Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma

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Websites/Multiple Documents

Description: About 493,000 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: "The country?s most famous politician may be a woman, but Burma remains firmly in the grip of patriarchy. n June 25, the Burmese parliament voted on six proposed constitutional amendments, five of which it rejected. Most notably, lawmakers vetoed a proposed change that would have allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to assume the country?s highest office. The current constitution, drawn up in 2008 under the military junta then in power, bars from the presidency anyone who has shown ?allegiance to a foreign power” (a measure clearly targeting Suu Kyi, who was married to a British citizen and has two British children). The current and former military officers who dominate parliament clearly don?t want to cede any ground to the enormously popular Nobel Peace Prize laureate and her movement. But there may be another reason why they feel threatened by Suu Kyi: her gender."...
Creator/author: Wai Moe
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2015-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2017-12-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Articles on this category from BurmaNet News to October 2016
Source/publisher: BurmaNet News
2016-03-01
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-01
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women of Burma was conceived after a peace delegation organized by the Nobel Women?s Initiative visited the Thai-Burma border in 2008. The visit of our delegation, which included activists as well as Nobel Peace Laureates, was hosted by the Women?s League of Burma. At every stop on our journey, we met many strong and brave women who were living in the most difficult circumstances. We were impressed by the resilience of the women. Many had been forced to flee their homeland because of terrible violence, yet they never stopped calling Burma home. These women shared their stories of fear, pain and horror ? but perhaps more importantly, they also shared their hopes, dreams and wishes for the future of Burma. In our view, their unwavering belief that change is possible, combined with their drive to make change happen, makes these women of Burma an unstoppable force. It makes them an inspiration for us all. We knew then that it was important to bring their stories to a larger audience. That is why we helped organize the International Tribunal on Crimes against Women of Burma. At the day-long Tribunal, four judges and many people around the world listened as twelve women from Burma told personal stories of how they had been brutalized and victimized by the military regime. The judges? findings and recommendations were a clear response to the women?s testimony. Based on what they heard and other documentary evidence, the judges concluded that war crimes, crimes against humanity and human rights violations have been and continue to be committed by the Burmese military regime. Their recommendations also send a strong message to the regime, to the Association of Southeast Nations (ASEAN) and other states in the Asia-Pacific region, to the international community and to civil society. The judges? recommendations constitute a blueprint for action on Burma..."
Source/publisher: Nobel Women?s Initiative
2010-03-02
Date of entry/update: 2010-02-28
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.53 MB
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Description: "We women is a foundation that strives to achieve equality for various groups of people in the world. The foundation assists women, refugees, ethnic minorities, and disadvantaged groups with their questions, struggles and needs, as they are formulated within their own terms. Academic research is the first step in this process, as it helps to gain insight into local beliefs, practices and wishes. he We women foundation in Chiang Mai, Thailand, promotes the education and well-being of unrecognized refugee women from Burma. The Foundation targets women whose passions, goals and motivations identify them as future leaders of Burma. We women provides a much needed service to women from Burma by offering them the opportunity to succeed in higher education. Each year the We women foundation supports a select number of qualified women as they prepare themselves for leadership in their country and communities. We women assists students to prepare for university, advising them during the application process, supporting them during their study and throughout their job search. During each woman?s period of study, the We women foundation provides scholarship funding for their university tuition, as well as academic tutoring and coaching. In order to provide long-term success, We women assists its alumni in their search for both internships and employment as they enter the professional world. The long-term aim of the We women from Burma project is to assist unrecognized refugee women into obtaining positions of authority within policy making or influential organizations so that they then can empower other women and their communities, on their own terms..."
Source/publisher: WeWomen Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2010-09-15
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: Dutch, English
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Description: Assessment for Project Implementation: The military regime, SPDC, ratified the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1997, and agreed to guarantee women?s rights in Burma. Similarly, the regime also ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991 and agreed to guarantee child rights in Burma..... Objectives: * To monitor the woman and child rights situation in Mon areas and southern part of Burma, by collecting information about their real situation in the reference to the CEDAW and CRC. * To empower and educate women and children in the Mon community, by providing information on their rights accordingly to CEDAW and CRC and encourage them to participate in the struggle in protection of their own rights.
Source/publisher: WCRP/HURFOM
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-25
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Contains reports, articles and the quarterly "The Plight of Women and Children in Burma" which is mainly about women in Mon State...Replaced by "Voice Up"
Source/publisher: Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP)
Date of entry/update: 2007-05-19
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: A collection of videos, most relating to women?s role in peacemaking in Burma/Myanmar
Source/publisher: Various organisations via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-15
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese, Karen
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Description: "Historically, women in Myanmar (also known as Burma) have had a unique social status and esteemed women in Burmese society. According to the research done by Mya Sein, Burmese women "for centuries ? even before recorded history" owned a "high measure of independence" and had retained their "legal and economic rights" despite the influences of Buddhism and Hinduism. Burma once had a matriarchal system that includes the exclusive right to inherit oil wells and the right to inherit the position as village head. Burmese women were also appointed to high offices by Burmese kings, can become chieftainesses and queens..."
Source/publisher: Wikipedia
Date of entry/update: 2017-12-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: From Resources, go to the drop-down menu for Country/Region, scroll down to ASIA/PACIFIC, then to South East Asia, and on to Burma-Myanmar... Links to documents on women and Burma...Material from 1997
Source/publisher: PeaceWomen
Date of entry/update: 2009-03-06
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Description: "Myanmar logged a total of 111 human trafficking cases in its states and regions last year, state-run media reported Tuesday, quoting the Anti-Trafficking Police Force's figures as saying. During the whole 2020, 167 people including 39 young girls were victimized while 339 traffickers were charged in connection with the cases. Regionally, Shan state registered with 37 cases, followed by Yangon region with 30 cases as well as Mandalay region and Kachin state with 10 cases each, among others. There were 22 domestic trafficking in persons in terms of forced labor, prostitution and forced marriage during the period. In 2019, 358 people including 297 females were victimized in connection with 239 human trafficking cases across the country. Under the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law, people who smuggle women and children are sentenced to at least 10 years or up to lifetime sentence or fine while money or property received through trafficking will be confiscated by the government..."
Source/publisher: "Xinhua" (China)
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-06
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Sub-title: Three rapists were jailed for 20 years with hard labour in a case that pitted a 36-year-old mother of four against the powerful military.
Description: "Lodging a legal complaint pitted the 36-year-old mother of four against Myanmar’s most powerful institution, whose soldiers have long been accused by rights groups of using rape as a weapon of war in the country’s conflict zones. The crime was committed in June in northern Rakhine state – the site of a nearly two-year battle between the military and the Arakan Army, which is fighting for more autonomy for the ethnic Rakhine population. “Many women like me have already endured the same thing,” Thein Nu – who has been given a pseudonym to protect her identity – told the AFP news agency. “If I didn’t reveal this, it could lead to many more in Rakhine [being abused].” Her victory came after an initial denial from the military, which said she made up the allegations, and she still faces the glare of widespread social stigma, including from her husband who refuses to speak to her. Watershed moment? “I am both happy and sad,” she said, still in disbelief that the military tribunal ruled in her favour. “I don’t entirely believe this verdict will stop the rape and abuse against women in conflict areas because they (the military) are unreliable people with two faces.” In a rare acknowledgement of wrongdoing, the military on Saturday announced the verdict and sentence against the three rapists, trumpeting its own “transparent” investigation of the case. But observers warned it is too soon to judge whether Thein Nu’s victory will be a watershed moment for the armed forces – which ruled Myanmar outright until 2011 and still holds sway over many aspects of life in the country..."
Source/publisher: Agence France-Presse (AFP) (France) via "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-04
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Description: "Despite the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, Myanmar is still at war with itself as fighting in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states shows no sign of ending. The loss of human life, as well as the material destruction and shattering of local communities caused by the 70-year-long conflict, continues to incur heavy social and economic costs in the country. While war affects all, it affects men and women differently. In any conflict setting, gender creates expectations and exposes individuals to different dangers and vulnerabilities. In Myanmar’s conflict areas, many boys and men have had first-hand experience of violence as soldiers and live with its physical and psychological consequences. In these regions as well, many girls and women face an acute danger of gender-based violence as their bodies are objectified for war purposes and human trafficking. The different impacts of war on women and men have to be taken seriously to move the peace process forward and to design policies that address the long-lasting consequences of war. In Myanmar as elsewhere, decentralization is considered as a democratization tool, a means to achieving better government accountability in the delivery of public services and a gateway to women’s participation. The conflict and its political and economic legacies not only perpetuate, but may also reinforce gender practices, inequalities, and discrimination. If gender needs and inequalities are not addressed, the very success of democracy, the peace process, and decentralization in Myanmar will remain unequal for men and women. In this piece, we bring together evidence from local communities to examine some of the impact of conflict on male and female populations. We collected evidence for this paper in 2018 and 2019 as part of an International Development Research Centre-funded project—a collaborative project between the University of Toronto and the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security. The research team interviewed local stakeholders such as women’s organizations, ethnic armed organizations, politicians, and government officials. It also conducted a survey of 2,747 household heads in Chin, Kachin, Karen, and Magwe (hereafter referred as the UofT-IDRC survey). This paper is not an exhaustive list of the impacts of conflict on gender, but highlights some of the themes that emerged frequently during our work. Boys and Men: Fighting, Conscription, and Gender Expectations Civil wars have significant impacts on both men and women. But boys and men often have a particularly direct, first-hand experience of conflict and violence through their experience as soldiers. Many of them have volunteered to join Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAO) out of loyalty to their ethno-national group and because of feelings of injustice and grievances against the government and the Tatmadaw. But mixed with these motivations are also gendered expectations about the proper behavior for men. Many communities and families expect men to assume the role of “protectors” of the community. In time of crisis, this expectation is only strengthened, which factors heavily in the decision of boys and men to join EAOs. In many communities, there is no stigma in joining an EAO, but boys feel a sense of responsibility toward the community and see their involvement in military activities as a source of respect..."
Source/publisher: "Teacircleoxford" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2020-07-11
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Sub-title: consider the specific vulnerabilities women face in Myanmar in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic.
Description: "Women are playing an indispensable role in the global response against the coronavirus pandemic. Acting as healthcare workers, scientists, researchers, social mobilizers, political leaders and caregivers, women are at the forefront of this fight. However, while everyone is affected by COVID-19, this pandemic amplifies pre-existing gender inequalities and makes women particularly vulnerable, a reality that policy-makers have yet to take into account. In Myanmar, women face various obstacles as internally displaced peoples, garment workers, unpaid labourers, and victims of overarching conflict. Not only has COVID-19 affected these populations’ capacities to support themselves, the impact in these sectors serve to elucidate existing gender inequalities women face in Myanmar. This article was written as part of an International Development Research Centre (IDRC)-funded project–a collaboration between the University of Toronto and the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security–on gender and decentralization in Myanmar. Drawing on some of the data collected in Myanmar from 2018 to 2019, this text will reflect on women’s vulnerabilities and resilience in the face of a global pandemic. COVID-19 in Myanmar Myanmar’s healthcare system has improved drastically since transitioning to semi-civilian rule in 2011, but remains underfunded and understaffed. The COVID-19 crisis is thus taking place amidst an already overstretched healthcare system that faces important challenges, such as gaps in access between rural and urban communities; the lowest number of intensive care beds per capita among lower and lower-middle-income countries of the region (except Bangladesh)[1]; and fewer than 200 ventilators. So far, the government of Myanmar’s response has been haphazard, at best. The country, most likely, has a higher number of COVID-19 cases than it purports. However, the actual number is difficult to assess given limited testing capacity and heavily regulated media. The government spokesperson Zaw Htay first responded to the pandemic by stating that “lifestyle and diet measures” protected Myanmar citizens from the coronavirus infection, reporting its first case only at the end of March. Although the government has distanced itself from these initial remarks, its response continues to be inadequate..."
Source/publisher: "Teacircleoxford" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2020-06-17
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Description: "...Myanmar, once mysterious to the world after its decades’ long isolation, is marked by diversity and multiple ethnicities, languages and religions. It has been affected by decades of an authoritarian regime and different interconnected layers of conflict, ranging from national-level ethnic political conflicts and the pro-democracy struggle to broader social-level land conflicts and conflicts at the household level, such as domestic violence. In Myanmar, as in other countries, conflict and violence affect men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities differently. There is increasing awareness that gender is important in understanding conflict and accumulating evidence that links inclusion to the sustainability of peace. A growing number of programmes are dedicated to addressing this. However, the ‘other side of gender’, that is, the experiences of men and boys, is less well understood. Expectations of masculinity are an often overlooked (or over-simplified) driver of conflict and peacebuilding, but can also, if sometimes counter-intuitively, lead to increased vulnerability for men and boys, especially related to violence..."
Date of entry/update: 2020-05-16
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.38 MB
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Description: "...Myanmar, once mysterious to the world after its decades’ long isolation, is marked by diversity and multiple ethnicities, languages and religions. It has been affected by decades of an authoritarian regime and different interconnected layers of conflict, ranging from national-level ethnic political conflicts and the pro-democracy struggle to broader social-level land conflicts and conflicts at the household level, such as domestic violence. In Myanmar, as in other countries, conflict and violence affect men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities differently. There is increasing awareness that gender is important in understanding conflict and accumulating evidence that links inclusion to the sustainability of peace. A growing number of programmes are dedicated to addressing this. However, the ‘other side of gender’, that is, the experiences of men and boys, is less well understood. Expectations of masculinity are an often overlooked (or over-simplified) driver of conflict and peacebuilding, but can also, if sometimes counter-intuitively, lead to increased vulnerability for men and boys, especially related to violence..."
Source/publisher: International Alert
Date of entry/update: 2020-05-16
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Size: 2.56 MB
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Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-29
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 4.18 MB
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Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-29
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 173.26 KB
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Description: "... This booklet is about menopause in Shan. Book contents include what is Menstruation, Menopause, Symptoms and health problems, health care, Nutrition, Excercise, Mential Health, Hormone Replacement therapy, how to solve urinary tract infection..."
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-29
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Size: 1.17 MB
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Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-28
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Size: 100.24 KB
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Description: "...This leaflet is for awareness about violence against women, what is violence? Defining violence, Typology of violence, Measuring violence and its impact..."
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-28
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 83.84 KB
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Description: "...The white ribbon is an awareness ribbon sometimes used by political movements to signify or spread their beliefs. It is usually worn on garments or represented in information sources such as posters, leaflets, etc..."
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-28
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 87.95 KB
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Description: "...Book contents: 18th anniversary of women's get together, facilitator biography, activity report from different area, women and well-being, social security in Thailand, women's reproductive health, women movement in Myanmar, Compensation fund for worker in Thailand, ..."
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-14
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Description: "Officially, rape hardly happens in Myanmar and domestic abuse is non-existent. The reality? Violence against women is so pervasive it is regarded as normal -- and as a result -- woefully underreported, says lawyer and activist Hla Hla Yee. "Domestic abuse in Myanmar is regarded as a family matter and even if it is reported, the police fail to take action," she explains, adding that many still view it as a normal part of marriage that women must endure. The UN has warned violence against women and girls is a "silent emergency" in the country, with incidents spanning groping on public transport to trafficking, and has called for a zero-tolerance approach in communities, police, and the justice system. Analysis by the Demographic and Health Survey suggested at least one-fifth of women were abused by a partner in 2016. According to government statistics, there were 1,405 rape cases in 2017, up from 1,110 the year before -- around two thirds committed against children..."
Source/publisher: Agence France-Presse (AFP) (France) via "Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-02
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Summary: "WHAT IF Mya Mya, the lead character of the Myanmar horror film of the same name, released on February 6, were to enact revenge on the men who gang-raped her, not by menacing them as a forlorn ghost...
Sub-title: A recently released Myanmar horror film is crassly misogynist in its portrayal of sexual violence, but is part of a much broader trend in an industry dominated by male filmmakers.
Description: "WHAT IF Mya Mya, the lead character of the Myanmar horror film of the same name, released on February 6, were to enact revenge on the men who gang-raped her, not by menacing them as a forlorn ghost, but by seeking justice as a tenacious survivor? For the moment, such a plot turn appears to be beyond the imagination of Myanmar filmmakers, who are virtually all male and prefer to portray women rape victims as either killed in the act or driven inexorably to suicide by the shame. Their death, after all, provides a handy motive for male lead characters to avenge them in thrilling feats of heroism. One thing that saves the character of Mya Mya – a feisty Yangon factory worker and strike-organiser before her death – from further humiliation is that, while haunting the men who raped and murdered her, she does not do so half-naked, despite what the film’s titillating promotional poster might suggest. However, this is small consolation when the making of the film itself was a feat of sexual exploitation. When the casting call for the three “rapist” roles was made last July on Facebook, many male users tagged their friends, saying with boorish humour that their friends would make good “rapists” and encouraging them to apply. Auditions for short-listed aspirants took place on September 8 in Yangon’s Kandawgyi Park in full view of the media and public..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-29
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Description: "...Book contents: how to use ARM, ten steps of automatic response mechanism, step 1 victim talks to first contact, step 2 first contact accompanies victim to Women's Organization (WO) or NGO, step 3 support person accompanies victim to health centre or hospital, step 4 NGO/WO provides support to victim, step 5 report to sympathetic bodies, step 6 report to police, step 7 follow up with police, step 8 awaiting the court case, step 9 at the court, step 10 court issues judgment, Criminal Code, as amended B.E. 2550 (2007), Title IX, offences relating to sexuality, section 276-277, domestic violence victim projection Act, B.E. 2550 (2007)..."
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
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Size: 3.21 MB
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Description: "...MAP Multi-Media supports all projects at MAP to produce communication materials in migrant languages to disseminate information to migrant communities on issues of policies, laws, rights, and health. The media formats used include MAP’s two community radio stations at Chiang Mai and Mae Sot, printed materials, audio and video, websites and social media. Book contents: 7th women's get together, about 7th Weget activities, rights for mother and women's migrant, domestic violence, Promoting Occupational Safety and Health (POSH), human trafficking, migration in Maekong region, International Women's Day..."
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
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Size: 2.05 MB
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Description: "...Book contents: 8th anniversary of women's get together, about women's get together, education policy for migrant and refugee in Thailand, global economic impact to Myanmar migrant worker, economic zone, migration situation along Maekong sub-region, CEDAW, human trafficking, media...."
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
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Description: "...MAP Foundation conducted research with migrant women in Thailand about a living wage. The migrant women we reached explained that they were underpaid and that the frequent changes to migration policy made it difficult to stay documented. The cycle of rapidly-changing documentation requirements ate into the little pay they did earn and kept them insecure. Under these circumstances, a living wage was almost unimaginable - earning a proper minimum wage and stable documentation were more urgent issues. During the course of the research in June 2017, as if to prove the point, the Thai government issued a new Royal Decree on Foreign Workers Management B.E. 2560 (2017). Consequently, a new registration was put in place, forcing migrants women more into debt and disrupting their lives again..."
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-25
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Sub-title: The Arakan Army (AA) has launched an investigation over the alleged rape of a Chin woman by one of its fighters in Paletwa Township in Chin State, a spokesperson for the ethnic armed group said on Sunday.
Description: "Khaing Thu Kha, spokesperson of AA, said the probe against the alleged sexual abuse is being carried out but did not provide additional details. “We are investigating the case. We will take harsh actions if our members really abused villagers and women like what they claimed,” he said. “We will go to the village and meet with the community leaders to find out whether what they said is correct or not,” he said, adding a statement will be issued as soon as the investigation is completed. Aside from the alleged rape of a Chin woman, the Arakan Army fighters were also accused of abducting a school headmaster and two village officials in Paletwa who tried to stop them from abducting a young Chin woman on Tuesday. The three captives were later found dead in the forest in the forest between Inn Kho Wa village and Sein Sin village, according to the Khumi Affairs Coordination Council, a local civil society group, in a statement issued Saturday. Khaing Thu Kha expressed doubt about the truthfulness of the statement, saying the Tatmadaw appears to be creating racial problem between Rakhine and Chin ethnic people. Colonel Win Zaw Oo, head of Western Command, said the actions of the Arakan Army in Paletwa is not acceptable and will be dealt with without delay. “They are brash. We are carrying out clearance operation. Now we’ve heard that AA has blocked Kyee Lay village and we will deal with this matter,” he told The Myanmar Times. According to local civil society groups in Chin, the AA is still holding captive Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) legislator U Hwei Tin and 15 other Chin ethnic people..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-19
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Description: "For decades, ethnic women in Myanmar have documented acts of sexual violence committed against them in the hopes that, one day, perpetrators will be held accountable for their crimes. They had reasons for hope as recently as five years ago, when the government of Myanmar endorsed the international Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict and Aung Sung Suu Kyi was elected the first woman leader of the country in a historic victory. Today, violent conflict between military and ethnic groups remains as intense as ever, while wartime sexual and gender-based violence continues unabated and unpunished. The direct and later indirect rule by the military since 1962 has had a long-term effect on the lives of women in Myanmar. They expected their fundamental rights to be restored under the new quasi-civilian arm of government, led by Suu Kyi. Instead, the web of military presence and business interests in ethnic areas of the country continue to devastate ethnic women. In August, the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar released a report documenting cases of gang rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual abuse in heavily-militarized areas in several states: Shan, Kachin, and Rakhine. Investigators found that sexual violence has become a regular tactic used against civilians by the Tatmadaw, the official name of the country’s armed forces..."
Source/publisher: "Women's Media Center" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-22
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Sub-title: Over generations, China’s one-child policy drove a demographic disaster that has sparked a devastatingly cruel trade.
Description: "China has a bride trafficking problem. The country’s longstanding one-child policy and preference for boys created a huge gender imbalance. The difficulty many Chinese men now face finding wives, combined with a lack of protections in China, is driving a brutal business of selling women and girls from neighboring countries. The Chinese government’s main response for many years seemed to be simply to ignore growing allegations about authorities’ complicity in these crimes. But the problem is becoming too big to ignore; the government’s stonewalling is gradually being replaced by a mixture of criminal justice and propaganda responses, neither of which get to the real issue of gender discrimination. The one-child policy, in force from 1979 to 2015, prompted many parents to feel that if they were permitted only one child, that child should be a son. This was driven in part by the expectation, particularly in rural areas, that daughters marry and join their husband’s family, while sons stay with, and support, their parents. Over generations this policy drove a demographic disaster: China now has 30 to 40 million more men than women..."
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-20
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Description: "When it comes to protecting women from violence in Myanmar, what little difference a year makes. Last year during the annual 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence, the Government pledged to submit a Prevention of and Protection from Violence Against Women (PoVAW) Law to Parliament in early 2019 and give “priority and focus” to protecting women and children from violence. As we approach another 16 Days of Activism, the PoVAW law, in the drafting stage since 2013, has not yet been submitted to Parliament, making clear that protecting women from violence is far from a priority or focus for the current Government. In a country with escalating rates of sexual violence, continued inaction puts women’s lives in jeopardy, and is a sad reminder that the gender inequality that leads to violence against women is also inhibiting the passage of a PoVAW Law which would protect them. Statistics across Myanmar show an upward trend in reports of sexual violence, and one root cause of sexual violence is gender inequality. In August, a UN investigatory body declared that in Myanmar “[s]exual violence is an outcome of a larger problem of gender inequality and the lack of rule of law.” Myanmar is ranked 150 of 167 countries on the Georgetown Institute of Women Peace and Security’s Women Peace and Security Index and 148 of 189 on the 2018 UN Gender Inequality Index, two recent measures of women’s well-being worldwide..."
Source/publisher: "Mizzima" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-18
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Sub-title: Myanmar plunged 31 places and remained the worst performer in the region on an index that measures women’s wellbeing and empowerment in homes, communities, and societies, according to a study released today.
Description: "The Women, Peace and Security Index by the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Safety slashed Myanmar’s rank from 119th in 2017 to 150th this year, marking the largest drop ever in the index. The index ranks 167 countries in terms of inclusion, security and justice for women. It drew data from international organisations such as the International Labour Organisation, the United Nations, the World Bank, and others to provide comprehensive insights into women’s well-being and empowerment in each country. “[Myanmar’s] rank of 150th reflects, among other things, the worst rate of organised violence in the region,” according to the index, which cited the “systemic, ongoing oppression and gross human rights violations” against minority Muslims in northern Rakhine State. A woman activist in Myanmar, Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi, said, “I wasn’t surprised the rank dropped while we are in the middle of armed conflicts.” “The ranking highlights the situation that we all still have to be aware and strive to overcome an imbalanced society,” she added..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-14
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Description: "“Traffickers target youths who have bad reputations or low moral character more than youths who don’t understand.” This is what Myanmar’s Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Director General U Win Naing Tun was quoted as saying recently when talking about human trafficking. Most human trafficking in Myanmar involves the selling of women as brides to China. Naing Tun’s words seem, at least at first glance, to have a tinge of victim-blaming in them. Especially as he went on to explain that unlike youth of “low moral character”, other youths could testify against their human traffickers in court, “so they avoid them”. While it would be unfair to accuse Naing Tun of victim-blaming with such limited information available on the statements he made, it is also true that victim-blaming has been a rampant practice in Myanmar. Even people of authority have been reported as practicing victim-blaming, especially concerning rape. Back in 2017, in an interview with local news, Lunn Aung San, the head of police in Ah Pyauk, Taukkyi township, said that most cases of sexual assault or abuse arise due to the woman victim’s choices..."
Source/publisher: "The ASEAN Post" (Malaysia)
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-25
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Summary: "As Myanmar’s historic reform process continues to evolve, more women are needed in leadership roles of all kinds, including in parliaments. Despite their low numbers, the positive contributions of...
Description: "As Myanmar’s historic reform process continues to evolve, more women are needed in leadership roles of all kinds, including in parliaments. Despite their low numbers, the positive contributions of women MPs in both national and subnational parliaments have already earned the recognition of their constituents. With general elections approaching in 2020, it is time to ask if Myanmar’s political parties will nominate more women, and if so, will they be elected. Though candidate selection very much depends on decisions by party leaders, the good news is that female candidates will not have to make this journey alone. Myanmar now has a small corps of veteran female MPs who can give constructive guidance to women running for office. In early September 2019, The Asia Foundation and a local partner organization, Phan Tee Eain, convened the fourth nationwide Women MPs Forum in Nay Pyi Taw, with 58 women parliamentarians. These included nine MPs from the two houses of the national parliament, the Amyotha Hluttaw and Pyithu Hluttaw, and 49 MPs from parliaments in Kachin and Shan States and the regions of Yangon, Mandalay, Magwe, Sagaing, and Ayeyarwady. The forum was an opportunity to consider strategies to support female candidates in 2020. One key strategy that emerged from the discussions was to share their own experiences as woman MPs, so that female candidates will know what to expect and how to exploit their own unique strengths to win public office..."
Source/publisher: "The Asia Foundation" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-24
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Description: "A landmine explosion on a tea farm killed a woman and injured her husband this week in Kyaukme Township. The couple—Nang Nguen and Sai Thein—accidentally set off the concealed landmine while picking tea in Mont Mart village of Khim Kawng village tract in Mong Ngor sub-township at around 3:00 p.m. on October 9. “They live in a hilltop village. They stepped on a landmine while they were picking tea leaves,” Mong Ngor local Lon Sai told SHAN. Lon Sai said that Nang Nguen endured serious injuries to her legs and died on the way to the hospital. Sai Thein’s hand was wounded in the blast. The mine explosions are becoming an increasingly common danger, he added. “Whenever people go to the tea leaf farms, they can step on landmines. I don’t know what we will do if we cannot work to pick tea in this area. There are many landmines,” Lon Sai explained. Multiple armed groups are active in Kyaukme Township, including the Burma Army, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army. Clashes are frequent..."
Source/publisher: "Shan Herald Agency for News" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-23
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Description: "Women's magazine which produced by Women Association of Shan State (WASS). Contents of magazine was focused on women's education, environmental issues and some politic issue that women need to be ware.... "
Source/publisher: Kham Koo Website
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-19
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Description: "More than 2,000 people have been displaced from their homes in Myanmar's northern Shan state, as the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, an ethnic Palaung armed group and the Myanmar army staged tit-for-tat attacks. That's despite unilateral ceasefire announcements by both sides in the past two months. And civilians caught in the middle of that fighting are bearing the brunt..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-11
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Summary: "This story was originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women Across the world, millions of women and girls live in the long shadows of human trafficking. Whether ensnared by force, coercion, or...
Description: "This story was originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women Across the world, millions of women and girls live in the long shadows of human trafficking. Whether ensnared by force, coercion, or deception, they live in limbo, in fear, in pain. Because human trafficking operates in darkness, it’s difficult to get exact numbers of victims. However, the vast majority of detected trafficking victims are women and girls, and three out of four are trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Wherever there is poverty, conflict and gender inequality, women’s and girls’ lives are at-risk for exploitation. Human trafficking is a heinous crime that shatters lives, families and dreams. On World Day against Trafficking in Persons, three women survivors tell us their stories. Their words are testament to their incredible resilience and point toward the urgency for action to prosecute perpetrators and support survivors along their journeys to restored dignity, health and hope. Karimova comes full circle. When she was 22 years old, Luiza Karimova left her home in Uzbekistan and travelled to Osh, Kyrgyzstan with the hopes of finding work. However, without a Kyrgyz ID or university degree, Karimova struggled to find employment. When a woman offered her a waitressing job in Bishkek, the capital city in the north of Kyrgyzstan, she welcomed the opportunity..."
Source/publisher: UN Women via Reliefweb
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-04
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Description: "SUNY Cortland hosted two women activists from Myanmar on Thursday, Sept. 5, for a day of conversations about the collision of faith, feminism and ethnicity in their country, which is struggling with longstanding inequality among various groups of people. Thet Su Htwe, M.D., a Muslim doctor who runs sexuality education programs that go against conservative cultural norms, and Kyaw Thein, a member of Myanmar’s oppressed Rohingya minority who faced discrimination in the male-dominated field of civil engineering, met with the campus community during several events throughout the day. Two of the events were open to the public, who were invited to attend free of charge. “Being Muslim and Female in Myanmar: Two Perspectives,” was presented by Htwe and Thein as a sandwich seminar from noon to 1 p.m. in Brockway Hall Jacobus Lounge. “Education in Myanmar and the Challenges of Diversity” featured Htwe and Thein in a panel discussion from 4:30 to 6 p.m. in Sperry Center, Room 104. Moderated by Jeremy Jimenez, a Cortland assistant professor of foundations and social advocacy, the panel also included Thamora Fishel, associate director of Cornell University’s Southeast Asia Program; Rhoda Linton, a longtime advocate for women’s education and empowerment in Burma; and Cornell University doctoral students..."
Source/publisher: "SUNY Cortland"
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-14
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Description: "At a Myanmar studies workshop late last year, I eye through the papers we are to comment on and notice the absence of women from the bibliographies I read. When I question this, the response is first a bored kind of silence before one of the participants explains, patiently, that everyone writing extensively on these topics is already included. When I object, and offer to share names of women writing on this topic, someone else, probably thinking that he is supportive, smiles and says, sure, for the sake of political correctness. Send the list on. I try to make an argument for the importance of including other perspectives, try to emphasise that which gets lost when we take knowledge for granted and assume one type of knowledge is necessarily the same as—or an acceptable stand-in for—another. I see someone yawn. When the papers come out I notice – again – the absence of women from the bibliographies. The references I sent on were never used. Why does this matter? Why is this, the absence of certain voices, so troubling? Let me tell you a secret. It is NOT about political correctness. If anything, it is scholarly laziness, which I am as guilty of as anyone else. I am aware of how easy it is to use reliable, and therefore repetitive, citation practices, rather than making the effort to look for new studies on the topic I am interested in. Researching new work – whether actually new or just new to me – takes time. I easily fall back on old patterns, well-threaded research paths..."
Source/publisher: "TEACIRCLEOXFORD"
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-09
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Description: "On this day 98 years ago, a mass women’s meeting in Yangon called on the colonial governor to send female representatives to the Burma Roundtable Conference in London, which would discuss Myanmar’s partition from India. The demand was made because the only representatives on the list of attendees were men. Daw Mya Sein, the first Burmese woman to graduate from Oxford University and the daughter of then-Home Affairs Minister U May Oung, attended the conference in November in 1931. She was 27 years old at the time. Daw Mya Sein served as a representative of Asia to the League of Nations and as a representative at the Geneva Women’s Conference; she was recommended for roundtable attendance by the British government and by several international women’s organizations..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-24
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Sub-title: Myanmar's Penal Code, which dates back to the British colonial era, is vague and rarely used to prosecute cases of domestic violence. Its definition of rape is narrow and excludes marital rape.
Description: "Cradling her one-year-old daughter in a house in southern Myanmar, 22-year-old Nu Nu Aye recalled the reasons her husband gave for beating her. She hadn't looked after his rooster. She wouldn't have sex with him. In a meeting brokered by a village elder, he said he would beat her when "necessary". "His abuse got worse after that," she said. Finally, he tried to strangle her while she was sleeping. In Myanmar, where the US-funded Demographic and Health Survey suggested at least one-fifth of women are abused by a partner - a figure activists say is likely an underestimate because many cases are not reported - there is no specific law against domestic violence. Women such as Nu Nu Aye, whose account Reuters could not independently verify, usually rely on intervention by local leaders to arrange settlements with partners whose abuse is largely regarded as a private affair..."
Source/publisher: "India Today" via Reuters
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-18
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Description: “Women and their partners still need accurate information about contraceptive choices. In some circumstances, women cannot exercise their #rights and #choices to access to contraceptive services.” At ICPD25, What’s Changed in Myanmar in the area of sexuality education, and what’s the Unfinished Business?..."
Source/publisher: UNFPA MYANMAR
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-16
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Sub-title: Like many of her peers who left Myanmar to work or study overseas, Ma Sandy Sein Thein, founder of Geek Girls Myanmar and managing director of Digital Kaway Co Ltd, was lured back home by the opportunity to contribute to the country’s growth and developme
Description: "She returned in 2014 after working in Singapore. Ma Sandy majored in French at university and worked in sales and marketing, but she noticed a gap in technology and saw its potential to modernise Myanmar and upgrade its living standards, so she decided to play a role in bringing technology to the country. To get the required experience and contacts, she went to work for a telecommunications company helping people to set up technology businesses and connect with investors. From there, she and a partner set up Digital Kaway in 2014. At the time, mobile phone technology was booming, and everyone in Myanmar had internet access on their mobile phones within two years. However, she noticed that not many women were in leading technology roles or studying at technological universities. Most were not thinking about careers in the field. “I wanted to create a space for them, so we founded Geek Girls to help women realise their dreams and goals by using technology. Men in this field are always meeting to share ideas, but women were uncomfortable doing this, so they weren’t sharing their knowledge with each other,” Ma Sandy said. Today, Geek Girls Myanmar is tackling issues like cyberbullying and cybersecurity, she said, adding that there is an urgent need for mechanisms to deal with cyberbullying, especially for women..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Times
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-03
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Sub-title: Brittiney Tun, an American teacher and owner of Discover Myanmar Magazine, which she co-founded with her husband, Ye Myat Tun, is wearing thanakha (traditional Myanmar make-up), and has knotted her hair with thazin flowers, Burmese style.
Description: "Most days, she is focused on meeting deadlines so that her magazine will publish in time. Still, she finds time to take care of her daughter and cook Burmese meals for her family. Now, she is also helping to teach Myanmar students to overcome language barriers. As a teacher at the American English Institute in Yangon, Brittney reckons the Myanmar education system needs to support students and teachers. She said Myanmar students are very studious and value their education, but they need access to diverse teaching methods and learning tools. She advises students not to be afraid to make mistakes, or they will be their own worst enemy. “Education is your greatest ally. Your education can never be stolen from you. Don’t learn things only about your current field: learn everything! Find something to study other than your current vocation and just suck it all in like a vacuum” she said. Moreover, she encourages her students to learn English skills through self-study. “First, find out how you learn. Do you learn best by hearing, listening, or doing? If you prefer hearing, I would advise you to watch as many videos as you can, listen to music, and hold conversations with other speakers. For visual learners, read as many books as you can, watch videos with English subtitles, and watch presentations with graphics. Ted Talks is always great. For those who learn best by doing, you need to combine your learning with some physical activity to help you store the lessons in your long-term memory.” A supportive family and life partner are very important to a working mother, and Brittney has those people surrounding her, especially her husband, who always advises her to pursue her goals..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Times
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-03
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Description: "The content of the publication Development Without Women Is Not Development: Why Gender Matters to the Asian Development Bank—drawn from various articles of the bi-annually published SEAGEN Waves Newsletter: Gender and Development News—was produced by Uzma S. Hoque, former senior social sector specialist (Gender and Development) of the Southeast Asia Department, Asian Development Bank (ADB). Assistance provided by Karen Emmons in the preparation of individual feature stories as part of a broader compilation of women’s narratives in Southeast Asia is recognized. The support of Laurence Levaque, senior social sector specialist (Gender and Development), Rikard Elfving, senior social sector specialist, Zonibel Woods, senior gender specialist and Southeast Asia Department national gender consultants (former and present) Leavides G. Domingo-Cabarrubias, Claire Angeline P. Luczon, and Joanne Carmela Barriga Quintana, in the coordination and completion of the booklet, is greatly appreciated. Gender specialists, Chandy Chea, Theonakhet Saphakdy, Giang T. Nguyen, and colleagues from ADB resident missions in Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, and Viet Nam have assisted in the collection of narratives and photos from their respective countries. Administration support was facilitated by Maria Angelica Magali Vivar and Ruchel Marie Grace Rea Roque-Villaroman. Thanks is extended to the Department of Communications for their assistance in publishing the booklet. Coordination support has been carried out by Ma. Katrina M. Fernando from ADB Department of Communications. Proofreading services were rendered by Ma. Theresa Arago. Edith Creus prepared the layout design for the booklet. The women in Southeast Asia, whose stories are presented in the publication, are gratefully acknowledged. Their narratives articulate aspirations toward empowerment and inspire ADB’s commitment on accelerating progress in gender equality as prioritized in the ADB’s Strategy 2030: Achieving a Prosperous, Inclusive, Resilient, and Sustainable Asia and the Pacific..."
Source/publisher: Asia Development Bank (ADB)
Date of entry/update: 2019-07-08
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Description: "For International Women's Day, UNODC joins millions of women around the world in celebration of their social, political, economic achievements. This year's international theme "Think equal, build smart and innovate for change" advocates for innovative ways in which we can advance gender parity in all sectors and empower women and girls. Myanmar's country celebrated International Women's Day with a leadership training aimed at women farmers, cooperative board members and UNODC staff. The participants are part of UNODC's Alternative Development sub-programme. This programme is based in Southern Shan State, and aids farmers in switching from producing opium crops to growing coffee. This also included the establishment of a coffee cooperative, "Green Gold". A major achievement of the programme in 2018 was the modification of the statute of the cooperative in order to allow for a greater and more active participation of women within the cooperative. The administrative board of the cooperative is composed of 16 active members, with an equal participation of men and women. #BalanceforBetter emphasizes innovation as a critical tool to challenge inequalities and to accelerate gender equality through women's empowerment. It is through innovation that the Green Gold Cooperative was formed, especially through introducing a gender-balanced administrative board. As Joelle Charbonneau, UNODC Gender Advisor, commented, "I can say proudly that you all have already made an important advancement towards gender equality, with the modification of the composition of the Administrative Board of Green Gold and the creation of committees at village level with an important participation of women. My invitation is to continue working in that direction, together with your husbands, relatives and friends." The International Women's Day leadership workshop was aimed at the female representatives of the cooperative, as well as other female farmers and staff in leadership roles. The workshop began with a panel of speakers, including women from the Gender Equality Network, the Shan's Women's Organization Network, the Women's Development Society and the Women Entrepreneur Association from Shan State. The women spoke about their experiences in starting their own businesses, promoting their ethnic group's culture and literature, fighting for education, and advocating and working with the government to promote women's rights and leadership. Participants also engaged in a leadership workshop and discussed challenges and solutions on achieving women's equality within their daily roles..."
Source/publisher: UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime)
2019-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2019-06-23
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Language: English
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Description: "Today, women account for almost half the world’s international migrants.1 Global labour migration trends show that more women are migrating independently for economic reasons and not only as the dependants of men. Migration decisions and strategies are different among men and women and migration affects men and women in different ways – whether they are migrants or not. Women migrants tend to work in different sectors of the labour market from men, often with different levels of job security and wages, and different remittance patterns.2 Given these differences, it is important to consider how gender shapes who migrates, where, when and how, as well as the different impacts of men and women’s migration. This briefing paper presents findings from the CHIME study relating to gender and migration in four regions of Myanmar. It outlines differences and similarities between men and women’s patterns of migration. This is followed by sections on drivers and strategies of migration, remittance amounts and incidence, and the impact of migration on gender roles. Finally, it outlines considerations for future action..."
Source/publisher: International Organization for Migration (IOM)
2017-01-01
Date of entry/update: 2019-06-21
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Language: English
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Description: "In Myanmar?s Kachin State, a women?s drop-in centre has transformed into more than just a harm reduction facility. Leading up to International Women?s Day, we spoke with Thinzar Tun (AHRN Myanmar) about what makes this centre special.For decades, the war on drugs has negatively impacted millions of lives. It has led to damaging forms of marginalisation, alarming rates of incarceration, and a wide array of ?unintended consequences? of drug control policies, from corruption and injustice to violence in illicit markets. In most parts of the world, for reasons related to broader gender inequality, women are disproportionately affected by these policy impacts at varying levels. It is only recently that this issue has begun to receive particular attention within the world of drug policy activism..."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI)
2018-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2018-05-25
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Description: "Women have a critical role to play in the development of Myanmar, but they face a broad range of challenges including low skills, limited employment opportunities, and inadequate representation and participation in governance. In response, The Asia Foundation is committed to gender equality in its program in Myanmar and works with the government, civil society organizations, business associations, media, and international development partners to support women to maximize their full potential."
Source/publisher: The Asia Foundation
2018-01-25
Date of entry/update: 2018-04-14
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Description: "Sixty years of military rule in Myanmar has seen the critical role of women?s political participation marginalized. From an extremely low base, the 2010 general elections increased the opportunity for women?s participation in governance. The 2015 general elections presented another opportunity for a more inclusive representational government, and Myanmar saw a significant increase in the number of women parliamentarians. However, there remain substantial challenges to addressing the gender gap in political participation in Myanmar. Given the nascent but evolving context for women?s political participation in Myanmar, The Asia Foundation thought that it would be useful to document the experiences of the first generation of women parliamentarians to understand better their motivations and the challenges they face. We hope that the insights that they have about their own situations and what can be improved will be useful for the next generation of women?s parliamentarians as well as informing relevant support provided by government, political parties, and civil society organizations to increase gender equality in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: The Asia Foundation
2017-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2018-04-14
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Description: "Shagun Gupta looks at gender equality in relation to age...A recent article published in Tea Circle Oxford provoked some passionate responses arguing that more needs to be done to ensure the progress made on gender equality in Myanmar does not falter. The ensuing debate has largely favoured the rejection of an ill-informed diagnosis that is based on conjecture surrounding the ?myth of the disempowered Myanmar woman?. The thesis presented by Brandon Aung Moe was compelling in theory, and did establish that activists often view gender equality issues in Myanmar as a binary when in fact, they exist on a spectrum. More importantly however, the article failed to ground itself in the lived experience of not only Burmese women but also that of ethnic women who have historically suffered far greater injustices in troubled peripheries of the Union..."
Source/publisher: teacircleoxford
2017-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2017-09-02
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Description: "This case study is one of four commissioned by BRACED to assess the links between resilience and gender in partners? projects. It documents approaches used to promote gender equality within the BRACED Myanmar Alliance, as well as the latent challenges and opportunities in this process...key messages • The BRACED Alliance in Myanmar aims to shift community-level power dynamics, by increasingly integrating women into decision- making structures, building their economic security and honoring their leadership abilities. • The project will also inform and drive strategic policy interventions on women?s empowerment within climate change and DRR narratives. • However, gender transformation is a slow and dynamic process. Three years of resilience programming is not enough time to recast social norms that have crystallized over decades. • Gender transformation requires us to redefine gender roles and identities and to assess the concurrent monitoring and evaluation of changing social, political and economic trends as well as how communities respond to this process. • The Myanmar Alliance can set the foundation and pave the way to build climate- resilient communities where women equally drive sustainable development practices..."
Melanie Hilton, Yee Mon Maung, Virginie Le Masson
Source/publisher: BRACED
2015-12-31
Date of entry/update: 2016-09-13
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Description: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "From 1962 to 2011 in Burma, the combination of repressive rule by a male-dominated military and a traditional cultural patriarchy had insidious and pervasive long-term negative effects on women?s equality. Decades of repression adversely impacted women?s health, well-being and welfare, ability to participate in politics and political decision-making, and educational, economic and employment opportunities. Moreover, during those six decades the military also waged war in several regions of Burma against various Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and conflict continues to this day. These long-running conflicts h ave been characterized by human rights abuses against ethnic communities, including se xual violence against ethnic women, and have had a devastating negative impact on the rights and opportunities available to ethnic women. In 2011, the military instituted a process of reform as part of a carefully-orchestrated plan to continue military rule under the guise of democracy. Since this nominally- civilian government (the Government) took power in 2011, women in Burma have experienced limited improvements with respect to fundamental human rights and freedoms but are far from enjoying the rights required by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), to which Burma is a party. After years of ?reform,” significant economic, political and social problems for women remain: widespread poverty and underdevelopment; a lack of legal, administrative and institutional capacity; a governing system that continues to lack true accountability and transparency; ongoing ethnic conflict, including continued human rights abuses and sexual violence by military forces; and pervasive gender inequality. The failure, after five years in office, of the Government to improve women?s rights to substantive equality and non-discrimination demonstrates a disregard for CEDAW?s mandates and compares unfavorably with troubling actions such as continuing sexual violence by the military, the swift passage of the discriminatory Laws on Race & Religion, and the failure to enact a comprehensive violence against women law. This Report focuses the women?s human rights situation in Burma?s ethnic areas, in particular in remote and conflict affected areas where most of WLB?s member organisations are operating. We highlight the ways in which rural and ethnic women in Burma are denied the equality and non-discrimination guarantees provided by CEDAW. While all women in Burma face the same struggle to enjoy their rights under CEDAW, rural and ethnic women face additional hurdles and specific harms such as trafficking, unequal access to education and healthcare, land insecurity and the devastating impact of drug production and trade. Moreover, rural and ethnic women are directly implicated by armed conflict and the quest for peace. This gap between the experiences of women in cities and urban settings versus those of ethic women in rural areas must be understood and taken account when analyzing the status of women?s rights in Burma. This Report seeks to highlight certain significant factors impeding women?s rights throughout the country. First, the military continues to play a powerful role in society and politics. This deeply-entrenched power is provided, in part, by the 2008 Constitution which grants the military complete legal autonomy over its own affairs, placing it outside of any civilian oversight by the executive or legislative branches. Further, the Constitution provides immunity to the military and Government officials for any misdeeds, including conflict-related sexual violence, in office and ensures that all military matters are to be decided solely by the military. Other provisions, such as Parliamentary quotas, ensure that the Military will retain a significant role in the legislative and executive branches. Therefore, the power and domination of the military at all levels of government is guaranteed in the Constitution, and, because the Military enjoys a veto over all Constitutional amendments, this power is unlikely to be reduced in the near future. Second, continued conflict has caused additional suffering for ethnic and rural women. The military has committed human rights abuses, including sexual violence against ethnic women, as part of its offensives in ethnic areas. Part of the conflict stems from a desire to control the vast natural resources in ethnic areas, and the military and its cronies have long-standing and extensive business interests in ethnic regions. Continuing conflict, and the web of military presence and business interests in ethnic areas, has had a devastating effect on women and women?s rights, especially in rural and ethnic areas. Third, part of the lack of progress on women?s equality is due to the woefully inadequate legal system in Burma. First and foremost, the Constitution itself establishes structural barriers to equality, and discriminates outright against women through failing to provide a CEDAW-compliant definition of discrimination and limiting job opportunities for women. It also discriminates against women indirectly by establishing the Parliamentary quotas for the military. Most of the laws that relate specifically to women are outdated, such as the Penal Code of 1861, and many laws, regulations, and policies (including customary law) are disadvantageous and discriminatory towards women. Laws passed since 2011 often did not take women?s concerns into account and some, such as the Laws on Race & Religion, are discriminatory outright. Women also do not enjoy protection from anti-discrimination legislation or a comprehensive violence against women law, which is of particular concern for women victims of conflict-related sexual violence. Moreover, even legal and other rights that are available on paper are often not enforced due to corruption in the legal system, the police force and other governmental authorities. These failures are compounded by a judiciary that is unreliable, susceptible to military influence and corruption, and often unwilling to enforce the rule of law. Outside of the formal legal system, the application of customary laws which are prevalent in rural and ethnic areas can also impede women?s access to justice. These factors present serious obstacles to women?s ability to know or enforce their rights. It is hoped that ensuring women?s equality will be a greater focus of the new NLD-led Government that came to power in April 2016. Given the structural barriers established by the military, including those in the Constitution, reducing the power and influence of the military will be a challenge. To encourage the new Government on the path to ensuring human rights, and women?s rights, it is crucial to provide it with guidelines and signposts for action. Forums such as this CEDAW review are essential to establishing benchmarks for women?s rights and equality, as promised by CEDAW. Rights under CEDAW should be made available, without restriction or further delay, to every woman and girl in Burma, regardless of her region, religion, or ethnicity."
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2016-07-18
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Language: Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "From 1962 to 2011 in Burma, the combination of repressive rule by a male-dominated military and a traditional cultural patriarchy had insidious and pervasive long-term negative effects on women?s equality. Decades of repression adversely impacted women?s health, well-being and welfare, ability to participate in politics and political decision-making, and educational, economic and employment opportunities. Moreover, during those six decades the military also waged war in several regions of Burma against various Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and conflict continues to this day. These long-running conflicts h ave been characterized by human rights abuses against ethnic communities, including se xual violence against ethnic women, and have had a devastating negative impact on the rights and opportunities available to ethnic women. In 2011, the military instituted a process of reform as part of a carefully-orchestrated plan to continue military rule under the guise of democracy. Since this nominally- civilian government (the Government) took power in 2011, women in Burma have experienced limited improvements with respect to fundamental human rights and freedoms but are far from enjoying the rights required by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), to which Burma is a party. After years of ?reform,” significant economic, political and social problems for women remain: widespread poverty and underdevelopment; a lack of legal, administrative and institutional capacity; a governing system that continues to lack true accountability and transparency; ongoing ethnic conflict, including continued human rights abuses and sexual violence by military forces; and pervasive gender inequality. The failure, after five years in office, of the Government to improve women?s rights to substantive equality and non-discrimination demonstrates a disregard for CEDAW?s mandates and compares unfavorably with troubling actions such as continuing sexual violence by the military, the swift passage of the discriminatory Laws on Race & Religion, and the failure to enact a comprehensive violence against women law. This Report focuses the women?s human rights situation in Burma?s ethnic areas, in particular in remote and conflict affected areas where most of WLB?s member organisations are operating. We highlight the ways in which rural and ethnic women in Burma are denied the equality and non-discrimination guarantees provided by CEDAW. While all women in Burma face the same struggle to enjoy their rights under CEDAW, rural and ethnic women face additional hurdles and specific harms such as trafficking, unequal access to education and healthcare, land insecurity and the devastating impact of drug production and trade. Moreover, rural and ethnic women are directly implicated by armed conflict and the quest for peace. This gap between the experiences of women in cities and urban settings versus those of ethic women in rural areas must be understood and taken account when analyzing the status of women?s rights in Burma. This Report seeks to highlight certain significant factors impeding women?s rights throughout the country. First, the military continues to play a powerful role in society and politics. This deeply-entrenched power is provided, in part, by the 2008 Constitution which grants the military complete legal autonomy over its own affairs, placing it outside of any civilian oversight by the executive or legislative branches. Further, the Constitution provides immunity to the military and Government officials for any misdeeds, including conflict-related sexual violence, in office and ensures that all military matters are to be decided solely by the military. Other provisions, such as Parliamentary quotas, ensure that the Military will retain a significant role in the legislative and executive branches. Therefore, the power and domination of the military at all levels of government is guaranteed in the Constitution, and, because the Military enjoys a veto over all Constitutional amendments, this power is unlikely to be reduced in the near future. Second, continued conflict has caused additional suffering for ethnic and rural women. The military has committed human rights abuses, including sexual violence against ethnic women, as part of its offensives in ethnic areas. Part of the conflict stems from a desire to control the vast natural resources in ethnic areas, and the military and its cronies have long-standing and extensive business interests in ethnic regions. Continuing conflict, and the web of military presence and business interests in ethnic areas, has had a devastating effect on women and women?s rights, especially in rural and ethnic areas. Third, part of the lack of progress on women?s equality is due to the woefully inadequate legal system in Burma. First and foremost, the Constitution itself establishes structural barriers to equality, and discriminates outright against women through failing to provide a CEDAW-compliant definition of discrimination and limiting job opportunities for women. It also discriminates against women indirectly by establishing the Parliamentary quotas for the military. Most of the laws that relate specifically to women are outdated, such as the Penal Code of 1861, and many laws, regulations, and policies (including customary law) are disadvantageous and discriminatory towards women. Laws passed since 2011 often did not take women?s concerns into account and some, such as the Laws on Race & Religion, are discriminatory outright. Women also do not enjoy protection from anti-discrimination legislation or a comprehensive violence against women law, which is of particular concern for women victims of conflict-related sexual violence. Moreover, even legal and other rights that are available on paper are often not enforced due to corruption in the legal system, the police force and other governmental authorities. These failures are compounded by a judiciary that is unreliable, susceptible to military influence and corruption, and often unwilling to enforce the rule of law. Outside of the formal legal system, the application of customary laws which are prevalent in rural and ethnic areas can also impede women?s access to justice. These factors present serious obstacles to women?s ability to know or enforce their rights. It is hoped that ensuring women?s equality will be a greater focus of the new NLD-led Government that came to power in April 2016. Given the structural barriers established by the military, including those in the Constitution, reducing the power and influence of the military will be a challenge. To encourage the new Government on the path to ensuring human rights, and women?s rights, it is crucial to provide it with guidelines and signposts for action. Forums such as this CEDAW review are essential to establishing benchmarks for women?s rights and equality, as promised by CEDAW. Rights under CEDAW should be made available, without restriction or further delay, to every woman and girl in Burma, regardless of her region, religion, or ethnicity."
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2016-07-18
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 3.09 MB
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Description: "Given the enormous potential for real change in Myanmar and because women still face many challenges in their ability to participate in the decision making process, it is important that the inclusivity and equality of governance is not sidelined but remains central in the public discourse. In this context, The Asia Foundation (the Foundation) is pleased to present this research report which discusses the importance of gender equality of participation in governance, past and currents levels of participation in Myanmar, and current actions being taken by government and non-government actors to address the disparity. The report is authored by Paul Minoletti, an independent researcher whose research covers a wide range of governance and economic topics, and frequently focuses on how they relate to issues of gender equality"
Paul Minoletti
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2016-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2016-06-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 695.07 KB 1.71 MB
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Description: "... From grassroots conservation projects to international committees on the environment, women are often underrepresented in the conservation process (Deda and Rubian 2004; Sodhi et al. 2010). Women?s participation is often limited to awareness-raising activities and labor contribution projects (Arya 2007). In their review of implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity, Deda and Rubian (2004) conclude that greater efforts must be made to address the gender disparity in biodiversity conservation policy and actions. Positive relationships between local residents and protected areas are critical to the long-term successful conservation of protected areas. Ensuring that women?s perspectives are included in our understanding of those relationships is not only an important component of a fair and inclusive conservation process, but also has positive practical implications for conservation of protected areas. On one hand, this is because protected areas can disproportionately impact women. For example, women have been shown to bear a greater share of the psychological and physical costs of wildlife conflicts in India (Ogra 2008). If these differences are not recognized, women may receive fewer direct benefits from conservation and be left bearing more costs (Hunter et al. 1990). On the other hand, women can make significant contributions to conservation. Westermann et al. (2005) found in natural resource management groups in 20 countries of Latin America, Africa, and Asia, that collaboration, solidarity, and conflict resolution were greater in groups where women were present. In Nepal and India, Agarwal (2009) found that greater women?s participation in forestry groups was correlated with better forest condition, in terms of both conservation and regeneration, and increased forest patrolling and rule compliance. Unfortunately, our understanding of gender in the context of people?s attitudes toward protected areas (PAs) is limited. Many studies limit their sample to household heads, who are most often men (e.g., Tessema et al. 2010; Vodouheˆ et al. 2010), or do not break down results by gender (e.g., Silori 2007; Rinzin et al. 2009). Studies that include gender as one of many socioeconomic characteristics that may influence people?s relationships with PAs, along with others such as education and wealth, have had mixed results. Some studies find that men have more positive attitudes toward specific protected areas (Mehta and Heinen 2001; Xu et al. 2006; King and Peralvo 2010), some find women more positive (Arjunan et al. 2006), and some find no difference (Bauer 2003; Carrus et al. 2005; Wang et al. 2006; Baral and Heinen 2007; Ferreira and Freire 2009). As described earlier, studies examine the role of gender in conservation without attention to attitudes toward protected areas or they explore the determinants of attitudes toward protected areas without a focus on gender. To our knowledge, however, there are no studies that focus on the effect of gender on attitudes toward protected areas. Thus, this article contributes to the literature by directly examining gender differences in local residents? perceptions of protected areas in Myanmar. We explore whether men and women differ in their attitudes toward the protected areas and perceptions of protected area benefits and problems. Then we explore whether gendered differences in perceptions and socioeconomic characteristics account for any difference in women?s and men?s attitude toward the protected areas..."
Teri D. Allendorf, Keera Allendorf
Source/publisher: University of Wisconsin-Madison, University of Illinois
2015-10-13
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-22
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 599.02 KB
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Description: "... Namati offers this brief in the hope that Myanmar?s national reforms and the implementation of the country?s new National Land Use Policy can grow from the lived experience of ordinary Myanmar citizens. Namati and our partners assist farmers in Myanmar to claim their land rights through a community paralegal approach. Community paralegals are trained in relevant laws, community education, negotiation, and mediation skills to work with farmers to resolve a variety of land rights issues. Dozens of data points are documented as part of each case resolution process that illustrate how the legal framework functions in practice. It is this casework data that underpins this policy brief. Focus groups and interviews with paralegals and clients further provide qualitative context and insights. Namati recommends actions the Myanmar government can take as part of implementing its new National Land Use Policy to help increase women?s engagement in land use management and access to tenure rights. This briefing also provides recommendations for civil society organizations interested in the community paralegal model, and, in particular, in increasing the number of women paralegals in the country as a means of women?s empowerment..."
Source/publisher: NAMATI
2016-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-12
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 481.24 KB
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Description: "Naw Eh is an incredibly determined 20-year-old Karen woman whose perseverance, motivation and hopeful spirit have taken her far beyond what she ever could have imagined as a child. Growing up as an undocumented migrant under extreme poverty and lack of opportunity, unlike many others in Thailand young Naw Eh had no chance to go to school. Instead, she spent her mornings selling snacks to school children, before starting her daily round of looking after the household and collecting recyclables on the streets. Naw Eh was 12 years old when she finally had the opportunity to go to school. From childhood of labour, desperation and rejection by other children, Naw Eh?s determination has, incredibly, led her to study for an internationally recognised GED diploma on the Thailand-Burma border. This is her account on how education, trying incredibly hard, and never giving up, has changed her life and led her towards light and new opportunities."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
2014-12-15
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Description: "Moon Nay Li is the General Secretary of the Kachin Women?s Association Thailand (KWAT), an organisation which she joined in 2002 in order to work for her people and community. The KWAT was founded on September 9th 1999 in response to recognising the urgent need for women to organise themselves to help solve the growing social and economic problems in the Kachin State...The KWAT is very concerned that foreign aid and investment is serving to subsidise the government?s war machine. As Moon Nay Li points out; ?They (international community) are [giving] more support to the government, [but] now the government military has not stopped attacking the ethnic people.” Instead of funding the government?s offensives, ?they have to give pressure to Burmese government to have real political dialogue in our country,” says Moon Nai Li. ?They have to know that (the real) situation and also have to give pressure, not listen only to the government side. But also they have to listen to the ethnic leaders and also the ground, and CBOs and ethnic people.”
Source/publisher: Burma Link
2015-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-17
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Description: "Khu Oo Reh is the General Secretary of the ethnic alliance United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the Vice Chairman of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP). In this exclusive in-depth interview, Khu Oo Reh talks about the goals of the UNFC, the current state of the peace process and the NCA talks (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), as well as the role of the international community who are engaging with the Burma Government and funding the peace process through institutions such as the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC). The views of the UNFC and ethnic armed organisations, who remain in desperate need of support in order to realise a lasting and sustainable peace, end up too often ignored, overlooked, or misunderstood by international actors. Khu Oo Reh strongly encourages the international community to listen to all sides in order to develop an understanding of the dynamics of the problems they are funding to solve."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
2015-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-17
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Description: "Kataerina, a Kayan (also known as Padaung) woman from Pyin Soung village in southern Shan State, is now 35 years old and has three daughters. Her life seems smooth for now, but it was tough and full of struggles for food, education and freedom. Kataerina?s story echoes so many voices from the people of Burma, who have had to endure child labour and an ongoing struggle for food and basic living standards. From armed conflict to being locked up and nearly killed by Burmese soldiers, Kataerina?s struggles finally led her to the Thailand-Burma border where she now lives in the Ban Mai Nai Soi refugee camp in Mae Hong Son Province. From Katarina?s story, you can learn more about the difficulties faced by the Kayan people in eastern Burma, where Kataerina hopes she will not be forced to return to."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
2015-08-29
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Description: "This report documents leadership journeys of women in local leadership roles in Myanmar, in particular of Myanmar?s small cohort of female village tract/ward administrators (VT/WAs). The report is based on field interviews with 15 female VT/WAs undertaken in June and July 2015, and data from the UNDP Myanmar Local Governance Mapping (LGM) conducted between late 2013 and early 2015. Complementing previous studies on social norms and women?s participation in governance in Myanmar, in this report the lives of a number of existing local female leaders and their experiences with local election and leadership take center stage, granting insight in how barriers to women?s participation can be overcome and female local leadership can be expanded..."
Source/publisher: UNDP Myanmar
2016-01-30
Date of entry/update: 2016-02-01
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.07 MB
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Description: Abstract: "Based on primary interviews conducted with women involved in the Kachin armed resistance movement and in Kachin women?s peace networks, this article explores the many roles women play in the armed conflict in Myanmar, highlighting how identities shaped by ethnicity, religion, gender and class influence participation in the armed struggle and inform women?s actions. This article will show how, in Kachin state, the reasons why women from religious- and ethnic-minority groups enlist in ethno-political organizations include experiences of oppression, a dearth of social services, poverty, gender- based violence and nationalism. In other words, these women?s participation in the armed struggle is motivated largely by political and ideological purposes closely related to their identities as members of ethnic and religious minorities. Interestingly, this also seems to inform the motivations of women who join the peace movement, and who advocate the inclusion of women in public deliberations on the conflict and for an end to the war. This means that women have expectations for what peace and security means to them, and as political agents, are able to act on their motivations if needed. This research will bring to the forefront the narratives of religious- and ethnic-minority women in Myanmar, who are typically sidelined from public discussions and state-building exercises in post-conflict settings. In doing so, it will highlight their expectations for political action and settlements, enhancing and broadening analyses of the conflict in Myanmar".....This entry contains the full text of the report (which has chapters on Afghanistan, Myanmar, Philippines and Rwanda) plus the individual chapter on Myanmar in Burmese and English.
Author of Myanmar chapter, Jenny Hedström...Full report: Jenny Hedström, Thiyumi Senarathna, Rosalie Arcala Hall, Sara E. Brown, Jenny Hedström, Anna Larson, Joanna Pares Hoarer
Source/publisher: International Idea
2016-01-27
Date of entry/update: 2016-01-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 211.54 KB 1.09 MB 708.75 KB
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Description: Key Points: "•• Myanmar has suffered from decades of civil war and military rule. Addressing the structural roots of violence, including gendered inequality, are crucial in order to build a sustainable peace. It is essential to analyse conflict, violence and human insecurity within a social context that is shaped by gender inequality. Women are involved in and affected by civil war as victims, survivors and agents of conflict and peace in specific ways which are often different from the experiences of men... •• The role of women is critical to the achievement of peace and democracy. To create a peace and national reform process that is effective and truly inclusive, women need to participate in all levels of decision-making to prevent, manage and resolve conflict... •• International experience shows that failure to incorporate women?s gendered needs and priorities in peace agreements will greatly undermine the potential for sustainable peace. As a result of advocacy from the global women?s movement, many international agreements are now in place providing an imperative for governments to guarantee women?s rights to equitable participation in decision-making on national issues of peace and governance... •• Myanmar?s political and ethnic leaders appear to lack understanding of their responsibility to implement women?s equal rights in decision-making on peace-building and national transition. Women have mostly been excluded from high-level peace negotiations. However women are already participating in important efforts to achieve peace and reconciliation but lack official recognition for this... •• Despite facing repression and discrimination, women?s organisations have accelerated their activities in promoting the rights of women and seeking to ensure that women?s representatives achieve rightful participation in national reform, peace processes and decisions about the country?s future. Myanmar?s leaders and the international community need to demonstrate acknowledgement of these efforts and expand the opportunities for inclusive and gender-equitable decision-making in the peace and democratisation processes under way."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI)
2016-01-13
Date of entry/update: 2016-01-13
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 310.42 KB
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Description: Abstract: "Myanmar is giving increasing attention to gender inequality as an impediment to the development and attainment of human rights especially women?s rights. Realizing the close inter-­‐relationship between gender equality and cultural norms, a qualitative research study, ?Raising the Curtain: Cultural Norms, Social Practices and Gender Equality in Myanmar" was undertaken with the objective of furthering the understanding of social and cultural norms in Myanmar and their impact for men and women in relation to family and community life, work, health and education. The study was implemented in May 2014 covering 543 women and men participants covering seven States and four Regions in Myanmar. This study illustrates that cultural norms and related social practices impact men and women throughout their lifespan, from the most deeply personal?the sense of self, body, confidence, love and marriage-­‐ to the practical organization and valuing of paid and unpaid work; education opportunities; health status and services; participation in community development and the affairs of the nation. Furthermore, it shows how social and cultural norms carry ideas of different functions and worth for men and women, impacting on their life opportunities. Women, regarded as ?bearers and protectors of culture?, are often blamed for what are seen as disappearing cultural values and this can be a barrier to the realization of women?s rights and gender equality. Some salient recommendations from the study include i) using gendered lens on all developmental issues; ii) re-­‐framing gender equality from being seen as a ?women?s issue? to an issue of political advancement, human rights and democracy; iii) broaden the base in gender equality work from the circles of current activists, and engage people of different sexes, socioeconomic backgrounds, education levels, ethnicities, locations and abilities; iv) focus on gender inequality around concrete issues in peoples? lives that have impact at both individual, collective levels.".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015.
Pansy Tun Thein
Source/publisher: International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 177.12 KB
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Description: Abstract: "Women?s political participation and representation vary dramatically within and between countries. This paper selectively reviews the literature on gender gap and women?s participation in politics, focusing on women?s formal political participation particularly from 2010 general election in Burma/Myanmar. The paper discusses, however, various barriers and challenges including traditional, religion, lack of education, experience in public discussion, participation and more importantly the military drafted 2008 constitution for women?s political participation and representation in Burma/Myanmar. It also explains significance of women?s political participation as well as the role of international mechanisms and gender quotas particularly the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Electoral Quotas System for empowering women?s participation in politics. Then, it explores the gap between the 2008 Constitution and the CEDAW standards. Throughout the review, the paper demonstrates a very low level of women?s political participation from secondary data as well as in-­‐depth interviewed with women parliamentarians explained the challenges and difficulties for women participation in politics of decision-­‐making. It also reveals the most common mechanism for increasing women?s political participation-­‐quotas and in order to have an effective the gender electoral quotas system it is explicitly important both men and women attend training and skills development. Importantly, the paper also asks what degree and under what conditions elected women actually do represent women and contribute to gender equality, democracy and whether women are distinctive—does having more women in office make a difference to public policy?".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015.
Sang Hnin Lian
Source/publisher: International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 180.74 KB
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Description: "A bus owner who launched a revolutionary new concept to make customers happier and increase profits ? hire only women as conductors ? is contemplating breaking another barrier: training women to drive the buses as well..."
Aye Nyein Win
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (English)
2015-03-18
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-23
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Description: Full report (a preparatory, 14-page report was issued in November 2014)..... "Violence against women is a serious and reprehensible human rights violation that affects the health, livelihoods and opportunities of women in Myanmar. Civil society actors, government authorities and international stakeholders increasingly recognize the extent and scope of this issue across the country. However, there has been little rigorous research among women in Myanmar?s general population on this topic to-date. The research presented in this report helps to fill the gap on what is known about women?s experiences of abuse and violence by their husbands and other men. In carrying out this study GEN collaborated closely with the Department of Social Welfare. It signals an increased interest and investment by the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as well as national and international actors, to build the evidence base, and enhance activities to respond to and prevent violence against women across the country..."..... Contents:- Acknowledgements... Executive Summary... Chapter 1: Introduction: Background and Objectives of the Study; Literature Review; Violence against Women in the General Population; Sexual Violence in Myanmar; Factors Associated with Women?s Experiences of Violence; Gaps in the Literature... Chapter 2: Methodology: Conceptual Framework; Defining Violence Against Women; Violence as a Human Rights Issue; Socio-ecological Model; Participatory Approaches; Conducting Qualitative Research on Violence against Women; Study Design; Location and Site Criteria; Sampling and Participant Recruitment; In-depth Interview Sampling; Focus-group Discussion Sampling; Key Informant Sampling; Ethical and Safety Procedures; Analysis Methods; Strengths and Limitations of the Study; Validity of the Data; Sample Demographics... Chapter 3: Women?s Experiences of Violence: Intimate Partner Violence; Emotional Violence; Economic Abuse; Physical Violence; Sexual Violence or Marital Rape; Cycles and Patterns of Intimate Partner Violence; Sexual Harassment and Assault; Groping in Public Spaces; Sexual Assault or Rape... Chapter 4: Consequences of Violence against Women: Mental Health Consequences; Depression and Emotional Stress; Attempted Suicide and Suicidal Thoughts; Anger and Frustration; Physical Health Consequences; Bruises, Swelling and Surface Wounds; Medically ?Severe” Injuries; Physical Consequences of Emotional Stress; Sexual and Reproductive Consequences; Relationship and Family Consequences; Relationship Stress; Impact of Violence on Children; Social Consequences; The ?Surroundings” and Community Stigma; Social Anxiety and Isolation... Chapter 5: Coping Strategies & Help-seeking Behaviour: Internal Coping Strategies; Defensive Coping Strategies; Help-seeking Behaviours; Talking to Friends, Relatives and Neighbours; Accessing Legal Support; Accessing Health Clinics and Medical Services; Reporting to the Authorities; Barriers to Disclosure; Separation, Divorce and Barriers to Leaving; Divorce and Remarriage; Barriers to Leaving... Chapter 6: Features of Abuse and Pathways into Violence: Individual Level; Men?s Challenges with Stress, and Masculinity; Husbands? Alcohol Abuse; Childhood Experiences of Abuse; Relationship/Family Level; Women?s Pathways into Marriage; Extra-marital Affairs; Quarrelling and Challenging Male Authority; Concurrent Forms of Violence; Community Level; Community Responses to Intimate Partner Violence; Unemployment and Economic Stress; Lack of Public Safety for Women; Society Level; Unequal Access to Resources and Opportunities; Gender Norms in Myanmar; Norms around Women?s Sexuality and Men?s Access to Women?s Bodies... Chapter 7: Recommendations... References... Annex 1: Glossary.
Source/publisher: Gender Equality Network (GEN)
2015-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2015-02-27
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.32 MB 2.6 MB
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Description: "This report exposes the damaging impacts of the Dawei Special Economic Zone (DSEZ) project on rural Tavoyan women living in six affected villages in southern Burma. Most of the local population are fisherfolk and farmers, who have lived sustainably for generations in this isolated coastal area. They have been given no choice about accepting this multi-billion dollor Thailand-Burma joint venture, which will turn their pristine lands into the largest petrochemical estate in Southeast Asia. Despite delays and funding constraints since implementation began in 2010, the project has been progressing steadily on the ground. Most of the coastal area near the project has been turned into a no-go zone, and large areas of farmland confiscated and destroyed to build initial infrastructure..."
Source/publisher: Tavoy Women?s Union
2014-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-06
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.05 MB
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Description: Introduction: "Since the unanimous adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in 2000, international consensus has been built around the need to involve women in peace processes in order for peace building to be sustainable, democratic and inclusive. This policy framework now includes five resolutions adopted by the Security Council to promote and protect the rights of women in conflict and post-conflict situations. The recent 7-point action plan released by the United Nation?s Secretary General in 2010 reafirmed the importance of mainstreaming a gender perspective throughout all aspects of the peace building process, and identiied several substantive points of action to increase gender responsiveness... Despite this, women in Burma are effectively excluded from participating in the negotiations for peace. Less than a handful of women have been part of the offcial talks held between the State and the armed groups, and none of the 12 preliminary ceasefire agreements reviewed for this report includes any references to gender or women. The expertise of local women?s groups in peacemaking and trust building efforts has gone unnoticed, and concerns raised by women are being sidelined. The interest by the dominant funders of the Burmese peace building initiatives, the international community, in advocating for the increased participation of women or for the mainstreaming of gender responsiveness has been, at best, inadequate. This is a worrisome development which requires action from both international and local actors as the continued exclusion of women risks undermining the legitimacy of the entire process."
Source/publisher: Swedish Burma Committee
2013-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 132.39 KB
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Description: "In early 2011, the Department of Social Welfare indicated that it wanted to commence the process of drafting new laws to prevent violence against women (VAW) in Myanmar. Current laws, including descriptions in the Penal Code (1861), indicate that offences involving sexual and gender-based violence do not adequately address women?s experiences of violence, or reflect the contemporary values of Myanmar society. Additionally, legislative reform is needed to bring the body of Myanmar?s laws into greater compliance with CEDAW 1 . In line with international commitments made under CEDAW, the initiative to develop laws on VAW in Myanmar is part of a broader initiative to effect law reform in other areas related to and impacting on gender equality, including laws on property, employment, social security, health, family, and trafficking. The creation of new Violence Against Women laws could effectively fill the gaps in existing legislation, particularly with respect to sexual violence, and clarify issues of conflict between laws by superseding inadequate, inappropriate or discriminatory measures. It could provide specific provisions addressing domestic violence and victim support, where no legislation currently exists. A new law could also strengthen existing provisions in the Constitution and provide a definition of discrimination that harmonizes with CEDAW. Drafting new VAW laws could present an opportunity to mandate training for law enforcement officers and the judiciary in gender and women?s human rights issues, and specific measures could be included to contribute to the development of mechanisms for monitoring enforcement of the laws..."
Source/publisher: Gender Equality Network (GEN)
2012-12-31
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.96 MB
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Description: Content: 1 Preamble... 2 Application of the Act and General Provisions... General Equality Provisions... Violence Against Women... Domestic Violence ... Sexual Violence...Violence Against Women in Emergencies... Incest... Stalking... Protections for Victims of Sexual and Gender-based Violence... Compensation...Protection Orders... Duties of Police Officers...Sexual Harassment...Tribunals - Sexual Violence/Gender Discrimination... Training of Government Personnel... Public Education and Awareness Raising...Programs...Monitoring ...Miscellaneous Provisions Registration of Organizations Protecting Women?s Human Rights Implementation... Consequential Amendments to Other Legislation
Source/publisher: Gender Equality Network (GEN)
2012-12-31
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.14 MB
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Description: The full version of this Briefing Paper will be published in February 2015..... Background: "Violence against women is a serious and reprehensible human rights violation that directly and indirectly affects the health, livelihoods and opportunities of women in Myanmar. Civil society actors, government authorities and international agencies increasingly recognize the extent and scope of this issue across the country. However, there has been little rigorous research conducted on this topic among women in Myanmar?s general population. This qualitative study on violence against women helps to fill the gap on what is known about women?s experiences of abuse and violence by their husbands and other men. This Briefing Paper provides a summary of the research findings from the full report. In carrying out this study, GEN collaborated closely with the Department of Social Welfare. The research was also approved by the Ethical Review Committee of the Department of Medical Research, Lower Myanmar. There is increasing interest and investment by the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as well as national and international actors, to build the evidence base, and to enhance activities to respond to and prevent violence against women across the country. The study was commissioned by GEN, an active inter-agency network, comprising over 100 national and international non-government organisations, civil society organisations, networks and technical resource persons...
Source/publisher: Gender Equality Network (GEN)
2014-11-26
Date of entry/update: 2014-11-29
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ (Metadata: English)
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.49 MB 8.31 MB
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Description: The full version of this Briefing Paper will be published in February 2015..... Background: "Violence against women is a serious and reprehensible human rights violation that directly and indirectly affects the health, livelihoods and opportunities of women in Myanmar. Civil society actors, government authorities and international agencies increasingly recognize the extent and scope of this issue across the country. However, there has been little rigorous research conducted on this topic among women in Myanmar?s general population. This qualitative study on violence against women helps to fill the gap on what is known about women?s experiences of abuse and violence by their husbands and other men. This Briefing Paper provides a summary of the research findings from the full report. In carrying out this study, GEN collaborated closely with the Department of Social Welfare. The research was also approved by the Ethical Review Committee of the Department of Medical Research, Lower Myanmar. There is increasing interest and investment by the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as well as national and international actors, to build the evidence base, and to enhance activities to respond to and prevent violence against women across the country. The study was commissioned by GEN, an active inter-agency network, comprising over 100 national and international non-government organisations, civil society organisations, networks and technical resource persons..."
Source/publisher: Gender Equality Network (GEN)
2014-11-26
Date of entry/update: 2014-11-29
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.1 MB 3.66 MB
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Description: Abstract: "An estimated twelve million people worldwide are stateless, or living without the legal bond of citizenship or nationality with any state, and consequently face barriers to employment, property ownership, education, health care, customary legal rights, and national and international protection. More than one-quarter of the world?s stateless people live in Thailand. This feminist ethnography explores the impact of statelessness on the everyday lives of Burmese women political exiles living in Thailand through the paradigm of human security and its six indicators: food, economic, personal, political, health, and community security. The research reveals that exclusion from national and international legal protections creates pervasive and profound political and personal insecurity due to violence and harassment from state and non-state actors. Strong networks, however, between exiled activists and their organizations provide community security, through which stateless women may access various levels of food, economic, and health security. Using the human security paradigm as a metric, this research identifies acute barriers to Burmese stateless women exiles? experiences and expectations of well-being, therefore illustrating the potential of human security as a measurement by which conflict resolution scholars and practitioners may describe and evaluate their work in the context of positive peace."
Elizabeth Hooker
Source/publisher: Portland University (MS thesis)
2011-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2013-10-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
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Description: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "The Burmese government?s renewed war against the Kachin has exponentially increased the risk of human trafficking along the China-Burma border. New documentation by KWAT indicates that large-scale displacement, lack of refugee protection and shortages of humanitarian aid have become significant new push factors fuelling the trafficking problem. Burma Army offensives against the Kachin Independence Army since June 2011 and widespread human rights abuses have driven over 100,000 villagers from their homes, mainly in eastern Kachin State. The majority of these refugees have fled to crowded IDP camps along the China border, which receive virtually no international aid. Desperate to earn an income, but with little or no legal option to pursue migrant work in China, many cross the border illegally. Their lack of legal status renders them extremely vulnerable to exploitation by traffickers, who use well-trodden routes to transport and sell people into bonded labor or forced marriage as far as eastern provinces of China. Although ongoing attacks and massive social upheaval since the start of the conflict have hampered systematic data collection, KWAT has documented 24 trafficking cases from Kachin border areas since June 2011, mostly involving young women and girls displaced by the war, who have been tricked, drugged, raped, and sold to Chinese men or families as brides or bonded laborers. The sale of women and children is a lucrative source of income for traffickers, who can make as much as 40,000 Yuan (approximately $6,500 USD) per person. While some manage to escape, and may be assisted by Chinese authorities in returning home, others disappear without a trace. Kachin authorities and community-based groups have played a key role in providing help with trafficking cases, and assisting women to be reunited with their families. No trafficked women or their families sought help from Burmese authorities. The Burmese government lists an anti-trafficking border liaison office at Loije on the Kachin-China border, but it is unknown to the community and thought to be non-functional. Far from seeking to provide protection to the internally displaced persons (IDPs) and mitigate trafficking risks, the Burmese government has continued to fuel the war, block humanitarian aid to IDPs in Kachin controlled areas, and even attack and destroy IDP camps, driving refugees into China. It has also closed some of the immigration offices on the Kachin-China border which could provide border passes for refugees to legally seek work in China. It is thus ironic that in 2012, Burma was recognized in the U.S. State Department?s Annual Trafficking in Persons Report as increasing its efforts in combating human trafficking, resulting in a rise from its bottomlevel ranking for the first time in the history of the report, and a corresponding increase in financial support to Burma?s quasi-civilian government. It is urgently needed to address the structural problems that have led to mass migration and trafficking in the past and also spurred the recent conflict. The Burmese military?s gross mismanagement of resource revenues from Kachin State over the past few decades, and ongoing land confiscation, forced relocation, and human rights abuses, have pushed countless Kachin civilians across the Chinese border in search of peace and the fulfillment of basic needs. These problems led to the breakdown of the 17-year ceasefire between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the military-dominated government in 2011. Refusing to engage in dialogue to address Kachin demands for equality and equitable development, the government launched attacks to seize total control over the wealth of resources in Kachin State. Resolving the current conflict via genuine political dialogue would not only be a step towards peace, but also a concrete move towards curbing human trafficking from Kachin areas. Launching a range of reforms dealing with the political and economic factors driving people beyond Burma?s borders is critical to addressing trafficking. Therefore, KWAT recommends the following:..."
Source/publisher: Kachin Women?s Association Thailand (KWAT)
2013-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2013-06-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.05 MB 40.33 KB
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Description: Introduction: "Myanmar has experienced one of the most complex and long lasting armed conflicts in the world. Since 1948, successive military governments have come to power under the guise of managing diverse ethnic armed groups with demands for self-determination and the granting of equal rights to ethnic nationalities. While a lack of democracy has often been seen as Myanmar?s main challenge, in fact the most influential factor in the country?s ethnic conflict is the militarisation of the government. On the one hand the newly elected government is pushing democratic reforms, and on the other, the emergence of a sustainable and just state of peace remains an issue of concern, especially among the general population. The inclusion of women in the peace processes in Myanmar is minimal but awareness among women in civil society of the importance of inclusion is high. This Opinion Piece will endeavor to assess the roles of women and their contributions in the current complex dynamics in Myanmar, and suggest ways in which they could be developed in the interests of a just, sustainable peace in the country." ....Conclusion: "Despite cultural perceptions and the male-dominated political setting which places constraints on acknowledging women?s leadership, the changing political context is an open door to expand the participation of women in peace processes. One should acknowledge that the awareness-raising on gender mainstreaming and women?s empowerment programmes, which has been supported by international organisations, is contributing towards women?s ability to expand their participation in the public domain. In addition, the commitment to support Myanmar?s peace processes and the influence from the international community encourage the leaders of all parties involved in current peace processes to reflect on the inclusion of women. Though there is some will and interest from male political leaders to include women in peace processes, it does not come automatically. The peace door is not locked for women but a strong and collective effort is still needed to open the door for women?s participation in the peace processes in Myanmar."
Ja Nan Lahtaw & Nang Raw
Source/publisher: The Centre for Humanitaian Dialogue (The HD Centre)
2012-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2013-01-01
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 225.35 KB
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Description: Executive Summary: "The impact of decades of military repression on the population of Burma has been devastating. Hundreds of thousands of Burmese have been displaced by the government�s suppression of ethnic insurgencies and of the pro-democracy movement. As government spending has concentrated on military expenditures to maintain its control, the once-vibrant Burmese economy has been virtually destroyed. Funding for health and education is negligible, leaving the population at the mercy of the growing AIDS epidemic, which is itself fueled by the production, trade and intravenous use of heroin, as well as the trafficking of women. The Burmese people, whether displaced by government design or by economic necessity, whether opposed to the military regime or merely trying to survive in a climate of fear, face enormous challenges. Human rights abuses are legion. The government�s strategies of forced labor and relocation destroy communities. Displacement, disruption of social networks and the collapse of the public health systems provide momentum for the spreading AIDS epidemic�which the government has barely begun to acknowledge or address. The broader crisis in health care in general and reproductive health in particular affects women at all levels; maternal mortality is extremely high, family planning is discouraged. The decay�and willful destruction�of the educational system has created an increasingly illiterate population�without the tools necessary to participate in a modern society. The country-wide economic crisis drives the growth of the commercial sex industry, both in Burma and in Thailand. Yet, international pressure for political change is increasing and nongovernmental organizations and some UN agencies manage to work within Burma, quietly challenging the status quo. The delegation met with Aung San Suu Kyi, General Secretary of the National League for Democracy, who is considered by much of the international community as the true representative of the Burmese people. Despite her concerns that humanitarian aid can prop up the SPDC, she was cautiously supportive of direct, transparent assistance in conjunction with unrelenting international condemnation of the military government�s human rights abuses and anti-democratic rule. The delegation concluded that carefully designed humanitarian assistance in Burma can help people without strengthening the military government. And, until democracy is restored in Burma, refugees in Thailand must receive protection from forced repatriation, and be offered opportunities for skills development and education to carry home. On both sides of the border, women�s groups work to respond to the issues facing their communities; they are a critical resource in addressing the critical needs for education, reproductive health and income generation." ADDITIONAL KEYWORDS: forced resettlement, forced relocation, forced movement, forced displacement, forced migration, forced to move, displaced
Source/publisher: Women?s Commission on Refugee Women and Children
2000-02-29
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 182.55 KB
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Description: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "This report by the Women?s League of Chinland is the first to provide detailed evidence of the systematic sexual violence being committed by the Burma Army in the isolated mountainous region of Chin State in Western Burma. It documents 38 cases of sexual violence, the majority committed during the past five years, in locations throughout the state. Due to social stigma and fear of further violence, few survivors disclose cases of sexual abuse, so these cases undoubtedly represent only a small proportion of the actual number of incidents taking place. Cases in this report confirm patterns of state-sanctioned sexual violence detailed in earlier reports by other women?s organizations from Burma, showing that under the military regime women and girls are at constant risk of being raped. The regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), has been expanding its army throughout the country since 1988. Particularly in the ethnic areas, it has been building up its troop presence to subjugate resistance movements and secure control of natural resources and border trade. Whereas 20 years ago, there were only two Burma Army battalions operating in Chin State, there are now eight battalions based in the state, with army camps scattered in numerous villages and patrols constantly roaming the hills. These troops are using rape as a "weapon" to terrorize local communities. Women and girls as young as 12 are being raped in their homes and farms, while traveling outside their villages and when conscripted as forced labour by the army. There is a clear pattern of impunity for military sexual violence. In none of the cases in this report were the perpetrators prosecuted. Military authorities mostly ignored reports of sexual crimes, or actively sought to cover them up, and even threatened survivors. About half of the rapes were gang rapes, and at least a third were committed by officers, who were setting a clear example to the troops under their command that rape is acceptable. The soldiers committing rape displayed extreme brutality, sometimes torturing and murdering victims, irrespective of the presence of local witnesses. One woman was stripped naked and tied to a cross, in a savage act of mockery against the local people?s Christian beliefs. Survivors of rape have been fleeing across the border to Mizoram State in northeast India, but as refugees from Burma are not officially recognized by the Indian government, they receive no protection or aid. They must struggle for daily survival and live in fear of deportation back to Burma. Survivors of rape face stigma and have no access to support-systems inside Burma. The state-dominated Myanmar Women?s Affairs Federation, which women throughout Chin State have been forced to join, fails to provide assistance to any women, even rape survivors. Some survivors have been fleeing across the border to Mizoram State in northeast India, but as refugees from Burma are not officially recognized by the Indian government, they receive no protection or aid. They must struggle for daily survival and live in fear of deportation back to Burma. Economic and military support of the SPDC by neighbours such as India is directly fuelling militarization in Burma. Only genuine political change to democracy, restoration of the rule of law, and a withdrawal of Burma Army troops from ethnic areas will bring an end to the systematic sexual violence in Burma..."
Source/publisher: The Women?s League of Chinland (WLC)
2007-03-27
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-29
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 770.42 KB
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Description: CONTENTS: MAP OF BURMA; FOREWORD Debbie Stothard; INTRODUCTION Janie Conway-Herron; HOPE FOR THE FUTURE Pan Yein Nge; A JOURNEY FOR CHANGE Kham Lay; WAR Mi Nyo; RUNNING TO SURVIVE Preh Mo; AYESHA The Arakan Project; MY EXPERIENCE OF A DIFFICULT LIFE Nay Chi; UNFORGETTABLE LIFE Shar; QUALITY AND STANDARD A Phoo; FORCED TO CHOOSE Laminlay; MY MOTHERLAND AND ME Kay Zin Lin; WAITING TO ESCAPE THE ?GOD OF THE HOUSEHOLD? Lway Shwe Kyae; THE DESERTED DINNER TABLE Kon Chan Gakao; THE RAINY SEASONS THAT PASSED Saung; THE LIFE OF KYAT TU RWAY Kyat Tu Rway; FUTURE RAY OF HOPE Yu Ka Lit; MY SUCCESS The Arakan Project; RESILIENCE Nay Jar Yine; SILENT TEARS, BLEEDING HEART Lack Son Pop Htaw; FROM LADY TO ACTIVIST Yaung Pyan; FOLLOWING MY MOTHER?S FOOTSTEPS Rakhaing Thu; DIARY OF A SUPPORTIVE WIFE Khayay Phyu; BROKEN BOWL Lae Lae; A PLACE CALLED ?BURMA? Han Thu Lwin; PEACE IN BURMA Parrot; THE DISPERSION OF A PEOPLE Sayblumoo; LIFE = CREDIT + DEBT Ki Ki; RAISING THE DRAGON?S HEAD Ki Ki; WOMEN?S HOPE Soe Meh "မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးအတွက်အမျိုးသမီးများအသံ" စာအုပ်ဟာသနပ်ခါးအဖွဲ့ရဲ့ (၇) ကြိမ်မြောက်စုစည်းမှုဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက အမျိုးသမီးတွေကနေ ရေးသားထားတဲ့ စာအုပ်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ "
Source/publisher: Thanakha Team (ed)
2010-06-10
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese
Format : pdf
Size: 681.75 KB
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Description: "...This thesis consists out of seven chapters. The next chapter on theory will address important political and theoretical debates within the arena of displacement and refugee studies. Chapter three will present the methodological approach taken within the research. Chapters four and five are the data chapters of this thesis addressing various layers of insecurities through thematic chapters. The chapters are based on the most important themes that arose during fieldwork. How young Shan women first reacted to state terror, and the impact of this on their daily lives, is highlighted in chapter four. Chapter five will explain what it means to be a young Shan female, revealing the daily life practices and the influences they have on life chances and future aspirations. Finally, I shall conclude by referring to the debates discussed within the theory chapter. The key words of this research are displacement, young female Shan refugees, future aspirations and human (in)security..."
Ursula Cats
Source/publisher: Masters Thesis - Social and Cultural Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
2009-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2010-09-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.37 MB
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Description: "On 16-17 May 2003 a workshop was held in New Delhi, India, and on the 19- 21 May 2003 a similar workshop was held in Chiangmai, Thailand, organized by International IDEA and the Women?s League of Burma (WLB). The aims of the workshops were to strengthen capacities of women from the ethnic nationalities to participate in and shape the National Reconciliation Process in Burma. The resources persons for the workshops were: Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and Director of the International Center for Ethnic Studies who spoke both about the international context and standards of women?s participation in peace processes and about the Sri Lankan experience in particular. Ms. Myriam M?ndez-Montalvo, Senior Programme Officer for International IDEA, who spoke about experiences in Colombia and Guatemala, Ms. Nomboniso Gasa, former Member of the Commission for Gender Equality in South Africa, who spoke about women?s peace building initiatives in South Africa. Ms. Jyotsna Chatterji, Director of the Joint Women?s Program, India participated in New Delhi only and spoke of the experiences of women in India. Ms. Theresa Kelly, founding member of the Women?s Coalition of Northern Ireland, participated in Chiangmai only and spoke about the creation of the Women?s Coalition and its role in the peace process and in current politics in Northern Ireland..."
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma, International IDEA
2002-05-21
Date of entry/update: 2010-08-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Political satire was not the only item on the program of a stage performance in Chiang Mai by the Cho Lin Pyar troupe and members of the Burmese Women?s Union (BWU). One sketch that wowed a large audience at a Chiang Mai hotel hit home with a dig at the reputedly talkative nature of women... "In an encounter between a king and one of his ministers, the monarch is told that women are demanding a 30 percent participation in decision making. Thwe Zin Toe (second left) and her colleagues from Burmese Women?s Union entertain an audience at the Grand View hotel in Chiang Mai. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) ?Why 30 percent?? asks the king. ?Because they have big mouths,? the minister replies—referring to the popular (male) prejudice that women are naturally loquacious. The sketch also earned enthusiastic applause because the roles of the king and his minister were taken by two women—Thwe Zin Toe and Zin Mar Phyo..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 2
2010-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2010-02-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Abstract: "This article traces the genealogy of a persistent cultural stereotype that has long defined and constituted academic and popular knowledge about Burma and, more broadly, Southeast Asia: the ?traditional? high status of women. Although Southeast Asia scholars today generally concur that claims about the high status of women in the region are oversimplified and problematic, postcolonial scholars of Burma largely have perpetuated the discourse of gender equality, which has deterred any attempt to complicate conceptualizations of gender relations and hierarchies in historical Burma. This study investigates the process whereby the ?traditional? autonomy of Burmese women was constructed in opposition to the likewise ?traditional? subordinate status of women in South Asia and in contestation of the superiority of European culture and society. It argues that this ?traditional? is a product of the multivalent representational practice by colonizing and colonized women and men in unequal relations of power who coauthored essentially and powerfully gendered discourses of colonialism, modernization, and nationalism. This article concludes by suggesting possible ways to move beyond the practice of enshrining persistent and monolithic cultural stereotypes as essential components of Southeast Asian history and to engender scholarship of the region firmly located within, not isolated from, specific and complex historical contexts."
Chie Ikeya
Source/publisher: "Journal of Burma Studies" Vol. 10, (2005/06)
2005-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-12-31
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: 7.1 Background...Women in Politics...7.2 Health of Women from Burma...7.3 Women and Forced Labor...7.4 Violence against Women...7.5 Trafficking of Women...7.6 Rape and sexual violence - Partial list of incidents...7.7 Personal Accounts
Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
2003-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-07
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 120.96 KB
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Description: 7.1 Background...Women in Politics...7.2 Health of Women from Burma...7.3 Women and Forced Labor... 7.4 Violence against Women... 7.5 Trafficking of Women...7.6 Rape and Sexual Violence - Partial list of incidents for 2003...7.7 Interviews...
Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
2004-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-07
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 151.43 KB
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Description: 7.1 Background...7.2 Women in Politics... 7.3 Health of Women from Burma...7.4 Women and Forced Labor...7.6 Trafficking of Women...7.7 Violence against Women...7.8 Rape and Sexual Violence - Partial list of incidents 2004...
Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
2005-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 186.12 KB
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Description: 7.1 Introduction...7.2 Women in Politics...7.3 Health of Women from Burma...7.4 Women and Forced Labour...7.5 Trafficking and Prostitution...7.6 Violence against Women...7.7 Forced Marriage...7.8 Detention in Lieu of Men...
Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
2007-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf html
Size: 426.76 KB 154.76 KB
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Description: 7.1 Background... 7.2 Women in Politics... 7.3 Health of Women from Burma... 7.4 Women and Forced Labor... 7.5 Trafficking of Women... 7.6 Violence against Women.
Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
2006-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 101.62 KB
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Description: General Overview of the Paper: The Purpose: The Women?s League of Burma (WLB) would like to emphasize the necessity of positive measures in creating a constitution for Burma that protects women?s rights and promotes gender equality in Burma... The Argument: This paper argues that it is necessary not only to recognize the unequal status between women and men in Burma, but also to address that unequal status by adopting constitutional mechanisms for affirmative action to achieve gender equality. . Specifically, we call for the inclusion of a quota system in the federal constitution to ensure representation of women at every level and in all branches of the federal government... The Scope: This paper focuses on articulating the WLB?s primary arguments for: - Why women?s rights should be included in the constitution; - Why affirmative measures are necessary to achieve gender equality; - What kinds of affirmative measures are necessary to achieve gender equality.....The paper is structured in the following way: Contents Page 1. Introduction 2. Discrimination against Women in Burma 3. Why Equal Representation Must Be Guaranteed by the Constitution 4. The Need for Affirmative Action in Burma 5. The Design of a Quota System 6. Conclusion.
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma
2006-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese
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Description: Summary of key findings: The report documents 133 verified and suspected trafficking cases, involving 163 women and girls, which occurred between 2004 and mid-2007 . As political and economic conditions inside Burma continue to deteriorate, more and more Kachin women are migrating to China in search of work, and are ending up as forced brides of Chinese men. . Most of the forced brides were transported across China to marry men in the eastern provinces, particularly Shandong Province. Women described being shown to many men, sometimes in marketplaces, before being chosen. The husbands, predominantly farmers, paid an average of US$1,900 for their brides. . About a quarter of those trafficked were under 18, with girls as young as 14 forced to be brides. Several cases involved traffickers attempting to buy babies. . The continuing high incidence of trafficking indicates that the regime?s new anti-trafficking law, passed in September 2005, is failing to have any impact in curbing the problem. Provisions in the regime?s new law to protect the rights of trafficking victims are not being adhered to. Women are also being falsely accused of trafficking under the new law. . Women report that Chinese police have been helpful in assisting them to return to Burma, but have sometimes demanded compensation from Burma border officials for repatriating trafficking victims...... Growing numbers of Kachin women trafficked as brides across China Forced by deteriorating political and economic conditions in Burma to migrate to China, ethnic Kachin women are increasingly ending up as forced brides, according to a new report by an indigenous women ?s group. ?Eastward Bound ? by the Kachin Women ?s Association Thailand (KWAT), documents the trafficking of 163 women and girls between 2004 and mid-2007, almost all to China. While 40% of the women have simply disappeared, most of the rest were forced to marry men in provinces across eastern China. About a quarter of those trafficked were under 18. Most of these girls, as young as 14, were sold as brides for an average of about USD 2,000, usually to farmers. The report highlights how the Burmese regime ?s new anti-trafficking law, passed in September 2005, is failing not only to curb trafficking, but also to protect the rights of trafficked women. Victims have been refused assistance by the Burmese Embassy in Beijing, denied entry back to Burma, and falsely accused of trafficking themselves. One woman accused of trafficking was raped in detention by a local official. ?Anti-trafficking laws are meaningless under a regime that systematically violates people ?s rights, and whose policies are driving citizens to migrate, ? said Gum Khong, a researcher for the report. While international agencies have raised the alert about increased trafficking in Burma following Cyclone Nargis, KWAT cautions against indirectly endorsing the regime ?s heavy-handed attempts to control migration. ?International agencies must look holistically at the trafficking problem, and not be complicit in any efforts by the regime to further abuse people ?s rights under the guise of preventing trafficking ? said KWAT spokesperson Shirley Seng. KWAT first exposed the trafficking of Kachin women on the China-Burma border in their 2005 report ?Driven Away. ? The new report can be viewed at http://www.womenofburma.org For hard copies of the report, please contact: [email protected] For further information contact: Gum Khong +66 84 616 5245 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting +66 84 616 5245 end_of_the_skype_highlighting Shirley Seng +66 84 485 7252
Source/publisher: Kachin Women?s Association, Thailand (KWAT)
2008-08-05
Date of entry/update: 2008-08-04
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.74 MB
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Description: A handful of prominent female activists have made a significant mark on Burmese dissident politics, but true equality of the sexes remains elusive.
Violet Cho, Aye Lae
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 7
2008-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-07-15
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: The Report Highlights the Situation of Women Migrant Workers in Thailand and China...Executive Summary: Ten BWU researchers eondueted 149 in-depth interviews with migrant women and girl workers in Chiang Mai, Mae Sot, Ranong (Thailand) and Rulli (China) between November 2006-March 2007. Women working in diverse areas of work, ethnicity and age were asked to participate in the research so that the report could represent a wide range of experiences... The research highlights the atrocious day-to-day working conditions and human rights abuses encountered by migrant women and girls working in irregular situations and provides insight into the occupational hazards and harms migrants from Burma face in Thailand and China. The interviews were designed to provide women workers with a much-needed opportunity to speak their mind and assert their own "voice" regarding their work, a power that was often denied in their host countries... The research has showed that: . Migrant women and girl workers from Burma have very limited work opportunities in their host countries due to their irregular status and are often relegated to working in so-called 3Ds jobs (dirty, dangerous and demeaning) with little or no labor rights. . Migrant women and girl workers are doubly marginalized and highly vulnerable to abuses of their human rights due to both their lack of legal status and their gender. Security concerns for migrant women and girl workers are grave as they regularly experience threats of sexual harassment and violence while working in host countries... The BWU strongly urges the SPDC and governments of the host countries to consider migrant workers' needs and basic human rights. BWU insists that international human rights law be upheld and states work to protect migrants working in irregular settings, by protecting their human and labour rights, and by providing channels for redress when they are abused.
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
2007-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2008-01-05
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...these women human rights defenders have been subjected to the following abuses, in violation of their fundamental human rights as guaranteed under the UN Declaration on Human Rights, the Declaration of Human Rights Defenders, the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women: *Attacks on life, bodily and mental integrity ? including torture; ‘hostage-taking?; sexual assault such as tearing their clothes and sarongs; excessive use of force in crackdowns on the demonstrations and the subsequent arrests; * Physical and psychological deprivation of liberty ? such as arbitrary arrests and detention, forcing many of them to go into hiding for their safety; * Attacks against personhood and reputations ? which include verbal abuse; slander, labelling them as ‘terrorists?; smear campaigns through the media; sexuality-baiting, which is the manipulative use of negative ideas about sexuality to intimidate, humiliate or embarrass women, with the intention of inhibiting or destroying their political agendas. * Invasion of privacy and violations involving personal relationships such as arrest, detention and intimidation of family members, endangering pregnant women and separating breastfeeding mothers from their babies; * Violations of women?s freedom of expression, association and assembly; * Non-recognition of violations and impunity...."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2007-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2007-11-23
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: The ongoing rape, murder, torture and forced labour suffered by women living under the Burmese Military Regime in Karen State... Executive Summary: "This report, "State of Terror" clearly documents the range of human rights abuses that continue to be perpetrated across Karen State as part of the SPDC?s sustained campaign of terror. The report focuses in particular on the abuses experienced by women and girls and draws on over 40001 documented cases of human rights abuses perpetrated by the SPDC. These case studies provide shocking evidence of the entrenched and widespread abuses perpetrated against the civilian population of Karen State by the Burmese Military Regime. Many of the recent accounts of human rights violations which occurred in late 2005 and 2006 provide irrefutable evidence that the SPDC?s attacks during this period have increased and have deliberately targeted the civilian population. The recent dramatic increase in the number of internally displaced people (IDPs) as well as in those crossing the border in search of asylum, bears further testimony to the escalation of attacks on the civilian women, men and children of Karen State. The report builds on the findings contained in "Shattering Silences", published by the Karen Women?s Organisation in April 2004. That report detailed the alarmingly high number of women and girls who have been raped by the military during the years of the SPDC?s occupation of Karen State. This new report documents the range of other human rights abuses experienced by Karen women and girls, in particular those of forced labour and forced portering. The report locates these atrocities within a human rights framework, to show the direct link of accountability the SPDC bears for the violations committed in these cases. It also demonstrates the multiplicity of human rights violations occurring, as forced labour is often committed in conjunction with other human rights violations such as rape, beating, mutilation, torture, murder, denial of rights to food, water and shelter, and denial of the right to legal redress. These human rights abuses occur as part of a strategy designed to terrorise and subjugate the Karen people, to completely destroy their culture and communities. This report demonstrates very clearly that it is the women who bear the greatest burden of these systematic attacks, as they are doubly oppressed both on the grounds of their ethnicity and their gender. Attacks have continued in spite of the informal ceasefire agreement reached with the SPDC in January 2004. It is clear that rather than honouring the agreement, the SPDC have proceeded with systematic reinforcement of their military infrastructure across Karen State, bringing in more troops, increasing their stocks of food and ammunition and building army camps across the state. From this position of increased strength the SPDC have conducted ongoing attacks on villages across Karen State since September 2005. As this report goes to press over one year later, it is clear that rather than abating, the intensity of these attacks has only increased. Karen women and children continue to be killed and raped by SPDC soldiers, are subjected to forced labour, including portering, and are displaced from their homes. In the first half of 2006 alone KWO received reports of almost 5,000 villagers being taken as forced labourers, with over five times that many being forcibly relocated from their villages as their farms, homes and rice paddies were burned. As a consequence, increasing numbers of refugees are fleeing across the border into Thailand and many, many more are internally displaced. The world now knows the full extent of human rights violations being committed by the SPDC, particularly against women and children from the ethnic groups across Burma. The situation is past critical. The international community must take immediate action to stop these most grave atrocities."
Source/publisher: The Karen Women
2007-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2007-02-13
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
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Description: "?Poisoned Flowers: The Impacts of Spiraling Drug Addiction on Palaung Women in Burma?, based on interviews with eighty-eight wives and mothers of drug addicts, shows how women in Palaung areas have become increasingly vulnerable due to the rising addiction rates. Already living in dire poverty, with little access to education or health care, wives of addicts must struggle single-handedly to support as many as ten children. Addicted husbands not only stop providing for their families, but also sell off property and possessions, commit theft, and subject their wives and children to repeated verbal and physical abuse. The report details cases of women losing eight out of eleven children to disease and of daughters being trafficked by their addicted father. The increased addiction rates have resulted from the regime allowing drug lords to expand production into Palaung areas in recent years, in exchange for policing against resistance activity and sharing drug profits. The collapse of markets for tea and other crops has driven more and more farmers to turn to opium growing or to work as labourers in opium fields, where wages are frequently paid in opium. The report throws into question claims by the regime and the UNODC of a dramatic reduction of opium production in Burma during the past decade, and calls on donor countries and UN agencies supporting drug eradication programs in Burma to push for genuine political reform..."
Source/publisher: Palaung Women?s Organization
2006-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2006-06-08
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 631.56 KB
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Description: "Burma?s long tradition of principled and influential leadership by women carries on in the work of activists and social workers in exile The New Light of Myanmar, the Burmese junta?s main mouthpiece, recently reported on a meeting of the Myanmar [Burma] Women?s Affairs Federation to celebrate this year?s Myanmar Women?s Day. During the meeting, members of the pro-junta group denounced opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi, winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize, as a destabilizing force and someone who ?has done nothing good for the nation.? The meeting ended with the chanting of slogans. Such is the sad state of women?s affairs in Burma, where an internationally-renowned woman of courage and conviction languishes under house arrest, while the junta pressures others to make scripted accusations and sing political slogans. It was not always so. Throughout history, Burmese women have played active and influential roles in Burma?s national and political life..." The article goes on to profile a number of important historical and contemporary Burmese women.
Shah Paung
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 9
2005-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2006-04-30
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: In den letzten Jahren h?ufen sich die Meldungen ?ber die kritische humanit?re Situation in Burma. Die sozialen Indikatoren Sterblichkeitsraten, Bildungsindikatoren, Verbreitung von typischen Armutskrankheiten wie Malaria und Tuberkulose, die alarmierende Verbreitung von HIV/AIDS - zeichnen ein d?steres Bild ?ber den Zustand des Landes, wobei es gro?e regionale und gesellschaftliche Unterschiede gibt. Die Brosch?re gibt Einblicke in die Bereiche Gesundheits- und Bildungswesen in Burma, wobei Erfahrungen aus der praktischen Arbeit von Hilfsorganisationen dargestellt werden. Neben Vorstellungen vom Wohlfahrtsstaat werden dar?ber hinaus die Situation burmesischer Migrant/innen in Thailand beleuchtet, die Auswirkungen des Opiumbanns auf die Bev?lkerung der Wa-Sonderregion untersucht und Chancen und Risiken humanit?rer Hilfe diskutiert. Inhalt: Ulrike Bey: Armut im „Land der Goldenen Pagoden?; Marco B?nte: Dimensionen sozialer Probleme in Myanmar – Ein ?berblick; Hans-Bernd Z?llner: Der Traum vom budhistischen Wohlfahrtsstaat; Tankred St?be: Das Gesundheitssystem in Burma/Myanmar unter Ausschluss der ethnischen Minderheiten?; Brenda Belak: Der Zugang zur medizinischen Versorgung; Johannes Achilles: Das Bildungswesen in Birma/Myanmar – Erfahrungen zum Engagement im Bildungsbereich; Ulrike Bey: Frauen in Bildung und Gesundheit; Michael Tr?ster: Die Wa in Gefahr. Nach dem Opiumbann droht in der Special Region eine humait?re Katastrophe; Jackie Pollock: Die Lebensqualit?t von Migrant/innen in Thailand; Jasmin Lorch: Der R?ckzug des UN Global Fund aus Burma; Alle Artikel dieses Bandes sind au?erdem noch separat verlinkt. keywords: social security, health, education, humanitarian aid, migration, opium ban
Ulrike Bey (Hrsg.)
Source/publisher: Asienhaus
2005-12-29
Date of entry/update: 2006-03-20
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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Description: Armutsreduzierung und die St?rkung der Position von Frauen h?ngen in vielerlei Hinsicht zusammen. In Burma, so hei?t es im Allgemeinen, nehmen die Frauen eine angesehene und respektierte Rolle in der Gesellschaft ein. In der Kombination mit Armut, Gewalt oder kulturellen Werten werden jedoch Diskriminierungen und Ungleichheiten sichtbar. Die meisten Gesundheitsprobleme, denen sich Frauen ausgesetzt sehen, sind auf schlechte Lebensbedingungen zur?ckzuf?hren. keywords: women, health, education, prostitution, HIV/AIDS, family planning
Ulrike Bey
Source/publisher: Asienhaus Focus Asien Nr. 26, S. 37-43
2005-12-29
Date of entry/update: 2006-03-20
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: German, Deutsch
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Description: Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy...Faculty of Medicine, Dentistry and Health Sciences, School of Population Health, Key Centre for Women�s Health in Society The University of Melbourne...This thesis, describes how women who are forced to migrate from Burma into Thailand manage their fertility, unwanted pregnancy and pregnancy loss. Unsafe abortion is a common problem and much time and resources are taken with the care of women suffering haemorrhage, infection and pain after self-induced abortion in both Thai and Burmese-led health facilities. The thesis examines the characteristics of 43 Burmese women admitted to health facilities with post-abortion complications and their chosen methods of self-induced abortion. There is no commonly agreed definition of abortion between formal, informal health workers or women. Most people considered it morally proscribed and in some cases knew it was illegal, but still felt it was necessary. Some aspects of post-abortion care are performed better by informally than formally trained health workers. Post-abortion family planning was poorly performed by Thai health workers. Lay midwives play a central role in fertility management and some are abortionists. Burmese women�s partners are not well informed about fertility management and frequently decline vasectomy. Within a relm of limited traditional and modern reproductive choices, women manage their fertility outcomes. The Burmese women in this study are generally married with children. Considered illegal migrants, they are employed and work in Thailand without work permits. Many women have a history of escaping human rights abuses and entrenched poverty in Burma. At least a third of women admitted into care with post-abortion complications have induced their abortion with oral herbal preparations, pummelling manipulations or stick abortions. Most of the abortion services are provided by Burmese lay midwives. Reasons for terminating the pregnancy include: poverty, gender-based violence and the local illness of �weakness�. In addition, incomplete sexual health knowledge, and difficult access to reproductive health services play a part in mistimed pregnancy. I argue that a lack of rights increases women�s risk of unsafe abortion. The rights to work and earn a fair wage and to move without fear influence reproductive health choices and access to health services. A lack of sexual health information for men and women and the ability to safely control fertility causes unwanted pregnancies. Furthermore, violence perpetrated at the individual and state level contributes to unsafe abortion. Burmese women�s mortality and morbidity associated with unsafe abortion in Thailand is largely unrecorded and unknown to the Burmese military government. Unwanted and mistimed pregnancy can be avoided through reproductive technologies, education programmes, and access to modern contraceptives. To safely terminate unwanted pregnancies and to treat the complications of pregnancy loss is a woman�s right. Burma and Thailand are signatories to Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Descrimination Against Women, yet Burmese women continue to suffer, become sterile, socially vilified, unemployed or repatriated to Burma due to their reproductive status. Their sickness and deaths are secondary to the economic imperatives of Burma and Thailand.
Dr. Suzanne Belton
2005-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2005-12-23
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 3.84 MB
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Description: Findings:- Key findings from the research show that: While unplanned pregnancy and abortion are a large problem, they can be prevented. * Post abortion care at Thai and Burmese health facilities takes large amounts of health resources. * At least a third of women with post abortion complications have self-induced abortions. * Men and women have low levels of knowledge about modern methods of contraception. * Temporary contraceptive information or methods are not offered to women during post abortion care in the Mae Sot Hospital but are offered 6 weeks after discharge. Many women are affected by unplanned pregnancies ~ * The vast majority of women are married and two thirds have children. * A third of women have five or more pregnancies, which is a health risk in itself. The way the pregnancy ends can negatively affect women?s health and wellbeing ~ * Unqualified abortionists and home remedies are the only recourse women have to end an unwanted pregnancy. * Women know of and use a wide variety of methods to end their pregnancy including self-medication with multinational and Burmese medicines, drinking ginger and whisky, vigorous pelvic pummelling and insertion of objects into the sex organs. * Post abortion treatment in hospital can be expensive if a woman does not have a work permit or is not referred by Mae Tao Clinic and can leave her with debts. Women are pressured by social and political circumstances to end their pregnancies~ * Women are often pressured by employers, husbands and the fear of unemployment to end their pregnancies. * Some women report domestic violence as influencing their decision to abort. Women were attempting to limit their fertility in many different ways ~ * Most women and lay midwives classified menstrual regulation and abortion as traditional methods of fertility control. * Most women accepted a diverse range of temporary and permanent contraceptive methods from the Mae Tao Clinic staff while they were still in-patients. The nature of forced displacement and lack of human rights directly effects reproductive health ~ * Having a work permit does not necessarily offer protection to women, as there is scrutiny to ensure a woman is not pregnant when a permit is issued.  As workers without work permits can be arrested and deported by Thai police, women are reluctant to travel to any type of health service and often wait until they are very unwell.  Burmese women as non-citizens are not included in Thai death statistics at a national level so the deaths of Burmese women go unnoticed, by both Thai and Union of Myanmar authorities.
Cynthia Maung, Suzanne Belton
Source/publisher: Mao Tao Clinic
2005-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2005-12-23
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.25 MB
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Description: "An alarming trend is developing in ethnic Kachin communities of Burma. Growing poverty, caused by failed state policies, is driving increasing numbers of young people to migrate in search of work. As a result, young women and girls are disappearing without trace, being sold as wives in China, and tricked into the Chinese and Burmese sex industries. Local Kachin researchers conducted interviews in Burma from May-August 2004 in order to document this trend. "Driven Away: Trafficking of Kachin women on the China-Burma border", produced by the Kachin Women's Association Thailand (KWAT), is based on 63 verified and suspected trafficking cases that occurred primarily during 2000-2004. The cases involve 85 women and girls, mostly between the ages of 14 and 20. Testimony comes primarily from women and girls who escaped after being trafficked, as well as relatives, persons who helped escapees, and others. About two-thirds of the women trafficked were from the townships of Myitkyina and Bhamo in Kachin State. About one third were from villages in northern Shan State. In 36 of the cases, women were specifically offered safe work opportunities and followed recruiters to border towns. Many were seeking part-time work to make enough money for school fees during the annual three-month school holiday. Others simply needed to support their families. Those not offered work were taken while looking for work, tricked, or outright abducted. Women taken to China were most often passed on to traffickers at the border to be transported farther by car, bus and/or train for journeys of up to one week in length. Traffickers used deceit, threats, and drugs to confuse and control women en route..."
Source/publisher: Kachin Women's Association, Thailand (KWAT)
2005-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2005-05-17
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.18 MB
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Description: "This book contains stories and articles written by women from Burma participating in a project to aid the process of building peace in their home country. In particular, the volume arose from a training held in February 2003, entitled ?Building Inner Peace.” This was the second training of the project, with the first five week training held in March 2002. In the six months following the training, the participants returned to their communities to conduct workshops in different countries, including Bangladesh, China, India and Thailand. The training programs are the implementation of a decision made by Women?s League of Burma (WLB) at their first conference in December 2000 to prioritize the peace building process. The WLB is trying to contribute to genuine peace by broadening the peace process in Burma, beyond the cease-fire agreements between the armed opposition groups and the military regime. The goal of the WLB is to contribute to a genuine peace, where all are free, from all forms violence. There can only be genuine peace when women are free from domestic and sexual violence in the home and wider community. The second training took place as the training participants wanted to share their experiences and to deepen their expertise in peace building techniques and strengthen their understanding of gender issues. The organizers themselves believe that an understanding of the nature of violence against women and techniques to improve personal development will strengthen women, enabling them to better deal with some of the obstacles they encounter in their work for peace. This book is part of the breaking of the culture of silence around sexual abuse and discrimination in the different communities in Burma. It is not a chronicle of abuse. If anyone is interested in violations, then one only has to read the myriad of reports on human rights violations for a taste of the systematic violations of the rights of both women and men in Burma. Rather, this book reflects the attempts of 16 women to understand the particular forms of injustice women experience..."
Source/publisher: Women as Peacebuilders Team, Women's League of Burma
2003-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2004-11-07
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Executive Summary: "This report 'System of Impunity' documents detailed accounts of sexual violence against women in all the ethnic states, as well as in central areas of Burma. These stories demonstrate patterns of continuing widespread, and systematic human rights violations being perpetrated by the regime?s armed forces and authorities. Women and girls from different ethnic groups report similar stories of rape, including gang rape; rape and murder; sexual slavery; and forced ?marriage”. Significantly, almost all the incidents took place during the last two years, precisely while the regime has been repeatedly denying the prevalence of military rape in Burma. These stories bear witness to the fact that, despite the regime?s claims to the contrary, nothing has changed in Burma. Regardless of their location, be it in the civil war zones, the ceasefire areas or ?non-conflict” areas, it is clear that no woman or girl is safe from rape and sexual torture under the current regime. Soldiers, captains, commanders and other SPDC officials continue to commit rape, gang rape and murder of women and children, with impunity. The documented stories demonstrate the systematic and structuralized nature of the violence, and the climate of impunity which not only enables the military to evade prosecution for rape and other crimes against civilian women, but also fosters a culture of continued and escalating violence. Even when crimes are reported no action is taken and moreover complainants are victimised, threatened or imprisoned. Women and children continue to be raped, used as sex slaves, tortured and murdered across the country by the regime?s armed forces and authorities. It is clear that the rapes and violence are not committed by rogue elements within the military but are central to the modus operandi of this regime. Structuralized and systematic human rights violations, including sexual violence, are an inevitable result of the regime?s policies of military expansion and consolidation of control by all possible means over a disenfranchised civilian population. This is why there can be no other solution to the problem of systematic sexual violence in Burma than an end to military rule. While countries in the region, members of ASEAN, and particularly Burma?s neighbours, appear willing to overlook human rights issues in their dealings with Burma, women of Burma wish to highlight that these policies of constructive engagement have grave repercussions for the citizens of Burma, particularly women and children. The political support which the regime is gaining from the region is emboldening it to continue its policies of militarization and accompanying sexual violence. It is directly placing the lives of women and girls in Burma at risk..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma (WLB)
2004-09-04
Date of entry/update: 2004-09-04
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf doc
Size: 945.36 KB 936 KB
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Description: "In 1994, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women stated, ?[rape] remains, the least condemned war crime; throughout history, the rape of hundreds of thousands of women and children in all regions of the world has been a bitter reality.? Despite the pervasiveness of sexual violence during periods of armed conflict, rape and other forms of sexual violence have traditionally been mischaracterized as private acts, the unfortunate but inevitable behaviour of individual soldiers. The revelations of the existence of ‘rape camps? in Bosnia-Herzegovina, dramatically altered the awareness of systematic sexual violence against women as a facet of warfare. It has become recognised that sexual violence is not purely an unfortunate ancillary effect of armed conflict but rather a tool by which the civilian population is terrorized, dominated, driven from their homes and destroyed. However, although the rapes in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia have attracted a wealth of academic discussion and analysis, numerous other occurrences of widespread and systematic sexual violence have received comparatively little attention. This paper will focus on the systematic use of sexual violence against women in situations of non-international armed conflict, due to both the prevalence of internal conflicts in recent history, and the relative lack of legal provisions of international humanitarian law which apply to conflicts of this nature. The discussion will focus on the use of sexual violence as both a weapon of warfare, i.e. in order to actively achieve a specific political or military objective, and as a form of heinous repression by which the civilian population is dominated, though in practice the distinction between the two concepts may be somewhat fine. It is of the utmost importance to recognise that sexual violence happens systematically. It is only through acknowledging and responding to the occurrence of organised and strategic sexual violence that senior political and military officials can be held accountable. The term systematic is not used to denote the invention of a new crime, but rather to describe certain forms of sexual violence which have been deliberately planned or officially sanctioned by senior military or government figures for the achievement of a specific objective. Part One of the paper will detail the systematic use of sexual violence, in relation to internal armed conflicts and will outline the various purposes which sexual violence has been intended to achieve. Particular emphasis will be given to the conflicts in Peru, Rwanda and Kosovo, though the conflicts in Kashmir Sierra Leone, Liberia and Chechnya are also particularly pertinent to the discussion. Although the characterisation of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia has been the subject of varying determinations by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and is considered by several academics as having been both an international and a non-international conflict, the details of the mass rape which occurred in Bosnia-Herzegovina have been well documented and will not be discussed in depth. Part One will also examine the factors which fuel systematic rape, with particular regard to the promulgation of gender and ethnicity based stereotypes and propaganda. Sexual violence in situations of armed conflict amounts to a clear breach of international law. Part Two will consider the importance of the fact that sexual violence has occurred systematically for the characterisation of such acts as violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. In this respect, the adequacy of international humanitarian law in relation not only to the physical victims but also to the witnesses of sexual violence warrants analysis, as sexual violence of this nature is often intended to cause harm to those other than the physical victims. Part Two will also examine the characterisation of rape as a crime against humanity and will analyse the genocidal rape discourse which has evolved following the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia..."
Bob Last
Source/publisher: University of Nottingham School of Law (Dissertation)
2000-10-06
Date of entry/update: 2004-07-19
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Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : html
Size: 348.06 KB
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Description: Paper submitted to the forty-sixth session of the Commission on the Status of Women March 4-15, 2002 by Women?s League of Burma (WLB). "...The aim of this paper is to highlight some of the root causes of poverty and environmental degradation in Burma, and show how this has affected women and to give examples of how women are organizing themselves to survive and create an enabling environment for political and social change, and for gender equality..."
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma (WLB)
2002-03-15
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 61.94 KB
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Description: Events of 2000. Women in Politics, Health of women from Burma, Women and Forced Labor, Violence against Women, Trafficking of Women, Rape and sexual violence - Partial list of incidents, "Since the military regime took power in 1962, it has had to put disproportionate resources into maintaining its power and strengthening the military. The result of this and ongoing civil war is poor infrastructure, inadequate health care and education systems, widespread poverty and a militarized society that puts the needs of the civilian population, particularly women, second to military concerns. The elevation of the military in society has enforced stereotypes about the subordinate status of women while at the same time blocked access to the tools, such as education and health care, that women need to attain genuine equality. Although the military regime became a party to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination of Women (CEDAW) in 1997 it has done little more than make token changes, such as the formation of some women?s organizations, to implement it..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit, NCGUB
2001-09-30
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm htm
Size: 151.43 KB 6.04 KB
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