved include small ad hoc community groups of Myanmar migrants and concerned Thai citizens, long-established ethnic community-based organizations, and international NGOs that have worked to aid IDPs and refugees on both sides of the border. Many of these groups have been operating since the early 1990s, when tens of thousands of refugees fled across the border and have continued working with the remaining 90,000 Myanmar refugees in camps in Thailand or with IDPs in Myanmar. These groups have close and long-established links with the humanitarian and health wings of EAOs that control land across the border and with local leaders on both sides of the border. Their track record has built up significant trust among local ethnic groups making IDPs more willing to walk long distances to receive it. This stands in sharp contrast to the high levels of distrust of the SAC military and any aid it might deliver. While exact estimates of aid delivered are difficult to ascertain given the complex and unofficial operating environment, Refugees International’s discussions with dozens of CSO and CBO representatives suggest that more than $10 million worth of aid from across the border has reached up to a million people in need since the coup. Much of this has come in the form of cash transfers through both official and unofficial money transferring networks, allowing humanitarian actors to buy needed supplies in Myanmar, even far from the border. Other in-kind assistance is delivered via boats or trucks across bridges and includes food, non-food items, temporary shelter, water filtration units, and medical supplies. At least one CBO focused on the needs of women and girls has also been able to get dignity kits across the border. Other smaller scale, one-off efforts to provide aid include delivery of home-cooked meals to people fleeing air strikes. With the array of actors providing ad hoc aid, coordination issues are a concern. Refugees International heard some reports of duplication of aid efforts or delivery of unneeded items (e.g. sweaters at the height of summer). But the larger CBOs are communicating regularly and EAO humanitarian entities are playing a leading role in assessing needs and assuring aid gets to the right people without duplication. As one long-time humanitarian actor put it, “At the end of the day, needs exceed response capacity. It’s not about duplication. On the list of things to be worried about, not a priority.” It is also difficult to estimate how much this aid could be scaled up and how many people it could ultimately reach, given security and terrain barriers. The SAC military controls most main roads and the landscape along the border is made up of hills and jungles. But Refugees International’s discussions indicate that there is much more that can be done to support such efforts and at least hundreds of thousands more people who could be reached. Addressing Barriers to Cross-border Aid There are four main limitations to delivering aid across the border from Thailand, each of which can be mitigated to varying extent. These are: (1) Thai restrictions reflecting junta pressure; (2) SAC military control of roads and banks; (3) difficult terrain; and (4) lack of sufficient funding. The first, most obvious barrier is the refusal of the SAC and, by extension, Thailand to officially allow aid into the country. With a 1,500-mile border with Myanmar, Thailand is concerned with its relationship with the SAC and is seeking to balance economic and security interests. Part of this balance has been to withhold any official approval of cross-border aid and crackdown on it to varying extents. But local groups have been able to find indirect ways to deliver aid, often via boat across the border river or in limited quantities within vehicles. The second main barrier is the fact that the SAC military controls most main roads and restricts cash transfers via banks. But alternative roads and paths are available and used by local groups to deliver aid beyond the main roads. Local groups use informal cash transfer networks like the hundi system, a trust-based practice originating in India and long-established in Myanmar, in which local agents transfer sums of money on behalf of friends, relatives, or other agents without legal protection or supervision. The third limitation is navigating the difficult hilly jungle terrain along the border. However, the ceasefire era enabled an expansion of roads in EAO administered areas. Moreover, the SAC military’s area of influence in rural areas has decreased since the coup. Local groups use motorbikes, horses and donkeys, or backpacks to transport aid beyond the immediate border area. The largest and most consistent barrier to aid delivery cited by CBOs was deficiency of humanitarian funding. Local CBOs have the networks and modalities for getting more aid across but not the funds to reach many more people in need. While a few governments are supporting local groups involved in aid efforts, donor countries should step up support for these underutilized and low-profile mechanisms. International donors should also engage the NUG and the humanitarian wings of EAOs to better assess needs and ensure coordination of aid delivery. Donors must also recognize the complex dynamics and greater risks local groups face in delivering aid and be appropriately flexible with their reporting requirements. Groups with which Refugees International spoke often complained about too frequent and onerous of reporting schedules, impractical demands for receipts, and unrealistic procurement protocols. For example, one group cited being required to show quotes from three different suppliers in an environment where just one was realistically available. These requirements have been so onerous that some groups said they have foregone significant amounts of potential funding. The potential for further provision of aid through experienced networks is abundant. Groups like The Border Consortium have been coordinating and providing aid to some 90,000 refugees who have remained in camps in Thailand for the past three decades. Ethnic-based organizations like the Karen Women’s Organization and Karenni National Women’s Organization have networks and experience working to promote protection of women and girls on both sides of the border. Similarly, members of the Karenni Civil Society Network, Karen Peace Support Network, and Shan State Refugee Committee have the networks and experience to assess needs and facilitate the delivery of aid through their member agencies. Ethnic health organizations are well placed to promote access to basic health care, clean water, and nutrition. And human rights groups like the Karen Human Rights Group, Karenni Human Rights Group, and Shan Human Rights Foundation have the ability to document abuses and monitor aid to ensure that it is protection sensitive. Protection for Myanmar Refugees in Thailand In addition to the hundreds of thousands of people displaced in Myanmar’s states bordering Thailand, there have been thousands of people who have crossed the border from Myanmar to seek refuge in Thailand since the start of the coup. They fall largely into two groups: people who have been internally displaced in bordering states and seek temporary refuge in Thailand and CDM protestors and high-profile individuals seeking longer-term refuge, whether in Thailand or third countries. Those in the first group have crossed into Thailand at different times when fighting and airstrikes have been particularly intense and close to the border, though usually for only a matter of days. Thai authorities have said that they will respect their international obligation of non-refoulement and not force refugees to return, but there are consistent reports of Thai authorities pressuring them to return. This is consistent with what Thai authorities have done in the past. During earlier battles between the Myanmar military and EAOs, the Thai authorities allowed people to take refuge in Thailand only while fighting was active and expected them to return to Myanmar once it had paused. But the intensity and frequency of battles and extent of displacement are much greater today, increasing concerns of extensive refoulement. In March 2021, an estimated 3,000 Karen people fled airstrikes into Thailand. Another 8,000 people fled artillery and air attacks in Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state into Thailand in December 2021. As of February 2022, the Thai government estimated that 17,000 Myanmar refugees had crossed into Thailand since the coup. And UNHCR reports that 3,000 others have crossed the border from Karenni State since March 2022, though only 246 refugees remain. According to UNHCR, those remaining face extensive humanitarian needs including access to safe drinking water, medicine, and sanitation facilities. In the first weeks following the coup, Thailand worked with UN agencies to develop contingency plans for large numbers of refugees fleeing into Thailand. This included the establishment of Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) that were to be overseen by civilian federal and local authorities. But the initial contingency planning exercises were not implemented once refugees began coming across the border in large numbers. Since then, areas established to temporarily shelter refugees have been overseen by the Thai military, which has refused international support. Conditions at the sites are deplorable. One site, established after a bout of bombing and displacement in December 2021, is called the cowshed since that was its previous use. Thai authorities did allow local community organizations and volunteers to deliver and distribute pre-cooked meals, tarps, and a few other non-food items. But the site was not fit for human habitation, and Thai authorities declined offers of international support. Refugees International saw video footage of overcrowded accommodations that lacked the most basic necessities. As one CBO representative who visited the location at the time told Refugees International, the displaced people there “need more than a cow farm along the river. They need systematic protection.” He warned of serious risks to women and girls amid a lack of privacy and sufficient toilets. The Thai government should give UNHCR and local and international NGOs access to these TSAs to provide critical nutrition, sanitation, health, and protection services, including the establishment of women friendly spaces and referral pathways. Thai authorities must also live up to their commitments to non-refoulement and refrain from pressuring people fleeing violence in Myanmar from returning before it is safe to do so. UNHCR and local and international NGOs should also be included in contingency planning for possible further numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand as the fighting in Myanmar shows little sign of subsiding in the near term. Asylum Seekers from Myanmar in Thailand People seeking longer-term refuge in Thailand and beyond are higher-profile individuals or those who have taken part in CDM protests. This group includes doctors, teachers, students, celebrities, politicians, and military-defectors who fear they will be targeted for persecution by the junta and are now seeking a safe haven in Thailand or longer-term refugee resettlement in third countries. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke estimated, conservatively, that around 2,000 to 4,000 asylum seekers are staying in and around the town of Mae Sot. When areas in Thailand beyond Mae Sot are included, those estimates reach as many as 30,000 asylum seekers. Such numbers are difficult to determine with any certainty as Thai authorities do not provide any form of refugee registration nor allow UNHCR to carry out registrations. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with a group of teachers and students who had taken part in the CDM protests in Kachin state. They had arrived in Mae Sot a few days before. They described feeling unsafe going out in public for fear of being detained and forced to pay bribes, as well as uncertainty about how they might find jobs or continue their education. Some diaspora and local groups are supporting initial rent payments, provision of basic goods like rice and oil, and online education, but the needs are great. In Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met with a photojournalist from Mandalay who had been documenting protests and the military crack-down there. He was forced to flee to Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state, and then again following attacks in December 2021. He spent some time in an IDP site, then recently fled further fighting and arrived in Thailand after several days of trekking through the jungle, first to Mae Sot then to Mae Hong Son. He plans to return to Karen state to continue documenting the abuses of the military. In Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met separately with two doctors. One had fled a government hospital in Yangon after leading CDM protests and being targeted by the junta. The other fled a hospital in Myawaddy after being targeted by the junta for assisting civilians injured following protests. Both are seeking refuge in third countries through humanitarian visas. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with an army-defector. He fled once his family was safe and is now awaiting resettlement to Australia. All of these asylum seekers felt insecure because of their lack of official status and the constant risk of detention or demand of bribes from local police. They also expressed concerns about the lack of access to work and to education for their children. One CBO focused on women and girls expressed growing concerns with the risks of abuse and exploitation amid a lack of protection through referral pathways and safe spaces for women and girls. Another, who had worked along the border in an earlier phase of mass displacement across the border warned of signs of growing sex trafficking risks. Thailand should allow access for UNHCR and INGOs to all new arrivals and allow UNHCR to register asylum seekers and carry out refugee status determinations as it does around the world. Thai authorities could also give refugees status that provides access to livelihood opportunities. Alternatively, Thailand could carry out its own registration and identity card distribution as part of the National Screening Mechanism for refugees proposed in 2020 yet to be implemented. A registration system will both help to prevent exploitation and the threat of detention and refoulement and allow UN agencies or Thai authorities to better track who is in the country. As one CBO representative put it, those can breathe.” Registration of asylum seekers would also facilitate tracking COVID-19, distribution of vaccines, and prevention of trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and other receiving countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. This will not be a solution for most of those who have fled but will have a significant impact on many individual lives. Conditions in Longer Established Refugee Camps In addition to civilians displaced by violence in Karen and Karenni states and CDM protestors and others fleeing persecution, there is a third group of people from Myanmar living on the Thai side of the border. These are the 90,000 refugees who have been living in camps since the 1990s. At the height of displacement in the early 1990s, more than 130,000 refugees fled from Myanmar into Thailand. Tens of thousands of these refugees were resettled in third countries like the United States. Many others returned to Myanmar following the democratic opening in the last decade before the coup. Today, there are nine official refugee sites in Thailand. The largest, Mae La, hosts some 34,000 refugees. Funding to these camps has dropped dramatically in recent years. In addition, measures to prevent the spread of COVID have heavily restricted the ability of these refugees to leave the camps, cutting them off from access to education and livelihood opportunities. As new populations flee violence in Myanmar, this longer-term population must not be forgotten. Thailand should work with UNHCR and INGOs operating in the camps regarding the ability to move out of the camps to access accredited education and work opportunities. Thailand, which is currently facing a need for more migrant workers, could benefit from offering migrant permits to this population. As in the past, countries like the United States should offer scholarships and resettlement slots to refugees in the camps. The Importance of International Engagement with Thailand The engagement of the United States and key allies with Thailand will be critical in creating political space for cross-border aid and protection of people from Myanmar seeking refuge in and near the border. Thailand faces a range of challenges from economic and security risks and pressure from the Myanmar junta to the risks of instability stemming from the lack of aid and formal registration for refugees. Thailand is reluctant to do anything to incentivize more refugees coming into the country, but failure to allow cross-border aid – and thus allowing conditions for people across the border to deteriorate – could do just that. Similarly, failure to register refugees makes it more difficult to monitor and prevent the spread of infectious disease or to stop trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and allies should highlight these points and encourage Thai authorities to support cross-border aid and protection of refugees both for humanitarian reasons and for the positive impacts on stability these measures can bring. Partners should also be clear that failure to take such measures will damage bilateral relationships with Thailand. U.S. officials have raised the need for cross-border assistance and a commitment to non-refoulement on several high-level visits and Thai officials have rhetorically responded positively. U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield visited Thailand in August 2021. U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman visited in May 2021, and State Department Counselor Derek Chollet traveled to Thailand in October 2021. Thailand’s Foreign Minister expressed an openness to cross-border assistance following Chollet’s visit and, in a January 2022 meeting with the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha reaffirmed a commitment to non-refoulement. In June 2022, Chollet traveled to Thailand again. He visited areas near the border including Mae La refugee camp and met with local CSOs. A July 2022 visit to Bangkok by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken included the Myanmar crisis on the agenda among several broader issues. In March 2022, in a letter to the Thai Foreign Minister, a group of U.S. senators raised concerns about push backs of refugees and urged the facilitation of cross-border aid. But it is not clear if concerns such as these were raised by U.S. President Joseph Biden during the U.S.-ASEAN Summit in May 2022 or by U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin in his trip to Thailand following Chollet’s visit in June 2022. Public statements coming out of those meetings indicate that defense, trade, and geo-political concerns with China dominated the conversations. Cross-border aid remains restricted, and reports of refugees being pressured to return to Myanmar continue to emerge. Sustained international engagement is essential to opening further paths to protection and provision of life-saving aid. The United States and allies should emphasize to Thailand that its official policy of restricting both aid and access to asylum exacerbates human suffering and creates challenges for local Thai authorities. A more nuanced approach of allowing, or at least not objecting to, cross-border assistance and fulfilling its obligation to provide safe haven to asylum seekers is in Thailand’s own national interest, as it would help stabilize a deteriorating complex emergency on Thailand’s doorstep. The United States and allies must continue to engage Thailand on these points and prioritize calls for aid delivery and non-refoulement in bilateral talks. Confirmation of already nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and ASEAN would help to amplify these messages. The U.S. Congress should act swiftly to provide consent to these nominations. At the same time, the United States must work with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to increase pressure on Myanmar’s military junta toward ending abuses and allowing unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. This should include implementation of a global arms embargo, further coordinated targeted sanctions on the SAC military and its assets, and support for accountability measures, including through the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. The U.S. Congress should pass the BURMA Act, which includes measures along these lines and would authorize further humanitarian assistance. Conclusion Displacement along the Thai-Myanmar border is just a part of the regional crisis sparked by the coup. But addressing it is the most immediate way to mitigate acute human suffering. While humanitarian actors will need to grapple with how best to ensure fair and unfettered delivery of aid in the broader context of the country, the opportunity to scale up cross-border aid to a significant portion of the Myanmar population in need should not be missed. All of Myanmar’s neighbors, including Bangladesh, China, and India should explore similar channels for aid delivery and provide access to refuge. Thailand has a chance to be a leader in asylum and protection to a population in great need. Allies seeking to alter the trajectory of suffering in Myanmar must remind Thailand why this is in its interest and provide support to local actors already providing lifesaving aid. Recommendations The government of Thailand should: Engage regional partners to press the military junta in Myanmar to end grave human rights abuses and allow those in need unfettered access to humanitarian aid. Uphold the international legal obligation of non-refoulement of individuals seeking refuge from threats to their life and freedom in Myanmar. Allow the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and international and local NGOs access to newly arrived people seeking refuge from Myanmar to assess needs, carry out services, and establish women-friendly spaces in temporary safe areas along the border. Include the UNHCR and local and international NGOs in contingency planning for possible larger numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand. Allow and facilitate the delivery of cross-border humanitarian aid through local civil-society and community-based organizations. Allow access to education and livelihoods opportunities for long-time refugees in camps along the Myanmar border. Work with UNHCR to create a protection framework for people from Myanmar who are seeking refuge in Thailand, including possibly through application of the proposed National Screening Mechanism for refugees in Thailand and the provision of identity cards and status that could provide access to livelihood opportunities and act as a barrier to detention and exploitation. Work with the United States and other countries to facilitate resettlement of refugees from Myanmar. The U.S. government should: Step up diplomatic efforts with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to pressure the Myanmar junta to end grave human rights abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Such actions should include: Further targeted sanctions on the military and military-owned enterprises, including oil and gas revenues; A global arms embargo on Myanmar; Support for accountability efforts including the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and through the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court. Maintain regular high-level government visits to Thailand and Myanmar’s other neighbors, prioritizing pressure on the Myanmar junta, access to asylum for people from Myanmar, and provision of cross-border aid. Engage Thailand and other countries hosting asylum seekers from Myanmar to expedite resettlement of at-risk individuals who have fled persecution in Myanmar. Offer pathways to the United States for long-time refugees in camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border, including scholarships and resettlement. Engage and support the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), National Unity Government (NUG), and ethnic armed organizations, including through coordination of aid and COVID vaccine distribution. U.S. Members of Congress should: Support and pass the BURMA Act of 2021-22, which would: Authorize additional humanitarian assistance for those in need in Myanmar and surrounding countries, including through cross-border delivery of aid; Support local civil society organizations in Myanmar; Demand further targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned enterprises; Support accountability efforts; Call upon the U.S. government to engage the UN Security Council toward a global arms embargo, coordinated targeted sanctions, and other measures to press the military junta to end abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Ensure high-level diplomatic presence in the region by swiftly confirming the nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). International donor countries should: Increase funding for local civil society and community-based organizations operating along the Myanmar-Thailand border and adjust reporting requirements to reflect the complex nature of aid delivery to those in need in Myanmar. Press the junta to allow unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid, while establishing safeguards to prevent the military usurping aid and avoiding legitimization of the junta. Such safeguards should include distribution through credible interlocutors like the International Federation of the Red Cross and access for UN agencies to monitor and assess aid delivery. The Myanmar military junta should: Cease attacks on civilians and other grave human rights abuses. Allow unfettered access for UN agencies and NGOs to all those in need of humanitarian aid. Release all political prisoners and open the path toward a truly inclusive and representative democratically elected civilian government..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-12
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Title: Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar)
Description: "THE HAGUE, 11 July 2022. On Friday 22 July 2022, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, will deliver its Judgment on the preliminary objections raised by Myanmar in the case concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar). A public sitting of the Court will take place at 3 p.m. at the Peace Palace in The Hague, during which the President of the Court, Judge Joan E. Donoghue, will read out the Court’s decision. Hearings and other Court sessions held in the ICJ’s courtroom at the Peace Palace remain closed to the public for the time being as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. Only Members of the Court and representatives of the States Parties to the case will be present in the Great Hall of Justice. Members of the diplomatic corps and the public will be able to follow the reading through a live webcast on the Court’s website, as well as on UN Web TV, the United Nations online television channel. Limited access to the Peace Palace will be granted to media representatives, as indicated in the instructions below..."
Source/publisher: International Court of Justice ( The Hague, Netherlands)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Title: Myanmar: Violence Against Health Care in Conflict 2021
Description: "On Monday April 12, 2021 State Administrative Council (military junta) forces in plain clothes entered Yangon General Hospital and arrested Dr Maw Maw Oo, the head of the Department of Emergency Medicine and the emergency clinical lead for Myanmar’s COVID-19 response. At the time of his arrest Dr Maw Maw Oo was treating patients. He was reportedly affiliated with the Civil Disobedience Movement. After his arrest he was detained in Insein Prison without charges and reportedly contracted COVID-19 while imprisoned. OVERVIEW The Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition (SHCC) identified 411 incidents of violence against or obstruction of health care in Myanmar in 2021, compared to 17 in 2020. In these incidents 535 health workers were arrested, 118 health facilities attacked, 41 ambulances attacked, and 29 health workers killed. This factsheet is based on the dataset 2021 SHCC Myanmar Health Data, which is available for download on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX)..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight and Safeguarding Health in Conflict
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Title: STATEMENT ON THE PASSING OF JAPANESE FORMER PRIME MINISTER SHINZO ABE
Description: "We, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and the elected parliamentarians, are deeply stunned and saddened to learn about the passing of His Excellency Shinzo Abe, Former Prime Minister of Japan on 8 July 2022. His Excellency Shinzo Abe, who has been a good friend of Myanmar, will be remembered for his political leadership and legacy to move Japan as a great nation. Myanmar’s people would never forget for his valuable support to develop economy, democracy, freedom and human rights in Myanmar. We express our heartfelt condolences and deepest sympathies to the bereaved family and to the people and Government of Japan and pray for the eternal peace of the departed soul.....၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဂျပန်ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဟောင်း မစ္စတာ ရှင်ဇိုအာဘေးကွယ်လွန်သွားခြင်းအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီနှင့် မိမိတို့ ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအနေဖြင့် လွန်စွာ တုန်လှုပ်ဝမ်းနည်းမိပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ မိတ်ဆွေကောင်း တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည့် ဂျပန်ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဟောင်း ရှင်ဇိုအာဘေး၏ ဂျပန်နိုင်ငံအား အင်အားကြီးသော နိုင်ငံဖြစ်‌စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည့် ၎င်း၏ နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်းဆောင်မှုနှင့် ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှုတို့အား အမှတ်တရရှိနေလိမ့်မည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံ၌ စီးပွားရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ လွပ်လပ်မှုနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်စေရန် ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဟောင်း၏ တန်ဖိုးရှိသော အားပေးထောက်ပံ့မှုတို့ကို မြန်မာပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အစဉ်အမြဲ သတိတရရှိနေမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဟောင်း ကွယ်လွန်သွားခြင်းအတွက် ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဟောင်း၏ မိသားစု၊ ဂျပန်အစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်သူများထံသို့ ဝမ်းနည်းမှုနှင့် စာနာမှုတို့ ပေးပို့အပ်ပြီး ထာဝရငြိမ်းချမ်းပါစေကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-09
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Title: UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 50th session - Adoption of the resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar
Description: "The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the adoption by consensus of the resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, and extends its appreciation to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) for its leadership on the text. Myanmar supports the resolution's strong condemnation of the gross human rights violations and abuses perpetrated by the security and armed forces of Myanmar against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities, and its recognition of the impact of the military's escalating acts of violence and forced displacement on civilians, including ethnic minorities. According to the United Nations (UN) High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, these acts include probable crimes against humanity and war crimes. It is with great shame that the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, acknowledges that historic exclusionary and discriminatory policies, practices and rhetoric against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups laid the ground for atrocities. The historic impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military has since enabled its leadership to commit countrywide atrocities at the helm of an illegal military junta. Myanmar therefore strongly welcomes the resolution's call for all those responsible for violations and abuses of international law to be held to account, while recalling the authority of the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Myanmar furthermore accepts the resolution's call for the adoption of new measures to promote the inclusion, human rights and dignity of all people living in Myanmar, to address the spread of discrimination and prejudice, and to combat incitement to hatred and hate speech against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities. At the same time, Myanmar's legislature, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, will take continuing steps to amend or repeal discriminatory laws, including the Race and Religion Protection Laws of 2015 and the Citizenship Law of 1982. Myanmar will also partner with ethnic and organisations, affected communities and their representatives, neighbouring states and UN entities to create conditions conducive for the voluntary return in safety and dignity of Rohingya and all other Myanmar communities driven from their homes and villages by multiple waves of violence. The sustainability of these actions, however, remains contingent on democracy being cemented, on violence being stopped, and on impunity being ended. Myanmar therefore shares the deep concern expressed by the European Union that the resolution 'fails yet again to acknowledge and condemn the military coup' despite its link to 'the worsening of the human rights situation in Myanmar - including on the Rohingya and other persons belonging to minorities - [as] has been underlined, among others, by the High Commissioner and the Special Rapporteur during this session of the Council.' Nor does the resolution recognise Myanmar's submission of an Article 12(3) Declaration under the Rome Statute granting the ICC jurisdiction with respect to international crimes, or the National Unity Government's sustained efforts to cooperate with the International Court of Justice in The Gambia v. Myanmar case under the Genocide Convention. Significantly, the resolution does express its 'unequivocal support for the people of Myanmar and their democratic aspirations'. The Human Rights Council and UN Member States must therefore directly engage with the National Unity Government as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people to realise these aspirations and to support the implementation of the asks set out in the resolution. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar restates its commitment to constructive engagement with the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms and with UN Member States..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-09
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ ၅၀ ကြိမ်မြောက် အစည်းအဝေး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာမူဆလင်များနှင့် အခြား လူနည်းစုများ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအခြေအနေဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 50th session Adoption of the resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-09
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Accountability for the Junta Criminals
Description: "This report aims to tackle the impunity of junta military leaders for crimes violating international norms of jus cogens. As the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate representative of the state, is currently ‘unable’ to ensure fair functioning of domestic courts, and as it has lodged a declaration with the ICC accepting the court’s jurisdiction under article 12 (3) of the Rome statute on August 20, 2021, the court has jurisdiction to prosecute perpetrators of atrocity crimes committed from 2002 on. AAPP argues that military leaders should be held accountable for the crimes committed by their subordinates as per the Rome Statute in all cases where their active (art. 25) or passive (art. 28) responsibility can be incurred..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 422.64 (5 pages), KB 2.72 MB (87 pages) - Original version. 422.64 KB
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Title: "Dr.Sasa's Condolences on the Passing of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo"
Description: ""We are deeply shocked and aggrieved to hear of the mindless killing of former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo earlier today. Our thoughts and prayers are with the people of Japan, and Mr. Abe's family and loved ones in this very difficult time. We pray for them to have peace, and for justice to be served. Myanmar has lost her great friend, Mr Prime Minister Abe and Myanmar will miss him dearly and greatly. Japan has contributed so much to the development of Myanmar and the education of her people. Many in Myanmar have come to regard Japan warmly, and seek to live, study or work there. Despite the ongoing crisis, this horrific and senseless act of violence has appalled the Myanmar people. Japan is renowned for its peace and her people are famed for their respect of law and custom. So egregious a crime is almost unthinkable in so peaceful a country. And yet, this brutal murder is made even more sinister by the fact that it was an assassination of a political figure during a democratic campaign. We echo Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's comments today; such an assault is nothing less than an attempt to undermine the very foundational principles of democracy. The political foundation upon which the Japanese state and society rest. Such an act cannot be tolerated; but democracy is robust, and the Japanese people are resilient. This heinous assault cannot, and will not prevent the peaceful and orderly democratic process. Elections will take place, the Japanese people's collective will be heard, and the outcome will be respected and enacted. Such is the strength of democracy, and such is the determination of a people who value that democracy. Let Japan show to the world, that no murder, or act of terror can deter a people who cherish their freedoms, and who are committed to their nation's values. We express our deepest condolences to the family of loved ones of Mr. Prime Minister Abe, and our solidarity with the people of Japan in this shocking time. We are certain that justice for this abominable act will be brought swiftly and decisively, and we pray that never again will the people of Japan, or of any nation, have to witness such a horrific crime. May Mr Prime Minister Abe rest in eternal peace. "..."
Source/publisher: Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Ministry of Foreign Affairs Statement No.13/2022 - Statement on the visit of the ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar
Description: "After Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn's second visit to Myanmar, it is clear that the military junta is intent on making a mockery of ASEAN. Despite his earnest efforts — and with five months now left on his term — Special Envoy Sokhonn was again handed empty assurances. This follows a firmly established pattern in which the junta rebuffs each ASEAN entreaty and frustrates all effort s to implement the Five-Point Consensus. ASEAN Chair Hun Sen received this treatment when he visited Myanmar straight after assuming the role of ASEAN chair. Later he publicly called on the junta to release Sean Turaell and to drop its plans to execute political prisoners. On both occasions, his initiatives were rebuffed. And Special Envoy Sokhonn. having repeatedly requested to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. was forced to watch the junta transfer the State Counsellor to solitary confinement in prison immediately before his visit. Each added insult diminishes ASEAN's political capital, and with it the influence of its nations' leaders while the generals of the Myanmar junta watch on. "How many indignities can ASEAN leaders tolerate from an aspiring tyrant before correcting course?" asked Daw Zin Mar Aung. Myanmar's Minister of Foreign Affairs, while welcoming the Special Envoy's continuing efforts. "Malaysia's Foreign Minister Dato' Sri Saifuddin Abdullah has rightly called on ASEAN to move from a policy of non-interference to one of non-indifference on Myanmar. This applies equally to ASEAN’s own reputation," Minister Aung continued. "Unable to address an escalating threat to peace and security in its own backyard, ASEAN’s inaction must force the UN Security Council's hand. When it comes to the military junta. ASEAN knows what it must do. It must cut the head off the snake." At the same time. ASEAN has a dedicated partner in the National Unity Government, the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people. The NUG remains committed to working with ASEAN Members inside Myanmar and through ASEAN forums to solve the multiple junta-induced crises wreaking havoc on the region. "Recognising and partnering with the NUG is not only a moral imperative, but it is also a politically astute move. It is in ASEAN’s own best interests," added the Foreign Minister. “We continue to extend our full cooperation to Special Envoy Sokhonn.".....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ======================= မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ခရီးစဉ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၃/၂၀၂၂) ဇူလိုင်လ ၈ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ======================= အာဆီယံ၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သော ဒုတိယအကြိမ် ခရီးစဉ်အပြီးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် အာဆီယံအား ပြက်ရယ်ပြုရန်အတွက်သာ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိကြောင်းကို ရှင်းလင်းသိသာစွာ ကောက်ချက်ချနိုင်ပါသည်။ အာဆီယံ၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn အနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ ခရီးစဉ်အတွင်း စိတ်အားထက်သန်စွာ ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့သော်လည်း၊ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ သက်တမ်းမှာ ယခုအချိန်တွင် ငါးလခန့်သာကျန်ရှိတော့သည့်အတွက် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အနေဖြင့် လက်ဆုပ်လက်ကိုင်ပြစရာ မရှိဘဲ လက်ချည်းဗလာဖြစ်ခဲ့ရပါသည်။ အဆိုပါအချက်သည် အာဆီယံ၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်တစ်ခုစီတိုင်းကို ပယ်ချကာ အာဆီယံ၏ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုအားလုံးကို စိတ်ပျက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ပုံဖော်ထားသည့် ပုံစံအတိုင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဆီယံ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌတာဝန်အား လွှဲပြောင်းရယူပြီးနောက် လက်ရှိအာဆီယံ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ Hun Sen ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သော ခရီးစဉ်အတွင်း၌လည်း ယခုကဲ့သို့ပြုမူဆက်ဆံခြင်းကိုပင်ခံခဲ့ရပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့နောက်တွင် အာဆီယံ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုထံ Sean Turnell အား ပြန်လွှတ်ပေးရန်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသားများကို ကွပ်မျက်မည့် အစီအစဉ်များအား ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် လူသိရှင်ကြား တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော်လည်း ၎င်း၏တောင်းဆိုမှုများသည် နှစ်ကြိမ်စလုံးတွင် ငြင်းပယ်ခံခဲ့ရပါသည်။ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn သည် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုထံ အကြိမ်ကြိမ် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော်လည်း၊ ၎င်း၏ခရီးစဥ်မတိုင်မီကပင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အား အကျဥ်းထောင်တွင်းသို့ ပို့ဆောင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထားခြင်းကိုသာ မဖြစ်မနေတွေ့မြင်ခဲ့ရပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲစော်ကားသော အပြုအမူတိုင်းသည် အာဆီယံ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာ စွမ်းဆောင်နိုင်မှု အရင်းအမြစ် နှင့် အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ သြဇာလွှမ်းမိုးမှုကို ကျဆင်းစေပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ယင်းကဲ့သို့ အခြေအနေများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာခြင်းကို စောင့်ကြည့်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ “လမ်းကြောင်းမှန်ပြင်ဆင်ချမှတ်နိုင်ခြင်း မပြုသေးခင်တွင် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များအပေါ် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာချခြင်းလုပ်ရပ်များအား မည်မျှအထိ သည်းခံကြမည်နည်း။” ဟု မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က အာဆီယံ အထူးကို ယ်စားလှယ်၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို ကြိုဆိုရင်း မေးခွန်းထုတ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ “မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး Dato’ Sri Saifuddin Abdullah က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ်တွင် “ဝင်ရောက်မစွက်ဖက်ရေး” မူဝါဒမှ “ဥပေက္ခာမပြုရေး” မူဝါဒတစ်ခုသို့ ပြောင်းလဲကျင့်သုံးရန် အာဆီယံထံ မှန်ကန်စွာ တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုတောင်းဆိုမှုသည် အာဆီယံ၏ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့် အညီဖြစ်သည်ဟု မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်ကလည်း ထပ်လောင်းပြောဆိုခဲ့ပါသည်။ “အာဆီယံ၏ အနောက်ဧရိယာတွင် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးအပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုများ ပြင်းထန်တိုးပွားလာခြင်းကို မဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ဘဲ ပျက်ကွက်နေခြင်းသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီထံသို့ ရောက်ရှိစေရန် တွန်းပို့နေခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အာဆီယံက မည်သို့လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဆိုသည်ကို သိရှိပြီးသည့်အလျောက် မြွေ၏ဦးခေါင်းကို ဖြတ်ပစ်သည့် နည်းလမ်းအား လက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။” တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် အာဆီယံ၏ မိတ်ဖက်အဖြစ် ဟန်ချက်ညီညီ လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုက တရားဝင်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တည်ရှိနေပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရပြီး ဒေသအတွင်း၌ အန္တရာယ်ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သည့် များပြားလှသော အကျပ်အတည်းပြဿနာများကို အတူအတွ ကြိုးပမ်းဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရန်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းတွင်ဖြစ်စေ၊ အာဆီယံဖိုရမ်များမှတစ်ဆင့်ဖြစ်စေ အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများနှင့်အတူ ပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားပါသည်။ “ အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းသည် ကျင့်၀တ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ မရှိမဖြစ်လိုအပ်ချက်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ရုံသာမက နိုင်ငံရေးအရ လိမ္မာပါးနပ်သော လုပ်ဆောင်မှုတစ်ရပ်လည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုသို့ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် အာဆီယံ၏ အကောင်းဆုံးသော အကျိုးစီးပွားလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်” ဟု မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးက ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn နှင့် အပြည့်အဝပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို ဆက်လက် တိုးချဲ့လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကိုလည်း ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ခံရမည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုခင်းများ
Description: "နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ အခြေခံနှုန်းစံများအားဖေါက်ဖျက်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ်မှ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရနေခြင်းကို တားဆီးရပ်တန့်ရန် ဤအစီရင်ခံစာက ရည်ရွယ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) သည် လက်ရှိတွင် ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ လုပ်ငန်းလည်ပတ်စေနိုင်သည့် အခြေအနေ မရှိသေးရာ၊ ရောမစာချုပ်၏ ပုဒ်မ ၁၂(၃) အရ နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး တရားခွင်တွင် ICC ၏ စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို လက်ခံကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်တွင် ကြေညာချက် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ နောက်ပိုင်းကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်၊ သတ်ဖြတ် မှုများအတွက် ကျူးလွန်သူများအား တရားစွဲအပြစ်ပေးရန် ခုံရုံးက စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု ခေါင်းဆောင်များအနေဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့ကိုယ်တိုင်ဖြစ်စေ (ပုဒ်မ ၂၅)၊ အခြားသူများကြောင့်ဖြစ်စေ(ပုဒ်မ ၂၈) ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေခဲ့သော အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်များ အားလုံးတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်အောက်ငယ်သားများကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ခံကြရမည်ဟု အေအေပီပီက အခိုင် အမာယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Title: Decapitation Video Points to Increasing Military Atrocities in Myanmar
Sub-title: The grisly video may have been purposefully leaked in order to terrorize civilians and deter them from supporting anti-regime resistance forces.
Description: "Among the latest of many distressing videos to emerge from the killing fields of Myanmar was one of a young woman being decapitated, allegedly by army personnel who suspected her of being involved with a resistance group. On July 1, the two-minute video went viral among some Myanmar communities that have taken refuge in neighboring countries after fleeing from brutal military raids. A resident belonging to the Chin community in a border state of India’s northeastern region claimed that the woman was apprehended in Magwe Region after days of tracking by a combined squad of the military and loyalist militias known as Pyu Saw Htwe. “What we have heard so far is that the woman was on the hit list of the army and its band of loyalists. She had been putting in efforts to convince a section of police personnel to join the People’s Defence Force (PDF). Apparently, one among them in the region had joined the PDF,” the resident said on condition of anonymity. “The information about the woman’s role seemed to have been leaked by some police personnel loyal to the regime.” The chilling two-minute video shows the woman with tied hands kneeling at the porch of a wooden house with a man wielding a sword and standing by her side. The sword then descends on her neck and what followed thereafter bore a horrific similarity to some of the beheading videos released by the Islamic State not long ago. The neck was not severed completely when the executioner seemed to have been instructed by his companion to complete the job. After it was finally separated with a few more blows, the sword was thrust three times into the stomach of the woman’s headless corpse. Another member of the Indian refugee community was of the opinion that the video was deliberately filmed and leaked as a deterrent against similar efforts by the PDFs in the future. Magwe, which lies in central Myanmar, is the second largest of the seven Bamar majority regions in the disturbed country. The resistance movement against the military regime has also been among the most potent in this zone, where conflict has historically been rare, compelling the military to adopt ruthless tactics to put an end to the rebellion that seems to have garnered wide support among the populace. The latest ambush took place on June 9, when as many as 20 regime troops were reportedly killed following an ambush by the Yaw People’s Defense Force in Magwe’s Gangaw township. Videos and photographs of unbelievable atrocities committed by the military against the civilian populace have also emerged intermittently from Sagaing Region and Chin State since last year, when the PDFs were formed in order to resist the military regime that seized power in February 2021. Along with Magwe, these two regions, which border India, are among the greatest hotspots of resistance in the country. One video which was circulated among a section of the refugee community in India showed a male teenager being left to die by the military after being burned alive. He was reportedly a member of the Kalay PDF, which has been among the most active resistance squads in the country. Videos of settlements being raided and bombed were more common from Mindat township and the adjoining areas in southern Chin State, where a movement against the regime has become unflagging and widespread. The military regime’s atrocities are reflective of its increasing desperation to retain power by any means necessary, in the face of a swelling resistance in a large part of the country. According to most estimates, its effective fighting strength is no more than 100,000-120,000 troops, who are currently battling a large number of PDFs, ethnic armed organizations, and other unidentified resistance groups. While many PDFs are in alliance with the EAOs and owe their allegiance to the National Unity Government that has been set up to coordinate the resistance against the junta, some have been carrying out attacks independently, making the regime’s task of defeating them extremely difficult..."
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
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Title: Education in Danger Monthly News Brief, February 2022
Description: "Myanmar 31 January 2022: In Kanpetlet town and township, Mindat district, Chin state, a school and education office as well as a police station were occupied by approximately 300 State Administration Council (SAC) forces.* Source: Myanmar Now 01 February 2022: In Kalay town, township and district, Sagaing region, a 42-year-old female middle school teacher, also a member of Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was shot and killed while she was driving a motorcycle by an unidentified perpetrator. Source: Myanmar Now 08 February 2022: In Taung Pyin Nge village, Sagaing region, SAC forces occupied a local school and detained 68 villagers.* Sources: Myanmar Now I and Myanmar Now II 13 February 2022: In Pyigyitagon township, Mandalay division, People's Defence Force (PDF) fighters attacked a school occupied by SAC soldiers.* Source: The Irrawaddy 26 February 2022: In Chinpon village, Yinmabin township and district, Sagaing division, SAC forces launched a raid on a PDF training graduation ceremony leaving nine civilians dead, including one woman. Approximately 200 civilians, including teachers, were held hostage for two days. Sources: The Irrawaddy..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
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Title: Myanmar, Asia Pacific: Complex Emergency - Emergency Appeal N° MDRMM016 - Revised Operational Strategy
Description: "SITUATION OVERVIEW: The people of Myanmar are dealing with an evolving humanitarian crisis where humanitarian needs have continued to escalate since the third wave of COVID-19 in 2021 and the ongoing political unrest since Myanmar’s military intervention on 1 February 2021. The country is now entering the second year of this crisis, where ongoing inter-factional tensions have fueled its complexity and multi-dimensional characteristics. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) continues to be supported by many in Myanmar, impacting public services, including health, schools, and government administrations in states and regions across the country. Clashes and targeted attacks between various armed actors, including the People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF), continue and have intensified in several states/regions. Simmering historical tensions exist across certain key states, and, in some locations, these tensions have become exacerbated as a consequence of military intervention. Numerous new forces have emerged, and several ethnic armed groups, established many years before the military intervention, have become increasingly recommitted to the insurgency resulting in fighting occurring in areas that have been without conflict for decades. Some sources have recorded nearly 13,000 political violence and protest events throughout 2021. The degree of violence against civilians has been severe. The number of casualties has increased, while thousands of houses and the properties of other civilians have been burnt down or destroyed. This has triggered multiple large scale population displacements. As of 28 February 2022, roughly 873,000 people have been internally displaced in Myanmar. About 502,600 people have been displaced by insecurity and the increased vulnerability of host and resident communities in affected areas since 1 February 2021. The northwest part of Myanmar (Sagaing, Magway and Chin) has recorded the highest level of new internal displacements, with 246,600 internally displaced persons (IDPs) (49 per cent), followed by the southeast part of Myanmar (Kayin, Kayah, and Shan) with 233,600 IDPs contributing 46.5 per cent. Displaced populations face significant challenges in access to basic needs and services, specifically, food, healthcare, shelter materials, clean water, and sanitation facilities. Myanmar is also experiencing a socio-economic crisis exacerbated by the protracted COVID-19 epidemic. The local currency, the Kyat, has fluctuated with a significant drop in value by 60 per cent7 in the month of September 2021, while costs for food items, fuel, and other essential goods have soared. In September 2021, inflation increased to 7.3 per cent. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates that in 2021, some 1.6 million jobs were lost, leaving only 18.9 million women and men employed. The farming, construction, garment, tourism, and hospitality industries are among the hardest hit. The economic and political volatility is projected to have driven almost half of the population into poverty in 2022. The 2022 Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) for Myanmar , which was published on 31 December 2021, predicts that approximately a quarter of the population (14.4 million people – 4.9 million women and five million children) will be classified as requiring humanitarian support during 2022, up from about one million people in need before February 2021. This increase is driven by the social, economic and health impacts of COVID-19, worsening food insecurity, and the mass movement of the population since the events of 1 February 2021 and subsequent need for protection. These factors have generated an array of new needs and exacerbated the vulnerability of specific groups. The HNO analysis estimated that 14 out of 15 states and regions in Myanmar are now within the critical threshold for acute malnutrition. Prices for key commodities in some states and regions have increased significantly, resulting in some food items no longer being affordable to many families. At the beginning of 2022, fuel prices increased by 14-18 per cent from the previous month. Compared to the pre-crisis period through to March 2022, fuel prices skyrocketed by 82-150 per cent , impacting transportation costs and contributing to unpredictable commodity prices. Humanitarian access to reach conflict-affected populations remains a major challenge for the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) and other humanitarian organizations. Travel restrictions are currently in place due to the security context, military checkpoints, stringent administrative authorization requirements, and COVID-19 regulations. This has impacted the distribution of humanitarian resources, direct support from personnel and disrupted monitoring and evaluation activities, including data collection and verification. Several private companies have withdrawn and/or halted services in Myanmar, which has impacted transportation, the supply chain, and costs, eventually delaying humanitarian assistance from reaching those most in need. With continuous dialogue and advocacy efforts with all stakeholders and state administrators, the MRCS gradually secured safe access to wider vulnerable populations. This engagement is based on autonomous Red Cross Red Crescent-led needs assessments and a decision-making process that supports independent humanitarian action. The MRCS collaborates with both International Red Cross Red Crescent Movement (the Movement) and non-Movement partners, such as UN agencies, to deliver assistance to broader geographic areas. The National Society remains flexible and adaptive to the dynamic operational context to reach the most vulnerable and affected populations whilst ensuring compliance with security protocols for mobilizing personnel..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
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Title: လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာ အတွဲ(၁)၊ အမှတ် (၁၄) ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း ( ၆ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၂)
Description: "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
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Title: Asia Justice Coalition Statement on the 20th Anniversary of the International Criminal Court
Description: "The Asia Justice Coalition is a network of organizations whose purpose is to promote justice and accountability for gross violations of international human rights law and serious violations of international humanitarian law in Asia, and to contribute to the fulfillment of the rights of victims and their families. 1 July 2022 marks the 20th anniversary of the entry into force of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (“ICC/the Court”). The Rome Statute established the Court with jurisdiction over the most serious international crimes, namely genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and aggression. The Court in its twenty years of operation has cemented the relevance and importance of the fight against impunity across the globe. The Court has centered accountability within the international legal sphere. Now, more than ever, there is a need to hold perpetrators of international crimes to account and to ensure justice. While the Court has done much to expand its reach, there are only a handful of ratifications to the Rome Statute from the Asia-Pacific region. The geographical disparity in the membership of the Court remains a concern and genuine efforts must be made to bridge the accountability gap through engagement with nonstate parties and civil society. The Office of the Prosecutor (“OTP”) is currently investigating four situations in the Asia-Pacific region, namely Myanmar/Bangladesh, Israel/Palestine, Afghanistan, and the Philippines. The Coalition calls for independent and thorough investigations as well as comprehensive casebuilding strategies in all these situations. In particular, it draws the attention of the Court to the crisis in Myanmar, which has worsened significantly due to the February 2021 coup. It is imperative that the investigation move forward, in keeping with the urgency of the situation. While the wheels of international criminal justice move slowly, concerted efforts must be made to ensure that any delays within the system are significantly reduced and that there are sufficient resources brought to bear for successful investigations and prosecutions. The Assembly of States Parties, the ICC Registry, and Presidency must ensure that the budget of the Court and its resources are distributed fairly amongst the situations before the Court. While the OTP has the discretion to prioritise investigations, the Asia Justice Coalition strongly urges the Prosecutor to investigate all parties to a situation without distinction. Further, there is a need for greater engagement with States in situations under examination and investigation, while respecting the principle of complementarity. The Asia Justice Coalition welcomes the Court’s renewed engagement with civil society, emphasizing the need for greater cooperation in order to further the cause of justice and accountability. It also welcomes the measures to be implemented pursuant to the International Expert Review of the International Criminal Court and the Rome Statute System, relating to issues such as ensuring geographic diversity, gender equality, open and transparent recruitment processes, and an inclusive and safe working culture. On this twentieth anniversary, as the world witnesses multiple conflicts and the commission of mass atrocities, the urgency of the task ahead of the ICC cannot be overstated. An effective international criminal court is the need of the hour and must be supported in achieving its goals..."
Source/publisher: Asia Justice Coalition via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-05
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Title: The Border Consortium 2021 Annual Report
Description: "EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: This report covers the period January to December 2021 and outlines TBC’s progress based on the organisation’s Strategic Directions for Thailand and Myanmar 2020–2022. The Myanmar Armed Forces staged a coup on 1st of February, citing false claims of electoral fraud. following the coup nationwide protests were held in opposition to the unconstitutional seizure of power by the SAC. Over 1,300 people were killed by the military in its crackdown against protests and conflict between both EAOs and PDFs against the military increased. The National Unity Government was formed in opposition to SAC and has played a major role in opposition to SAC in the international arena. In southeastern Myanmar indiscriminate artillery attacks against civilians in northern Karen and Kayah States were the primary cause of displacement for 200,000 people by the year’s end. The humanitarian situation inside Myanmar became increasingly dire, with few avenues for positive developments. TBC provided an emergency response where over 200,000 civilians benefitted from access to multi-sectoral humanitarian aid to alleviate basic needs. The coup, and subsequent breakdown in central government exacerbated the threats of COVID-19 and facilitated a failing vaccine drive and inadequate healthcare support to those with COVID-19. By the end of the year 16,000 people had died from COVID-19. The coup also devastated Myanmar’s economy and banking system and vastly increased the number of people living in poverty. In Thailand, outbreaks of COVID-19 occurred in eight refugee camps. Coronavirus Infection Prevention & Control (IPC) protocols continued to be implemented throughout the year and has led to largely remote communications with camps. Despite these challenges food security remained strong and stable in all camps. Indeed, the humanitarian needs of encamped refugees of food, cooking fuel and shelter were met, while TBC also facilitated key activities in nutrition, shelter and camp governance. Due to COVID-19 and the military coup, the UNHCR-facilitated voluntarily repatriation, postponed in 2020, as well as TBC’s assistance for return preparedness, remained on hold. TBC also provided emergency humanitarian support to those displaced from fighting in Myanmar and who sought refuge in Thailand. Since February 2021, approximately 16,000 refugees crossed into Thailand to flee fighting and seek protection. They were disallowed entry to the established refugee camps and the majority of these new refugees returned to Myanmar, mostly under duress, with 3,200 still in Thailand in Temporary Safety Areas at the year’s end. At the end of December 4,800 officially remained in Temporary Safety areas. Meanwhile, 80,982 people remained in the nine camps in Thailand of whom, during the year, 410 were resettled to third countries and 1,313 children were born in the camps..."
Source/publisher: The Border Consortium (Thailand) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-04
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Title: Myanmar Military Atrocities Laid Bare in Gruesome Footage
Sub-title: UN Member States Should Press for Arms Embargo, ICC Referral
Description: "Shocking footage has recently emerged on social media of brutal killings allegedly in Myanmar’s Sagaing Region where a United Nations investigator has documented apparent war crimes by the Myanmar military. The footage, recovered from a cell phone belonging to a Myanmar soldier and verified by media outlet Radio Free Asia (RFA), but not independently verified by Human Rights Watch, shows about 30 men captured after a Myanmar military raid in Mon Taing Pin village, Ayadaw township, on May 10, 2022. At least five of them later appear dead, their hands bound, shot from behind. RFA reported that a villager had found the phone after it had been dropped. In the footage, three soldiers discuss in Burmese the number of people they have killed. A sergeant, identified by the insignia on his uniform, brags about shooting and killing 26 people. Another soldier says he killed five people by slitting their throats. The images are further damning evidence of the brutal military operation underway in Sagaing Region. They reinforce a pattern of killings that Human Rights Watch and other human rights groups have documented that bear the hallmarks of the military’s atrocities. As international attention to Myanmar wanes, its soldiers appear to be more willing to record even the most horrific acts of violence against the civilian population. Military-linked Telegram accounts post images of brutality. There is no evidence whatsoever that military commanders are acting to stop such atrocities; they may be directly responsible for them. Since the February 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch and others have documented that the military and pro-military militias have summarily executed and forcibly disappeared civilians and razed villages during military operations. International efforts to hold the military junta accountable are falling short. Concerned governments should persistently press the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo and refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court. If Russia and China choose to veto it, they will have to explain to UN member states why they have chosen to side with a military implicated in numerous atrocity crimes. In the meantime, governments should use national and regional mechanisms to expand efforts to financially isolate the junta. Unified international efforts are needed or the post-coup reality for Myanmar’s people will remain one horror after another..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-04
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (10/2022) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်(၁၀/၂၀၂၂)
Sub-title: NUG urges G7 member countries to deliver on commitments made last year - G7 အစည်းအဝေးမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား ပေးထားသည့်ကတိကဝတ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်း
Description: "(1) When they met in 2021, the G7 member countries condemned the illegal coup, the arbitrary arrest of innocent people, and the violence committed by the junta’s forces. Member states committed themselves to the support of all those who are working to create a stable and inclusive democracy, and t o u n f e t t e r e d a c c e s s t o humanitarian aid for vulnerable and displaced populations, and further made a common commitment to pursuing “additional measures” if necessary. One year on from the meeting, the violence of the military continues against innocent civilians. The National Unity Government (NUG) therefore urges all G7 member states, and those countries invited to attend, to act on the humanitarian and economic catastrophe caused by the coup. (2) Prime Minister U Mahn Win Khaing Than stated at the 59th cabinet meeting that the international community is interested in learning more about cooperation with revolutionary forces, and f u t u r e p l a n s f o r j o i n t operations. The prime minister added that negotiations and efforts are being made on the distribution of funds raised through the “Mother Su” campaign to the those interim administrative areas such as Sagaing and Magway Regions and Chin and Karenni State where civilians administrations are well established. The Welfare And Lives Of Those Who Have Been Taken Hostage By The Military Are In Grave Danger (3) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) state that detaining individuals as hostages for whatever reason is a violation of human dignity, fundamental rights, and the values set forth by the UN including the rights to life, freedom, and security. The NUG announced on the 29th of June that all the political leaders, activists, protesters, and dissenters, up to and including the president and state counsellor arrested by military are being held as hostages. The world must understand that their welfare and their lives are in grave danger. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) declared on 1st March 2021 that the military illegally attempted to dissolve the union government by force on 1st Feb, 2021. This is an act recognised as criminal insurrection against the government under the article 6 of the criminal code. In light of this, and their many other crimes and abuses, the CRPH declared the military council a terrorist organisation..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-04
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Title: UNICEF Myanmar Humanitarian Situation Report No. 5: 1 to 30 June 2022
Description: "Highlights: • Halfway throughout the year, UNICEF has only received 19 per cent of the required financial resources to respond to increasing humanitarian needs. This is severely affecting the capacity to respond. Without additional resources, targeted children in need will not access humanitarian assistance and services. • The national total of internally displaced people (IDP) has reached an unprecedented 1.1 million, including 758,500 IDPs since 1 February 2021, consequently increasing the multisectoral needs of the displaced communities. • Direct distribution was provided by UNICEF to IDPs in Loikaw and Demoso townships in Kayah from 7 to 14 June. A total of 16,023 individuals from 3,566 households received much-needed WASH, child protection, education, health and nutrition supplies. • 1,862 children suffering from severe acute malnutrition have received treatment since the beginning of the year, representing 5 per cent of the target. The nutrition programme has a funding gap of 86 per cent. With additional funding, the targeted 37,503 severely malnourished children could be provided with therapeutic treatment. Funding Overview and Partnerships UNICEF Myanmar Country Office is appealing for US$151.4 million to deliver humanitarian assistance to the displaced and host populations across the country. The Myanmar Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) estimates that a total of 14.4 million people, including 5 million children, are in need of assistance this year. UNICEF has received generous contributions from the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance (USAID/BHA), the Government of Denmark, the European Commission/ECHO, the German Federal Foreign Office (GFFO), the Government of Japan, the Korean Committee for UNICEF, the Government of Norway, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), and the Global Humanitarian Thematic Funding. These funds will contribute to delivering much-needed assistance through UNICEF Child Protection, Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH), Education, Health and Nutrition programmes and responses to affected populations. Although US$29.13 million has been received so far through the UNICEF Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal, the funding gap of 81 per cent is severely affecting our ability to provide aid to the targeted populations, especially children in need of humanitarian assistance and services. Continued donor support is critical to continue scaling up the response. UNICEF expresses its sincere appreciation to all private and public donors for their contributions to supporting the children of Myanmar. Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs The humanitarian and security situation remains extremely serious across the country, particularly in the northwest and southeast regions, where active fighting continues to be reported, resulting in continuous population displacement. As of 20 June 2022, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported a national total of more than 1.1 million displaced civilians1 , including 758,500 internally displaced people (IDP) across the country since the military takeover of 1 February 2021, in addition to 346,600 IDP estimated to be displaced before the coup. For the past two months, a considerable surge of displacement has been reported in Sagaing, with a total of 395,600 IDPs located within the region, including an estimated 146,000 children and their families with immediate needs for essential services. Clashes and insecurity are currently hindering most partners from accessing the area, and the deteriorating situation is triggering severe concerns as needs are expected to increase, while access remains restricted. The restrictions and barriers on access to internet, in addition to the constraints related to transportation of basic supplies, pose further obstacles to the coordination and distribution of aid in the region. In the southeast, the overall number of people displaced by conflict remains stable, and new displacements during this period have been offset by reported returns. At the beginning of June, UNHCR reported2 approximately 83,000 IDPs in Kayah and more than 50,000 IDPs in southern Shan. UNICEF accessed Loikaw township in Kayah state, where a significant number of IDPs was reported to have returned. Immediate delivery of humanitarian assistance was provided by UNICEF through the direct distribution modality from 7 to 14 June. A total of 16,023 individuals from 3,566 households in Loikaw and Demoso townships received basic WASH, child protection, education, health and nutrition supplies. UNICEF provided mine risk education through pamphlets to 1,500 families, 340 pregnant and lactating mothers received multi-vitamin tablets covering a period of 3 months, 864 children aged 6 to 59 months received nutrition bowls and feeding messages, 1,400 children aged 5 to 12 years received storybooks about COVID-19 prevention and social skills to reinforce reading capabilities, 2,500 children under the age of 18 received child protection kits, and 33 communities received water purification tablets and knowledge on how to use them in order to prevent waterborne diseases. The overall distribution was achieved successfully and brought considerable relief to the returned communities. UNICEF hopes to build upon this experience to foster continuous access to areas previously out of reach. Unimpeded access remains crucial for the delivery of life-saving assistance and appropriate coverage of essential services for the most vulnerable population, including children, often located in areas with severe operational constraints..."
Source/publisher: UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-01
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Title: Activist accuses military of seeking to erase Myanmar’s Rohingyas
Description: "Wai Wai Nu spent seven years as a political prisoner in Myanmar’s infamous Insein Prison. Her only crime was to be the daughter of a school teacher and political activist from Rakhine State in western Myanmar. After her release in 2012, Nu completed her law studies and decided to dedicate her life to promoting democracy and human rights, particularly on behalf of marginalized communities and members of her ethnic group, the Rohingya Muslims. Addressing a United Nations Human Rights Council panel discussion on Myanmar earlier this month, Nu spoke from her heart. “For decades, ethnic minorities in Myanmar have been subjected to the most brutal forms of violence and policies that amount to crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide,” said Nu, who is the founder and executive director of the Women’s Peace Network, an organization that focuses on peace building in Myanmar. “As we speak, the key perpetrators of these atrocities, the Myanmar military and security forces, are intensifying their brutality, including by launching airstrikes and committing arrest and detention, torture, sexual violence, and killing across the country,” she said. Grave violations and abuses Held during the 50th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, the panel discussed the root causes of violations and abuses against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar. For decades, Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar have endured discrimination and persecution. In a 2020 report, High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet noted that discrimination and exclusion against ethnic and religious minority groups have been the hallmark of the laws and policies of Myanmar for over half a century. Speaking at the panel, Bachelet reminded the Council that more than one million Rohingyas have fled their homes in Rakhine State to seek refuge in neighboring Bangladesh since the military unleashed a military campaign five years ago. “At the same time, in the wake of the military coup of February 2021, we also continue to witness the re-escalation of armed conflicts and violent repression in many other parts of Myanmar, inflicting yet more displacement and suffering on ethnic and religious minorities,” Bachelet said. The High Commissioner urged the international community to stand united in pressuring the military to halt its military campaigns. “The international community must use its influence to restore rule of the country to a legitimate and independent civilian government with no military oversight of the executive, legislative and judicial powers.” “Living in an open prison” Nu, who travels the world to speak publicly on the plight of Rohingya women and girls, described the situation in Rakhine State as “living in an open prison.” She said the military junta has declared that it will enforce the death penalty of four democracy activists. Over 600,000 Rohingyas continue to live in apartheid-like conditions, she told the panel, including 140,000 forcibly segregated in internally displaced person camps, where they are denied access to basic needs and livelihoods. The military requires Rohingyas to obtain permission to travel within and outside of Rakhine State, arresting those who allegedly violate such a discriminatory policy, she said. Rohingyas must also present national verification cards which do not confer citizenship and identify them as “Bengali” to conduct their daily activities, including traveling for medical treatment and schools. Those who have fled the country have not met better conditions, with refugees living in squalid refugee camps and detention centers in neighboring countries and facing the threat of falling victim to sex traffickers, Nu said. “ “Women, girls, and LGBTQ+ members in particular – many of whom have survived the military’s sexual violence – remain at heightened risk of being raped, sexually harassed and exploited, and forcibly trafficked.” “ WAI WAI NU, WOMEN’S PEACE NETWORK Thyn Zar Oo, co-founder and programme director of the Public Legal Aid Network, blamed Myanmar’s violence on institutional racism, ultranationalist attitudes and colonial-era fears of losing cultural and religious identity. To move forward, the county needs to implement reforms that promote equality and freedom, and access to justice and information rather than propaganda. “The country needs a change of mindset,” Oo said. Laetitia van den Assum, a diplomatic expert and member of the Rakhine Advisory Commission headed by the late Kofi Annan, said ending segregation and reintroducing ethnically mixed schools would help bring an end to violence. Statelessness is not only an issue for Rakhine State and the Rohingyas, she noted. “There are thousands of others who are considered stateless, including Gurkhas, Tamils, Hindus and Chinese. If Myanmar does not bring its legislation in line with international standards, its problem will continue to grow,” Van den Assum said. For Imtiaz Ahmed, Professor of International Relations and Director of the Centre for Genocide Studies at the University of Dhaka, Myanmar’s policy towards the Rohingya is rooted in an “unspoken racial feeling” of the military and civilian elite of the country, which led to the national Constitution of Myanmar, a charter that does not recognize the Rohingyas “It is clear that without bringing pressure, including economic and political sanctions, nothing will change the tragic fate of the Rohingyas,” Ahmed said..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: MMC Asia 4Mi Snapshot – Journeys to Indonesia for Rohingya refugees: Routes, risks, assistance and needs (June 2022)
Description: "This snapshot traces the journeys of Rohingya refugees traveling to Indonesia. It also presents the needs and risks reported by Rohingya while in Indonesia, as well as their intentions for onward movements. Following two previous snapshots highlighting journeys and risks in transit for Rohingya traveling to Malaysia, this snapshot contributes to building a solid evidence base to inform targeted responses that improve protection for Rohingya refugees and shape advocacy efforts related to movements and protection of Rohingya refugees in Asia. Key findings • 62% of respondents started their journey in Myanmar; 34% set off from Bangladesh; 4% traveled from Malaysia. For those leaving Myanmar, Bangladesh was a frequent transit country. • 69% of respondents reported at least one dangerous location along the journey. Most of them reported the risk of physical violence (67 out of 75 respondents). • Most respondents who reported protection risks considered border guards/ immigration officials as the main perpetrator (52 out of 75 respondents), followed by military/police (39 respondents) and criminal gangs (33 respondents). • 89% of respondents perceived that there are fewer resettlement options since COVID-19. Nearly half reported being stuck in Indonesia because of the pandemic. • 96% of respondents were in need of assistance in Indonesia at the time of the survey. Of those, most said they needed assistance with resettlement, access to work, and cash..."
Source/publisher: Mixed Migration Centre
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar Response to the UN Child Rights Committee’s public statement on Myanmar’s children
Description: "The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, strongly welcomes the public statement1 issued by the UN Child Rights Committee, urging the international community to take swift action to protect Myanmar’s children. The Committee’s statement swiftly follows a searing report issued by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.2 Finding the likely commission of crimes against humanity and war crimes by the military junta, the Special Rapporteur declares that ‘relentless attacks on children underscore the depths of the military junta’s depravity and its willingness to inflict immense misery and hardship on innocent victims to try and subjugate the people of Myanmar.’ Depraved acts directed against children include hostage-taking, the pulling out of fingernails and teeth, stabbing and burning, sexual violence, mock executions, deprivation of food and water and the denial of medical care. As the UN Child Rights Committee asserts, ‘time is running out to save Myanmar’s stricken generation’. The rights of Myanmar’s children must be respected and protected, and perpetrators of atrocity crimes against children must be held accountable. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar is committed to promoting and protecting the rights of the child, consistent with its obligations under international law including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its optional protocols. Myanmar also extends its full cooperation to the UN Child Rights Committee and echoes the Committee’s call on the ‘international community to urgently reassess and redesign the global response to the crises in Myanmar, prioritize children’s rights over other considerations, and take concrete measures to alleviate their suffering.’..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: UN Human Rights Council 50: UK statement on Myanmar
Sub-title: The UK delivered a statement during the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (oral progress report).
Description: "Thank you, Special Rapporteur for your update. Special Rapporteur, Your new report sheds light on the abhorrent violence committed against children in Myanmar. Your report underscores the shockingly high numbers of children - killed by the military, forced to flee their homes, and arbitrarily detained – with horrifying reports of torture. Their childhoods have been stolen. The United Kingdom condemns in the strongest terms these grave violations against Myanmar’s children. The military must immediately cease all violations against children, including releasing those in arbitrary detention. As penholder at the UN Security Council and a member of the UNSC Children and Armed Conflict Working Group, the UK will continue to ensure that protecting the children of Myanmar and safeguarding their human rights remains high on the international agenda. The UK has announced 11 tranches of sanctions since the coup, which inhibit the military regime’s ability to finance such atrocities. We also continue to put our full support behind the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, and its mandate to collect evidence of the most serious human rights violations, including those against children..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 50th session - ITEM 4 – Oral update report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Description: "The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, as well as the Special Rapporteur’s conference room paper1 on the military junta’s devastating impact on Myanmar’s children. Myanmar continues to extend its full support to the Special Rapporteur and his mandate, and remains committed to granting him access to the country. In his update to the Human Rights Council, the Special Rapporteur implored UN Member States to “urgently reassess and recalibrate their policies towards Myanmar”, cautioning that the “failure to take strong, meaningful action will be a death sentence for untold numbers of people.” The Special Rapporteur’s conference room paper lays plain the military junta’s terrorist intent. It catalogues crimes against humanity and war crimes against children that include hostage-taking, the pulling out of fingernails and teeth, stabbing and burning, sexual violence, mock executions, deprivation of food and water and the denial of medical care. As at 29 June 2022, at least 382 children had been killed or wounded by the junta. To the Special Rapporteur: ‘The relentless attacks on children underscore the depths of the military junta’s depravity and its willingness to inflict immense misery and hardship on innocent victims to try and subjugate the people of Myanmar.’ The spiralling impact of the failed coup has also devastated children’s access to education, healthcare and economic security, while the junta’s intentional mass displacement of communities has made girls in particular vulnerable to human trafficking and sexual exploitation. Without ‘concerted remedial action’, the Special Rapporteur warns, ‘Myanmar’s children will become a lost generation’. In calling on the international community to ‘respond to the crisis in Myanmar with the same urgency they have responded to the crisis in Ukraine’, the Special Rapporteur sets out a clear agenda for action that must include: • a dramatic increase in humanitarian assistance and unequivocal regional support for refugees, including by fully funding the Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan 2022 • stronger and more unified targeted economic sanctions against the junta and coordinated financial investigations • UN Security Council Members finally putting a resolution forward for consideration, debate and a vote, and referring the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. Echoing the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights during her Item 2 oral update on Myanmar, the Special Rapporteur has also urged ASEAN and UN Member States to increase their engagement with the National Unity Government – a call that Myanmar welcomes. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, is committed to promoting and protecting the rights of the child, consistent with its obligations under international law including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its optional protocols. Myanmar also accepts the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations that it: • promote and advance the National Unity Government – People’s Defence Forces code of conduct, which provides guidance on the laws of armed conflict and the treatment of civilians • accede to key international human rights treaties, including the ICCPR, CAT and ICERD • ensure that any amendments to the 2019 Child Rights Law are in full conformity with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, including by guaranteeing the right to nationality and to not be stateless. In closing, Myanmar expresses its continued gratitude to the Special Rapporteur for his tireless commitment to the human rights, dignity and fundamental freedoms of its people..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: Myanmar Humanitarian Update No. 19 | 28 June 2022
Description: "This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 21 June, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. The next humanitarian update will be issued in July 2022. HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES • The number of displaced men, women and children in Myanmar remains above one million. This includes nearly 760,000 people displaced by the conflict and insecurity since the military takeover in February last year. • The monsoon season continues to cause heavy rain and flooding. In June in Kachin State, 600 people were relocated to higher grounds due to flooding. Responses by the de facto authorities and humanitarian partners are underway in high-risk areas. • Humanitarians continue providing critical life-saving assistance to the most vulnerable people despite access challenges and limited funding. Concerted advocacy efforts have led to new, but modest access in the country’s southeast. Expanded access in hard-to reach areas across the southeast and the northwest (Chin, Sagaing and Magway) is still much needed. • Inflation in commodity prices, including food, fuel, shelter materials and NFIs, remains a major concern to partners in addressing the needs of the most vulnerable people. Myanmar is particularly vulnerable to price hikes given its heavy dependence on importation of products. • More than four million children—half of the school-aged children in Myanmar—have not accessed education for two full academic years. • The limited availability of staff, health facilities and supplies are contributing to the worsening of maternal and child health outcomes and poor emergency health care. The monsoon season will increase the spread of communicable diseases, which requires urgent action and expansion of basic primary health care and preventive measures. • Approximately 71,600 internally displaced people (IDPs) in MAF-AA displacement sites in Rakhine State lack treatment programs for malnourished children and pregnant and lactating women. This is a critical gap given levels of malnutrition in IDP communities in Rakhine State. • The funding situation for 2022 remains dire with the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) only 11 per cent funded six months into the year. This leaves a gap of US$740m (FTS), negatively affecting the breadth and quality of assistance delivered by humanitarians. KEY FIGURES * 1M People internally displaced across Myanmar 758K People currently displaced by clashes and insecurity since February 2021 346K People internally displaced mainly in Rakhine, Kachin, Chin, and Shan due to conflict prior to February 2021 18K Civilian properties estimated burnt or destroyed since February 2021. *Displacement figures fluctuate during any given month. These figures represent the number of people currently displaced. Cumulative numbers for returns and displacement are not always available. SITUATION OVERVIEW Fighting has escalated across multiple states and regions in Myanmar, particularly in the southeast and northwest during the reporting period, with no signs of abating. Nearly, 2,000 civilians were killed during hostilities and other fatal incidents, including landmines and explosive remnant of war (ERWs) since the military takeover. The number of IDPs has also continued to increase despite some reported returns. According to UN figures, the estimated number of IDPs since the military takeover has passed 758,000, including more than 250,000 children bringing the total number of IDP across the country to over 1,100,000. Over 40,000 people remain in neighbouring countries since the takeover. More than 18,058 civilian properties, including houses, churches, monasteries, and schools are estimated to have been destroyed during hostilities, although figures are difficult to verify. The level of destruction of civilian properties, particularly homes, combined with the seemingly never-ending fighting will very likely prolong the displacement of the IDPs and would further deteriorate their already fragile living conditions. The current volatile security situation and its associated restrictions, such as bureaucratic processes, systematic blocks on access approvals, continue to hamper humanitarian access and delay the delivery of assistance. People’s suffering across the country will be prolonged. Despite these obstacles, humanitarian partners, including local partners, continue to stay and deliver critical and life-saving assistance to address both pre-existing and new emerging needs of the most affected people, including IDPs and host community, wherever possible. These include responses to temporary evacuated people who are affected by this year’s monsoon season. In parallel, recent concerted advocacy efforts to gain principled access have borne fruits in the past two months and partners managed to reach areas previously not fully accessible in Kayah, reaching tens of thousands of people with shelter, NFI, hygiene and food assistance. A multisector needs identification mission of the displaced population from Kayah to southern Shan was also possible. This will be followed by a multi-sectoral distribution at the end of June/early July. It is hoped that these openings could be a step towards broader access in hard-to-reach areas across the southeast. Despite these modest improvements, overall access to conflict areas remains a challenge especially in areas outside the control of the State Administration Council (SAC). Humanitarian access to the northwest also remains heavily restricted although some support is reaching people at a modest scale. On top of access constraints, funding remains critical to provide the breadth and quality of humanitarian assistance. Six months into 2022, the Humanitarian Response Plan is only 11 per cent funded, leaving a gap of US$740m (FTS). The ability of humanitarian partners to save more lives and reduce suffering throughout the remainder of the year will be dependent on increased funding, improved access approvals, application of creative, flexible funding and response modalities, as well as the removal or easing of the bottlenecks such as visa delays and banking restrictions..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-28
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Title: Myanmar: Communities in north Shan State face conflicts new and old
Description: "Nang Khin Shwe dreams of becoming a nurse one day. A couple of years ago, she took part in an auxiliary midwife training in her northern Shan State village to move one step closer to that dream. "I always wanted to become a nurse or work in a medical field," she says. But when intense clashes broke out in Kyaukme Township, Nang Khin Shwe's family had to leave their home behind, like many others. Displaced communities in Kyaukme Township and other parts of northern Shan State remain vulnerable to the dual threat of ongoing clashes and COVID-19. "My family and I have been here for more than seven months now," says Nang Khin Shwe, who is living in a displacement camp in Kyaukme Township. Despite the challenges, she has been looking after her community, especially the elderly, children and pregnant women. "When someone is ill in the camp, I try my best to provide basic health care," says Nang Khin Shwe. "I mainly provide maternal care to pregnant women in the camp. I've helped six pregnant women deliver children." She refers those with serious illnesses or medical conditions to Kyaukme District Hospital, where they can receive proper medical care. "We have been facing many challenges since October 2021, when we had to flee," says Nang Khin Shwe. Living in a temporary shelter, some of these challenges include heavy rain in the monsoon season, dry heat in summer and freezing cold in winter. "When it rains, the water drips down from the tarpaulin," she says, concerned about the rainy season. The leader of the camp where Nang Khin Shwe is staying knows that everybody wants to return home. "But we have not had the opportunity yet. Our camp is in a little isolated location on the outskirts of Kyaukme town. The focus has been more on people displaced in southern Shan State. We get forgotten," he says. As days go by, communities seek solutions to ensure access to food and livelihood, as daily life continues in the camp. "Most of the men and women in the camp try to get work for daily wages in nearby villages," says Nang Khin Shwe. "But they don't get paid much, only about five thousand kyat a day." In these challenging times, that amount often only lasts a day. Beyond providing medical care, Nang Khin Shwe also teaches the Shan language to children in the camp. "I want the children here to have an education and learn both Myanmar and Shan languages," she says..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-28
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Title: Myanmar: Raising awareness of landmine risks, minimizing threat to lives
Description: "For decades, some communities in Myanmar have had to live alongside the impact of conflict. The list of challenges caused by conflict is long: separation from loved ones, displacement, food insecurity, no access to clean water and health care, and other basic necessities. Added to these, landmines and other explosive hazards continue to pose life-threatening danger to the people. In Rakhine State, women, children and men of all ages are exposed to these challenges, especially the hazard of landmines, that continue to disrupt their lives and livelihoods. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) works with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) to promote awareness of the risks that landmines pose for all communities. By sharing life-saving information in our training sessions, which the participants then pass on to their communities, we can help thousands of people every year. "Dangerous explosive hazards can be found in the forests and gardens close to where communities live. Since surveys and demining of land contaminated by such hazards remains uncertain, it is vital to continue our risk awareness sessions," said Ko Than Htun, who runs these training sessions for the ICRC. Besides these trainings, we also provide medical and financial assistance to survivors and families of landmine incidents. As a preventive measure, we also identify and label hazardous areas near villages to ensure that people are aware of the risks. Across Myanmar, we help people affected by armed conflict understand the risks posed by landmines so that lives and livelihoods can continue in safety..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-28
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Title: Southeast Asian MPs urge ASEAN economic ministers to immediately tackle food crisis
Description: "JAKARTA – As food and fuel prices are rising at alarming rates throughout the world, Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia are urging the economic ministers of their countries to gather in an emergency summit and agree on measures to tackle impending food shortages and widespread hunger currently threatening millions of their fellow citizens. The global economy, already weakened by the pandemic, is taking another blow with the war in Ukraine, one of the main producers of grain in the world. Shortages of food, increases in oil prices, and fears of a global recession are already increasing prices of essential commodities. The average inflation rate in ASEAN went from 3.1 percent in December 2021 to 4.7 percent in April 2022, compared to 0.9 percent in January 2021. And, as always, this affects the poor most dramatically. “ASEAN needs to act collectively, and needs to do it now. Climate change, the ravages of Covid-19, inequality in access to resources, and now Russia’s war on Ukraine, are having devastating impacts that no country can solve alone. It is necessary to urgently put in place a coordinated effort to protect the most vulnerable from a potentially devastating economic downturn,” said Mercy Barends, Member of Parliament in Indonesia and Board member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). Inflation in food prices could even further increase the number of undernourished people in ASEAN. According to data from the World Bank, the share of undernourished people ranged in 2019 from 5.3 percent in Laos to 6.5 percent in Indonesia, 6.7 percent in Vietnam, 7.6 percent in Myanmar, 8.2 percent in Thailand or 9.4 percent in the Philippines. People displaced from their homes are particularly vulnerable to increased food prices, which take an even higher toll on women and children. In Myanmar, there are over a million internally displaced persons (IDPs), most of whom were pushed to flee their homes as a consequence of the conflict triggered by the illegal coup d’état on 1 February 2021. ASEAN member states adopted in 2020 the Integrated Food Security Framework, outlining food security measures that included food emergency and shortage relief measures, but it needs to be updated and enhanced in order to address a problem which is worsening. ASEAN must prepare for the future and act decisively to facilitate easy access to food for all, support its producers, and scale-up targeted, and nutrition-sensitive, social protection programs. “Our economic ministers must come up with a clear roadmap on how to tackle the severe consequences of the current rise in food prices on those who are already experiencing high levels of acute food insecurity and hunger. We need trust and cooperation, and only through a collective effort will we be able to overcome the many challenges that have combined to create this crisis,” said Barends..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-27
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Title: Conflict, food insecurity and pandemic: A triangle of suffering in Myanmar
Description: "LIFT/UNOPS response addresses immediate needs while also supporting longer-term development. Thousands of Myanmar families share a typical plight of being stuck in a cycle of conflict, rising levels of food insecurity and protracted healthcare crisis, and many have experienced multiple displacements, leaving behind their homes, crops, and livestock. For the first time, the number of displaced men, women and children in Myanmar has exceeded one million, including 700,000 people displaced by the conflict and insecurity since the military takeover in February last year. Host communities who were already struggling to sustain their livelihoods are also supporting those that have been displaced. The Livelihoods and Food Security Fund (LIFT), a multi-donor fund managed by the United Nations Office for Projects Services (UNOPS) delivers relief, livelihood and resilience programming to vulnerable communities across Myanmar aiming to sustainably improve household food security and community resilience to economic and climatic shocks and stresses. Below are several examples of how LIFT/UNOPS and its partners help support vulnerable communities and households through income generation and employment creation, strengthening of food systems and nutrition support, natural resource management, and community asset creation in a challenging environment. Support for community-based health services LIFT and partners work with local health practitioners, volunteers and ethnic health service providers to strengthen the community-based health services by providing a wide range of integrated health, WASH and essential nutrition services to more than 300,000 people including internally displaced people, the elderly, people with disabilities, migrants, pregnant and breastfeeding women and their children, and adolescent girls. Cash-for-livelihoods support 38-year old Ma Toe Lwin (name changed) from Mawlamyinegyun has what’s called a ‘strong business intuition’. Knowing that a high fishing season is approaching, she launched a fishing net weaving and repairing business, with cash-for-livelihoods support from LIFT’s partners. Having been in the fishing business since her early 20s, Ma Toe Lwin is able to distinguish the quality of fishing nets but it was the lack of capital that didn’t allow her to stock nets for trading before the fishing season. With cash support from LIFT, Ma Toe Lwin mobilised a group of women to produce about 100 fishing nets, in time for the upcoming fishing season so they can be sold to the fishermen. During high seasons, Ma Toe Lwin’s enterprise can employ up to 75 women allowing for a faster production chain. Proceeds from their sales are shared between the group members while a portion of earnings is saved for future investments. Agriculture development support “We keep using traditional growing methods and our planting has faced a lot of problems like pest infection and plant diseases. We did not know very well about the proper usage of fertilizers and pesticides, which caused us low yields”, said U Saw. Having struggled for years, U Saw sought knowledge of advanced agricultural techniques that would help him to improve his farm production and support better access to healthy food for his family. When the LIFT-supported project reached the village, U Saw eagerly joined the training on agriculture to learn small-scale agri-business, good agricultural practices, and plant protection techniques. The practical sessions led him to explore natural composting methods, soil preparation methods and soil pH measurements. “In the past, I used to apply ready-made pesticides on my farm. So, it was costly and I also didn’t wear any protection while I was using chemical fertilizers and I often suffered from nausea and vomiting”. Saw was convinced of the health benefits of organically grown crops, and he upgraded his farm to an organic farm. “The project supported me with a capital fund and black bamboos which are necessary in cultivating tomatoes. Tomato is the main crop I grow and I had an acre for purely organic cultivation this year. I applied all the agricultural techniques I learned from the training and the capital support of the project also helped me step up my farm. The yield this year has really increased as I expected. I am really happy that my earnings are pretty well and I can even repay all my debts,” said U Saw with a big smile on his face. The traditional farmer who used the chemical fertilizers in the past is now stepping up as a leading farmer in the area who shares with his peers on Good Agricultural Practices (GAP) that he received from the training. “We need to protect our land and environment by reducing the usage of chemicals so we are introducing organic farming step by step”, a proud and dedicated farmer U Saw said. Support and assistance for internally displaced persons But as the COVID-19 crisis deepened, Khine Mar lost all sources of income. “It has not been easy for us since the pandemic hit. Some organizations provided us with assistance such as food and essentials, but travel and access restrictions made such support irregular”, he said. So he sought domestic work around his neighbourhood but there was little demand. He thought he had left such uncertainty behind when he fled his home village. Khine Mar was among other residents of the camp to receive a cash transfer of 65,000 MMK, provided by LIFT through its partners as a means to help IDPs cover their most basic food needs or purchase other basic items and services to protect themselves from COVID-19 and its socio-economic impacts. “It’s the first time I receive such significant support and it was timely and helpful”, said Khine Mar of the cash transfer. He used part of the payment to buy food for his children and is cooking more nutritious meals for his children. By scaling up multi-purpose cash transfer assistance, food assistance in kind and vouchers, cash/food for work schemes, psychosocial support and counselling services for trauma and gender-based violence, LIFT and partners have reached over 131,000 vulnerable people with social protection programmes in 2021 alone. Supporting small-scale community enterprises “We all joined a dry fish (snakehead fish) production training and learned how to cut fish by removing skin and bones and preserve it without using chemicals. We sell our product locally and online, and then share the profit while keeping 5 per cent of earnings in our group’s saving fund,” said Daw Myint. It takes the group seven to ten days for a full production cycle - from purchasing raw fish to selling the ready product. Each member’s profit is sufficient to cover their household expenses such as food, education and healthcare while savings are planned for investing into other businesses. “Dried fish production is a seasonal business, and we are thinking of launching some farming enterprises too”, concluded Daw Myint. Relief & Resilience response across Myanmar, including people living with disabilities In 2021, 30 of LIFT’s partners from different thematics and geographic regions utilized $11.6 million USD for Relief & Resilience response to reach about 900,000 vulnerable people including internally displaced persons and people living with disabilities in different states and regions of Myanmar with multi-sectoral emergency aid. It is the hand-in-hand collaboration with partners that enabled LIFT-funded support to help restore and boost resilient livelihoods while strengthening the food security of vulnerable groups. Nutrition and WASH awareness In Kachin and Northern Shan, over 12,000 women from the most vulnerable households have been part of LIFT-funded nutrition-sensitive activities which included nutrition and WASH awareness, training in home gardening and in-kind support (food and WASH items). Improving working conditions for women garment factory workers Everyday, hundreds of unskilled women come from rural areas to cities to work in one of over 400 garment factories. Working in a garment factory is often the only possibility for young women from rural areas to earn money and become economically independent, and the income they generate is also used to support the families they’ve left behind. However, working in a garment factory also poses several challenges for these young women: while trying to navigate life in a new city without their family, friends and support network, the women also face harsh working conditions in the factory every day. In an effort to improve working conditions for women workers at garment factories, LIFT’s partners initiated a pilot to collaborate with a factory to upgrade its infrastructure by building or renovating canteens, toilets and healthcare facilities as well as installing cooling systems to provide some basic comfort and amenities as well as to create a space where the women are able to interact with each other. Though at its very early stage, the pilot has already proved success as workers appreciated improvements and it resulted in higher productivity and higher incomes..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Office for Project Services via United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-23
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Title: Myanmar: UN expert encouraged by Malaysia’s leadership on Myanmar crisis; urges regional states to adopt similar stance
Description: "The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, today expressed his appreciation for Malaysia’s increasing leadership on the crisis in Myanmar, and urged States in the region to adopt a similar approach to the human rights catastrophe unfolding under military rule. “Too much is at stake for Myanmar and its people to accept complacency and inaction by the international community,” Andrews said in a statement at the end of an eight-day visit to Malaysia. “Junta forces have killed more than 2,000 civilians, arrested more than 14,000, displaced more than 700,000, driving the number of internally displaced persons well over one million, and plunged the country into an economic and humanitarian crisis that threatens the lives and wellbeing of millions. “The military’s attacks on the people of Myanmar constitute crimes against humanity and war crimes. No one has been spared the impact of the military’s violence.” Andrews said that even before the coup, the Myanmar military had committed atrocities against the people of Myanmar. “The Rohingya faced genocidal attacks by Myanmar security forces. I have learned that there are over 104,000 registered Rohingya in Malaysia who have fled from Myanmar seeking safe haven with untold numbers who are unregistered. “My mission here provided me with a unique opportunity to sit face to face with dozens of courageous men and women and children .who fled the horrors that have engulfed many areas of Myanmar, including those who have recently arrived in Malaysia. They provided me with firsthand accounts of what they witnessed or directly experienced. These stories, without exception, emphasized the terror that is raging across the country “A young woman told me: ‘You are walking on a path that you don’t know, towards a place you don’t know, and you could die on the way but you still go forward, because the persecution is worse behind you’. Those who fled Myanmar also told Andrews about the challenges they faced in Malaysia, citing fears of being sent to migration detention, insufficient education opportunities for their children, and instances of extortion by police officers. “Let me be clear, refugees from Myanmar are here because they were forced to come here. Their inability to return to their homes in Myanmar is directly linked to the military junta’s human rights violations and war against the people of Myanmar. It is impossible to address issues related to those seeking refuge in Malaysia and other nations in the region without directly and effectively addressing the crisis inside of Myanmar.,” Andrews said. Malaysia not only recognizes this fact, it has been willing, through the words and actions of Foreign Minister Saifuddin, to challenge ASEAN to reexamine their current policy on Myanmar, the UN expert said, adding that Foreign Minister Saifuddin had called on ASEAN to move from a policy of “noninterference” to, in his words, one of “non-indifference”. “Malaysia has given voice to the obvious fact that after more than one year, nothing has moved and since nothing has moved, more people are being killed and more people are being forced to flee the country,” Andrews said. He has not only called for ASEAN to engage with the Myanmar National Unity Government, he has begun engaging with the National Unity Government’s Foreign Minister Zin Mar Aung, Andrews said. “I look forward to working to support Malaysia’s foreign policy leadership on Myanmar, to affirm the human rights of a people under siege and to reduce the incredible scale of human suffering in Myanmar.” ENDS Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-23
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Title: Open call to all international actors: Do more to stop internet shutdowns shrouding torchings and killings in Myanmar
Description: "Content note: this statement contains references to violence, murder, and potential war crimes. For months, the Myanmar military has systematically imposed internet shutdowns to facilitate an aggressive scorched-earth campaign across the nation. Internet, mobile, and landline connections are cut in an impending sign of a military attack — and as shutdowns reign for days on end, entire villages, schools, places of worship, and personal property are torched, villagers killed, and food and other necessary supplies destroyed. Internet shutdowns have fortified the military’s oppressive “Four Cuts” strategy — a military campaign to indiscriminately destroy anything or anyone deemed to support the raging popular resistance movement on the ground. As places continue to be wiped out amidst communications blackouts, the international community and companies tasked to enforce the junta’s orders have remained largely silent. This must change. Internet shutdowns have been imposed across regions where resistance against the military has been most intense and where arson attacks by the junta have been most widespread as both punishments and cover for atrocities. In one of the worst-hit regions of Sagaing, internet, mobile, and landline connections have been shut down since late 2021, with access only available intermittently for a few hours every few days. Out of 34 townships in Sagaing, eight are facing regular internet blackouts, while the other townships have access only to 2G connections. Reports indicate that more than 22,000 sites, including residential and religious buildings, were burned down between February 1 and May 2022. Homes have been raided by soldiers, property destroyed, and burned bodies reportedly found “shot in the head” and “tied with cables.” Regional shutdowns have been reported and continue across the regions of Magway and Mandalay and the states of Chin, Kayah (Karenni), and Kachin, where intense fighting between military and resistance forces is ongoing. This is all being perpetrated with impunity amidst recurring internet shutdowns, now in place in at least 54 townships across the country. As shutdowns continue indefinitely, people are not only impacted by active conflict but struggle to lead daily lives. Those attempting to leave their homes have no means to find out information to help keep themselves safe, such as where attacks may be launched or where road bombs may be laid. People who wish to find out how their friends, family, or loved ones are coping cannot communicate with them. Transport of essential supplies is blocked to villages, as drivers are unable to discern safe routes for travel. People are unable to transfer or receive funds as they are cut off from mobile payment services. Amidst a pandemic, people have no way to share health information or receive medical attention, in a violation of their right to health, and risks of gender-based violence are exacerbated. Meanwhile, children who were already unable to receive in-school education because of ongoing school boycotts and burnt-down schools are now cut out of online means of learning, leading to an increasing number of school dropout cases and reported cases of child abuse through forced child marriages. Humanitarian actors and journalists who remain in the country struggle to monitor and report on the ongoing human rights violations and provide essential aid. At the same time, UN experts have highlighted challenges to gathering evidence of human rights violations. This situation on the ground will only deteriorate unless international actors continue to keep global attention on Myanmar and push back firmly against aggression by the junta. The military must not be allowed to perpetrate crimes with impunity under the cloak of darkness, and governments and companies must push back..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-23
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Title: The Human Rights Council Must Fully Recognise the NUG, and Set Up a Special Tribunal To Prosecute the Illegal Junta
Description: "22 June 2022: There is more that the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council can and must do to promote and protect the human rights of all Myanmar peoples and to address ongoing human rights atrocities in the country, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The Council should engage with the National Unity Government (NUG) and consider the establishment of a special tribunal for human rights atrocities in Myanmar. SAC-M recently concluded a mission to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland. During the mission, the members of SAC-M met with members of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, diplomats and UN officials. The Human Rights Council heard an oral update on the situation in Myanmar by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights during SAC-M’s mission. The High Commissioner told the Council that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the military is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with respect to the systematic and widespread use of tactics against civilians. These include the well-documented military tactic of burning entire villages, with some estimates of 11,000 protected civilian objects having been burned down since the attempted coup began, explained the High Commissioner. “We welcome the High Commissioner’s statement which continued to call out the mass human rights atrocities of the Myanmar military in its ongoing attempt to seize power, and the ineffectiveness of international efforts to reign it in,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “We also thank the High Commissioner for her leadership, in calling for international engagement with the National Unity Government of Myanmar towards identifying a solution to the crisis, and for all Member States to intensify their pressure on the military leadership.” The Human Rights Council also heard a panel discussion on the root causes of human rights violations against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Expert panellists and speakers, including activists Wai Wai Nu and Tun Khin, highlighted ongoing impunity as a key reason for the past and present cycles of violence in Myanmar. “The National Unity Government of Myanmar has accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) over international crimes in Myanmar since 2002, but the Court has not yet acted on this,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “If the ICC does not act, then the Human Rights Council must explore all other avenues towards ensuring accountability, including the establishment of a special tribunal. The people of Myanmar, including the Rohingya and all other victims of the military’s atrocities simply cannot wait.” Member States of the Human Rights Council emphasised the need for humanitarian assistance for Myanmar and expressed their support for Myanmar’s democratic process in response to the oral update and panel discussion. Yet, ironically, no representative of Myanmar’s democratically elected government was able to respond. The Human Rights Council has chosen to bar Myanmar’s participation despite the UN General Assembly’s decision to allow the NUG-aligned Kyaw Moe Tun to continue to represent Myanmar in New York. “The international community generally, and members of the Human Rights Council specifically, must wake up to the realities on the ground in Myanmar and respond accordingly,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The military junta was never the legitimate authority in Myanmar, and it is not now. That is crystal clear, but it is not even the de facto authority. The National Unity Government and allied ethnic administrations control the majority of territory in the country and, apart from the capital, Nay Pyi Taw, the rest of the country is contested. The NUG and the ethnic administrations, along with local civil society and other actors, are already providing people with essential government services and building the new Myanmar.” “If the international community is to play any constructive role in Myanmar’s future, then it must engage with the National Unity Government, as the High Commissioner herself has called for,” Sidoti concluded..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-22
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Title: Myanmar: The impact of community support in Mrauk U, Rakhine
Description: "The first thing the villagers noticed when they returned was the destruction of homes, roads and other infrastructure. “We had to return because there was no way to make a living at the camp and our livelihood is here. But the roads are severely damaged since they were abandoned for more than three years,” says Oo Aung Thein Kyaw, a leader of Ywar Haung Taw village The ICRC team in Mrauk U recently met with communities to identify their most urgent needs. Damaged roads posed challenges to the villagers' daily livelihood and social activities, prompting our support to help repair the roads. More than 170 people, including those living with disabilities, have come together to repair the roads from dawn till dusk. “I don't realize how time passes because we talk and work at the same time,” says Ma Oo May Thein, a tailor by trade and a member of the working group. Our goal with this effort is to support community livelihoods by providing job opportunities. “Even though they have returned home, the impact of COVID-19 and economic challenges have made it difficult for villagers to re-establish a livelihood,” explains Pyae Sone Tun, from the ICRC team in Mrauk U. “After the roads are repaired, it will become easier for them to travel, work and collect water.” The project is carried out in partnership with the community and the Myanmar Red Cross Society. Every day, Myat Hnin Wai, a Red Cross volunteer, visits this village to meet and talk with people – to hear about their challenges and offer help. “People are incredibly motivated and united. Seeing them work happily together makes me happy as well,” says Myat Hnin Wai. Despite the challenges, the people of this village continue to help one another in any way they can. “I lost my leg to a landmine, but it doesn't stop me from working because my friends give me a hand every now and then,” says U Zaw Lwin, a villager participating in the project. In Rakhine, as across the country, we are committed to working together with all communities, providing humanitarian aid to people affected by armed conflict. We remain neutral and impartial in all our work..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-21
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Title: Statement in response to the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights at the UNHRC Session
Description: "The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the oral update of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human nghts in Myanmar The High Commissioner in her update expressed respect for the " strength and resolve of Myanmar' s people, who continue to reject and resist the military and their attempts to assert control." As the High Commissioner acknowledges, the military junta has failed to secure the levers of state. Frustrated by this failure, the junta is escalating its commission of crimes against humanity and war crimes, amplifying civilian suffering. Forced disappearances, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and mistreatment, and the razing of homes and villages are systematic tactics used by the junta for military gain. Humanitarian aid is being manipulated for political leverage. The junta's recent announcement of its intention to resume executions of political detainees is the latest act In a clear campaign of terror. In its escalation of atrocities. As ever, Rohingya and other minority communities already subject to entrenched exclusion face heightened and compounded forms of disadvantage. During the interactive dialogue, a number of States asked the High Commissioner what could be done in the face of the junta's blanket rejection of international norms and international pressure. As the High Commissioner conceded, "international efforts to rein in the military's recklessly violent approach have been largely ineffective." The High Commissioner has proposed two paths - engage with the National Unity Government and civil society, and intensify pressure on the junta’s leadership. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, welcomes both calls. Myanmar is committed to strengthening its partnership with its fellow ASEAN members and the international community to cement democracy in Myanmar, to stem the junta's atrocities, to secure the delivery of desperately needed humanitarian assistance, and to support the voluntary return in safety and dignity of all Myanmar refugees and internally displaced persons, including Rohingya and other minority communities. Myanmar also accepts without question its obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law, and will ratify additional instruments including the ICCPR and CAT. Furthermore, in its pursuit of justice and accountability, Myanmar will continue to engage with the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary- General on Myanmar, and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Myanmar extends its full cooperation to the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms including the Special Procedures, and to OHCHR with a view to ultimately establishing a country office. The provision of technical assistance, including through the UN Country Team, will assist Myanmar to advance these commitments. W ith regard to the intensification of pressure on the military junta, the recommendations presented by the High Commissioner at HRC49 still stand Belligerent to ASEAN appeals, obstructive to the Five- Point Consensus, the junta's escalating atrocities demand escalated action. The Human Rights Council and UN member states must therefore bring creativity to their efforts to secure accountability, to prevent the flow of arms to the junta, to starve junta-controlled financial holdings and business interests, to formally list the junta as a terrorist organisation, and to strengthen OHCHR's mandate and resources. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar restates it commitment to constructive engagement with the Human Rights Council and its support for the mandate of the High Commissioner..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-21
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Title: Statement in response to the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights at the UNHRC Session - လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီတွင် ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး၏ မိန့်ခွန်းအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြန်လည်တုန့်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီတွင် ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး၏ မိန့်ခွန်းအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြန်လည်တုန့်ပြန်ချက် ၂၁ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၂..... Statement in response to the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights at the UNHRC Session 21 June 2022..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-21
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Title: The Human Rights Foundation of Monland Calls for International Humanitarian Support on Refugee Day;Local Actors Must be Supported on the Ground
Description: "The Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) is concerned about the deteriorating humanitarian crisis inside Burma. In target areas of Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region, HURFOM has documented nearly 30,000 newly displaced civilians who have had to escape violence. These displaced people are just a fraction of the 1 million people across the country who have been forced to flee their homes. The merciless violence deployed by the military junta has not spared women, children, or the elderly. On World Refugee Day, HURFOM condemns the mass atrocities that the Burma Army continues to commit with impunity. We further call upon international actors, including some UN bodies and the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre), to support local actors in their emergency response to the situation on the ground, rather than make agreements with the Burma Army. The refugee crisis in Burma is the result of the junta’s insatiable quest for power. Their presence in local villages and communities has brought only destruction and fear as civilians are arrested, detained, brutally tortured, and killed. HURFOM has observed rising cases of forced disappearances alongside mass displacement. The Burma Army is responsible for the generational trauma it continues to exert on displaced populations and refugees. And yet, the response by the international community has been inadequate. Rather than choosing to allocate funds and resources with well-established civil society organizations with decades of experience working in conflict-affected communities, the UN and ASEAN have opted to facilitate humanitarian assistance through the junta. Local organizations do not agree with this approach, as it weaponizes aid and is not transparent. Further, it risks legitimizing the regime as a reliable partner. The junta should play absolutely no role in any organizing and distribution of humanitarian assistance. Since 1 February 2021, the junta has boycotted attempts for aid delivery including targeted assaults on volunteer aid workers, and burning supplies intended for displaced populations. Further, by working alongside the military, an institution with a reputation of corruption and insincerity, the international community is not responding adequately to the realities of the current situation. The National Unity Government, and ethnic revolution organizations must be consulted in the allocation of emergency aid. If international actors are going to provide assistance, they must do so through existing channels which will ensure conflict-affected refugees receive the materials they so urgently need. On World Refugee Day, HURFOM reinforces calls for international assistance of which is not influenced by the Burma Army. Assistance must be facilitated to leaders on the ground who are trusted by their community and can ensure the emergency needs are met. By failing to listen to the voices of victims and survivors in Burma, the international community is subsequently failing the people and they must do better. HURFOM reinstates our calls for a referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, as well as for a global arms embargo and sanctions on aviation fuel. Further, as the situation in Burma continues to unravel, the safety and security of civilians must take precedent. The grave human rights violations committed today are ongoing, yet the military evades accountability. There must be concrete actions and steps forward which make clear that the military is not free to violate international laws, human rights, and freedoms..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
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Title: ICRC Regional Director for Asia Pacific visits Myanmar
Description: "International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Regional Director for the Asia Pacific Christine Cipolla visited Myanmar last week for meetings with State Administration Council ministries, including the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Ministry of Health. The meetings followed up on key humanitarian concerns and requests expressed by ICRC President Peter Maurer during his visit to Myanmar in June 2021. During the meetings in Nay Pyi Taw from June 15 to 18, the Regional Director discussed ICRC's humanitarian response and expressed deep concern about worsening armed conflicts and other situations of violence in states and regions across the country, as well as the escalating toll on civilians. At times when working conditions for the ICRC are increasingly challenging and access to hundreds of thousands of people in need of urgent help remains very limited, the Regional Director called for the facilitation of humanitarian responses in Chin, Kayah and Kayin States, as well as in Magway or Sagaing regions, including in areas where ethnic armed organizations are present. Regarding Rakhine State, she also emphasized that after more than eighteen months without major clashes and while COVID-19 preventive measures are being progressively lifted, restrictions over humanitarian access that have been in place since early 2019 should be re-assessed. "Many communities displaced by violence are in dire need of basic necessities – such as food, water and shelter – and have no access to healthcare and other essential services. Parties to the conflict must do their utmost to facilitate the rapid and unimpeded passage of neutral and impartial humanitarian relief," the Regional Director said. "I reiterated ICRC's offer to do more for those people most in need in both old and new areas of conflict, as ICRC is one of the few organizations able to work in today's very difficult security environment and who enjoys the trust of all sides". During her visit, the Regional Director also called for the earliest possible resumption of ICRC and family visits in prisons, both suspended by Myanmar authorities in March 2020, following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic worldwide. "Capitalising on the recent improvement of the COVID-19 situation and at a time of growing concerns and distress of families of detainees, I asked for the gradual resumption of our humanitarian visits and underlined the importance of allowing families to be in contact with their loved ones in prison as soon as possible," the Regional Director said. The ICRC regrets that no agreement on these two points was found yet with the detaining authorities but remains determined to continue its action in support of people detained and their families. In the framework of ICRC's bilateral and confidential dialogue with all parties to the conflicts, the Regional Director also shared the ICRC's view on issues pertaining to respect of International Humanitarian Law and other applicable standards on the use of force by armed and security forces. Finally, the ICRC Regional Director met with the leadership of the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) to discuss further cooperation and coordination at a time of growing humanitarian needs. She emphasized the importance of building on the complementarity of the ICRC and the MRCS respective mandates, expertise and capabilities to assist more people, particularly in hard to reach areas. In the current polarized environment, both organizations reiterated their commitment to uphold principled humanitarian action and to act in line with the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement's Fundamental Principles of impartiality, neutrality and independence..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
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Title: KWO CALLS ON WORLD REFUGEE DAY FOR REFUGEES TO BE SUPPORTED TO LIVE WITH DIGNITY
Description: "On World Refugee Day, the Karen Women’s Organization (KWO) calls for support of refugees so we all can live with full dignity as a human beings. Refugee Day is a reminder of the struggles those fleeing violence endure as they leave behind their homes and livelihoods to seek safety. Refugees are resilient and capable. They need support and access so they can stand with dignity. Refugees in the nine camps along the Thai-Burma border are living with less than the minimum standards for basic services. Access to the refugee camps has become very difficult for both refugees and service providers as the impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic continue to limit mobility. Shortfalls in funding have led to camp programs becoming under-serviced and underfunded. Refugee community based organizations active in the camps, including KWO, are operating with limited resources. Refugees should not have to pay for services like education and health, when their livelihoods have been crippled because they are not allowed to work. Refugees living in the camps experience mental health challenges. Support for their security and sustainable livelihood must be in part of policy being considered by the Thai government. Further, as the Burma Army plunges the country into economic turmoil, and a humanitarian crisis plagued by instability and negligence grows, the need to support refugees and internally displaced people is greater than ever before. Active conflict makes it impossible for them to return home. World Refugee Day is not a celebration, but rather a reminder of the adversity and resilience that refugees have embodied during their formidable fight to be recognized as equals. They need support, but they must also be provided with documentation which allows them to stand on their own. With access to travel and legal work, refugees will not need to depend on a host country, or organizations in the long term. They can live free from fear, harm, and with dignity. KWO urges the Royal Thai government to provide legal documentation for refugees to be able to work outside of the refugee camps and subsequently be able to earn an income. In addition, refugees should be able to access health and education services fairly, and without discrimination. We request that the international community put pressure on the Thai authorities to adopt policies that grant refugees the right to employment in Thailand safely and protected by law. For more information- Please contact KWO Central..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
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Title: Op-ed for World Refugee Day 2022
Description: "Solidarity with displaced populations and host communities in Myanmar needed more than ever. Every year on World Refugee Day, the international community comes together to celebrate the strength and resilience of those forced to flee their homes as well as the host communities who welcome them. For my colleagues and I at UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, it is an opportunity for us to reaffirm our commitment in supporting the people of Myanmar. Solidarity for Myanmar is needed now more than ever amid a growing humanitarian crisis. The realities are sobering. In addition to pre-existing conflict-affected populations, hundreds of thousands more have been displaced across the country in the past year. As conflict intensifies, the UN projects that the rate of displacement is likely to increase for the foreseeable future. While tens of thousands have sought safety in neighbouring countries like India and Thailand as refugees, the vast majority remain in Myanmar as internally displaced people (IDPs). The challenges faced by those displaced are numerous. Conditions have deteriorated while vulnerabilities have increased as instability has led to disruptions in health services, food assistance, livelihood opportunities, banking systems and telecommunications. Armed conflict has also impeded the ability of affected populations to seek safety and urgent lifesaving assistance. Yet, in the face of so much adversity lies the incredible strength of the human spirit. While the challenges and obstacles faced by the people of Myanmar are regularly reported, much less talked about are the stories of courage, solidarity and resilience displayed everyday by individuals. Acts of kindness and generosity are abound. Whenever my colleagues and I go into the field to distribute humanitarian supplies, IDPs often tell us that they will only take what they need and urge us to give the rest to those in greater need - a beautiful display of empathy and compassion despite many having lost their homes, travelling long distances and sometimes losing family members to conflict. The assistance UNHCR provides is part of a wider collective effort undertaken by the humanitarian community to support those forced to flee. Just as impressive as the acts by IDPs themselves, are the numerous examples of host communities and local organizations stepping up and acting as first responders. We are all touched by the hospitality offered by monasteries, churches, schools, community halls and even strangers’ homes, welcoming displaced people with open arms and hearts so that they can have shelter, food and safety. UNHCR continually emphasizes that our assistance merely complements what courageous individuals and caring communities are doing to help those displaced by conflict. As part of our commitment to stay and deliver, we continue to work round the clock to deliver lifesaving aid. In 2021 alone, core relief items, including kitchen sets, blankets, sleeping mats and solar lamps, among other items, reached 182,000 people, while 113,000 benefitted from shelter support. Furthermore, an additional 100,000 people were reached in the first six months of 2022. Despite these efforts, much work remains to be done. Humanitarian organisations face many constraints, including access limitations and insecurity, in the delivery of assistance and protection services to people in most need. Of particular challenge is reaching those located in rural and difficult-to-access areas where food, clean water, shelter and basic household items are in short supply. Every person has a right to seek safety. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that people have access to safety and their basic needs met. Together with our sister UN agencies, we continue advocacy efforts to facilitate safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to ensure that no one gets left behind. Our responsibility does not end there. Once out of harm’s way, we need to ensure that displaced people continue to feel safe and treated with respect and dignity. As the current crisis persists, affected communities are at-risk of finding themselves in a situation of prolonged displacement – a state of limbo exponentially increasing their vulnerability. As community support capacities weaken over time, the need to strengthen programming around resilience building becomes ever more critical. In this vein, UNHCR will endeavour to mitigate risks faced by IDPs, returnees and host communities by building their resilience in an inclusive manner, while facilitating critical life-saving assistance and protection services. We are here to stay and here to deliver together with partners, committing ourselves to protect those forced to flee and provide vital live-saving assistance to people in need across Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
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Title: International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict
Description: "On this Int. Day for the #EliminationofSexualViolenceInConflict, KHRG stands with all victims and survivors of sexual violence in Burma. The Burma Army has a long history of using sexual violence as a weapon of war against civilians. As the military continues its reign of terror, KHRG condemns all crimes committed under conflict, including sexual and gender-based violence. KHRG recognises the gendered dynamics and impacts of war, as well as the nexus between sexual violence during conflict and conceptualizations of masculinity. Systematic and widespread crimes of sexual violence have been committed by Burma Army officers and their troops, including the current junta, upon both women and men, and are used to support structures of military power and subjugate dissidents, as well as inflict terror and repression. One survivor from Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, who was captured by Burma soldiers and forced to porter, explained in 1992: “All night long the soldiers would come and drag women away to be raped. They took turns and women were often raped by several soldiers in one night. […] While I was being raped or trying to sleep, I could hear the screams of other women all around. This went on all night, and then in the morning they’d make us carry our loads over mountains again.” She endured this violence for 22 days prior to escaping. Another survivor from Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District recounted being repeatedly violated in 1992 by the officer in charge while being held captive as a porter: “He just kept threatening that he’d give me to his men who’d rape me to death, waving his knife and demanding sex. I kept fighting but he tied up my other hand, and then he pushed me down and raped me.” Such forms of violence have continued unabated under successive military regimes. Since the 2021 military coup, feelings of fear and insecurity are constantly reported to KHRG by villagers in Karen State, especially by women, as widespread sexual crimes continue to be committed with impunity. Just the presence of soldiers in and near their villages has triggered memories of past violence, leading many to send young women to hiding sites. One IDP from the Lay Kay area (Doo Tha Htoo District) highlighted that due to the presence of soldiers in her village, “I do not let my younger sister return [from the hiding site] because I am afraid [fear sexual violence against her].” Given the current difficulty of crossing international borders to seek refuge and protection, all villagers, including those facing displacement, are at increased and constant risk of sexual and other gender-based crimes at the hands of the military. Bearing this severe situation in mind, KHRG argues for strong and immediate action to be taken against the military junta. Sexual violence as a weapon of war will continue to be perpetrated by the junta as long as the military escape accountability for their crimes..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-19
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Title: Myanmar: Plans to carry out arbitrary executions must halt immediately
Description: "The undersigned organizations are gravely concerned at the recent announcement by the military authorities of Myanmar that the death sentences imposed on four people after grossly unfair proceedings have been approved for implementation. We urge the military authorities to immediately halt plans to carry out the executions, which would violate the prohibition against the arbitrary deprivation of life set out under international human rights and customary laws; establish an official moratorium on executions, following more than three decades without any; and end the crackdown on large segments of the population that has swept the country since February 2021. On 3 June, Zaw Min Tun, spokesperson of the military, announced that the convictions and death sentences imposed on four men had been approved by the State Administration Council, paving the way for the executions to be carried out in a matter of weeks. Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, also known as Ko Jimmy, were convicted of and sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January 2022 for offenses involving explosives, bombings and financing terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Law – charges that our organizations believe to be politically motivated. Two other men, convicted of the murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar Township in Yangon, also had their death sentences confirmed. The proceedings against all men were secretive and grossly unfair, before a military-controlled court. Following the issuing of Martial Law Order 3/2021, 1 the military transferred the authority from civilian courts to special or existing military tribunals to try cases of civilians. These tribunals have been overseeing trials involving a wide range of offences including those punishable with the death penalty, through summary proceedings and without right to appeal. The right to a fair trial, the key elements of which are set out in Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), is a fundamental human right and one of the universally applicable guarantees proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has become legally binding on all states as part of customary international law.2 Under international law and standards, executions carried out following unfair trials violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life, as well as the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment.3 Since February 2021, an alarming increase in the resort to the death penalty is being recorded in Myanmar, where the military is using the death penalty as a tool for ongoing and widespread persecution, intimidation and harassment of and violence against the population, including protesters and journalists. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) documentation, at least 114 death sentences have been imposed since February 2021. All these death sentences were imposed by military tribunals or, in one case, a juvenile court on referral from a military tribunal. The reports indicated that at least 41 defendants were tried and convicted while not being present; some were imposed on people who were below 18 years of age at the time of the alleged offence or had a severe psycho-social disability,4 in violation of a prohibition set out under international human rights and customary law. Available information indicates that the proceedings were summary, with the defendants unable to access legal representation. It is alarming that the military authorities are taking steps to carry out Myanmar’s first known executions since the late 1980s. The resumption of executions in Myanmar, after more than three decades without any, would constitute a significant setback for the country’s death penalty and deeply concerning human rights record, and would be contrary to the stated goal of abolition of the death penalty set out in Article 6(6) of the ICCPR. Over the decades, the UN system has worked to limit the use of the death penalty and has repeatedly urged UN member states to remove it from national legislation. Among other instruments, since 2007 the UN General Assembly has adopted – with increased cross-regional support – eight resolutions calling for the establishment of a “moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty”. As of today, 144 countries, including Myanmar, are considered abolitionist in law or practice and the number of those repealing this punishment from national legislation has continued to grow – with Kazakhstan and Papua New Guinea completely abolishing the death penalty in 2022. We oppose the death penalty unconditionally and we ask Myanmar’s military authorities to uphold their international obligations to promote and protect human rights, including by protecting the right to life, in all cases, and releasing immediately all those detained in relation to the exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-16
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Title: International coalition of Parliamentarians launches Inquiry into global response to Myanmar coup
Description: "JAKARTA – Despite pledges to oppose the overthrow of the democratically elected government of Myanmar and hold the country’s abusive military to account, international actors have failed to take the necessary steps to force the junta to negotiate a political solution, failed to address the mounting humanitarian needs, and failed to bring about the necessary diplomatic coordination to prevent Myanmar from becoming a failed state, a newly established international parliamentary inquiry said today. The International Parliamentary Inquiry into the International Response to the Coup in Myanmar (IPI), chaired by Heidi Hautala, Vice-President of the European Parliament, brings together members of parliaments from Asia, Europe, Africa and the Americas to investigate the international response to the crisis triggered by the coup d’état in Myanmar and where it is failing. The members of the committee form a truly international panel that has come together because of their common concern to protect the rights of the most vulnerable. “The response to the devastating crisis unfolding in Myanmar is going nowhere fast,” said Hautala. “As parliamentarians, we know that governments and international institutions can, and must, do more to end the current impasse. These hearings aim to shed light on where the response is falling short, and to provide information on the next steps that can be taken to put effective pressure on the Myanmar junta.” The IPI is an initiative of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). It will follow the format of tried-and-tested parliamentary inquiries conducted at a national level. In addition to requesting information from individual governments and international organizations, the IPI will accept both written and oral submissions of testimony and evidence from a variety of stakeholders. “We are concerned that international institutions have not lived up to their own promises, and we are appalled that the situation in Myanmar is worsening the longer the international inertia continues,” said Charles Santiago, Chair of APHR. “We, as parliamentarians from all over the world united by a common purpose, will approach this inquiry unhindered by the type of geopolitical considerations that have resulted in the current deadlock.” The violence, death, and suffering being caused as a result of the Myanmar coup continues to escalate and intensify in the absence of adequate international efforts to alleviate the suffering of the Myanmar people. In January, the U.N. High Commissioner on Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, stated that the international response had been “ineffectual and lacks a sense of urgency commensurate to the magnitude of the crisis.” “The Burmese people have clearly and courageously demonstrated their aspiration for democracy”, stated Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, who will be participating from the United States. “They do not want a military government. The United States must stand unequivocally with those advocating for a Burmese democracy rooted in human rights and equality. We must also support the human rights of religious and political minorities, including Rohingya who have already suffered so much, and indeed all those facing oppression.” The Committee is to gather evidence by sending requests for information to key agencies/institutions, opening a call for written submissions, and conducting public hearings in June and July..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-15
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Title: Myanmar: Ensuring sustainable livelihoods for all
Description: "It has been a decade since intercommunal violence began causing waves of displacement in Rakhine State, Myanmar – disrupting lives and livelihoods for thousands of people. COVID-19 and the military intervention has further increased the need for humanitarian support. Some people, like 54-year-old Kyaw Aye Thein, have been working with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) as part of a new programme that helps displaced families support themselves despite the overlapping humanitarian challenges they face. Kyaw Aye Thein, who used to work as a labourer, was forced to leave his home, along with thousands of others, because of ongoing clashes, seeking shelter in a camp for displaced people in Rathedaung. Years earlier, Kyaw Aye Thein had lost his leg after stepping on a landmine. Finding work after life has been disrupted by conflict can be hard. Living with a disability can make that search even more complex. But working alongside the ICRC as part of programme that provides cash grants and vocational training to people living with disabilities in areas affected by conflict has helped give Kyaw Aye Thein the renewed start he needs. With support from our physical rehabilitation team, Kyaw Aye Thein received his first prosthesis in April 2021. Since then, together with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS), we have organized a series of training sessions and provided grants that have helped Kyaw Aye Thein to start a small grocery store, ensuring a sustainable income. Kyaw Aye Thein was one of the 13 people using the services of the physical rehabilitation centre in Sittwe who participated in this pilot programme, which included a two-day business skills training workshop. Opening a grocery store was his idea. "Our teams helped Kyaw Aye Thein hone the plan and provided opportunities for him to learn the basics of financial management, accounting and marketing," says Zin Min Htike, who works with the ICRC in Yangon. "These were new skills for Kyaw Aye Thein and helped him to turn his business idea into a reality." Kyaw Aye Thein's grocery store began as a wooden extension to his house in the displacement camp. Now, he's able to source grocery items from a wholesaler to serve the entire community. Going forward, Kyaw Aye Thein plans to save up to eventually expand his business and also cover emergency needs in case clashes break out again. He is one of many people living with a disability in Myanmar who we work with, supporting them to participate fully in society and earn sustainable livelihoods..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-15
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Title: Myanmar: UN human rights expert to visit Malaysia
Description: "GENEVA (15 June 2022) – The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, will conduct a mission to Malaysia from 17 to 23 June 2022. “As conditions continue to deteriorate in Myanmar, and the military junta continues its attempts to hide the truth, I remain steadfast in pursuing my mandate to document and report on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. I will continue to meet with people from Myanmar including those who have fled the country since the coup,” Andrews said. The Special Rapporteur will visit Kuala Lumpur, where he will meet representatives of Government, Members of Parliament, UN officials, experts who work on Myanmar and ASEAN foreign policy, as well as representatives of civil society and community-based organisations. “This visit is the beginning of a project of deeper regional engagement with the ASEAN region in relation to the crisis in Myanmar,” said the expert. “Given the central role of ASEAN regarding Myanmar, I hope to visit a number of other ASEAN member states in the coming months.” The Special Rapporteur will hold a press conference to share his preliminary observations with the media at 12h00 local time on 23 June 2022 at the Westin Hotel, Kuala Lumpur. Access will be strictly limited to journalists. ENDS Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide. The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-15
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Title: 50th Session of the Human Rights Council Oral update on Myanmar
Description: "Distinguished Vice-President, Excellencies, Since my last update to this Council in February this year, the human rights situation in Myanmar has continued to rapidly decline. Still suffering from the devastating consequences of the February 2021 military coup, the people of Myanmar remain trapped in a cycle of poverty and displacement, human rights violations and abuses. What we are witnessing today is the systematic and widespread use of tactics against civilians, in respect of which there are reasonable grounds to believe the commission of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Since February 2021, at least 1,900 killings by the military have been reported. The humanitarian situation is dire. One million individuals have been registered by the UN as internally displaced while some 14 million remain in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The military coup has crippled Myanmar’s economy, with millions losing their jobs or sources of income in the last year. The value of the national currency has plummeted, and prices of essential goods have surged. Internet shutdowns imposed by the military across large parts of the country, and the harassment and prosecution of journalists and individuals reporting on human rights have severely limited information flows and civic space. Nevertheless, my Office continues to monitor and document the scale and magnitude of violations on the ground. Excellencies, Despite the commitments made by the military to ASEAN, senseless violence in Myanmar has intensified, with scant provision for civilian protection or respect for international human rights and humanitarian laws by the military. Recent military operations in the south-eastern states of Kayin and Kayah, the north-western state of Chin, and the central regions of Sagaing and Magway have amplified the suffering of civilians. Local residents are often detained, and in some cases may have been forcibly disappeared or used as human shields. A well-documented tactic of the military is the burning of entire villages, residential buildings, schools, houses of worship, and other objects specially protected under international humanitarian law. Some estimate over 11,000 such sites have been burned since the attempted coup began last year. Food stocks and other basic supplies have also been destroyed. At the same time, the military continues to apply its so-called “four cuts” strategy to punish the local civilian population and to alienate those who refuse to accept their attempted seizure of power. I am deeply troubled by reports which indicate that the Tatmadaw is trying to militarize whole communities, by expanding its allied local militia organizations, and formalizing military control of police forces. My Office has also received reports that they have launched an initiative to enlist local fire-fighters, Red Cross workers and other public service groups into the security apparatus. In the face of such repression and violence, I respect the strength and resolve of Myanmar’s people, who continue to reject and resist the military and their attempts to assert control. Daily peaceful protests throughout the country and efforts to boycott services provided by military-run governmental institutions remain ongoing after almost 500 days. These peaceful expressions of dissent, however, are met with the continued use of arbitrary arrest and detention. Since 1 February 2021, more than 13,500 people, including politicians, media professionals, lawyers, civil society leaders and other members of civil society, have reportedly been arrested for opposing the Tatmadaw’s purported seizure of power. More than 10,500 remain in detention. Former detainees have reported the frequent use of torture and ill-treatment in military bases, police stations and other places of detention. Arrest warrants have allegedly been issued against another 1,900 individuals. In a recent concerning development, a military spokesperson announced the intention of executing four death sentences, including of two prominent democracy activists. Myanmar has not carried out court-ordered executions for approximately 30 years. I urgently call on military authorities to refrain from such a regressive step which would not only violate the right to life but will further set back prospects for political reconciliation. Excellencies, In Rakhine State, the situation is critical, with the Arakan Army and Tatmadaw seemingly on the verge of renewing armed conflict. Since last November, there have been regular ripples of violence between the two parties and public verbal exchanges have been increasingly hostile. Members of the Rohingya Muslim community are caught in the middle. There have been no concrete and systematic efforts to work with the Rohingya to solve the longstanding human rights abuses, discrimination and exclusionary practices that have plagued their communities for decades. Added to this, conditions in Rakhine State remain far from adequate for Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh, or for those who have been living in internal displacement camps in Myanmar for 10 years now, to return to their homes. Instead, the military has continued to use hostile and derogatory language to threaten and marginalize the Rohingya and to implement strict discriminatory limitations on their movement. In the past weeks, over 300 Rohingya have been arrested for traveling, what they call, ‘illegally’ outside their communities. Hundreds have been prosecuted and sentenced to prison terms up to two years for exercising their basic right to freedom of movement. On 21 May, another boat capsized near the coast of Pathein township, just south of Rakhine State, resulting in at least 17 deaths, many of whom were children. UNHCR has reported that since the beginning of the year, at least 630 Rohingya have attempted desperate sea journeys to escape violence, the vast majority women and children. Excellencies, The lives and future of Myanmar’s people are hanging in the balance. It is extremely disappointing to note that international efforts to rein in the military’s recklessly violent approach have been largely ineffective. The ASEAN five-point plan seems to have produced limited results to date since its adoption in April 2021. I urge ASEAN and its members to continue engaging with all relevant national stakeholders, including representatives of the National Unity Government and of civil society. Additionally, the military has been allowed to veto efforts to generate dialogue and political engagement. The National Unity Government of Myanmar - established by democratically elected leaders and with the vast support of the people - has been excluded from discussions. Today I call for sustained and concrete action by all parties to stem the violence. The targeting of civilians and the burning of villages must stop now. The protection of civilians is an absolute imperative, and access must be granted for vital humanitarian assistance to reach all communities. Any solution to this crisis has to be built on broad-based consultation with all stakeholders in the democratic movement and with ethnic minority groups. A climate in which productive political discussions can take place to advance this priority is urgently required. I urge all Member States, particularly those with the highest-level access and influence, to intensify their pressure on the military leadership. Available measures include placing increased restrictions targeting military-controlled financial holdings and business interests, and limiting their access to foreign currencies to restrict their ability to purchase military equipment and supplies. I also call for continued support to the efforts underway to pursue accountability for the ongoing and past serious human rights violations, as well as alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity, through all available tracks. Myanmar’s future depends on addressing the root causes of this crisis. Its people deserve a return to democracy, an end to impunity and the immediate cessation of the systemic discrimination that has persecuted minorities – in particular the Rohingya - for decades. They are counting on this Council’s support. Thank you..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-14
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Title: Myanmar’s multidimensional crises have ‘deepened and expanded dramatically’
Sub-title: The political crisis unleashed in Myanmar following the 1 February military coup last year, has “opened new frontlines that had long been at peace,” the UN Special Envoy told the General Assembly on Monday, noting that challenges in the country have “both deepened and expanded dramatically.”
Description: "Noeleen Heyzer said that since she took up the job six months ago, Myanmar has “continued to descend into profound and widespread conflict”. Already one of the world’s largest refugee emergencies, she reminded that multidimensional crises there have left over one million internally displaced people (IDPs) across the country with “serious regional and international ramifications”. Happening today: General Assembly is briefed by Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer on the conflict and multidimensional crisis in Myanmar. Happening now in the Trusteeship or via @UNWebTV https://t.co/VkMZREJH7m pic.twitter.com/47zamXlJaj — Paulina Kubiak Greer (@KubiakPG) June 13, 2022 Nearly one million mainly Muslim Rohingyas live in refugees camps in neighbouring Bangladesh, and hundreds of thousands of others are scattered across the region. ‘Disillusioned’ generation This crisis has resulted in collapsing State institutions, disrupting social and economic infrastructure – including health, education, banking, food security and employment – while increasing criminality and illicit activities. And over the past five years, the number of people living in poverty has doubled to encompass half the population. “Today, 14.4 million people, or one-quarter of the entire population of Myanmar urgently require humanitarian assistance,” said the Special Envoy. At the same time, following the COVID-19 pandemic and political crisis, school enrolment has dropped by up to 80 per cent in two years, leaving at least 7.8 million children shut out of the classroom. “A generation that benefitted from the democratic transition is now disillusioned, facing chronic hardship and, tragically, many feel they have no choice left but to take up arms,” she warned. Conflict, the norm As military violence and distrust have continued to deepen, including against peaceful protestors, armed conflict “has become the norm” for all Burmese. “The military continues its disproportionate use of force, has intensified its attack on civilians and increased operations against resistance forces, using aerial bombings,” said the senior UN official. “Civilian buildings and villages have been destroyed by fire and internally displaced populations have been attacked”. Meanwhile, there are reports of up to 600 armed resistance groups, or “people’s defense forces” engaged in fighting, with some conducting assassinations targeting those seen as “pro-military”. Feel of abandonment Ms. Heyzer said she was continuing to work closely with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to de-escalate hostilities. However, she pointed out that continued differences, regionally and more broadly among UN Member States, “have left the people of Myanmar feeling abandoned in their time of need.” “I will continue to play a bridging role…in Myanmar, in the region, and the international community to address the protection needs and suffering of the most vulnerable, and to support the will of the people for a future federal democratic union based on peace, stability and shared prosperity.” Remembering the Rohingya Instability and conflict place vulnerable communities at further risk, including the Rohingya. The Special Envoy has developed a multi-track strategy that focuses on humanitarian and protection needs; a return to civilian rule; effective and democratic governance; and durable solutions for the Rohingya – the majority of whom fled following violent persecution by Government forces in 2017, characterized by the then UN human rights chief as a text-book example of ethnic cleansing. “Sustainable solutions for the Rohingya people must be built into the design of a peaceful, inclusive and democratic Myanmar,” she said. ‘Face of human tragedy’ In direct contact with the Burmese people, Ms. Heyzer said: “I have learned the face of human tragedy behind these figures.” Rohingya refugee women shared with her how prolonged camp displacements in Bangladesh and elsewhere, have affected their daily lives and limited opportunities to build skills and livelihoods. They also mentioned that camp shops in Cox’s Bazar and community-run learning centres have shuttered. “Women also told me of the many protection risks that face women and girls, including trafficking, child marriage and sexual violence”, she stated. “They described how the lack of accountability has normalized violence against women and girls in the camps.” Durable solutions Ms. Heyzer advocated for “integrated and inclusive humanitarian, peace and development action” to strengthen rights and support Rohingya. Turning to the Rakhine Advisory Commission, which aims to improve conditions in Rakhine state, from which many Rohingya fled north across the border, she told the General Assembly that she supported their recommendations for changes at both a “vertical” level – involving the de-facto authorities, pro-democracy actors and the separatist ethnic militia known as the Arakan Army – and the “horizontal”, such as grassroots initiatives that promote inclusivity, peaceful co-existence, and equality for all. Ultimately, she said, it was “Myanmar’s responsibility” to address these fundamental issues..."
Source/publisher: UN News
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
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Title: Myanmar: UN experts sound alarm over junta’s decision to enforce death sentences
Description: " The Myanmar junta’s announced decision to enforce death sentences against four individuals, including two prominent activists, marks the start of what could be a spate of death pronouncements, two UN experts* warned today, without an increase in international pressure on the brutal military regime. “The illegitimate military junta is providing the international community with further evidence of its disregard for human rights as it prepares to hang pro-democracy activists. These death sentences, handed down by an illegitimate court of an illegitimate junta, are a vile attempt at instilling fear amongst the people of Myanmar,” the experts said. In the face of increasing human rights violations, the experts urged the international community to exert greater pressure on Myanmar’s military. “Without imposing serious costs on the military for its attacks on fundamental rights, we should expect increasing numbers of these death penalty pronouncements from the junta,” they said. “The international community - chiefly Member States and the Security Council - must demonstrate that these actions will not go unpunished and do more to target the military’s needs for money, weapons and legitimacy.” The experts stressed that one of the condemned individuals is a former member of parliament from the National League for Democracy, while another is a leader of the 88 Generation activist group that stood up to former dictator Ne Win’s regime. They were sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January 2022, on charges of treason and terrorism. If the executions proceed, they will be the first judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988. “The junta’s announced decision to execute the activists illustrates how the military seeks to use all apparatuses of the state to persecute those that oppose its attempt to return Myanmar to military authoritarian rule,” they said. The UN experts stressed that the imposition of the death penalty was taking place alongside the military’s extrajudicial killings of civilians, estimated now to stand at nearly 2,000. “The world must not lose sight of the fact that these death sentences are being meted out in the context of the military murdering civilians nearly every day in its widespread and systematic attack on the people of Myanmar. The military has killed civilians during massacres, crackdowns on protestors, and airstrikes against civilian locations, and has tortured detainees to death,” the experts said. The four individuals were tried and convicted in military tribunals, and reportedly without access to legal counsel during their rejected appeals - in violation of international human rights law. “In today’s Myanmar, fair trial and due process guarantees simply do not exist. The junta’s thumb is firmly upon the scales of justice and under these circumstances, imposing and enforcing the death penalty is especially heinous,” the experts said. Martial Law Order 3/2021, illegitimately decreed by the Myanmar junta in March 2021, provides for the application of the death penalty for 23 vague and broadly defined offences. Most notably, the order provides that the death penalty can be applied for treason provisions, which in practice means any criticism of the military. Since the military coup on 1 February 2021, at least 114 people have reportedly been sentenced to death, including 41 in absentia Without recognising its legitimacy, the Special Rapporteurs called on the Myanmar junta to immediately and permanently halt the imposition of the death penalty and commute all capital sentences handed down to date. “Where capital punishment is not yet abolished, under no circumstances can the death penalty ever be applied as a sanction against the legitimate exercise of human rights, such as freedoms of opinion and expression, assembly and association,” the experts said. They reiterated that international law unequivocally forbids the imposition of the death penalty on anyone below 18 years of age..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-10
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Title: ACLED Regional Overview - East Asia Pacific (28 May - 3 June 2022)
Description: "Last week in the East Asia Pacific region, the Myanmar military continued raids and attacks on civilians across the country. In the Philippines, state forces continued to carry out operations against Islamist groups in Soccsksargen. In Papua New Guinea, election-related violence emerged in the run-up to the upcoming elections between 2 and 22 in July. In Indonesia, ethnic Papuans continued to demonstrate against the proposed creation of new provinces in Papua. In Thailand, civic groups continued to protest the government's Draft Act on the Operations of Not-for-Profit Organizations. In China, the government tightened control over political dissidents ahead of the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square protests. Meanwhile, demonstrations against COVID-19 restrictions escalated in China. In Myanmar, the military carried out raids and attacks on civilians across the country last week, continuing offensives in Sagaing and Magway regions. The military has cut off internet access and mobile service in several townships across the two regions as it carries out operations (Myanmar Now, 30 May 2022). In Sagaing region, the military fired artillery shells in Kale township, destroying houses and a monastery in which internally displaced persons (IDPs) were sheltering, injuring seven people, including a minor. The military also killed five unarmed village lookouts in Kanbalu township on 31 May. Meanwhile, in Magway region, it was reported this week that the bodies of six villagers were discovered near Kyauk Khwet village in Myaing township on 26 May with signs of torture and execution, including broken bones and gunshot wounds (Myanmar Now, 30 May 2022). The military abducted the victims for use as hostages and human shields two weeks prior, along with 34 other civilians from Than Chuang, Kauk Khwet, Bawton, and Baunt Bin villages along the border between Myaing and Pauk townships. Violence in Magway is both common and highly volatile; it is considered an area of 'extreme risk' by ACLED's Volatility and Risk Predictability Index (as are eight other states and regions in the country). In Yangon region, the military injured five teenagers when they rammed vehicles into a group of anti-coup protesters in Thingangyun township, before beating and arresting the protesters. On 1 June, an explosion occurred in Kyauktada township in downtown Yangon, killing a young man and injuring nine others who were waiting at the 35th street bus stop. The military claims that the deceased person was responsible for the explosion and briefly detained his mother and sister for interrogation (Myanmar Now, 2 June 2022). Local resistance groups released statements denying their involvement and claiming that the military was behind the explosion. They note that the type of C-4 explosives used in the explosion was unaffordable for any urban guerrilla groups to make (Myanmar Now, 3 June 2022). Meanwhile, the military indicated last week it would move forward with carrying out death sentences given to a former National League for Democracy lawmaker and a veteran democracy activist for their anti-coup resistance activities (Irrawaddy, 3 June 2022). The announcement was met with international and local condemnation (Irrawaddy, 6 June 2022). Local resistance groups warned of increased operations if the executions were to go ahead (Myanmar Now, 4 June 2022). According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), the military has handed down death sentences to 114 people, including two minors, since the 1 February 2021 coup for their roles in the resistance (AAPP, 3 June 2022). Salai Tin Maung Oo, an ethnic Chin student leader, was the last political dissident to be executed in Myanmar in 1976 under the previous dictatorship (Irrawaddy, 3 June 2022). In the Philippines, state forces launched operations last week against Dawlah Islamiyah militants suspected of carrying out recent bombings in Soccsksargen. During these operations, a Dawlah Islamiyah -- Maguindanao Group militant was killed in a clash with the military in M'lang town, Cotabato province, Soccsksargen. The military has marked the Maguindanao Group and the Toraife Group as the Dawlah Islamiyah factions responsible for the recent bombings in Soccsksargen (Sunstar, 2 June 2022; Rappler, 26 May 2022). ACLED's Subnational Surge Tracker first warned of increased violence to come in Soccsksargen in the past month. A number of Islamic State-inspired groups in the southern Philippines have been fighting under the name and banner of Dawlah Islamiyah during the past decade (International Crisis Group, 27 June 2019). This violence contributed to the 49% increase in violence in the Philippines in the past month relative to the past year flagged by ACLED's Conflict Change Map, which first warned of increased violence to come in the country in the past month. In Papua New Guinea, election-related violence surfaced last week in the run-up to the national elections scheduled for 2 to 22 July. In the Southern Highlands, on 2 June, unknown assailants attempted to assassinate a regional candidate of the People's National Congress. To bolster security ahead of the upcoming general election, approximately 5,000 military and police personnel have been deployed to the seven provinces of the Highlands region since March (Post Courier, 31 March 2022). The previous general elections held in 2017 were one of the most violent in recent history, with 204 deaths recorded during the election period (The Guardian, 30 October 2018). Meanwhile, in Indonesia, ethnic Papuans took to the streets to demonstrate against the revised Papua Special Autonomy Law and the proposed creation of new administrative provinces on the island, demanding a referendum on Papuan independence. In July 2021, the central government passed a revision of the Special Autonomy Law, a move which further strengthened the central government's control over Papua (IPAC, 23 December 2021). Demonstrations were dispersed by police in several locations in Papua province, including in Jayapura, Merauke, Timika, and Nabire. State forces also arrested dozens of people, claiming that demonstration organizers did not have permits (Kompas, 3 June 2022). In Sorong city, West Papua, police fired shots and tear gas at demonstrators after demonstrators burned tires. The latest demonstrations come after President Joko Widodo signed a presidential letter in mid-May allowing the parliament to finalize a bill that enables the creation of new provinces in Papua (BBC Indonesia, 20 May 2022). In Thailand, protesters from various civic groups held a second week of mass demonstrations in front of the UN headquarters in Bangkok to protest the government's Draft Act on the Operations of Not-for-Profit Organizations. Opponents of the bill argue that it would violate rights to freedom of association and freedom of expression since it would enable officials to order the temporary or permanent shutdown of any non-profit organization. They demand the cabinet agree to scrap the draft (Prachatai, 31 May 2022). In China, authorities tightened security last week to prevent any form of public commemoration ahead of the 33rd anniversary of the Tiananmen Square protests on 4 June. Dozens of political dissidents, rights lawyers, and advocates were taken on a so-called 'mandatory vacation' and held incommunicado by the police last week (Radio Free Asia, 31 May 2022). In Hong Kong, the government banned an annual candlelight vigil for the third consecutive year by pro-democracy groups. Police closed off sections of Victoria Park starting on 3 June and prohibited any solo vigils attended by individuals around the park (HKFP, 3 June 2022). Meanwhile, large-scale demonstrations against COVID-19 restrictions spread outside Beijing. On 1 June, thousands of residents clashed with police at a security checkpoint in Yanjiao township, a commuter town near Beijing (South China Morning Post, 2 June 2022). They demand the lifting of coronavirus controls that have restricted the ability of commuter workers to enter Beijing for months. Following the protests, authorities eased restrictions (South China Morning Post, 2 June 2022). The violence associated with COVID-19 restrictions contributes to the 180% increase in violence in China over the past week relative to the past month that is flagged by ACLED's Conflict Change Map..."
Source/publisher: Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-09
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Title: Statement by Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i., on the killing of WHO staff member
Description: "Statement by Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, the UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim, on the killing of a World Health Organization staff member. The United Nations in Myanmar is deeply saddened by the death of Mr. Myo Min Htut, a World Health Organization staff, during a security incident in Mawlamyine Township, Mon State. Mr Myo Min Htut had worked for the World Health Organization as a driver for nearly 5 years and the United Nations sends heartfelt condolences to his family. Mr Myo Min Htut was shot dead when riding his own motorcycle on Thanlwin Uyin Road around 5pm on 8 June 2022. The exact circumstances of the incident currently remain unclear. Condemning the killing of the UN staff, Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, the UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim in Myanmar said, “The United Nations appeals to all parties and stakeholders to respect the neutrality of the United Nations and Humanitarians and further calls for all parties to protect the rights and safety of civilians and strongly condemns acts of violence against civilians. The United Nations expects an impartial investigation into the incident and the perpetrators to be held accountable.” He further added, “During these difficult times, against significant odds, the United Nations continues to stay and deliver essential humanitarian and development support for the people of Myanmar”..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-08
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Title: Myanmar: Junta Vows to Enforce Death Sentences
Sub-title: Free All Wrongfully Imprisoned; End Capital Punishment
Description: "(New York) – Myanmar’s military junta announced on June 3, 2022, that it would execute four people whose appeals were rejected following grossly unjust closed-door trials, Human Rights Watch said today. The activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” and the opposition lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw were sentenced to death on January 21 by a military tribunal under Myanmar’s overbroad Counterterrorism Law of 2014. Military tribunals in Myanmar have sentenced 114 people to death since the February 2021 military coup, including 41 in absentia. The United Nations (UN), Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and concerned governments should press the junta to immediately release all those wrongfully imprisoned, including Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy, and commute all death sentences. “Myanmar military courts’ disregard of basic rights was evident in the farcical trials and death sentences of Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “These secretive tribunals with their lightning convictions are aimed at chilling any dissent against the military junta.” On October 24, 2021, soldiers arrested Ko Jimmy, 52, in Yangon’s North Dagon township. The authorities had issued a warrant for his arrest on February 13, 2021, for allegedly inciting unrest and taking part in “terrorism”, both offenses under the Counterterrorism Law. The soldiers severely beat Ko Jimmy during his arrest and tortured him in custody, his family said. On November 18, soldiers and police arrested Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41, during a raid on a housing complex in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan township. A military court charged the former National League for Democracy legislator and hip-hop artist under the Counterterrorism Law and the Public Property Protection Act with leading deadly shootings on pro-military targets. A junta spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, announced that the two men would be “hanged according to prison procedures,” but said that no date had been set for the executions. Two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, who were convicted for killing an alleged military informant, would also be hanged, the spokesperson said. The military has not revealed where Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy are, and the men have not been seen since their arrests, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy were arrested in townships in which the junta has declared martial law. In imposing martial law, the junta transferred all executive and judicial authority to the head of the relevant regional military command, and instituted the death penalty as a possible sentence for 23 crimes, the majority of which are not capital crimes in civilian courts. Military tribunals have issued death sentences against defendants in rushed and closed legal proceedings, depriving those charged of their basic fair trial rights. Those on trial before military tribunals face almost certain conviction regardless of the available evidence against them. There is no scrutiny of the trials by the public or the international community. Myanmar security forces have subjected many people arrested since the coup to torture and other ill-treatment, including frequent beatings. In May 2021, the junta formally designated the opposition National Unity Government, its parliamentary committee, and their offshoot militias as “terrorist groups” for alleged acts of incitement against the junta, seemingly to justify broad suppression and to criminalize any support for activities opposing the coup. In August 2021, the chairman of the State Administration Council junta, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, amended the Counterterrorism Law to introduce harsher penalties for anti-coup activities that do not distinguish between acts of violence and peaceful protest, shifting the burden of proof to the accused. Martial law regulations require the State Administration Council chair to approve all execution orders. They also state there is “no appeal for decisions or convictions handed down” by a military tribunal. The only option for defendants sentenced to death is to apply to the junta chair within 15 days of the conviction to reverse the decision or to reduce the sentence. The applications can only be filed through prison officials, not lawyers, Radio Free Asia reported. A source who is familiar with Phyo Zeya Thaw and Ko Jimmy’s cases said the families were unaware of the appeal efforts until the junta’s statement to the media. The UN spokesman, Stephane Dujarric, said he was “deeply troubled” by the military’s decision to proceed with the executions of political dissidents. “This is a blatant violation of the right to life, liberty, and security of person as per Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” he said. Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty in all circumstances and has long called on Myanmar to ban all capital punishment. Capital punishment is unique in its cruelty and finality, and is universally plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error. Since the February 2021 coup, junta security forces have carried out mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. The security forces have killed over 1,800 people, including at least 130 children, and arbitrarily arrested over 13,000. Australia, Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and other countries that have banned capital punishment, as well as ASEAN member states, should call for the release of all those wrongfully detained and the commutation of death sentences. All concerned governments should agree on a stronger, coordinated effort to impose or enhance targeted sanctions against senior military officials including by increasing restrictions on Myanmar’s foreign currency revenues. “The junta’s threats to execute Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zeya Thaw after sham military trials should be dropped immediately,” Maung said. “Concerned governments should use concerted levers of pressure to stop these executions, and be crystal clear that executing people after unfair trials will have consequences.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-07
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Title: WFP Myanmar Situation Report (May 2022)
Description: "Key Facts WFP has assisted more than 2 million people in Myanmar during the first quarter of 2022, with plans to assist at least 4 million by the end of the year. Those assisted mainly include people newly displaced by conflict, people living in prolonged displacement, and poor urban dwellers – mostly women and children – whose livelihoods and food security status have been affected by the economic crisis. WFP continues to seek humanitarian access to tens of thousands of displaced and vulnerable populations in active conflict zones who are in urgent need of emergency food and nutrition assistance. Funding Requirements WFP requires USD 66.8 million between June to December 2022 to ensure uninterrupted support to its beneficiaries. Of the required amount, USD 43.8 million (66 percent) is for life-saving food assistance. Funding for urban operations is expected to run out in August, while cash-based operations in crisis-affected areas will face interruptions in September 2022, affecting IDPs and other vulnerable people. Situation Update Escalating conflict and displacement: Clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various armed groups have continued to escalate in 2022, especially in the north-west and the south-east regions of the country. Civilians continue to bear the brunt of these conflicts, with 240,000 displaced during the first quarter of the year. The total number of IDPs – both pre- and post-military takeover – in Myanmar now stands at more than 1 million (UNHCR). The security and humanitarian situation remains tense in many areas, with active conflict – including airstrikes, artillery fire, ambushes, and raids – a daily threat for many civilians. Extended periods of conflict in some areas have cut ties between civilians and their homes, and their sources of livelihoods: many farmers have not planted or harvested crops, while seasonal workers have been unable to secure crucial casual employment. Rising food and fuel prices: Fuel prices increased 18 percent between February and March this year, driven by global uncertainty, the conflict in Ukraine, and local conditions. At the end of March, fuel prices in Myanmar were more than double those registered in February 2021 (+133 percent), according to WFP’s March Market Price update. The increase in fuel prices has caused transport costs to rise – a key driver of increasing retail food prices. The cost of a basic food basket increased by 10 percent from February to March, and the highest month-on-month increases were recorded in northern Rakhine State (+29%) and Kayah State (+26%). Compared to the same time last year, the average cost of a basic food basket is up 32 percent. Edible oil prices rose by 23 percent between February and March, mostly due to high transport costs and volatility in local exchange rates. The average price of rice increased 7 percent from February to March with rising prices felt nearly everywhere in the country. Rising fertilizer prices could drive food prices higher still. While Myanmar mainly imports fertilizer from China, the conflict in Ukraine is expected to have knock-on effects on the availability and price of fertilizer in Myanmar. Access challenges: Humanitarian access to newly displaced populations, mainly in active conflict zones, remains largely restricted, limiting WFP’s ability to reach populations in urgent need of food assistance. The lengthy process required to secure travel authorizations for WFP’s monthly distributions remains a challenge. Travel authorizations are often granted on a tight schedule, allowing only limited periods to distribute humanitarian assistance. WFP continues to plan well in advance to ensure travel authorizations are granted in time for distributions to proceed on schedule, as the security situation allows. Meeting humanitarian needs: The conflict in Ukraine, coupled with the protracted impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, is exerting a negative impact on food prices, lead times and supplier capacity. In Myanmar, these issues are exacerbated by conflict within the country. Many displaced farmers have been unable to harvest and sow crops since October of 2021. If this continues, the sowing of paddy rice will also be affected in many areas. The cumulative effect is likely to be a reduction in farmers’ income and food stock, which could result in a rice shortage in the market and even higher prices. WFP will continue to use its monthly market updates to monitor the costs of food and fuel, and work with field offices and partners to identify potential activity adaptations, such as coordinating ahead of time with banks to ensure funds are available for cash-based transfers, adjusting transport contracts, and increasing the value of cash-based transfers to meet the basic needs of beneficiaries. WFP also continues to allow more lead time for the procurement of food and nutrition rations. A potential risk is that WFP will need to pay more to procure commodities from international markets, which would require additional funding or reducing relief assistance coverage..."
Source/publisher: World Food Programme (Rome)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-06
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Title: Myanmar military accused of torching hundreds of homes in three-day blitz
Sub-title: Columns of smoke seen rising from villages along 8km stretch in drone footage from country’s north amid opposition to regime
Description: "Myanmar junta troops have torched hundreds of buildings during a three-day raid in the country’s north, local media and residents said, as the military struggles to crush resistance to its rule. The Sagaing region has seen fierce fighting and bloody reprisals since the coup last year, with local “People’s Defence Force” (PDF) members clashing regularly with junta troops. Analysts say the informal militia has surprised junta forces with its effectiveness, and the military has on numerous occasions called in air strikes to support its troops on the ground. Troops torched hundreds of buildings in the villages of Kinn, Upper Kinn and Ke Taung over three days last week, locals and media reports said. On 26 May, villagers in Kinn fled as soldiers approached and began shooting into the air, said one resident who requested anonymity. “The next morning we saw smoke rising from our village before they left. “Over 200 houses were burned down ... my house was totally burned down, only the concrete foundation is left.” Drone footage purporting to show the aftermath showed columns of smoke rising into the sky from the villages, set along a roughly 8km (five-mile) stretch of the Chindwin river. A health clinic seen in the video matched the geolocation of one in Ke Taung village. Digital verification reporters with Agence France-Presse confirmed the footage had not appeared online before last week but could not independently verify reports from the region. Soldiers “raided and destroyed our houses”, said Ke Taung villager Aye Tin, who requested to use a pseudonym. “And they also burned motor boats that we use for transport and for carrying food for our village, including my boat. “My life is ruined, as I have lost my home ... and I [have] nothing left to do for a living.” Satellite images from Nasa showed fires in locations that matched Ke Taung and Kinn villages last week. The junta has previously rebuffed claims its troops have torched houses, accusing “terrorist” PDF fighters of starting the fires. In a speech on Tuesday, the junta chief, Min Aung Hlaing, said “efforts were made to minimise the casualties as much as possible in performing the counterattacks to terror acts”. “Now, the country is in tranquillity,” he said, according to state media..."
Source/publisher: "Agence France-Presse" (Paris) via "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-04
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Title: Statement of Union Minister of Ministry of Foreign Affairs on her visit to the United States in May 2022 - နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ၏ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ အတွင်း သွားရောက်ခဲ့သော အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု ခရီးစဥ်နှင့် ပက်သက်၍ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "A delegation led by the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs of National Unity Government visited the United States from 11 to 22 May 2022 during the US-ASEAN Summit held in Washington, DC and has met exclusively with senior officials including Deputy Secretary of State from the United States Department of State, members of Congress including the leader of the United States Senate, leaders of ASEAN including Malaysian Foreign Minister and thus, the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (NUG) would like to express its sincere gratitude to the United States Government and officials for hosting such important diplomatic meetings. • During the visit, Daw Zin Mar Aung Union Minister for Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government and delegation met with Mrs. Wendy Sherman, US Deputy Secretary of State and both parties had a cordial and open discussion regarding ethical issues related to the self-sacrificing efforts of the people of Myanmar for the emergence of a new federal democracy nation in the future, the efforts of the National Unity Government (NUG), the position of the National Unity Government (NUG) on the potential future of Myanmar, updates on international relations of the National Unity Government (NUG) in engaging with the world countries including ASEAN and its neighbors, humanitarian assistance for the people of Myanmar who are suffering under the illegal rule of the terrorist military regime. • The delegation also met with Rob Berschinski (Special Assistance to the President - S. Director for Democracy & Human Rights) who had expressed that President Joe Biden and United States would continue to put pressure for accountability and responsibility of the human rights violations of the military junta and that they stood with the struggle of the Myanmar people. Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Ministry of Foreign Affairs also discussed setting military compliance measures and regulations including the violence of the military junta and the ground situation of the struggle of Myanmar people and the political developments including judiciary and local administration arrangements. • During the visit, Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government met privately with other leaders, including the Malaysian Foreign Minister. During a private meeting with the Malaysian Foreign Minister, efforts and challenges of the National Unity Government (NUG) along with the people of Myanmar, issues related to cooperation including Myanmar refugee’s crisis and humanitarian assistance were discussed and Malaysia Foreign Minister expressed that Malaysia was ready to whatever it could to help bring peace and restore democracy in Myanmar. • Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs met with US Senate Republican Leader Senator Mitch McConnell at his Congress Office. During the meeting, the topics discussed were acts of repression of the military junta and the Myanmar people's struggle for a new future nation of federal democracy, support of the Myanmar pro-democracy movement and continued support of international assistance including the United States to Myanmar crisis. • The delegation also met with Democratic senators Jeff Merkley and Edward Markey at the US Congress to discuss the current ground situations, cutting off the revenue sources of the terrorist military junta, imposing sanctions against Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) as one of the military council's main sources of revenue and putting pressure to take action against military junta for human rights abuses. • As actual progress of the meetings taken place during the visit, a briefing by the US Congress on Burma, which is part of The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), was held on May 25 and Congress questioned representatives of President Biden's government regarding US government policies on Burma and actual implementation. In his speech, Senator Mitch McConnell mentioned that he had met with the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government who raised the issues of promoting the legitimacy of civilian leaders representing the people against the junta, imposing sanctions on the revenue sources of the military junta and providing effective, substantive, and direct assistance to the people of Myanmar. In addition, he included questions such as while the people of Myanmar were unanimously opposing the military rule, it was important to gain the support of the world, so how was President Biden’s government preparing for engagement, support and formal recognition of institutions that have public representation such as the National Unity Government (NUG), the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and the People's Defense Force (PDF) that the National Unity Government (NUG) is very pleased with the progress that has been made. • The National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar states that it will continue to work closely with United States and ASEAN countries regarding the discussions during the visit.....• ဝါရှင်တန်ဒီစီမြို့တော်တွင် ကျင်းပသည့် အမေရိကန်-အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးဆွေးနွေးပွဲကာ လ အတွင်း အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု သို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကိုယ်စားနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ၀န်ကြီး ဦးဆောင်သောကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၂ ရက်နေ့ အထိ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသို့ရောက်ရှိခဲ့ပြီး၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံခြား ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဒုတိယနိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီးအပါအ၀င် အဆင့်မြင့်အရာရှိကြီးများ၊ အမေရိကန် အထက်လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ခေါင်းဆောင် အပါအ၀င် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စား လှယ်များ၊ အာဆီယံ မှ မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး အပါအဝင် ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံလျက် သံတမန်ရေး အရအရေးကြီးသော အစည်း၀ေးများ ကျင်းပ နိုင်ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် ဖိတ်ကြား စီစဥ် ပေးသော အမေရိကန် ပြည်ထောင်စု အစိုးရ နှင့် တာဝန်ရှိသူများအား ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှလှိုက်လှဲစွာ အထူးကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါသည်။ • ခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့သည် အမေရိကန် နိုင်ငံခြား‌ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဒုတိယ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး ဝင်ဒီရှားမန် Mrs. Wendy Sherman နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ နိုင်ငံသစ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာနိုင်ရေးအတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တို့၏ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံ ကြိုးပမ်းနေမှုများနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်းသည့် ကျင့်၀တ်ဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ကြိုးပမ်းလုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုများ၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အနာဂတ် အလားအလာ နှင့်ပတ်သတ်၍ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ သဘောထား၊ အာဆီယံနှင့် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများ အပါအ၀င် ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံများနှင့် ဆက်ဆံဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ နိုင်ငံတကာ ဆက်ဆံရေးအခြေအနေများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု ၏တရားမဲ့ အုပ်စိုးမှုအောက်တွင် ဘေးဒုက္ခအန္တရယ်ကျရောက်နေသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အတွက် လူသားချင်း စာနာမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေးကိစ္စရပ်များကို စနစ်တကျ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး တို့အား နှစ်ဖက် ရင်းနှီးပွင့်လင်းစွာ အပြန်အလှန်ဆွေးနွေးနိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ • အမေရိကန် သမ္မတ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဒါရိုက်တာ ရော့ဘာရှင်းစကီး - Rob Berschinski ( Special Assistance to the President- S. Director for Democracy & Human Rights) နှင့် လည်းတွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး ၎င်းက အမေရိကန်သမ္မတ ဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒန်နှင့် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု များ အပေါ် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိစေရေးအတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေး လုပ်ဆောင်သွား မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာ ပြည်သူများ ၏ရုန်းကန် လှုပ်ရှားမှု နှင့် အတူရပ်တည်နေကြောင်း ပြောကြားခဲ့သလို၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး ဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်မှလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အခြေအနေများ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူများ ၏ ရုန်းကန်လှုပ်ရှားမှု မြေပြင်အခြေအနေများ အပါအဝင် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ လိုက်နာရမည့် အစီအမံ နှင့်စည်းကမ်း ချမှတ် ထားမှုများ၊ တရားစီ ရင်ရေး၊ ဒေသန္တရအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး စီမံထားရှိမှု အခြေအနေ များ အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာ တိုးတက်မှုဖြစ်စဉ်များအား ဆွေးနွေး ခဲ့ပါသည်။ • ခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်သည် မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီး အပါအဝင် အခြား ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။​ မလေးရှား နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ၀န်ကြီးနှင့် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှု အတွင်း မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် အတူ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများနှင့် စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ၊ မြန်မာဒုက္ခ သည် များ အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီ ပေးရေးကိစ္စရပ်အပါအ၀င် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည့် ကိစ္စရပ်များအား အပြန်အလှန် ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပြီး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး တို့အတွက် မလေးရှား နိုင်ငံမှ တတ်စွမ်းသမျှ ကူညီရန် အသင့်ရှိကြောင်း ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ • ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်နှင့်အတူ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးတို့သည် အမေရိကန်အထက်လွှတ်တော် ရီပတ်ပလင်ကင်ခေါင်းဆောင် Senator Mitch McConnell နှင့် ၄င်း၏ လွှတ်တော်ရုံးတွင် တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ အဆိုပါတွေ့ဆုံမှုတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ ဖိနှိပ်ညှဉ်းပန်းမှုလုပ်ရပ်များနှင့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာနိုင်ရေး အတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တို့၏ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်နေမှုများ၊ မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုကို ထောက်ခံ ပံ့ပိုးရေး၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ မြန်မာ့အရေး ဆက်လက် ကူညီမှုပေးနိုင်ရေး တို့ကို ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ • ထို့ပြင် ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်ပါတီ မှ Senator Jeff Merkley, Senator Edward Markey တို့နှင့်လည်း အမေရိကန်လွှတ်တော်ရုံးတွင် သီးသန့်တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး လက်ရှိမြေပြင် အခြေအနေများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ၀င်ငွေအရင်းအမြစ်များ ကိုဖြတ်တောက်ရေး၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဓိက ဝင်ငွေ ရလမ်းတခုဖြစ်သောမြန်မာ့ရေနံနဲ့ သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်း (MOGE) ကို ဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့ အရေးယူ နိုင်ရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အတွက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုအား အရေးယူ ဖိအားပေး နိုင်ရေး ကိစ္စရပ်များအား ဆွေးနွေး ခဲ့ပါသည်။ • ခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း ဆွေးနွေးမှုများ၏ လက်တွေ့တိုးတက်မှုများအနေဖြင့် The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) တွင်ပါ၀င်သော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အမေရိကန် လွှတ်တော် ၏ ကြားနာမှု briefing ကို မေလ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အမေရိကန် အစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒများ၊ လက်တွေ့ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများ ပတ်သက်၍ ကြားနာပွဲ သို့တက်ရောက် လာသော အမေရိကန်သမ္မတဘိုင်ဒန် အစိုးရ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအား လွှတ်တော်က မေးမြန်းမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြောင်းသိရပါသည်။ • Senator Mitch McConnell ၏မိန့်ခွန်းတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့်တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အစိုးရကို ဆန့်ကျင်နေသော ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စား ပြု အရပ်ဘက် ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ တရားဝင်မှုကို မြှင့်တင်ပေးရန်၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ၀င်ငွေ အရင်းအမြစ် များ ထောက်တိုင်များအား ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူမှု များ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူ များအား ထိရောက်ခိုင်မာသော တိုက်ရိုက် အကူအညီများ ပေး ရန် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ကဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြောင်း ထည့်သွင်း ဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ သည် စုစည်းညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အား ရွတ်ရွတ်ချွံချွံနဲ့ တွန်းလှန် နေချိန် တွင် ကမ္ဘာကြီး၏ ထောက်ခံမှုကို ရရှိရန် အရေးကြီးသဖြင့် သမ္မတ ဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒန် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ အနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး မတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ NUCC နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ PDF စသော ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံ၊ ထောက်ပံ့ပြီး တရားဝင် အသိအမှတ် ပြုရန် အတွက် မည်သို့ပြင်ဆင် ဆောင်ရွက် နေသနည်း- စသည်တို့အား ထည့်သွင်း မေးမြန်းခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည့် အတွက် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) အနေဖြင့် တိုးတက်မှုများ အတွက်များစွာ အားရ ကျေနပ် ရပါသည်။ • ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) သည် ခရီးစဉ်အတွင်း ဆွေးနွေးမှုများနှင့်စပ်လျဥ်းပြီး အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံများနှင့် အတူ ဆက်လက် ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်ရှိသည်များကို နီးကပ်စွာ ဆက်လက် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-03
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: ACLED Regional Overview - East Asia Pacific (21-27 May 2022)
Description: "Last week in the East Asia Pacific region, fighting between the military and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and local resistance groups continued in Myanmar. North Korea conducted its 17th missile test in 2022. In the Philippines, there was an increase in violence related to ongoing Islamist and communist rebel insurgencies. In Thailand, military forces clashed with Malay Muslim Separatists in the Deep South after a lull in violence during Ramadan. In Indonesia, a protest against a same-sex couple was recorded in West Java amid parliamentary discussion on a bill potentially outlawing homosexuality. In South Korea, disability advocates protested throughout last week to demand improvements to mobility and disability rights. New Zealand extended the deployment of military personnel in the Solomon Islands to support the country’s security. In China**,** student demonstrations increased in universities opposing COVID-19 restrictions. In Myanmar, fighting between the military and EAOs and local resistance groups continued across multiple parts of the country last week, including Mon, Shan, Kachin, and Chin states. In Mon state, a combined force of the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army (KNU/KNLA), the People’s Defense Force (PDF), and the Kyaikhto Revolution Force (KRF) simultaneously attacked the central police station and the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 207 base in Thein Za Yat town, Kyaikto township. The combined force fired artillery shells and killed a military sergeant in the fighting (Myanmar Now, 26 May 2022). ACLED’s Subnational Surge Tracker first warned of increased violence to come in Mon in the past month. In southern Shan state, the military fired artillery and conducted clearance operations targeting EAOs and local resistance groups in the hills near eastern Pekon Lake and the surrounding villages last week. In response, a combined force of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), Karenni National Progressive Party/Karenni Army (KNPP/KA), Pekon PDF, and Southern Shan Revolution Youth (SSRY) attacked and occupied the Hsee Mi Lawt village military base in southern Pekon Lake on 24 May. Military offensives began in the area after a combined force of the KNDF, KNPP/KA, Pekon PDF, Inle PDF, and SSRY overran a military outpost in Nyaungshwe township on 12 May. Violence in Shan-South is both common and highly volatile; it is considered an area of ‘extreme risk’ by ACLED’s Volatility and Risk Predictability Index. In Kachin state, the Kachin Independence Organization/Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA) launched multiple mine attacks against a military convoy last week. Attacks were reported near Hway Hkar and Hseng Taung villages of Hpakant Township and near Tanja village of Puta-O township between 22 and 27 May, causing military casualties (Kachinland News, 23 May 2022). The attacks came as the military increased movements in areas controlled by the KIA’s 6th Battalion, 9th Brigade, transporting reinforcements, weapons, and ammunition over the last week (Kachinland News, 23 May 2022). Elsewhere, in southern Chin state, the military clashed with the United League of Arakan/Arakan Army (ULA/AA) in Paletwa township on 26 May. Following the clash, the military council issued a curfew, restricting locals from traveling between 6pm and 6am (Radio Free Asia, 27 May 2022). North Korea conducted its 17th test missile launch in 2022 last week. On 25 May, a suspected intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) and two shorter-range missiles were test-fired from waters in Sunan, Pyongyang, towards the ocean off the country’s east coast (AP, 25 May 2022). The test came hours after US President Joe Biden completed a trip to South Korea and Japan, where he agreed to new measures to deter North Korea (Channel News Asia, 25 May 2022). Last week in the Philippines, the military carried out a major ground assault with air and artillery support against the Dawlah Islamiyah-Toraife Group in Datu Salibo town, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Two militants were killed, while 17 militants – including the group’s leader, Abu Toraife – were reportedly wounded. Following the clash, the rebels detonated two IEDs in Soccsksargen. No casualties were reported. A number of militant Islamist groups in the southern Philippines have pledged allegiance to the Islamic State (IS). Dawlah Islamiyah is believed to be an umbrella group for many of these IS-inspired groups (International Crisis Group, 27 June 2019). These trends contribute to the 300% increase in violence in BARMM last month relative to the past year flagged by ACLED’s Subnational Threat Tracker. The Subnational Tracker first warned of increased violence to come in BARMM in the past month. Elsewhere, several clashes between the government and the communist New People’s Army (NPA) also occurred last week, including in the Cordillera Administrative Region, Davao region, and Eastern Visayas. Violence associated with the NPA and Islamist militant insurgencies contributed to the 53% increase in violence in the Philippines last month relative to the past year flagged by ACLED’s Conflict Change Map, which first warned of increased violence to come in the country in the past month. In Thailand, military forces clashed with Malay Muslim separatists in Narathiwat last week. On 25 May, Malay Muslim separatists opened fire and threw bombs at an army base near the Thailand-Malaysia border, injuring three soldiers. The attack comes after a lull in violence in recent weeks, coinciding with a temporary truce between the Thai government and Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu (BRN) during Ramadan, from 3 April to 14 May. In Indonesia, a group of villagers protested in front of a same-sex couple’s home in Cugenang district, Cianjur regency, West Java, on 22 May, demanding the couple leave the neighborhood. This event comes as the Indonesian parliament discusses a bill that would outlaw homosexuality (Benar News, 24 May 2022). Meanwhile, on 23 May, the Indonesian government summoned a British diplomat after the UK embassy in Jakarta displayed a rainbow flag in support of the LGBT+ community. Such incidents have been criticized by human rights activists as potentially increasing the likelihood of violence and discrimination against minorities (Benar News, 24 May 2022). In South Korea, disability advocates took to the streets last week, calling for policies to improve the basic rights of people with disabilities. On 26 May, hundreds of protesters affiliated with the Korean Parents’ Network for People with Disabilities (KPNPD) held a protest march (News1, 26 May 2022), demanding a state-run support system for families of people with developmental disabilities. On 27 May, members of eight disability advocacy organizations picketed in front of President Yoon Suk-yeol’s office, calling for better access to polling stations ahead of local elections on 1 June (YNA, 27 May 2022). Meanwhile, Solidarity Against Disability Discrimination (SADD) staged subway-riding protests throughout the week, urging the government to improve mobility rights, including demands for greater accessibility on public transportation. Meanwhile, on 25 May, the New Zealand government announced that it would extend the deployment of New Zealand Defense Force troops in the Solomon Islands until at least May 2023, to continue providing support to the country’s security apparatus (RNZ, 27 May 2022). This follows a recent security agreement between Beijing and Honiara in April (Reuters, 25 May 2022), amid competition in the Pacific between China and the US, Australia, and New Zealand (CNN, 21 April 2022). In China, university students continued to rally against COVID-19 restrictions last week. At China University of Political Science and Law, Beijing Normal University, and Tianjin University, students demanded the right to return to their hometowns amid ongoing restrictions. In Tianjin, students had been confined to their dorms, studying online since January (RFA, 27 May 2022). Following the protests, university students in Beijing were allowed to return home, ahead of the upcoming anniversary of the 4 June Tiananmen Square protests (SCMP, 25 May 2022)..."
Source/publisher: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
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Title: Avoiding a Return to War in Myanmar’s Rakhine State
Description: "Executive Summary: Rakhine State has avoided the violence that has engulfed the rest of Myanmar since the February 2021 coup. The quiet owes in part to an informal ceasefire, which ended two years of fighting between the military and the Arakan Army, a pro-Rakhine ethnic armed group, and which came into force a few months before the military seized power in Naypyitaw. The Arakan Army has spurned the growing de facto alliance between the National Unity Government (NUG)-led opposition and other ethnic armed groups, focusing on getting control of much of Rakhine State. Until recently, the military has been too distracted to try loosening the Arakan Army’s grip, but tensions have started rising. The parties could soon find themselves back in conflict. While each side has reason to be leery of a formal ceasefire, both would also have reason to welcome the breathing space it would create. Most importantly, Rakhine’s people would benefit. In parallel, the Arakan Army should rein in demands on humanitarian actors, which should coordinate their interaction with it, and Dhaka and Naypyitaw should engage the group on Rohingya repatriation. The two-year war that engulfed Rakhine State between late 2018 and 2020 significantly eroded Naypyitaw’s control of the region. Police and many other civil servants were often reluctant to leave major towns during the conflict due to the risk of attack or abduction and they remain wary of venturing into the countryside. Many local administrators resigned during this period due to threats either from the armed group or from the Myanmar military, which suspected them of collaborating with the enemy. The Arakan Army has since either replaced them with its own administrators in the areas it controls or co-opted the new appointees that the military regime has sent since the coup. As a result, the Arakan Army now directly or indirectly controls most rural areas in the centre and north of the state, while exerting significant influence in urban areas; it has also begun expanding farther south, as well as north toward the border with Bangladesh. Over the past year, the Arakan Army has further consolidated its control by rolling out a suite of public services through its administrative branch, the Arakan People’s Authority. These include a judicial system and police force, which operate parallel to the state’s, and some health-care services (including the provision of COVID-19 vaccines). As a result, many residents are turning to Arakan Army mechanisms, rather than those run by Naypyitaw, for basic services and to resolve disputes. The service provision strategy has deepened public support for the group and its governance, but it is not without risk: it could be a major drain on the armed group’s resources, harm its popularity if the services do not live up to expectations and attract pushback from Naypyitaw. The impact of these developments in Rakhine State has not been limited to the ethnic Rakhine community. The rise of the Arakan Army has brought positive changes for some hitherto ostracised Rohingya. While the overall situation for the Rohingya remains dire, some communities have improved access to public services and some are enjoying greater freedom of movement because of the Arakan Army’s non-enforcement of restrictions imposed by Naypyitaw. These testimonials should be considered in context, however; although Rohingya sources Crisis Group spoke to largely praised the Arakan Army and its administration, the community as a whole remains vulnerable and its members are generally not in a position to criticise the group for fear of reprisal. Myanmar’s military regime … made only token efforts to counter the Arakan Army’s expanding control. Myanmar’s military regime, which calls itself the State Administration Council, is focused on subduing resistance to the coup elsewhere in Myanmar and until recently made only token efforts to counter the Arakan Army’s expanding control. Part of the reason may be that locally based government and military officials, hunkered down in large towns, have little choice but to accept the facts on the ground. As a measure of the group’s growing influence, many state-run schools, which are still nominally under Naypyitaw’s control, have started playing an Arakan Army-written Rakhine anthem instead of the national anthem. There are even examples of active collaboration, such as Naypyitaw-controlled police working with the Arakan Army to resolve crimes and administrators from the two sides holding regular informal consultations. But cooperation is certainly not the state’s default posture. The junta has in some instances sought to scare both Rakhine and Rohingya communities away from working with Arakan Army mechanisms and institutions. Recently, it has adopted more aggressive tactics, setting up roadblocks and searching vehicles, reinforcing troops, increasing patrols and detaining people it suspects of supporting the group. The military is still too stretched to give much attention to Rakhine State, but there is a clear risk of a return to conflict. If the Arakan Army seeks to expand its influence consistent with its ambitious political aspirations – for example, into border areas or in southern Rakhine – it risks provoking the Myanmar military, which refers to itself as the Tatmadaw, into action. Similarly, a partnership with the NUG-led opposition – something many in Myanmar would welcome – could spark a return to war. While it would be difficult for the Tatmadaw to win this fight, the collateral effects of renewed conflict could be terrible for Rakhine State’s population, which is already reeling from neglect, a poor economy, communal violence and the earlier two-year war. Although there is no clear path toward peace and stability for Rakhine State, one step that could offer both the parties and the region an extended respite from fighting might be to formalise the informal ceasefire that has largely kept the peace for the past eighteen months. Such an arrangement would focus primarily on maintaining the peace, in particular by demarcating territory and establishing formal communication channels to help de-escalate in the event that tensions begin to build once again. Both the government and the Arakan Army have reason to be wary of such a step in that it would give the other party a chance to gather strength and prepare for renewed confrontation down the road. But each also has reason to embrace it. The military is preoccupied with the spiralling consequences of the coup that it launched over a year ago; a formal ceasefire would be a measure of insurance that it will not face another conflict that will stretch it further. As for the Arakan Army, such an arrangement could allow it to further consolidate its authority over the territories already under its control and gain recognition from outside actors, including both humanitarian organisations and neighbouring Bangladesh. While the extended respite could give the parties the chance to fortify themselves for further clashes, it would also create the possibility of a durable, peaceful solution emerging in the future – something outside actors could encourage. If the parties agree to solidify the current ceasefire into a formal agreement, it will also be important to improve certain other ad hoc arrangements with implications for people in Rakhine. For example, humanitarian organisations are increasingly concerned that they may soon face parallel sets of requirements to operate in Rakhine State – some imposed by Naypyitaw and others by the Arakan Army – which could create both administrative burdens and operational difficulties. The group should work to ensure that those in need are not cut off from humanitarian assistance because of paralysing new rules and humanitarian organisations should come together to present a united front should such rules become overly burdensome. Dhaka and Naypyitaw should additionally engage with the Arakan Army on the possible return of Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh. While a formal ceasefire would offer neither party precisely what it wants, there would be enough in it for both sides that it could conceivably work. That in turn would allow Rakhine State residents to get what they need most: a continued break from violence and the corresponding opportunity to build toward a more peaceful future, one in which Rakhine and Rohingya can live in relative safety side by side..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
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Title: Myanmar (Burma) - Over 1,800 people have been killed and at least 10,800 people remain detained since 1 February 2021
Description: "Populations in Myanmar are facing crimes against humanity and war crimes perpetrated by the military following the February 2021 coup. BACKGROUND: On 1 February 2021 Myanmar’s (Burma) military – the Tatmadaw – led by Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing, overthrew the country’s civilian-led government and declared a state of emergency. Over the past 17 months, hundreds of thousands of people have participated in peaceful protests and strikes against the reimposition of military rule, while numerous civilian militias – known as People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) – have also formed as part of an armed resistance. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 1,800 people have been killed by the security forces since February 2021 and over 10,400 people remain detained for resisting the coup. At least 110 people have been sentenced to death by military tribunals. The Tatmadaw has increasingly targeted civilian areas with airstrikes, scorched earth campaigns and other attacks, particularly in Magway and Sagaing regions and Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah and Karen states, resulting in civilian casualties and mass displacement. By the end of April 2022 the military had torched over 11,400 civilian homes across the country since the coup, with approximately 7,500 in Sagaing alone, according to the research group Data for Myanmar. Communal violence is also escalating in Myanmar with the formation of the pro-junta “Blood Comrades” militia. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, have indicated that abuses committed by the military since the coup may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. According to the UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), the “security forces have carried out a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population,” and “the reports of murders, sexual assaults, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, torture and persecution collected by the Mechanism, if substantiated, would amount to crimes against humanity.” On 16 April 2021 a coalition of democratic opponents to military rule formed the National Unity Government (NUG), which includes members of parliament ousted by the military. The military has charged their members with high treason and pronounced that the NUG and PDFs are terrorist organizations. An estimated 14.4 million people are in need of humanitarian aid. Nearly 700,000 people have been displaced since the coup, bringing the estimated total number of internally displaced persons to over 1 million. In 2018 the UN Human Rights Council (HRC)-mandated Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on Myanmar concluded that senior members of the military, including General Min Aung Hlaing, should be prosecuted for genocide against the Rohingya ethnic group, as well as for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states. In 2019 the FFM also asserted that Myanmar “continues to harbor genocidal intent” toward the Rohingya. The majority of Myanmar’s Rohingya population were forced to flee the country after the military launched “clearance operations” in Rakhine State in August 2017, bringing the total number of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh to over 900,000 people. The estimated 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State face severe violations of their universal human rights. The 1982 Citizenship Law rendered most Rohingya stateless. ANALYSIS: Myanmar’s armed forces previously ruled the country from 1962-2011, overseeing the violent repression of the democracy movement and waging war against several ethnic armed groups. Impunity for past atrocities has enabled the military to continue committing widespread and systematic human rights violations and abuses against civilians, particularly those from ethnic minority populations. The risk of further atrocities remains extremely high as the Tatmadaw continues to target civilians and the armed resistance in what appears to be a widespread and systematic scorched earth campaign. The coup also complicates the prospects for the safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh. Given its history, the military regime is unlikely to address the denial of citizenship for the Rohingya or accountability for past atrocities. Myanmar’s military has manifestly failed to uphold its responsibility to protect and bears responsibility for the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: The only formal response by the UN Security Council (UNSC) to the genocide against the Rohingya was the adoption of a Presidential Statement on 6 November 2017 that stressed the “primary responsibility of the Myanmar government to protect its population.” Numerous mechanisms have been created to investigate and potentially hold accountable perpetrators of crimes against the Rohingya. This includes the IIMM, an investigation launched by the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in November 2019 into crimes against humanity that may have resulted in the forced deportation of the Rohingya across the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, and a lawsuit filed by The Gambia in November 2019 at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing Myanmar of violating its obligations under the Genocide Convention. On 26 November 2021 Argentina’s judiciary also opened a case under the principle of universal jurisdiction. In March 2022 the United States (US) government formally determined that the violence perpetrated by the Tatmadaw against the Rohingya constituted genocide and crimes against humanity. Since the coup, the UNSC has privately met 11 times on Myanmar and adopted nine statements, but has taken no substantial action. A number of governments have imposed targeted sanctions in response to the coup, including Canada, United Kingdom (UK), US and the European Union (EU). The EU, UK and US have also sanctioned several military-run conglomerates. The EU also suspended development funds. Oil conglomerates TotalEnergies and Chevron announced in January 2022 their withdrawal over the human rights crisis. In February the EU sanctioned the state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). The Republic of Korea restricted military exports and suspended defense exchanges. On 24 April 2021 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agreed to a “Five-Point Consensus,” but it has not been effectively implemented. The Tatmadaw was blocked from sending representatives to the US-ASEAN summit, held 12-13 May 2022, during which the US met with NUG representatives. On 18 June 2021 the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for the immediate release of all political detainees and for all member states to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar. NECESSARY ACTION: The UNSC should impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation to the ICC. China, Russia, Serbia and India must halt their weapons transfers to Myanmar’s military. All UN member states, regional organizations and the UNSC should impose economic sanctions on Myanmar’s oil and gas sector, particularly MOGE. ASEAN member states should condemn the Tatmadaw and increasingly engage with the NUG. The military junta should not be diplomatically recognized as the legitimate representatives of Myanmar. Foreign companies should immediately divest and sever ties with all businesses linked to Myanmar’s military. The UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Noeleen Heyzer, should promptly travel to Myanmar and engage with the junta, the NUG and civil society. General Min Aung Hlaing and other senior military leaders who bear responsibility for atrocity crimes should face international justice..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
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Title: Myanmar: Number of children out of school more than doubles in two years
Description: "1 June 2022 – The number of children out of school in Myanmar has more than doubled in two years, with about half of the country’s children now missing out on a formal education due to COVID-19 school closures and escalating insecurity, according to Save the Children. Enrolment in schools has dropped by up to 80% in two years in some parts of the country, the aid organisation said, with at least 7.8 million children out of school[i]. This comes after the COVID-19 pandemic forced the closure of places of learning globally in early 2020. In Myanmar, schools were fully or partially closed for 15 months due to the pandemic[ii]. Attacks on schools, teachers and students have surged over the past year due to the conflict, leaving many of them scared to return to the classroom, and in some cases with no schools left to attend. Schools and children must be protected at all times, Save the Children said. There were at least 260 attacks on schools between May 2021 and April this year, according to Save the Children, with explosions in and around school buildings accounting for 190 – nearly three quarters – of the incidents. In April this year, explosive devices were discovered at four schools or education offices, and there were three explosions in or very close to schools. There were also 33 recorded cases of schools or education offices being set on fire, and 10 direct attacks on teachers and education staff. In March and April this year, Save the Children also recorded 10 incidents in which schools were occupied by armed actors in the 32 townships where its education teams work. It said the actual number of school occupations across the country is likely to be much higher. Kyi*, 14 , from Magway Region, Myanmar, said: “I haven’t been to school since they closed due to COVID. I was a Grade 6 student before COVID. Due to the fighting, and unstable situation, teachers didn’t go back to our school and the village. There have been no teachers in my village since the fighting began. I think they have also had to flee and hide in a safe place like us due to the fighting. I now live in a temporary tent in a jungle after fleeing from my village. “My dream is to be a businesswoman. My family’s small grocery store inspired the idea. I am unhappy and so sad when I think about my future. To become my dream, I think I must study hard and need better learning opportunities. I want to learn English, I want to learn other things at school, and I want to meet with my friends and teachers. It has been a long time since I have had a chance to meet with them.” Emma Wagner, head of Education Policy and Advocacy at Save the Children, said: “It’s really shocking that so many children are out of school, but when you think about it, it should come as no surprise. The COVID-19 pandemic propelled a worldwide education emergency for children. We raised the alarm early on that children were at risk of dropping out of school altogether due to being forced into labour or early marriage. “In Myanmar, conflict has contributed to a perfect storm for the country’s children. Every one of these attacks on schools is an attack on the future of an entire generation of Myanmar children, who are missing out on the opportunity to learn. That’s something that we absolutely cannot and must not accept.” “We need to see an immediate end to attacks on schools.” Save the Children is urging the UN Security Council and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to urgently take concrete action to protect the futures of children in Myanmar. Myanmar also desperately needs more humanitarian assistance from the international community, Save the Children said, with the UN humanitarian response plan having just 10.4% of the funding needed. Save the Children implements programmes across Myanmar and its staff remain fully committed to helping the most vulnerable children in Myanmar, especially during this time of conflict and crisis..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
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Title: One Year On: The Momentum of Myanmar's Armed Rebellion
Description: "Since the February 1st, 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar, the country has become engulfed in a rapidly escalating civil war as the pro-democracy movement picked up arms in conjunction with several longstanding ethnic armed organizations to challenge the military junta’s control over the country. In little over a year, the conflict has spread across half a dozen distinct theaters, destabilizing military rule in many places, and resulted in widespread violence and devastation in Myanmar as the junta deployed indiscriminate violence against its opponents. Yet, the determined anti-junta resistance gained substantial momentum and now fields an impressive number of enthusiastic volunteers that stand poised to continue fighting indefinitely. Challenges remain, however, most notably in the pro-democracy forces’ lack of centralized command and equipment..."
Source/publisher: Wilson Center, Asia Program and Tagaung Institute of Political Studies
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
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Title: Cash transfer programmes review in Kachin/Northern Shan and Rakhine states
Description: "CONTEXT: The use of Cash and Voucher Assistance (CVA) in Myanmar dates to 2008, with the first CVA emergency response to Cyclone Nargis. By 2020, more than one million people received a total of 35.6 million USD worth of CVA, distributed by 63 organisations nationwide. Even so, government acceptance of CVA was not uniform in all contexts and sectors of implementation. On 1St February 2021, the Myanmar military overthrew the government in a coup d'etat. The combined effects of COVID-19 as well as the February 2021 coup have turned back the development clock by years. The resulting economic crisis comprised of inflation, depreciation of the Myanmar kyat (M MK) against the United States dollar (USD), as well as a liquidity crisis/low supply of bank notes and closure of banks. Objectives In light of this, this review aimed to harness lessons learned from the design, implementation and monitoring of past and current humanitarian CVA projects by humanitarian actors before and after 1St February 2021 in order to inform future crisis response in Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan states. Accordingly, the review mapped the use of CVA and CVA stakeholders, collated qualitative accounts of challenges and opportunities faced by humanitarian organisations, identified adaptations to the change in economic situation, market functionality and protection risks. Methodology The review took place from October 2021 to March 2022 and utilised a qualitative approach relying on a variety of primary and secondary data sources, both capturing qualitative and quantitative data. The research team reviewed a total of 56 documents and interviewed 39 humanitarian practitioners. Findings Yearly CVA volume • Rakhine accounted for the largest volume of cash transfer programming in 2021 with a total of USD21,212,651. This is a significant increase compared with 2019 and 2020, USD 6,294,712 and USD20,714.603 respectively. • In Kachin and Northern Shan. the CVA volume in 2020 amounted to USD 7.261.976 and USD 1,022.432 respectively. In 2021, the volume in Kachin and Northern Shan increased to USD 8,856,565 and USD1,420,218. CVA actors • In Rakhine, WFP accounted for the largest share of the CVA volume transferred with 75% (USD 15,586,124) in 2020 and 93% (USD 19,578,449) in 2021. 34% of the assistance was distributed to recipients by local and national organisations acting as implementing/cooperating partners of international organisations. • In Kachin and Northern Shari WFP Is the largest and most active cash Implementer accounting for 76% IUSD778,6051 and 59% (USD 4,287.130) of total transfer volumes respectively in 2020. This remains similar in 2021 with WFP representing 63% (USD 5,380,683) in Kachin and 95% (USD 1,348,369). 57% of CVA in Kachin and 42% in Northern Shan respectively are distributed to recipients by local and national organisations acting as implementing/cooperating partners of international organisations. Sector • In Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan. CVA for food represented the biggest CVA volume since 2019 until the time of this review. This is due to the WFP being the largest CVA actor in the three states..."
Source/publisher: Crown Agents and Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-31
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Title: Myanmar Humanitarian Update No. 18 | 31 May 2022
Description: "HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES • For the first time, the number of displaced men, women and children in Myanmar has exceeded one million. This includes almost 700,000 people displaced by the conflict and insecurity since the military takeover in February last year. • The monsoon season is now in full swing with strong storms and heavy rain hitting Rakhine, Kachin, southern Shan, and Kayin since April, causing damage to shelters and further compounding existing vulnerabilities. Humanitarian responses and preparedness efforts are underway in high-risk areas. • Humanitarians continue providing critical life-saving assistance to the most vulnerable people despite access challenges and limited funding. During the first quarter of 2022, 2.6 million people were reached with humanitarian assistance (41 per cent of the 2022 HRP target). • Inflation in commodity prices, including food, fuel, shelter materials and NFIs, has become a major concern to partners in addressing the needs of the most vulnerable people. • The Nutrition Cluster is facing possible pipeline breaks for both preventative and therapeutic nutrition supplies due to under-funding and taxation issues. Resolution of taxation issues for humanitarian supplies is an urgent priority. • Funding for agriculture support to vulnerable farmers is a priority for food security partners with fears that this lack of investment in livelihoods assistance could lead to food unavailability and unaffordability in rural areas. • Funding has been secured for 270 out of the 550 IDP camp longhouses that need immediate reconstruction in Rakhine. However, there remains a $2.4 million funding gap to repair the remaining 281 longhouses as the monsoon season arrives. • The funding situation for 2022 is now dire with the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) only 10 per cent funded, 5 months into the year, leaving a gap of US$740m (FTS). All clusters are seriously underfunded, threatening their ability to respond to the growing needs and gaps in response. SITUATION OVERVIEW During the reporting period, various parts of Myanmar have witnessed an escalation in fighting, further entrenching the already fragile humanitarian situation. The impact on civilians is worsening daily with frequent indiscriminate attacks and incidents involving explosive hazards, including landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERWs). According to UN figures, the number of IDPs people since the 2021 military takeover s now exceeds 694,300, bringing the overall number of displaced people across the country to more than one million. 2 Thousands of IDPs who have already fled their homes are being forced to move for a second or third time. An estimated 40,200 people have crossed the borders into neighbouring countries since the takeover.3 More than 12,700 civilian properties, including houses, churches, monasteries, and schools are estimated to have been destroyed during hostilities, although figures are difficult to verify.4 This will make IDP returns more difficult even if the situation improves. Consequently, complex needs are surfacing, requiring immediate humanitarian responses to save lives and protect those affected, supporting them to live in dignified conditions. In addition to this constant risk and fear they are enduring daily, thousands of people across the country are living in distress due to the increasing price of essential commodities, including food and fuel, partly due to the conflict in Ukraine which has impacted global supplies. The price of diesel soared by 20 per cent from February to March 2022, and by another seven per cent from March to April 2022.5 On average, as of mid-April 2022, fuel prices are nearly two and a half times higher than February 2021. 6 This inflation has affected people’s purchasing power and is starting to impact on the work of several clusters, particularly food security and shelter, who depend on commodities to implement their humanitarian programming. Some clusters are facing issues with their suppliers who are no longer honoring contracts because of the price increases. On top of the continued fighting, strong storms and heavy rain have already hit coastal areas of the country, mainly lowlying areas in Rakhine, Kayin, Kachin and Shan states, since April this year, causing varying degrees of damage to civilian structures, including houses and shelters. This has further compounded pre-existing vulnerabilities of the affected people, particularly IDPs in protracted displacement sites. Humanitarian actors, including local partners, have immediately reached affected families, where possible repairing the damage and providing tarpaulins and emergency NFIs, but the needs far exceed existing resources, capacities and access. Preparedness efforts by both humanitarian actors and the de facto authorities have been underway since the first quarter of 2022 (see details in article below). More funding is critically needed to ensure efficient responses in the event of a wide-scale natural disaster. Across the country, humanitarian actors, including the UN, INGOs, and local partners, continue responding to both preexisting and emerging needs wherever possible, providing critical life-saving assistance in spite of the constrained operational environment and limited funding. As of the end of the first quarter of 2022, 2.6 million people had been reached with humanitarian assistance. This represents 41 per cent of the people targeted (6.2 million) in the 2022 HRP7 demonstrating the humanitarian community’s capacity to scale-up logistically when access and funding are available. The funding situation for 2022 is now dire with the Humanitarian Response Plan only 10 per cent funded, 5 months into the year, leaving a gap of US$740m (FTS). The consequences will be grave if this level of underfunding continues in the remainder of 2022. Humanitarian partners will be forced to cut back on their support at a time when this assistance is needed the most, particularly as the monsoon season is just getting underway..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-31
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Title: UNICEF Myanmar Humanitarian Situation Report No. 4: 1 to 31 May 2022
Description: "Highlights: • The conflict in Myanmar has caused many areas to become contaminated with landmines and explosive remnants of war, with the number and frequency of casualties propelling Myanmar into becoming one of the most mine-affected countries in the world. UNICEF is protecting children from this risk by ensuring that Explosive Ordnance Risk Education is integrated across all relevant sectors of its humanitarian response. • As of 23 May, a reported 694,300 civilians have been displaced nationally by the conflict, more than double that of the figure of 320,900 at the end of 2021. • June will mark the traditional start of the academic year, and safe access to education for all children remains an urgent priority across the conflictaffected areas. • The reporting period usually sees the onset of water shortages, especially in Rakhine. To ensure an uninterrupted water supply for internally displaced people (IDPs) and the host communities, UNICEF has initiated a scarcity response to meet the daily water needs of 28,078 IDPs in Pauktaw in Sittwe, and at Ah Agnu IDP site in Meybon township. Funding Overview and Partnerships The UNICEF Myanmar Country Office is appealing for US$ 151.4 million to respond to the multi-sectoral humanitarian needs of the targeted 1.1 million children in Myanmar in 2022. The Myanmar Humanitarian Needs Overview estimates that, in 2022, a total of 14.4 million people are in need of assistance, including 5 million children. UNICEF wishes to express its deep gratitude to all public and private sector donors for the contributions and pledges received, which have made the current response possible. UNICEF would especially like to thank the generous support received this year from the governments of Japan, Norway, Denmark and the United Nations office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA). These funds will contribute to delivering services to affected populations, notably for Child Protection, Water Sanitation and Hygiene, Education, Health and Nutrition programmes and responses. Although 19 per cent of the UNICEF Humanitarian Action for Children requirements were received, the funding gap of 81 per cent is severely affecting the capacity to respond. Without these resources, targeted populations, especially children, who need basic social services will not be able to receive assistance. Continued donor support is critical to continue scaling up the response. UNICEF is thankful for the commitment and dedication of all its partners and colleagues in Myanmar who continue to stay and deliver lifesaving assistance to affected children and women, amidst an incredibly challenging context. Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs Children in Myanmar continue to face unprecedented needs, compounded by the national political, security and humanitarian crises, limiting access to services. During the last few weeks, the conflict has continued to deteriorate in the northwest regions of Sagaing, Magway and Chin, with armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces, local People’s Defence Forces and Chinland Defence Forces, resulting in an escalation in the displacement of children and their families. At the end of 2021, more than 320,900 civilians had reportedly been displaced. However, in the first quarter of 2022 this figure has more than doubled and, as of 23 May, approximately 694,300 people have been internally displaced in Myanmar since the military coup, with nearly 49 per cent of them (336,600 people) within the Sagaing region. The support from humanitarian partners to civilians in new areas of conflict remains limited to urban zones, as constraints on access to rural conflict-affected regions are resulting in lower coverage there. The Mine Action Area of Responsibility (AoR) reports that, as a direct result of the conflict, many areas have become contaminated with landmines and explosive remnants of war. The consequent number and frequency of casualties have propelled Myanmar into becoming one of the most mine-affected countries in the world. To protect children against these risks, the Mine Action AoR is working towards supporting the integration and mainstreaming of Explosive Ordnance Risk Education across sectors of the humanitarian response, in order to teach children and adults how to identify, report and protect themselves against explosive hazards. Although a recent survey in Rakhine has highlighted the dangers of mines and explosive remnants of war in six villages, a national mapping has demonstrated the gaps across all regions in mine action interventions. To reach the children in dire need of assistance, improved and unimpeded access is necessary, including secured physical access, reduced bureaucratic impediments, lessened scrutiny, functioning telecommunication networks and alleviated banking restrictions. Nevertheless, UNICEF and its partners continue to scale up their response and adapt their activities through prioritizing strengthening capacity and tailoring programming modalities to cope with the security risks and severe travel restrictions..."
Source/publisher: UN Children's Fund (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-31
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Title: Statement on access to learning for millions of children in Myanmar
Description: "As the traditional start of the Myanmar academic year in June approaches, millions of children and young people across the country face uncertainty as to when and how they will continue learning. The learning of almost 12 million children and young people in Myanmar has been disrupted by COVID-19 and the current humanitarian crisis. All children in Myanmar have the right to education, as enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Myanmar Child Rights Law, and the National Education Law. To realize this right, access to quality learning options needs to be rapidly scaled up. To facilitate access to learning, the safety of children, their parents, and educators must be protected. These include teachers, volunteer teachers, learning facilitators and education officials. Safe, unimpeded access for the delivery of all humanitarian aid, including the delivery of learning materials, needs to be guaranteed. Guided by humanitarian principles, UNICEF is working with its partners to provide supplementary learning opportunities for children by distributing reading books, including in ethnic languages; supplementary learning materials; and essential learning package kits, coupled with follow-up support to children and their families. UNICEF is engaging with relevant stakeholders to help ensure that the most vulnerable children can benefit from safe learning, wherever they are. UNICEF in Myanmar operates within the UN system to protect and promote the rights of children enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. UNICEF abides by the humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence, as well as do no harm and universality in all of its work.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ပညာသင်နှစ် စတင်လေ့ရှိသည့် ဇွန်လသို့ ရောက်ရှိခါနီးအချိန်တွင် နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ သန်းပေါင်းများစွာသော ကလေးငယ်များနှင့် လူငယ်များသည် မည်သည့်အချိန်တွင် မည်သို့ ဆက်လက်လေ့လာသင်ယူကြရမည်နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ မရေရာမှုများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးငယ်နှင့်လူငယ်ဦးရေ ၁၂ သန်းနီးပါးခန့်၏ လေ့လာသင်ယူမှုမှာ COVID-19 နှင့် လက်ရှိလူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းကြောင့် နှောင့်‌နှေးပြတ်တောက်နေရပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးသူငယ်များအားလုံးသည် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ သဘောတူစာချုပ်၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာစာတမ်း၊ မြန်မာ့ကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေနှင့် အမျိုးသားပညာရေးဥပဒေများတွင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသည့်အတိုင်း ပညာသင်ယူခွင့်ရှိပါသည်။ ဤအခွင့်အရေးကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရန်အလို့ငှာ အရည်အသွေးမီသော လေ့လာသင်ယူမှု ရွေးချယ်စရာများ လက်လှမ်းမီရရှိနိုင်ခွင့်ကို အလျင်အမြန် မြှင့်တင်ရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ လွယ်ကူချောမွေ့စွာ လေ့လာသင်ယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကလေးများ၊ ၎င်းတို့၏မိဘများနှင့် သင်ကြားပေးသူများ၏ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံရေးကို ကာကွယ်ပေးရပါမည်။ သင်ကြားပေးသူတို့တွင် ဆရာ / ဆရာမ များ၊ လုပ်အားပေးစေတနာ့၀န်ထမ်း ဆရာ / ဆရာမ များ၊ သင်ယူလေ့လာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီသူများနှင့် ပညာရေးတာဝန်ရှိသူများ အားလုံးပါဝင်ပါသည်။ သင်ယူလေ့လာမှု အထောက်အကူပြုပစ္စည်းများ အပါအဝင် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီအားလုံးကို ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကင်းစွာဖြင့် အတားအဆီးမရှိ ပေးပို့နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တာဝန်ယူရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ကလေးများအတွက် တိုင်းရင်းသားဘာသာစကားများသုံး စာအုပ်များအပါအဝင် စာအုပ်အမျိုးမျိုး ၊ ဖြည့်စွက်သင်ယူလေ့လာရေး အထောက်အကူပြုများ၊ မရှိမဖြစ်လိုအပ်သော သင်ယူလေ့လာရေးသုံးပစ္စည်းများကို ဖြန့်ဝေပေးခြင်းအပြင် ကလေးများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏မိသားစုများအား နောက်ဆက်တွဲပံ့ပိုးမှုများဖြင့် ဖြည့်စွက်သင်ယူလေ့လာရေး အခွင့်အလမ်းများကို လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများ၏ လမ်းညွှန်ချက်ဖြင့် ယူနီဆက်သည် မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ပံ့ပိုးပေးလျှက်ရှိပါသည်။ ယူနီဆက်သည် ထိခိုက်အလွယ်ဆုံး ကလေးငယ်များ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ဖြစ်စေ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံသော သင်ယူလေ့လာရေးမှ အကျိုးကျေးဇူးများရရှိကြောင်း သေချာစေရန် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်သူအားလုံးနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေပါသည်။ ယူနီဆက်မြန်မာအနေဖြင့် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂသဘောတူစာချုပ်တွင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသည့် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများကို ကာကွယ်ရန်နှင့် အားပေးမြှင့်တင်ရန်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂစနစ်အတွင်းမှ လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ယူနီဆက်သည် ၎င်း၏လုပ်ဆောင်မှုအားလုံးတွင် လူသားဆန်ခြင်း၊ ဘက်မလိုက်ခြင်း၊ ကြားနေခြင်းနှင့် အမှီအခိုကင်းခြင်းအပြင် မထိခိုက်စေခြင်းနှင့် အများလက်ခံကျင့်သုံးနိုင်ခြင်းစသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများကို စောင့်ထိန်းလိုက်နာပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Children's Fund (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-28
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Title: Statement: Save the Children deeply saddened by deaths of Rohingya children and adults following boat capsize
Description: "Save the Children is deeply saddened by the deaths of at least 17 people, including children, when a boat carrying 90 Rohingya refugees capsized off the coast of Myanmar on Saturday. Several of the bodies found were children aged between 11 and 12, according to local reports. More than 50 people remain missing. May is the first month of the region's monsoon season, increasing the risk of capsizing to those taking perilous sea voyages in search of a better life. Hundreds of Rohingya have died in similar boat incidents in the past few years, Save the Children said. Sultana Begum, Regional Humanitarian Advocacy and Policy Manager at Save the Children, said: "This should be a wake-up call for us all. The long-drawn-out persecution of Rohingya people has now claimed more innocent lives, among them, children . "Past experiences of violence, as well as poverty and insecurity, push Rohingya families to make these deadly sea journeys in search of a better life. These journeys are extremely dangerous, and those fleeing risk death, grave physical and mental harm, and sickness. "The need to ensure that Rohingya people are safe, respected, and protected is as pressing as ever. Countries across the region should develop a system to monitor refugee boat movements and rapidly respond to prevent further loss of life at sea. They should then ensure their rights as refugees are respected in-country. Without this, it is difficult to see how the next generation of Rohingya children are able to have a future in which they are safe, protected "and their rights are fulfilled." Save the Children is one of the leading International NGOs working in Cox's Bazar District in Bangladesh. The agency is supporting Rohingya refugee children and their families with access to education, health and nutrition, food, water, shelter and child protection services. We have reached more than 600,000 Rohingya refugees, including 462,785 children since the response started in 2017..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-25
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