2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état

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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက (၇၄) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား ခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့သို့ ပေးပို့သည့်သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: "၁။ ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် သြဂုတ်လ (၉) ရက်နေ့သည် သီးခြားလွတ်လပ်သည့် ကရင်နီပြည်အား ကျူးကျော်လာသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကို ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများက ရရာလက်နက်စွဲကိုင်၍ ကရင်နီပြည် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် ခုခံတော်လှန်ခြင်း (၇၄) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်သော နေ့ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ ဘီစီ ၇၃၉ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်၍ ကိုယ့်မင်းကိုယ့်ချင်းဖြင့် သီးခြားလွတ်လပ်ပြီး ခိုင်မာသော သမိုင်းကြောင်းနှင့် သွင်ပြင်လက္ခဏာများအပေါ် အခြေခံ၍ မားမားမတ်မတ် ရပ်တည်ခဲ့သည့် ကရင်နီပြည်သည် ၁၉၄၇ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် မကြာမှီလွတ်လပ်လာမည့် မြန်မာပြည်၏ ပြည်နယ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်သွားရန် လွတ်လပ်သော ကရင်နီပြည်ထောင်စု ကောင်စီ၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထား ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် မပါဘဲ တချို့သော ကရင်နီခေါင်းဆောင်များက ဖဆပလ ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းရန် လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့သောကြောင့် ကရင်နီပြည်သည် မြန်မာပြည်အတွင်း ပါဝင်ခဲ့ရပါသည်။ ၃။ ထို့အပြင် ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၄) ရက်နေ့ မြန်မာပြည် လွတ်လပ်ရေး ရရှိပြီးနောက် ဖဆပလတပ်များက ကရင်နီပြည်ထောင်စုကောင်စီ ရုံးစိုက်ရာ မန်းလား (မြလဲ) ရွာကို ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဝင်ရောက်တိုက်ခိုက်လာခဲ့ရာ လွတ်လပ်သည့် ကရင်နီပြည် ပြန်လည်တည်ထောင်ရေးကို မျှော်မှန်း၍ ကရင်နီခေါင်းဆောင်များသည် မြန်မာပြည် ဖဆပလ အစိုးရကို လက်နက်ကိုင်ခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးဖြင့် စတင်ဆင်နွဲခဲ့ပါသည်။ ယင်းနေ့ကို ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ပြီး နှစ်စဉ်ကျင်းပလာခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ၄။ ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများ၏ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်အတွက် ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ် ဆင်နွှဲလာခဲ့သည့် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၄) နှစ်အတွင်း ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား ခေါင်းဆောင်၊ တပ်ဗိုလ်၊ တပ်မှူး၊ တပ်သားနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်ပေါင်းများစွာ ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့ရသည်ကို အမှတ်ရလျက် လေးစားဦးညွတ်အလေးပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ ၅။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှ တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာအား မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသည့်နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ကရင်နီပြည်ရှိ ပြည်သူလူထုသည် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ လူမဆန်သော ရက်စက်မှုများကို များစွာခံစားကြရပါသည်။ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူလူထုကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်ပြီး အိုးအိမ်နှင့် ဘာသာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အဆောက်အဦးများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်ဖျက်စီးမှုများသည် လက်ခံနိုင်ဖွယ်ရာမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများဖြစ်သည်။ ၆။ သို့ရာတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုကို ကရင်နီတမျိုးသားလုံးနှင့် ကရင်နီတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများမှ လက်မခံဘဲ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေကြသည်ကို မြင်တွေ့ရသည့်အတွက် များစွာဝမ်းမြောက်ဂုဏ်ယူရပါသည်။ ၇။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးအောင်ပွဲတို့ အမြန်ဆုံးရရှိနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ကတိပြုလျက် (၇၄) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့အတွက် ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-09
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Title: After 34 Years, ’88 Generation Continues to Inspire, and to Sacrifice
Description: "Myanmar’s military shot dead 16-year-old student activist Ma Win Maw Oo during the pro-democracy popular uprising in 1988, which turns 34 years old on Monday. Nearly 34 years after her death, the same military killed Ko Jimmy, who was also a young pro-democracy student activist back in 1988. Myanmar’s new regime, which is run by the military, hanged the 53-year-old veteran democracy activist in Yangon’s Insein Prison last month for his anti-regime activism against the current junta. The killing of the two contemporary activists by the same military under different generals 34 years apart paints a grim picture of the reality Myanmar faces today. Myanmar erupted into a nationwide pro-democracy protest on Aug. 8, 1988 to end the 26-year rule of dictator General Ne Win’s authoritarian regime. The protests continued until the military staged a coup in September and the army violently gunned down the protesters. At least 3,000 democracy supporters were killed. While it failed to end military dictatorship in the country, the popular uprising paved the way for Myanmar’s short-lived democratic period, which was ended by another military takeover in February 2021. The Myanmar people’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi established per political reputation in the ’88 uprising, out of which her National League for Democracy (NLD) was born. Then came the party’s landslide victory in the 1990 general election, whose result the military refused to honor. Fast forward more than two decades and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was leading a democratically elected civilian government until it was ousted by the putsch last year. Were it not for the ’88 pro-democracy movement, it would have been difficult for any of the above to have come into existence. The spirit of ’88 keeps Myanmar moving forward and striving for democracy even today, under Min Aung Hlaing’s dictatorship. When the army staged a coup last year, millions of people defied military rule just as in 1988. True to its old self, the army brutally cracked down on the protesters, as it did in 1988. After more than three decades, the military’s barbarism has not diminished. So far it has killed more than 2,000 civilians. Its repression has been even crueler this time, including sending Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to solitary confinement in a prison, hanging Ko Jimmy and three other democracy activists, and launching airstrikes against civilians and anti-regime armed resistance forces. But the people of Myanmar have undergone a radical change: no longer do they seek reconciliation with the military. Infuriated by their sudden loss of freedom and democracy, which were hard won through the sacrifices of the ’88 pro-democracy movement, as well as the junta’s day-to-day atrocities against them, they are now determined to root out the military dictatorship in the country by any means necessary. What they have in common with the ’88 generation is their craving for democracy and freedom. That’s why Ko Jimmy, a veteran of the 1988 uprising, paid with his life for his beliefs and for the country, just as Ma Win Maw Oo confronted the soldiers as they sprayed bullets on the streets of Yangon 34 years ago. The young anti-regime resistance fighters, whether in the Myanmar heartland or along the borders, feel the same. So do the urban guerrilla fighters in Yangon. The ’88 pro-democracy uprising tried to kindle the torch of democracy in Myanmar. Today, 34 years on, it is inspiring a new generation to keep the torch aflame, whatever it takes..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Title: Dragging Russia Into the Myanmar Conflict
Description: "It might sound cynical, but with Myanmar becoming more like Syria or South Sudan every day, it seems only fitting that Russia’s foreign minister visited Naypyitaw last week to provide some much needed moral and political support to the condemned regime. When Myanmar held its Armed Forces Day on March 27 last year, commander-in-chief and coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in his speech called Russia a “true and loyal friend”. Why? Russian Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin was the highest-ranking foreign dignitary at the event in Naypyitaw. Two days later, Russia called Myanmar a “reliable ally and strategic partner.” When Russia invaded Ukraine, the regime backed the Kremlin, its spokesman saying that Russia was still a powerful nation that plays a role in keeping the balance of power for world peace. To this day, Russia remains one of the key arms suppliers to Myanmar’s military, while Russia has provided a postgraduate education to at least 7,000 Myanmar officers since 2001. Moscow has provided fighter jets, helicopters and air defense systems to Myanmar and it is no secret that the regime leaders prefer military hardware from Russia over China. But now, bilateral ties are not limited to military-to-military relations. Moscow seeks to deepen diplomatic, economic, trade and security relations with Myanmar. Last week, Moscow’s top diplomat Sergey Lavrov visited Myanmar and met with top leaders including Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. Isolated Myanmar’s leaders, shunned from a regional ministers’ meeting that was being held in Cambodia at the same time, welcomed Lavrov with broad smiles, to demonstrate that the regime has a powerful friend. However, the handshake between Lavrov and Min Aung Hlaing looked more like a meeting of partners in crime. Lavrov’s stopover in Myanmar before the minister’s attendance at the ASEAN regional meeting no doubt set alarm bells ringing in regional capitals and for Myanmar’s opposition. During his brief visit, which was held amid high security, the regime laid out the red carpet for Lavrov, with two military helicopters escorting his convoy from the airport to the hotel and his meetings. During his working visit, regime Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin also hosted a working luncheon for the Russian delegation at the Aureum Palace Hotel, owned by Myanmar crony Teza, one of the main brokers of arms deals between the Myanmar military and Russia. Lavrov made clear where Moscow stands to Myanmar ministers, who could not conceal their delight at the working luncheon. He said the Russian government was “in solidarity with the efforts aimed at stabilizing the situation in the country,” adding, “We appreciate the traditionally friendly nature of our partnership, which is not affected by any opportunistic processes.” Russia and Myanmar established diplomatic relations in 1948 and next year the two countries will celebrate the diamond jubilee anniversary of their ties. Lavrov described Myanmar as a “friendly and longstanding partner”, adding that the two nations “have a very solid foundation for building up cooperation in a wide range of areas”. Calling Russia, a “true and loyal friend” is not wrong; in fact, Russia (along with China) has been loyal in backing the regime at the UN Security Council. As permanent members of the council, the two major allies have exercised their veto power to block international sanctions against the Myanmar regime. In his remark, Lavrov made no mention of the junta’s daily brutal campaign and air raids against civilians and the opposition, which is understandable; Russia’s sophisticated jet fighters and helicopters have been deployed to attack the population, villages and armed resistance in Myanmar. The regime in Myanmar is isolated and faces sanctions, as well as condemnation at home and abroad. It has also struggled to counter an armed resistance over the past year. Since the Ukraine invasion, Moscow faces Western sanctions and is in a long and costly military campaign there. Min Aung Hlaing has chosen to wreak utter devastation. He has sent government leaders to prisons, including ousted State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Last month, he ordered the execution of prominent activists including a lawmaker. There is no turning back. He was pleased to receive Lavrov at the Presidential Palace to show that he has a friend in a high place. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar described the two nations’ ambitions to become “permanent friendly countries and permanent allies” who will aid each other to “manage their internal affairs without external interference.” But… Dragging Russia into the conflict in Myanmar will have major consequences. Three major players are now involved in the conflict in Myanmar: the West (chiefly the US), Russia and China. Perhaps it is easy to read the US reaction, but how Beijing sees Lavrov’s visit will be intriguing. In June, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi told Wunna Maung Lwin that China pledged to support the military regime “no matter how the situation changes” in Myanmar over the coming months and years. China’s substantial economic and strategic interests in Myanmar are vast; moreover China’s influence and political clout is, compared to Russia, extensive. Still, while Beijing isn’t betting on the regime alone, its unequivocal support for the junta suggests its analysts believe the regime will eventually prevail over the anti-coup resistance, that outside support for the resistance movement will only prolong the inevitable, and that the regime offers the most likely route towards the stability necessary for the advancement of China’s substantial economic and strategic interests in the country. Beijing has allies in the country, while it is expected that Moscow will stick with the regime. Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations in the north have forged closer relations with China and depend on the powerful neighbor. China can only increase its support to these groups. On the Taiwan issue, meanwhile, China has halted cooperation with the US over critical issues and it will be difficult to seek any understanding on Myanmar due to the escalation of tensions. Last year, the United States and China brokered an agreement that will effectively block Myanmar’s military rulers from addressing the United Nations’ General Assembly, dealing a blow to the junta’s quest for international legitimacy. For its part, the West (including the US) supports the democratic opposition and shadow civilian government, the National Unity Government, but so far, no arms support has been involved. The US has however increased its humanitarian assistance and support for opposition and civil society groups since the coup. The US recently asked countries in the region to engage with the NUG, which has urged the international community to provide arms to its forces fighting against the country’s military regime. In June, the US State Department’s counselor urged the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to engage with the NUG, saying the country’s political crisis cannot be resolved by engaging only with the military regime. The US’s political support is limited, however. But the opposition in Myanmar has urged Washington to do more. Meanwhile, Russia’s assertive engagement with the regime in Naypyitaw only deepens. Myanmar has become a playground; dragging Russia in to play a bigger role in Myanmar sounds very ominous..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Title: Myanmar: ASEAN approach requires a reboot to end horrific crimes by the Myanmar military
Description: "As the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) marks its 55th anniversary today, Amnesty International urges the regional bloc to acknowledge the failure of its five-point plan published in April 2021 to end the violence and increasing human rights violations in Myanmar. “ASEAN must prove it is not a toothless body but acts decisively to hold the Myanmar military to account for its atrocious human rights violations. The military has decades of blood on its hands and will continue to trample on the lives and rights of millions of people in Myanmar if it is not made to face the consequences of its crimes,” said Ming Yu Hah, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns. “In the face of the continuing atrocities – including executions following unfair trials, extrajudicial killings and torture committed by the Myanmar military – ASEAN must swiftly adopt a more robust course of action so that military leaders end the escalating violent repression they have unleashed since the February 2021 coup.” To reinforce this message, Amnesty International projected the words “ASEAN must act now!” onto the building of the ASEAN headquarters in Jakarta on Monday. Since February 2021, the Myanmar military has systematically cracked down on tens of thousands of peaceful protesters nationwide, forcing 700,000 people from their homes, killing over 2,000 people and arresting almost 15,000 individuals. “For ASEAN to retain its credibility, it must change its approach to help end the country-wide bloodshed in Myanmar. ASEAN, collectively as a bloc and as individual member states, must also push for justice and accountability in Myanmar. It is imperative that ASEAN plays a constructive rather than obstructionist role and encourages other members of the international community to maximize pressure on the Myanmar military,” Ming Yu Hah said. “We urge ASEAN to demand immediate action from the Myanmar military, including the release of all those who are arbitrarily detained. ASEAN must also address other urgent needs, including committing to the non-refoulement of refugees or anybody else fleeing violence in Myanmar, facilitating desperately needed humanitarian assistance, and adding its voice to calls for a global arms embargo.” Amnesty International’s Indonesia office was joined by a number of Indonesian civil society groups on Monday as the message to ASEAN was projected onto the organization’s Jakarta HQ. During an ASEAN summit in Jakarta in 2021, Amnesty International reminded Indonesia of its obligation under international law to investigate Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other Myanmar military officials on credible allegations of responsibility for crimes against humanity in Myanmar. “Myanmar’s military has made a mockery of ASEAN’s ‘Five-Point Consensus’ to reduce violence following the country’s military coup in 2021,” Ming Yu Hah said. “Instead of implementing the agreement, Myanmar’s military has continued to perpetrate grave human rights violations against the population of 54 million.” In the latest example of its abusive treatment of the Myanmar people, the military executed four men in July after grossly unfair trails – the first executions since the 1980s – with more than 70 people on death row post-coup. In research published in April, Amnesty International recorded increasing state repression in Myanmar, including shootings and beatings against many peaceful protesters. Testimonies indicated that plainclothes police officers are disguising themselves as fruit sellers and trishaw drivers to spy on anyone daring to express dissent. In retaliation against activists, the military has raided their homes and arrested their family members. A report by Amnesty International published in July showed that the Myanmar military is committing war crimes by laying antipersonnel landmines on a massive scale in and around villages in Kayah (Karenni) State. A further report published by Amnesty International on 2 August documented the Myanmar military’s use of torture tactics in detention, including inflicting sexual and gender-based violence and psychological torture. Amnesty’s investigation found that the Myanmar military also committed enforced disappearances and subjected detainees to torture and other ill-treatment in detention centres..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Title: Photographer Aye Kyaw reportedly dies in Myanmar military custody
Description: "Bangkok, August 8, 2022 – Myanmar authorities must immediately disclose the status of photojournalist Aye Kyaw amid reports that he died in detention, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Monday. At about 2 a.m. on July 30, military authorities arrested Aye Kyaw, a member of the Upper Myanmar Photography Association who had photographed anti-junta protests, at his home in the city of Sagaing, according to reports by the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Radio Free Asia and the local outlet Yangon Khit Thit Media. At about noon that day, a local official told Aung Kyaw’s family that he had died in custody and his body was being held at the Sagaing City Hospital, according to RFA. That report quoted a member of the Ohbo Health and Social Assistance Association, a burial service in Sagaing, as saying his group took Aye Kyaw’s body to a religious hall, and that the journalist’s family buried him on July 31. An anonymous source quoted by RFA said they saw dark bruises on Aye Kyaw’s ribs and back. “Myanmar authorities must immediately account for the whereabouts of photojournalist Aung Kyaw, and come clean about whether he died in military custody,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “If he died while in junta detention, then those responsible must be identified and brought to justice.” CPJ emailed Myanmar’s Ministry of Information for comment, but did not immediately receive any response. Yangon Khit Thit Media reported that authorities ordered the journalist’s family not to post about his burial on Facebook. Citing one of his family members, RFA reported that authorities had arrived at the journalist’s home on July 30 to search for weapons. CPJ was not able to find contact information for Aung Kyaw’s family members, and calls to the Upper Myanmar Photography Association went unanswered. Aung Kyaw is at least the fourth journalist to be killed since the military seized power in a coup on February 1, 2021, according to CPJ reporting. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), an independent rights monitoring group, at least 2,167 prodemocracy activists and civilians have been killed by the junta since the coup..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Title: Statement on the death sentence for political activists, including (9) women Burmese Women's Union
Description: "Unjustly sentenced to death, Jimmy, Phyo Zayar Thaw, Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung were actually killed, the military council announced on July 25. Despite warnings and objections from the international community, the decision was made without informing the families of the political prisoners who were killed. In addition, there are reports that other people who have been unjustly sentenced to death are being prepared for execution. We, the Burmese Women's Union, strongly condemns the unlawful killing of these political activists in prison. Currently, there are 77 people who are unjustly sentenced to death, including 9 women. In the view of BWU, the jurisdiction under military council was unjust and all the sentences were biased. In the current situation, the sentences themselves should be regarded as crimes and murders. From the perspective of international human rights, the act shows no respect for justice and human rights in terms of law. Furthermore, the right to life does not allow the death penalty to be imposed on anyone. The action is also obviously against the essence of democracy. BWU is seriously concerned that the terrorist military council is in a position to carry out more executions. So, now is the time for us to unite more to prevent such kind of actions. The actions of the Terrorist Military Council ignore the interests of the people and risk the sweat, blood and lives of many people to maintain their power. Therefore, in eradicating the military dictatorship, the related alliance groups, Democracy and human rights activists and all the people should work together in harmony, hand-in-hand. Although the international community, including ASEAN, warned and protested against the execution of political activists, the Terrorist Military Council did not recognize and acted against it. The heinous actions of the Burmese military council proves that it is time for the international community, including ASEAN, to take more practical measures to bring changes in Burma. Therefore, it is important to immediately stop the inhumane acts of Burmese military. And, we the Burmese Women Union, would like to urge international governments to put more and severe pressures against Burmese military to stop its unlawful actions..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: ရှစ်လေးလုံးနေ့ (၈.၈.၈၈) (၃၄) နှစ်မြောက် အထိမ်းအမှတ် သဝဏ်လွှာ။
Source/publisher: Karenni State Consultative Council
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: အမျိုးသမီး (၉) ဦးအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများအား သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်မှုအပေါ် မြန်မာ့အမျိုးသမီးသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "Burmese Women’s Union (BWU), a statement on the death sentence for political activists, including (9) women..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 370 KB
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Title: (၃၄) နှစ်မြောက် ၈၈၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံ နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့အထိမ်းအမှတ် ၈၈မျိုးဆက် (ငြိမ်းချမ်း‌ရေး နှင့် ပွင့်လင်း လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း) ၏ သ‌ဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ယနေ့သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြွေးကြော်သံများကို ကိုင်စွဲကာ နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ ရဟန်းရှင်လူ ကျောင်းသား ပြည်သူ လူထု လူတန်းစားအလွှာအသီးသီးမှ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသော ၈၈၈၈ (ရှစ်လေးလုံး) လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးကြီး၏ (၃၄) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်သော နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့ အခါသမယ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရှစ်လေးလုံးအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီသူရဲကောင်းများစွာ၊ ရဟန်းရှင်လူ ပြည်သူ မြောက်များ စွာတို့၏ အသက်သွေးချွေး ဘဝများ စတေးခဲ့ရပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ မတရားဖိနှိပ် ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများကို အံတုကာ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြတ်ရေးအတွက် ပုခုံးထမ်းတင်ပေးခဲ့သော မြန်မာ့ ဒီမိုကရေစီခရီးလမ်း၏ ဂုဏ်ရောင် ပြောင်မြောက်သည့် သမိုင်းစာမျက်နှာတစ်ခုလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ၁၉၅၈ မှ စတင်ခဲ့သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်/တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အဆက်ဆက်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ၁၉၆၂ မှသည် ၁၉၇၄-၇၅-၇၆ စသော ရှေ့မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီး၏ တော်လှန်ရေးတာဝန်ကို လက်ဆင့်ကမ်း ကျေပွန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အပြင် ၁၉၉၆-၉၈လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ၊၂၀၀၇ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး စသည့် နောင်မျိုးဆက်များကိုပါ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ခရီးတွင် ခြေကုပ်မြဲစေရန် မျိုးစေ့ချပေးနိုင်ခဲ့သည့် ပြယုဂ်တစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ အချိန်အခါသည်လည်း ရှစ်လေးလုံးလူထုအရေးတော်ပုံ အပါအဝင် ရှေ့မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီးမှ လက်ဆင့် ကမ်းခဲ့သော တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်လံကို နွေဦးတော်လှန်‌ရေးတွင် ယနေ့မျိုးဆက်သစ်များမှဆက်လက် သယ်ဆောင်၍ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးစုပေါင်းကာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ် ရှင်သန်ထွန်းကားရေးအတွက် မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီး လက်တွဲတိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေသော ကာလ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီးသည် လက်ချင်းတွဲ၍ ကျရာ သမိုင်းပေးတာဝန် များကို ကျေပွန်စွာ ထမ်းဆောင်လျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ ရက်စက်ရမ်းကားမှုများကြောင့် အသက်သွေးချွေး ဘဝများ ရဲရင့်စွာ ပေးဆပ်သွားခဲ့ကြသည့် သူရဲကောင်းများလည်း ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ တရားမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပြီး နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ အကျဥ်းထောင်များ စစ်ကြောရေးများတွင် မတရားချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသော တော်လှန်ရေးညီအစ်ကိုမောင်နှမများသည်လည်း အကျဥ်းသားအခွင့်အ‌ရေးများ မရရှိသည့် အပြင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ တရားလက်မဲ့ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ ဆိုးဝါးစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခံရ လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်မှုများ ကြားမှပင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံ တော်လှန်ရေး ညီအစ်ကိုမောင်နှမများသည် ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရှိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ပြည်သူများနှင့် တသားတည်းရှိကြောင်း ပြသသည့်အနေဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးတိုက်ပွဲများ ဆက်လက်၍ ဆင်နွှဲနေကြလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အသက်နှင့်ဘဝများ ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့သည့် သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ စွန့်လွှတ်မှုနှင့် အခက်အခဲများကြားမှပင် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေသော ဖမ်းဆီးခံတော်လှန်ရေးမောင်နှမများ၏ အသံများကို ကြီးမြတ်စွာ ဂုဏ်ပြုသည့်အားဖြင့် ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရှိ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီးမှ ထိုအင်အားများကို ဆက်လက်ကိုင်စွဲ၍ ဤနိုင်ငံမြေပေါ်မှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြတ် ပပျောက်ပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ် ရှင်သန်ထွန်းကားသည်အထိ အတူလက်တွဲ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ကြပါမည်ဟု လေးနက်စွာ ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။ “မပြီးဆုံးသေးတဲ့ ရှစ်လေးလုံး လူထုလွတ်မြောက်ရေး ဒို့အတူရုန်း” “စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ် မုချ ကျဆုံးရမည်” “အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်ကိုအောင်ရမည်” တော်လှန်ရေးသစ္စာဖြင့် ၈၈မျိုးဆက် (ငြိမ်းချမ်း‌ရေး နှင့် ပွင့်လင်း လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း)..."
Source/publisher: The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: (၃၄) နှစ်မြောက် ၈၈၈၈ အရေးတော်ပုံနေ့သို့ ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: "၁။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတသည့် လူမှု ဘဝများ ရရှိနိုင်ရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ စနစ်ဆိုးနှင့် မတရားဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို နိုင်ငံ တစ်ဝှမ်းလုံး၌ လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကြီးဖြင့် ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ၈၈၈၈ အရေးတော်ပုံကြီး သည် ယနေ့ဆိုလျှင် (၃၄) နှစ်တိုင် ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယင်းအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှ ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်သို့ ကူးပြောင်းနိုင်ရေး စတင်ခဲ့သည့် ပထမဆုံးသော သမိုင်းဝင် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှု အရေးတော်ပုံကြီးပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်မှစ၍ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အုပ်စုတို့သည် အာဏာဆုပ်ကိုင်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် လက်နက် အားကိုးဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်သတ်ဖြတ်ကာ အနိုင်ကျင့်ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်၍ အာဏာရှင် အဆက်ဆက်က စနစ်တကျ ချုပ်ကိုင်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးက နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့သည့် သမိုင်းဝင်နေ့စွဲများထဲတွင် အထင်အရှား အသက်ဝင်လျက်ရှိနေဆဲပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်ခဲ့သည့် တော်လှန်ရေး ခရီးသည် ခက်ခဲကြမ်းတမ်းမှုများ မည်သို့ရှိနေစေကာမူ မိမိတို့၏ အသက်ကိုပင် ပဓာနမထားဘဲ တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုးအနာဂတ်အတွက် ရဲဝံ့စွာ လျှောက်လှမ်းနေကြသည့်အတွက် တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်တို့၏ စိတ်ဓာတ်နှင့် ရဲရင့်မှုများအပေါ် များစွာ လေးစားဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ ယခုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်ထုတို့၏ စိတ်ဓာတ် ခိုင်မာမှု၊ ရဲရင့်ပြတ်သားမှု၊ ဥာဏ်ပညာနှင့် ထိုးထွင်းဖန်တီးနိုင်မှုတို့ကြောင့်သာ ခိုင်မာသော စုဖွဲ့မှုများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် အားကောင်းသော ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်မှုများသည် ယနေ့ထိတိုင် အားကောင်းနေဆဲ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တစ်ဖက်တွင်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက စည်းလုံး ညီညွတ်စွာရှိနေသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများအကြား သွေးခွဲနိုင်ရေး၊ ညီညွတ်မှုပျက်ပြား ရေးတို့ကို ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသည့်အပြင် အတုအယောင်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကျင်းပ၍ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ ထံ အာဏာပြန် လွှဲပေးမည်ဟုဆိုကာ ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအား လိမ်လည်လှည့်စားရန် ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၄။ ဤသည်မှာ စစ်အာဏာရှင် အဆက်ဆက် ကျင့်သုံးခဲ့သည့် အလိမ်အညာ နိုင်ငံရေး လှည့်ကွက်တစ်ခုသာ ဖြစ်သဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများသည်လည်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်သက်ဆိုးရှည်စေ ရန် ဖန်တီးထားသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးကစားကွက်ထဲသို့ ဝင်ရောက်ခြင်းမပြုဘဲ တိုင်းပြည်၏ အနာဂတ်၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့် အကျိုးစီးပွားကို ရှေးရှုကြရန် သတိပေးမေတ္တာရပ်ခံလိုပါသည်။ ပြည်သူ လူထုအနေဖြင့်လည်း ၈၈ မျိုးဆက်ခေါင်းဆောင် ဦးကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာအား ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးကာ သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲသည် တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအတွက် မဟုတ်ဘဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်ကျိုး စီးပွားအတွက်သာ ဖြစ်သည်ကို အထူးသတိပြုစေလိုပါသည်။ ၅။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်မှ စ၍ ယနေ့ထိတိုင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ လူ့အခွင့် အရေးနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့အတွက် အသက်ပေးတိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားကြသည့် သူရဲ ကောင်းများ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့မှုများကို အလေးအနက် တန်ဖိုးထား၍ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်နိုင်ငံတော်သစ် တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တာဝန်ကိုယ်စီထမ်းကာ ဆက်လက် လျှောက်လှမ်းသွားကြရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အနာဂတ်တွင် တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုးတို့ အတွက် အေးချမ်းဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အသိုက်အဝန်းတစ်ရပ် တည် ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် ယနေ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် တိုင်းပြည်ကို ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ သည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကို အမြစ်ပြတ် တိုက်ထုတ်ရမည့် နောက်ဆုံးတိုက်ပွဲပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာ ဏာရှင်များကို ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရင်း အသက်ပေးသွားခဲ့ကြသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးသူရဲကောင်း များကို အစဉ်ထာဝရ ဦးညွှတ်အလေးပြုလျက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ အမြန်ဆုံး ကျဆုံးရေးနှင့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ကျောင်းသား လူငယ်များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ခိုင်မာစွာ ဆက်လက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု လေးနက်စွာ ကတိပြုရင်း ဤအောက်မေ့ဖွယ် သဝဏ်လွှာအား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအပေါ် သေဒဏ်စီရင်နေခြင်းကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ထောင်တွင်းအစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြခြင်းများနှင့် ပတ်သက်သော သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-07
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Title: This Year’s Summit Make or Break for ASEAN on Myanmar
Description: "6 August 2022: The next annual Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Leaders’ Summit in November is critical for the escalating crisis in Myanmar and ASEAN’s response to it, following the outcome of this week’s ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Foreign Ministers from nine of the ten ASEAN Member States concluded a three-day meeting in Phnom Penh on Friday 5th August. No representative for Myanmar was present at the meeting. The representative of the illegal military junta in Myanmar was barred from attending the meeting, while ASEAN has not yet recognised the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). The Foreign Ministers agreed in a Joint Communiqué issued after the meeting to recommend that the ASEAN Summit in November decide on next steps to be taken by ASEAN to address the crisis. Decisions can be made by the ASEAN Summit in situations where consensus between the ten ASEAN Member States cannot be achieved, according to Article 20 of the ASEAN Charter. “The outcome of the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting has put the ball firmly in the court of the ASEAN Leaders in November,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The Summit must be the turning point for ASEAN. The longer ASEAN does nothing the greater the pain and suffering of the Myanmar people. At an absolute minimum, the violence must stop. There must be consequences for the junta’s actions and all eyes will be on the Summit to act.” The Foreign Ministers called on ASEAN Leaders to assess progress towards the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus by the junta between now and the November meeting to guide decision-making. The Five-Point Consensus was reached between junta-leader Min Aung Hlaing and ASEAN Leaders in April 2021. Until now, Min Aung Hlaing has failed to adhere to a single point of the agreement and continues to flout the consensus with impunity. The junta leader has repeatedly and deliberately instrumentalized any attempt by the bloc and its current chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, to push forward on the consensus to mislead the international community as to the reality of the situation in Myanmar. “ASEAN needs to come up with a new formula as the Five-Point Consensus clearly has not worked,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “ASEAN leaders need to stop waiting in vain for Min Aung Hlaing. His coup failed, his forces are being defeated everywhere across the country, and he has no strategy other than the commission of mass atrocities.” The NUG, People’s Defence Forces (PDF) and allied Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations (EROs) hold more of Myanmar’s territory than Min Aung Hlaing’s military junta and are gaining more ground where junta forces are being pushed back. The NUG has repeatedly expressed its commitment to working with counterparts in ASEAN towards finding a durable solution to the military junta-crisis. “ASEAN does not need the consent of Min Aung Hlaing to seek a new solution to the crisis in November, that much is very clear,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “But ASEAN needs to work with the NUG. The NUG is the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people, increasingly the de facto authority in the country as well as the de jure government, and the proper party for ASEAN to be engaging with.”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-06
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်သူ့လုံခြုံရေးနှင့်ကာကွယ်ရေးကောင်စီ ၏ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၂
Description: "၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်သူ့လုံခြုံရေးနှင့်ကာကွယ်ရေး ကောင်စီ၏ (၃၀.၇.၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျင်းပသော အစည်းအဝေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အရ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးထံ စစ်တရားရုံးချုပ်နှင့်အကျဥ်းစစ်တရားရုံးချုပ် ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့်အာဏာကို အပ်နှင်းလိုက်သည်။ ၂။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးသည် အဆိုပါ စစ်တရားရုံးချုပ်နှင့်အကျဥ်းစစ်တရားရုံးချုပ် ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့်အာဏာကို အရာရှိတစ်ဦးဦးသို့ အမိန့်စာဖြင့် လွှဲအပ်နိုင်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-06
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (ရက်စွဲ၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၆) ရက်)
Description: "ပြည်သူများနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကို ဟန့်တားနိုင်မည့် လက်နက်များ (လေယာဉ်နှင့် ရဟတ်ယာဉ်ပစ် လက်နက်များ) နှင့် တကွပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင် ခိုလှုံလာမည့်သူများကို ထိုက်တန်စွာ ဆုကြေးချီးမြှင့် မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-06
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Title: BURMA COUP WATCH FOR THE MONTH OF JULY 2022: Junta’s executions spark global outcry as opposition promises payback
Description: "As of 29 Jul, there had been at least 14,070 armed clashes and attacks, resulting in the displacement of some 866,400 people since the coup began. Junta troops continued to slash their way through the country in July, torturing and killing civilians, burning people alive, and torching villages. • Junta forces have killed at least 2,138 civilians and arrested 14,917 as of 29 Jul. The regime continued to target former officials and NLD members, as well as perceived opponents and their families. Reports suggested that the junta was installing facial recognition CCTV systems in several cities to beef up its surveillance capabilities. • The regime sparked global outcry by executing four political prisoners, including an MP, the first executions in decades. Opposition forces staged protest actions and vowed to step up resistance, as local media sources said the junta was preparing to execute 41 more inmates in Yangon. • Local civil society reported an increase in violence against women since the coup, with 1,835 cases documented in 2021 and 1,158 during Jan-Jun 2022. Women in conflict-affected areas reportedly suffered some of the most horrific abuses. • The ICJ dismissed the regime’s preliminary objections in The Gambia vs Myanmar case, allowing the proceedings to move forward. The NUG welcomed the ruling, saying it stood ready to cooperate with international accountability efforts. • The World Bank projected a mere 3% growth in 2021-22, warning that political and economic uncertainty had severely damaged Burma’s financial system. The junta further damaged the economy by tightening forex restrictions as inflation continued to hit all sectors hard. • French oil and gas firm TotalEnergies withdrew from Burma after transferring some of its shares to junta-controlled company MOGE, thus ignoring civil society calls to exit responsibly. • The junta hosted its first high-level regional meeting, which was attended by China’s Foreign Minister. • ASEAN barred the regime from attending a high level meeting while allowing it to chair another. Malaysia further hardened its stance against the junta, repeating calls for the bloc to engage with the NUG..."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma,  Asia Democracy Network,  Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development,  Burma Human Rights Network,  Initiatives for International Dialogue,  International Federation for Human Rights,  Progressive Voice and US Campaign for Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-05
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Title: Coming to Terms with Myanmar’s Russia Embrace: Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°173, 4 August 2022
Description: "What's new? Myanmar's coup and Russia's invasion of Ukraine have brought these already friendly countries closer together. Myanmar's regime has positioned itself as Russia's most uncritical post-invasion partner in Asia, while Russia has readily backed Myanmar's junta, diplomatically and with arms. They are now gearing up for tighter economic and trade relations. Why does it matter? Russia has thrown Naypyitaw a lifeline as it struggles to quash domestic resistance and secure international legitimacy, thus further antagonising countries pushing for Myanmar's return to democracy. The West worries that Moscow could use these ties to dodge sanctions. Foreign governments supporting positive change in Myanmar have few good options. What should be done? With few realistic ways to disrupt Russia-Myanmar relations, foreign governments should continue imposing targeted sanctions on the Myanmar regime and strengthen enforcement of bilateral arms embargoes. They should press ASEAN to keep excluding the regime from high-level meetings but avoid prematurely ending consensus diplomacy at the UN Security Council. Overview Myanmar's relations with Russia have moved into higher gear in recent years with regular high-level exchanges and closer cooperation. Naypyitaw has also grown increasingly reliant on Moscow for advanced weapons systems and technical training of military officers. Myanmar's February 2021 coup and Russia's invasion of Ukraine a year later have deepened the trends: facing stronger international sanctions and diplomatic isolation, the two countries are actively exploring ways to strengthen their security and economic ties. Countries trying to promote positive change in Myanmar, many of which have adversarial relations with Russia, are concerned that the growing bond undermines efforts to sanction both, but there is little they can do to change it. Instead, they should continue imposing targeted sanctions on Myanmar's military regime, enforcing bilateral arms embargoes, and pressing Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members to continue excluding the regime from high-level meetings to dent its legitimacy. At the UN, however, they should avoid diplomatic moves that might break the Security Council's fragile modus vivendi on Myanmar. Over the past two decades, the Myanmar military has tried to hedge its reliance on China as a diplomatic ally and arms supplier by forging stronger links with Russia. This trend stalled when the country drew closer to the West starting in 2011, and then accelerated following the army's violent expulsion of the Rohingya in 2017, which undermined its nascent engagement with Western militaries. Since then, the two countries have grown closer, with Myanmar Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing making annual visits to Russia. Moscow has so far looked at Naypyitaw primarily as a military and technical partner, with Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu leading the effort to position Russia as Myanmar's main supplier of sophisticated weapons, such as helicopters, fighter jets and air defence systems. Russia has also provided postgraduate education to at least 7,000 Myanmar officers since 2001. Beyond military ties, Shoigu also sees advantages in securing a strongly committed partner where South and South East Asia meet, in addition to Russia's longstanding partnerships with India and Vietnam. Until recently, the two countries' economic and non-military trade relations remained modest, but they appear to be deepening. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov's 3 August visit to Naypyitaw may accelerate that trend. Following the Myanmar military's coup and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, both countries have become more heavily sanctioned and diplomatically isolated, increasing the importance of their relations with each other. Russia has provided unstinting support for the junta in Naypyitaw following the coup, as well as continued weapons shipments, and the Myanmar regime has in turn positioned itself as Russia's most uncritical friend in Asia, vocally supporting the invasion of Ukraine. In recent months, the two countries have been developing direct banking and finance channels to support greater bilateral trade, including Myanmar purchases of Russian energy products..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-04
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Title: Interaction statement condemning the execution of pro-democracy activists in Myanmar
Description: "The recent execution of four Myanmar democracy activists further shows the military junta regime’s willingness to use brutality to remain in power, as well as the continued dismantling of the rule of law and shrinking civic space—all contributing to the dire humanitarian situation across the country. Since the 2021 coup, the international community, alongside local partners, continues to deliver assistance in Myanmar. This has been the case amidst escalating humanitarian needs and access impediments, serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, and the combined impacts of the socio-economic crisis, COVID-19, and armed conflict on civilians. We call on the United Nations and relevant international institutions to take the necessary measures to: Protect and restore human rights, fundamental freedoms, and dignity of civilians. Guarantee that all people in need across Myanmar have unfettered and sustained access to urgent lifesaving assistance delivered through diverse aid modalities. Ensure the de facto authorities and other parties to the conflict abide by International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law and cease indiscriminate attacks against civilians, including on aid workers, facilities, and assets. InterAction stands with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom and democracy..."
Source/publisher: InterAction
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-04
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Title: Extending Emergency Rule Shows Junta has no Control Over Myanmar
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has extended emergency rule for another six months, a tacit admission that its coup has failed. On Sunday, the regime summoned a meeting of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), the highest authority in Myanmar. Under the 2008 military-drafted constitution, the chief of the Myanmar military can order a state of emergency for one year and then renew the order twice more for a period of six months each time. The latest extension means the state of emergency will last for at least two years, a sign that coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has failed to restore normalcy to the country. Last February, the military seized power in a coup, justifying its power grab by alleging massive voter fraud in the 2020 general election which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) Party won in a landslide. Min Aung Hlaing’s laughable statistics Min Aung Hlaing told the NDSC meeting that there have been over 7,000 mine blasts, 6,000 attacks and 1,000 arson attacks by the parallel National Unity Government and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Forces, in the 18 months since the putsch. If those figures are regarded as true, it shows that the military, which swallows up the lion’s share of the country’s annual budget, is disproportionately weak. Sagaing Region saw the most resistance activity with over 4,000 attacks, according to the junta boss, while Yangon saw nearly 2,500 attacks, Mandalay over 2,000 attacks and Magwe over 1,300 attacks. Stability has yet to be restored in those regions. Over 3,000 civil servants, including administrative staff as well as junta supporters, have been killed since the coup and around 3,000 more injured, said Min Aung Hlaing. It appears that he has included slain members and supporters of the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in those figures. When UDSP Chair U Than Htay met the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Special Envoy on Myanmar last month, he told him that more than 1,800 USDP members had been killed by anti-regime forces. But Min Aung Hlaing made no mention of the air and artillery strikes, arbitrary killings and arson attacks carried out by his soldiers. More than 2,000 people have died at the hands of the junta, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, and some 15,000 have been detained since the coup. Across the country, over 1.2 million people are currently displaced, including nearly 866,400 people displaced by the conflict since the military takeover, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Myanmar. The coup leader made himself a laughing stock as he told the NDSC meeting that Myanmar has run a US$1 billion trade surplus under his rule. Myanmar is dependent on imports and has always run a trade deficit under successive governments. Thanks to Min Aung Hlaing’s wild monetary policies, Myanmar is now facing a severe shortage of US dollars and Myanmar’s currency the kyat has slumped against the greenback, with the exchange rate hitting around 2,800 kyats to a dollar in the open market now. Sham NDSC, sham election After reading out those statistics at the NDSC meeting, Min Aung Hlaing proposed extending military rule for another six months and the country’s acting president U Myint Swe, a former Lieutenant General, nodded in agreement. Since the coup, the nominal president has only appeared in public three times, when Min Aung Hlaing held three NDSC meetings to declare and renew the state of emergency in an effort to pretend that the coup is in accordance with law. Another person who has only appeared at NDSC meetings is former Lower House speaker T Khun Myat. He has been involved in politics since the 2008 constitution was drafted, and will go down in Myanmar history as a politician who cares only about keeping his seat in parliament, regardless of the country’s situation under successive governments, whether Senior General Than Shwe’s former junta, U Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government or the current regime. All the other NDSC members are generals. Even the foreign minister, which is supposed to be a civilian position in the NDSC, is a former colonel. So the meeting was just a sham to fool people into believing that emergency rule was extended in accordance with law. Also a sham is the proposed election that the regime has promised to hold in August next year. Few people believe that any poll staged by the junta will be free and fair. The regime has appointed U Thein Soe as the chairman of Union Election Commission to oversee the upcoming election. The former Major General previously oversaw the 2010 general election, which is widely believed to have been rigged in favor of the USDP. The NLD, which enjoys overwhelming popular support in Myanmar, has said that it will boycott the proposed junta-organized election. As the regime is planning to introduce proportional representation in the upcoming election, it will need time to educate voters about the new system and, even in normal times, one year is not enough time to do that, said observers. At the NDSC meeting, Min Aung Hlaing said that the Myanmar military will serve as the guardian of the country. Acting President U Myint Swe also asked the military to serve as the guardian for the country’s interests. Min Aung Hlaing has denied staging a coup, and has insisted instead that the Myanmar military is only playing the role of an interim government under the constitution until the next election. His lie will soon be exposed as, according to the constitution, no military chief can hold power under emergency rule for more than two years..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: McConnell Statement on Burma and Secretary Blinken’s Asia Trip
Description: "WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) issued the following statement today regarding Burma: “As Secretary of State Blinken undertakes his planned travel to Southeast Asia, I sincerely hope and expect that he will deliver a firm message to Burma’s neighbors and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations: It is time for them to impose meaningful consequences on the junta in Burma that is literally getting away with murder. “Just today, the junta ruling Burma is welcoming Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, embracing an envoy from another autocratic regime. Apparently violent pariahs flock together. The free world can expect to see more of the same if the leaders of last year’s coup are not brought to heel. “If Burma’s neighbors and ASEAN are not willing to come to the aid of the innocent people who are suffering under the junta’s brutal and illegitimate rule, the Administration must use the authorities Congress has already given it to turn up the heat on the Tatmadaw and its sources of financial support. This should include sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. “The people of Burma have suffered and waited for friends of democracy to come to their aid. Secretary Blinken must put the full weight of the Administration’s authorities squarely in their corner. It is time for less talk and more action.”..."
Source/publisher: Mitch McConnell Republican Leader
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: Myanmar’s Min Aung Hlaing, Russia’s Putin and Their Ilk Must Not Prevail
Description: "Russia is a major supplier of military hardware to the Myanmar regime, and enhanced military-to-military ties, which began even before the junta seized power in February 2021, have only been stepped up since the coup. With the arrival of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Naypyitaw on Wednesday for talks with junta leaders, The Irrawaddy revisits this commentary originally published in March of this year, shortly after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, examining the implications of the junta and Moscow’s show of mutual support. The generals who have engaged in brutal atrocities and applied a scorched earth strategy in Myanmar will surely be following the news from Ukraine closely. The immediate question that arises is, do they want Russian President Vladimir Putin and his invading army to succeed? Perhaps. As the invasion of Ukraine was beginning, Myanmar, a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), sounded decidedly out of step with the rest of the world when a spokesperson for Myanmar’s military council voiced support for Putin’s aggression, offering two reasons. “No. 1 is that Russia has worked to consolidate its sovereignty,” he said. “I think this is the right thing to do. No. 2 is to show the world that Russia is a world power.” Of course, this is garbage. The junta’s quick show of support for Russia’s aggression is hardly surprising; Russia is a major supplier of military hardware to the regime, and enhanced military-to-military ties have been cemented since the coup. Moscow sent a high-level military delegation led by Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu to Myanmar two weeks before last year’s coup. Moscow knew of the coup in advance and promised to supply arms, training, hardware and surveillance technology to the regime. Since the coup, the two sides have exchanged numerous visits. Indeed, the relationship has grown worryingly warm. However, this Russia-Myanmar friendship doesn’t include the Myanmar people. For their part, the oppressed people of Myanmar loathe both Russia and China, and whoever else supports the regime. On March 27 last year, the regime celebrated Armed Forces Day, which historically has marked the day the people took up arms against the occupying Japanese in the 1940s. On the same day, the regime’s forces slaughtered more than 100 people across the country, making it the bloodiest single day since the generals seized power less than two months earlier. By that point, the international community including most Western nations had long since condemned the military regime, but Russian Deputy Defense Minister Colonel General Alexander Vasilyevich Fomin chose to travel to Naypyitaw to attend the 76th annual Armed Forces Day commemorations. Soon citizens, farmers, schoolteachers and children were bearing the brunt as Russian-made jet fighters and helicopters were deployed to drop bombs and fire missiles and machine guns at them. Many have died since the regime launched a brutal war against its own people. Not only Russian but also Chinese-made weapons have killed many innocent people in Myanmar. They, too, are implicated in the post-coup human tragedy in Myanmar. Like Putin and his army, Min Aung Hlaing and his soldiers behave like foreign invaders, but they do so in their own country. The regime faces strong resistance, encountering many form of protest as well as armed rebellion across the country. A year after attempting to stage a coup, the Myanmar regime still does not control the country or the people. Did Min Aung Hlaing underestimate the Myanmar people? Since Russia launched its invasion, Ukraine’s people have displayed great bravery. This has been well noted in the international community; the reaction from the West has been tough and Russia is being cut out of the global financial system. Both Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Putin have underestimated the people they seek to subdue, and the resistance to their aggression. Should Putin fail to assert control over Ukraine, Min Aung Hlaing’s “grand strategy” of bringing Russia into Myanmar’s political landscape after the takeover will seem as delusional as his coup plan itself. He must be worried. Days after the invasion of Ukraine, after the spokesman expressed the regime’s stance in support of Moscow, top brass in Myanmar held a meeting to discuss the crisis in Ukraine and its impact on and consequences for Myanmar. The generals are worried about the West’s financial sanctions—Myanmar’s arms dealers have bank accounts in Russia—and the supply of hardware will slow. Since the coup, the West, including the US and the EU, has imposed stiff sanctions on the Myanmar military, state-owned companies and business cronies of the regime, but more needs to be done. At the meeting, it is understood that the generals were also curious about China’s position on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Details are sketchy but it seems they were mostly interested in China’s strategic goals, and how they—and future China-Myanmar relations—might be impacted if Russia botches its invasion of Ukraine. In its public pronouncements, the Chinese government has urged all sides to de-escalate tensions in Ukraine. Since the military takeover in Myanmar on Feb. 1, China has repeatedly insisted that the armed forces’ seizure of power from the democratically elected government is Myanmar’s internal affair, including at the UN Security Council (UNSC) and at Human Rights Council meetings. The Myanmar people dislike China and its stance toward the coup, just as they dislike Russia for the same reason. Since the coup, China has faced massive anti-China protests in Myanmar and boycotts of Chinese products. China-backed factories in Myanmar have been torched and threats against China-backed gas pipelines issued. Beijing has voiced serious concern over the security of its pipelines; anti-junta groups in Myanmar have countered by saying that whether or not they are blown up is an “internal affair”, mocking China’s own rationale for blocking other nations’ attempts at the UN to condemn the military takeover. In the meantime, the generals are likely to beef up security for Chinese interests and projects in Myanmar, and Min Aung Hlaing will do whatever is necessary to accommodate both Russia and China. At the end of the day, his aim is to rule the country with his blood-soaked hands, and he will make friends with either Russia or China in order to achieve this. There is some pride at stake for Min Aung Hlaing in Putin’s invasion of Ukraine: The general wants to show the people of Myanmar, and especially his opponents, that his allies are winners. If things go badly for Putin, the Myanmar people will feel vindicated and Min Aung Hlaing and his hardline thugs will feel they have attached themselves to the losing side. Since the coup, Myanmar has quickly descended into chaos. As the human and economic costs of the long and bloody coup attempt mount it will only become more difficult for the regime to exert control and consolidate its grip on the country. Min Aung Hlaing’s regime sees Myanmar’s citizens as enemies; therefore, its coup has failed. Lacking legitimacy, the regime in Myanmar today is a pariah. If murderer-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing and his military are allowed to win, the Myanmar people will forever remain slaves, subject to tyranny. Dark days lie ahead for both Ukraine and Myanmar. The resistance in Ukraine has already earned the admiration of the entire world, just as the efforts of Myanmar’s various resistance forces, including groups engaged in armed rebellion, have surprised many at home and abroad. Knowing they would be fired upon, a group of Ukrainian soldiers guarding a military facility on Snake Island in the Black Sea told a Russian warship to “go fuck yourself”. In Myanmar last year, protesters, faced with rows of soldiers and tanks, exclaimed: “Fuck the coup!” We cannot allow Min Aung Hlaing or Putin to succeed, or let one feel vindication in the success of the other..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: On-The-Ground in Burma: Issue 18
Description: "This is the US Campaign for Burma’s eighteenth monthly On-The-Ground in Burma briefer! This month’s briefer will discuss the current situation of IDPs and refugees, as well as a Rohingya from Cox’s Bazaar sharing the personal and community losses since living in the refugee camps in Bangladesh. This month’s briefer includes: July highlights An in-depth analysis on the international community’s questionable relationship with the Burmese military Four major policy recommendations A feature story about the experiences of a Karen refugee since fleeing Burma to Thailand An overview of IDP issues and rights abuses in each ethnic state and central Burma As the conflict escalates in Burma between the pro-junta militias, anti-coup forces, and the military, so has the violence and rights deprivations in ethnic regions and central Burma. Without strong tangible action, the Burmese junta will continue to commit crimes against humanity with impunity..."
Source/publisher: US Campaign for Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: Myanmar: Detainees tortured to crush opposition to coup
Description: "Beatings, gender-based violence and arbitrary arrests documented Myanmar must immediately free all those unjustly detained Profound psychological trauma experienced upon release Authorities in Myanmar’s prisons and interrogation centres routinely subject people detained for resisting the 2021 military coup to torture and other cruel or degrading treatment, Amnesty International said today in a new briefing, more than a year and a half after the power grab shattered the country’s halting transition to civilian rule. Based on 15 interviews carried out in March 2022 with former detainees, lawyers of prisoners and experts, as well as a review of over 100 news reports, the briefing, 15 Days Felt like 15 Years, documents the horrific experiences of individuals from the moment they are arrested, through their interrogation and imprisonment, and after their release. Since the 1 February 2021 coup, Myanmar’s military has arrested more than 14,500 people and killed more than 2,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). From showing up without an arrest warrant and forcing confessions through torture or other ill-treatment, to enforceable disappearances, reprisals against relatives, and holding detainees incommunicado from family and legal counsel, military authorities flout the law at every stage of the arrest and detention process. This was horrifically demonstrated in the unlawful execution of four men in July, including a prominent pro-democracy activist and former lawmaker, following their death sentences by a military court. The executions were the first to be carried out in more than 30 years. More than 70 people remain on death row in Myanmar while 41 have been sentenced to death in absentia, according to AAPP. “Myanmar has stooped to unimaginable new lows in its vile and brutal treatment of detainees as part of an overall strategy intended to break their spirits and compel people to give up any resistance to the 2021 military coup,” said Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnes Callamard. “But it is having the opposite effect. The Myanmar people remain unbowed even after the litany of violations, including most recently the shameful and despicable executions of Kyaw Min Yu – also known as Ko Jimmy – Phyo Zeya Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw.” “As a matter of urgency, Myanmar’s military must free thousands of people languishing in detention simply for exercising their rights, and let them return to their families. The United Nations Security Council must increase the pressure on the Myanmar military with a referral to the International Criminal Court, a global arms embargo and targeted sanctions.” Tased and beaten Amnesty’s research reveals how prison officials kicked and slapped detainees, and also beat them with rifle butts, electrical wires and branches of a palm tree. Detainees allege they were psychologically tortured with death and rape threats to force confessions or extract information about anti-coup activities. One person was presented with a parcel delivery that contained a fake bomb. Several former detainees interviewed by Amnesty International observed that other detainees had visible injuries on their bodies, including blood, broken limbs, and swollen faces. “When they [the police] found us sleeping, they beat us. When they caught us sitting, they beat us…They pointed G3 rifles at our foreheads and threatened that they could kill us anytime,” said one student arrested in the central Magwe Region. During the interrogation, whenever I used feminine pronouns for myself, they said you are gay, so you must like this and exposed their male genitals in front of me. One woman heard security forces plunging the head of another detainee in a bucket of water and using a taser on the person several times during interrogation. A student activist told Amnesty International that he saw police bang his friend’s head against the wall. Police also used a taser on his genitals and threatened to blow them up with a grenade. Ma Kyu, who was arrested in Karenni State for protesting the coup, told Amnesty what a police officer told her after she was detained: “We can just kill you after the arrest. We do not even need to put you in jail. We can simply shoot you.” ‘They took off my clothes’ Interrogators also committed sexual and gender-based crimes. Saw Han Nway Oo is a transwoman who was arrested and detained in September 2021 by the military on suspicion of having attended self-defence training. She was taken to the Mandalay Palace interrogation centre, which has become notorious for reports of torture. Over three days, she was interrogated at the palace centre and at a police station. She said the interrogators scratched her knees with sharp objects and sprayed methylated spirit over the bleeding wounds. She was not given food or water for three days. “During the interrogation, whenever I used feminine pronouns for myself, they said you are gay, so you must like this and exposed their male genitals in front of me.” They also looked at messages with her doctor and asked if she had had a sex-change operation. They then took off her clothes, looked at her naked body and mocked her. Other LGBTI people also experienced thorough body checks of their private body parts to ‘‘ensure whether they are males or females,” according to one detainee. Humiliating and invasive body searches may constitute torture or other ill-treatment, particularly for transgender detainees. Blindfolded and cut off Arrests are typically conducted during the night. During these night raids, soldiers and police break down doors, beat residents, ransack houses, confiscate electronics such as phones and laptops, and occasionally take valuable items such as jewellery. Protest leader Ma Win was arrested while travelling on a passenger bus in Mandalay Region. She was slapped in the face, handcuffed, blindfolded and driven to an unknown location. During an interrogation lasting more than 24 hours, security forces wearing heavy boots beat and kicked her and repeatedly threatened to kill her. Lawyers who Amnesty International spoke to described facing difficulties when trying to discover their clients’ whereabouts. At times, they resorted to paying bribes to get basic information. The prison facilities are crowded, with one person describing staying with 50 people in a cell meant for 10. Detainees also found dead insects and worms in their food. Though the experience of detention has exacted a profound psychological toll on those who have survived it, many activists are determined to keep resisting. “We will never give up,” Saw Han Nway Oo told Amnesty. “We are like phones, we will recharge once we run out of batteries.”..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-02
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Title: Southeast Asian MPs urge ASEAN to put strong pressure on the Myanmar Junta at Foreign Ministers meeting
Description: "JAKARTA – As the foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meet in Phnom Penh this week, they should take the opportunity to reach an agreement on strong and coordinated measures to put pressure on Myanmar’s military junta, parliamentarians from the region have urged. Over fifteen months after ASEAN members and the chief of the military junta, General Min Aung Hlaing, signed a Five-Point Consensus to address the political and humanitarian crisis triggered by the illegal coup d’état on 1 February 2021, the situation in Myanmar has continued to deteriorate. The self-styled State Administration Council (SAC) is still hijacking humanitarian assistance, has not taken steps towards initiating a political dialogue, and continues waging a brutal campaign of repression against the population at large in order to stamp out widespread opposition to military rule. “ASEAN member states must recognize that the Myanmar military has become a criminal organization that is holding hostage the whole of the country’s population. Min Aung Hlaing has been given too much time to comply with the Five-Point Consensus, yet he has only shown that he respects neither the agreement nor ASEAN itself. It is time for him and his henchmen to pay the consequences,” said Eva Sundari, former member of the House of Representatives in Indonesia and Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). ASEAN’s Foreign Ministers are meeting less than two weeks after the Junta executed four political prisoners sentenced to death, Phyo Zeya Thaw, former lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD); the prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’; Aung Thura Zaw; and Hla Myo Aung. Those are the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988, according to Amnesty International, and were carried out secretly, after trials conducted by military tribunals without any respect for due process, as APHR has denounced. There are currently 76 prisoners in Myanmar sentenced to death, including two children, who could be executed at any moment, while 41 people have been given the death penalty in absentia. The junta went on with the executions despite international pleas not to carry them out. Even Hun Sen, the Prime Minister of Cambodia, current ASEAN Chair, made a plea for the prisoners to be spared, despite the leniency that his government has shown towards the junta this year. As ASEAN Chair, Cambodia has undone a great deal of the work that other member states had been doing to isolate the Myanmar generals, thus granting them a legitimacy they do not deserve. “After those barbaric executions, Cambodia should stop pandering to the generals, and ASEAN foreign ministers should make their meeting in Phnom Penh a turning point to lift the Myanmar people out of their suffering. ASEAN’s timidity and the absence of leadership has contributed to fostering the impunity for these executions and other atrocities to take place. The junta believes it can get away with its crimes and ignore the international condemnation, because up to now it has not led to any concrete consequences,” said Sundari. ASEAN should put in place enforcement mechanisms in order for the Five Point Consensus to work. Starting with imposing targeted sanctions and travel bans in the region on Min Aung Hlaing and his men. The regional group should also publicly engage and recognize the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), which is leading the pro-democracy forces and represents the Myanmar people’s aspirations for democracy, as well as ethnic organizations. Also, ASEAN should start working with humanitarian organizations and civil society organizations to deliver aid to those who need it the most, as APHR has been advocating. “A coordinated, collective and clear response is required for the sake of ASEAN’s own credibility. Its half-hearted attitude degrades ASEAN itself. This indecisiveness is unbefitting of the main regional organization in a strategically crucial part of the world that should be an engine of peace and stability, as well as sustainable economic growth, not a haven for murderous dictators like Min Aung Hlaing,” said Sundari..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-02
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Title: Human Rights Situation in Mon State, Karen State & Tanintharyi Region, July 2022
Description: "The Military Junta is Continuing to Perpetrate Human Rights Violation with Impunity in Southeastern Myanmar It has now been nearly a year and a half since the military junta attempted their unlawful coup. The regime has failed to honor the wishes of the people who overwhelmingly showed their support for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a landslide victory. Despite earning less than 10% of the vote, the junta claimed electoral fraud without evidence and has since continued to make decisions which have devastated the country’s economy and social, political order. In addition, a humanitarian crisis has plunged one-million civilians into deep poverty as they are forcibly displaced from their homes. Their behavior in the days and months which have passed since 1 February 2021 have been increasingly violent. As the month of July came to a close, human rights violations in target areas of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland continued to be scaled up. Homes have been deliberately scorched by the junta as arbitrary arrests and ongoing raids spark fear in local communities. The international community’s slow will to act has led civilians to fear the worst is yet to come. Without concrete action and a response that makes clear that the junta is not above the rule of law, the Burma Army will continue to commit crimes with impunity. Civilians, including the elderly have not been spared. On 26 June 2022, joint troops of the military junta and soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion No.46 raided five homes in Longlone Township, Dawei. A 60-year old couple were arrested, and had their hands tied behind their backs before being shot to death at close range. The victims were residents of Kadak Gyi village, U Thaung Win, age 61 male, and Daw Win Aye, age 62, female. Homes in Kadagyi village were also destroyed, and some valuables and banknotes were stolen. Environmental degradation is also taking a toll on civilians. Villagers in northern Yebyu township claimed that there had been no compensation for their houses destroyed by a project survey conducted by Yardanar Natural Oil and Gas group in February 2022. In February 2022, officials from the “Yadanar Natural Oil and Gas Project” conducted a survey in the village of Pauk Pin Kwin, located in Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region. The survey destroyed twelve houses, and those who suffered property losses have not received compensation. The Yadanar Natural Oil and Gas Project bought land plots in the village in 2002/2003 but the company did nothing with the land. Eventually local villagers built houses on these plots. After the coup, the company showed renewed interest in their project. Oil companies, like TOTAL, chose to withdraw from the project in light of human rights abuses conducted by the military since the coup. Only Nippon Oil and Gas Exploration and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is controlled by the military junta, continue to support the Yadanar project. Young people, including students and affiliates of the Spring Revolution continue to be targeted by the military junta. A Mawlamyine University student, Ko Myo Thura Aung, who was abducted by the junta forces on June 30th 2022, has not been contacted by his family. He was studying in his fourth year of Physics and is accused of merging with the Civil Disobedience Movement. According to the Mawlamyine University Union, at least thirty students have been arbitrarily detained by the junta since the coup from the University. One student was murdered after being shot. Additional information has been difficult to obtain as the junta is increasingly blocking access to prisons. Members of the NLD and pro-democracy affiliates also continue to be relentlessly targeted. A member of the NLD party chairman who was abducted by the junta forces on June 22, 2022 in Bilin Township, Mon State, was found dead in a ditch on 7 July 2022. According to the local villagers. U Kyaw Myo Min and his coworkers, U Pan Myint and U Ko Ko Maung were arbitrarily arrested by the junta forces in Paw Kee village, Bee Lin Township, Mon State. Based on the NLD’s Human Rights Record Group, the junta has killed nearly 50 former members of Parliament, and over 900 NLD lawmakers have been arrested since the attempted coup on 1 February 2021. Meanwhile, as the junta expands their militarized operations into civilian areas, more people are being forced to abandon their livelihoods and flee. Internally displaced people (IDPs) and war-affected refugees at the Palaw IDPs camps in Tanintharyi are facing food shortages, according to an emergency response team member. The number of IDPs in the Palaw resettlement sites and camps has increased from 1,166 last month to almost 1,950 families this month. This is a rough estimate and may be higher. Crimes such as these are continuing with impunity, and further setting a dangerous precedent that suggests the military junta is above the law. Villagers who have been murdered by the junta during their power spree must be granted justice. The military is guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. These acts have been on display for the world to witness, including news that the military junta executed four political prisoners on the morning of 25 July 2022. Situation Overview in Target Areas Karen State Worsening hostilities in Karen State have prompted calls from rights groups in Burma, including the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), who have drawn attention to the human rights situation. KHRG noted that the junta is continuing to deploy air and ground attacks in civilian areas. A lack of international action and condemnation has granted impunity to military junta soldiers who are continuing to deprive innocent people of their immunity. HURFOM observed rising numbers of displacement as the presence of the Burma Army has led to more villagers fleeing to safer areas in search of refuge and protection. Across HURFOM’s documentation, it is evident that the junta is using the same policies of scorched earth, divide and rule as well as the four cuts. The Burma Army increased their attacks particularly in Karen State, promoting calls for Karen rights groups to call for urgent action including sanctioned aviation fuel, and a global arms embargo. Airstrikes on 1 July, in Thay Baw Boe village and Dooplaya district wounded five civilians, with three in critical condition. HURFOM has documented the growing numbers of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Karen State as the junta increases their presence, despite multiple orders from the Karen National Union (KNU) for the military to immediately retreat and withdraw all their forces. The junta forces in southeastern Dooplaya have been deploying relentless attacks against local villages in the areas with heavy mortar shelling and with airstrikes. At least 7 airstrikes targeted 16 villages located in Dooplaya District. Throughout the month of June 2022 alone, HURFOM reported nearly 3,500 civilians newly displaced in Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region. Mon State The military junta has adopted its scorched earth campaign tactics in Mon State where villagers are unable to return home due to their homes being deliberately set on fire. Residents of Lim Bo Lai village, in the Karen National Union (KNU) administrative area of Thaton Township, saw 61 of their houses burnt to ashes, as well as a monastery and a school. Three villagers were also killed. The bodies of the three villagers were found in the ashes of burned houses. It is possible they were burned alive or burned after being killed. Those who were killed by the military were Saw Samu, age 39, Saw Maung Lupyo, age 55 and Htee Doh Pawee, age 54 who was also a Buddhist monk. The perpetrators of this brutal attack were the junta’s Light Infantry Division No. 44. “In this situation, even if we can return home, there are often no houses left to live in,” said a villager Light Infantry Battalion No. 9 continued to burn remaining houses, destroying more than 60 houses in 4 villages in Thaton township. More than 110 civilians’ houses in 7 villages in Thaton township have been burned to the ground since June 26, 2022. An ongoing concern for civilians in Mon State is the fear of clashes between various armed opposition groups, and the military junta as well as junta-backed militias. They are concerned over the possibility of being targeted by the regime, and subsequently investigated, arrested and tortured. During the first week of July 2022, an unknown armed group invaded No 1023 military base of the Border Guard Force (BGF) located near Htaw Pa Law village, Hla Ka Zine village track, in Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State. The BGF has since abandoned the base after it was burned down. Following this, they retaliated and conducted a search of vehicles passing through the checkpoint. There have been frequent armed clashes in Kha Lae- Da Gon Die area, and now the military base has been burnt down. Local villagers are afraid of being subjected to the junta’s brute force. “They left their houses and fled,” said a villager. Most people moved to Mudon Township, Mon State until it is more secure to move back. Another local who spoke to HURFOM said. “I’ve closed my house and just come back once a week to check its condition. I’m worried that the soldiers will burn down my empty house now that I’ve moved to Mudon.” Tanintharyi Region Tensions in the Tanintharyi region have led to growing instability as ongoing clashes threaten civilian livelihoods. The uncertainty plaguing what unknowns lay ahead has been the cause of ongoing stress and anxiety for residents, many of them displaced multiple times and in need of urgent materials. Junta forces looted and burned homes in Taung Pyouk village track, Dawei. At least ten civilian houses were burnt down between July 15 – 18, 2022, according to the local villagers: “The junta forces burnt down at least five houses only in Ah Lae Su village, which is part of the Taung Pyouk village track, located in Tha Yet Chaung Township,” a local villager told the reporter. Before burning the houses, the soldiers removed all the valuable belongings from the homes, a local source said. Another recalled, “I heard gunshots. There were no armed clashes. It’s just random shooting from one side. I moved my belongings with a truck to Thel Chaung Gyi village,” said a 35 years-old villager from Ah Lae Su village.The military juntas’ forces have bases in the Mya Nadi Mount in Taung Pyouk village track and they have been randomly shooting at nearby villages with heavy weapons every day, according to local sources. More indiscriminate attacks and firing has set course for the worst. On July 19th in the early morning, the junta battalion LIB No. 285 indiscriminately fired with artillery into the Pain-Nae-Taung village, Palaw township, Myeik, Tanintharyi. Villagers said that these attacks killed a 20-year-old man,two injured, and destroyed more than ten homes. Ko Zin Wine, age 20, was killed on the spot. The weapon hit him in the head and neck. The junta forces continued to fire heavy weapons at nearby villages and mountain areas till midnight on July 19, a male villager reported. An estimated 180 villagers fled their homes. According to additional confirmation, one woman and one man were injured because of the artillery attacks. The PDF and junta forces repeatedly clashed in Palaw township during the second week of July. At least three local defense members were killed, including a 30 year old male villager. Locals from Kyaung Shar Kwin area, Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region have told HURFOM that they had to abandon their plantation due to landmines: “A landmine exploded near my plantation. After that, I have not gone back. Another explosion can take place any time.” Between late 2019 and 2020, there have been 10 victims who suffered from landmine explosions in Yebyu Township. Five victims were from the Kyaung Shar Kwin area. Local plantation owners are frightened to go to their lands due to frequent explosions: “I’ve abandoned my plantation. I am afraid to go there. All landmine victims have been my neighbors. If I were injured, my family would be in trouble. That’s why I’ve abandoned my betel nut plantation for three years now,” said a plantation owner from A Lae Sakan village. Both ethnic armed organizations – the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Karen National Union (KNU) are active in this area, but no group has taken responsibility for the landmines. The Dawei District office released a statement on March 16, 2022 stating that both NMSP and KNU had A responsibility to find a solution. Civilians are targeted and extorted regularly on suspicions of supporting or being affiliated with People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). Kyauk-Hlay-Kar village in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei was attacked and extinguished by the junta forces, killing five villagers accused of being PDF members and supporters, according to locals. A 45-year-old Kyauk-Hlay-Kar villager, said three local people were killed when about 70 Junta troops stormed the village on July 10 2022: “They arrested two more villagers on suspicion of being PDFs. Then they shot and killed those villagers when these military columns arrived at Yaung Maw village. A total of five villagers were killed as many locals were fleeing the village. It was estimated about 200 families are fleeing to safer areas. Names of the victims; the exact personal accounts, and locations are being examined by HURFOM. In a related case, on the night of 14 July 2022, two tutors from Myeik University of Technology and Computer University were accused of being linked with the CDMs’ assets and abducted by the junta security forces. They both are female tutors: Daw Ei Ei Phyo and Daw Thi Thi Swe. Some witnesses reported that during the forcible arrest, the soldiers continued beating them. On July 15 night, a fourth year Computer University student, Ma Thuzar Win Htet, 21, was also abducted by the Junta forces with no warrant from her residence. The witnesses reported that the junta troops raided Ma Thuzar’s parents’ home and were arbitrarily arrested. All arrested Tutors and this female student were brought to unknown detention centers, and the updated information was still being investigated. Key Findings Other armed and violent groups like the Pyu Saw Htee and Black Kite Brotherhood are believed to be sponsored by the junta, and they have targeted innocent civilians, predominantly those affiliated with the pro-democracy movement. Organizations providing legal support to women and childen have reported increases in domestic assuaults and rape – particularly of children. Families are scrambling to make a living and provide for themselves and often children are left at home and subject to abuse from strangers, and even family members. Civilian fears over landmines in their villages and places where they farm and secure their livelihoods have posed threats so grave that many dare not return to work or home, in fear of being killed. Prominent pro-democracy politicians and activists, including those affiliated with the National League for Democracy, continue to be targeted by the junta. They are also increasingly being charged under draconian laws and face long, unjust sentences. Devastatingly, four political prisoners were executed by the junta at the end of the month. Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions force people from their homes. Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are regularly confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along key-routes. Civilians were forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs. Torture remains rampant in Burma, and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to grueling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information. The international community including UN bodies and ASEAN are not responding swiftly enough to the situation on the ground in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta. Military impunity remains deeply ingrained into the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only emboldens the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations. The rise of plain-clothes ‘security’ officers is backed by the military junta and have been using intimidation tactics and threats to extort civilians out of money, and their possessions. Cases have been reported across HURFOM’s main target areas. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention by the junta are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas. Recommendations The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following: ● A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court ● Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated global arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta ● Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians ● Targeted sanctions on military junta officials, as well as their families, which puts holds on their financial assets and possessions and undercuts their ability to do corrupt business dealings abroad ● Strengthened and renewed protection mechanisms which grant civilians who are vulnerable and at risk of assault in a position where they are able to access justice referral and accountability pathways ● Renewed and continued funding support for local organizations responding to the needs of their communities on the ground. Cross-border aid pathways must be accessed and all humanitarian aid in the hands of local actors. ● Foreign investors in Burma must immediately cease their operations and withdraw their involvement from all development projects in the country, including but not limited to airports, seaports, and cement businesses. ● An abrupt and immediate halt to the use of torture by the military junta, and further we call for investigations to probe the unlawful deaths of civilians in Burma who have been tortured to death, as well as those who have been forced to endure trauma and long-term injuries as a result..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-01
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Title: Myanmar journalist Maung Maung Myo sentenced to 6 years in prison
Description: "Bangkok, August 1, 2022 – Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalist Maung Maung Myo and stop imprisoning members of the press on spurious charges, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Monday. On Friday, July 29, a court in the city of Hpa-an, in Kayin state, sentenced Maung Myo, a reporter for the independent Mekong News Agency, to six years in prison on charges of violating Section 52(a) of the Counter-Terrorism Law, according to news reports and the news agency’s editor Nyan Linn Htet, who communicated with CPJ via messaging app. Maung Myo was convicted for possessing pictures and interviews with members of People’s Defense Forces, an array of insurgent groups that are fighting Myanmar’s military government, according to those sources. Authorities banned the Mekong News Agency after the military seized power in a February 1, 2021, coup, according to Nyan Linn Htet. Nyan Linn Htet said Maung Myo is being held at Hpa-an’s Taung Kalay Prison, is in good health, and intends to appeal his conviction. “Journalist Maung Maung Myo’s sentencing and imprisonment is cruel and unusual, and is unjust retaliation for his work as an independent news reporter,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Myanmar’s junta must stop equating journalism with terrorism and allow journalists to report the news without fear of imprisonment.” Maung Myo, who is also known as Myo Myint Oo, was first arrested on May 10 at the Salween River bridge checkpoint near Hpa-an after officials discovered he had shared Mekong News Agency reports on his personal Facebook page, according to those news reports. Maung Myo has reported for Mekong News Agency since June 2020 and has covered various political topics, including COVID-19 in Myanmar, anti-coup protests, and clashes between the military government and armed resistance groups, including the People’s Defense Forces. At least two other Myanmar journalists were convicted and sentenced in July for their news reporting. On July 7, a Wetlet Township court in the northwestern region of Sagaing convicted and sentenced Democratic Voice of Burma journalist Aung San Lin to six years in prison with hard labor, with four years under Section 52(b) of the Counter-Terrorism Law and two years under the penal code’s Section 505(a), which criminalizes incitement and the dissemination of “false news,” according to DVB and other news reports. Aung San Lin was first arrested on December 11, 2021, by about 20 soldiers who raided his home around midnight in the Sagaing Region’s village of Pin Zin, shortly after he published a report alleging that military forces committed arson attacks on the homes of three supporters of the coup-toppled National League for Democracy in Wetlet Township. The DVB report said he was being held at Shwebo Prison near the central city of Mandalay. CPJ could not immediately determine whether he intended to appeal his conviction, and DVB editor-in-chief Aye Chan Naing did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment. Separately, on July 14, an Insein Township Court in Yangon sentenced Nying Nying Aye, a freelance reporter who contributes regularly to the local news website Mizzima, to three years in prison with hard labor under Section 505(a) of the penal code, according to multiple news reports. Nying Nying Aye, also known as Mabel, started reporting on domestic politics for Mizzima soon after the coup, according to the outlet’s editor-in-chief Soe Myint, who communicated with CPJ via email. She has been detained since January 15, according to those reports. The Myanmar Ministry of Information did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment on the journalists’ convictions and sentencings. Myanmar was the world’s second worst jailer of journalists, trailing only China, with at least 26 behind bars when CPJ conducted its most recent prison census on December 1, 2021..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-01
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment Announcement No.5/2022 - စီမံကိန်း၊ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက် ( ၅/၂၀၂၂)
Sub-title: “တရားမဝင်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် နောက်ဆုံးအကြိမ် သတိပေးတားမြစ်ခြင်း”
Description: "ကြေညာချက် ( ၅/၂၀၂၂) ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၃၁ ရက် “တရားမဝင်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် နောက်ဆုံးအကြိမ် သတိပေးတားမြစ်ခြင်း” ၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို တရားမဝင်လုယူလိုက်သည့် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဆိုင်ရာ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်၊ အတည်ပြုမိန့်များထုတ်ပေးခြင်းကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ အဆိုပါအမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာကို၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အတည်ပြု ဆက်ခံကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုခုကခွင့်ပြုသည့် မည်သည့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုအသစ်ကိုမဆို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်းကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၆/၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် တာဝန်ယူမှုရှိသော ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုများအတွက် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ထို့အပြင် တားမြစ်ချက်များအား လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိလျှင် တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကြေညာချက် ၁၀/ ၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် သတိပေးတားမြစ်စာကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု ကော်မရှင်(MIC)ထံမှ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်၊ အတည်ပြုမိန့်များတောင်းခံ၍ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း အလျဉ်းမပြုလုပ်ကြရန်နှင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ဆဲ တရားမဝင်ရင်းမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကိုလည်း ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် နောက်ဆုံးအကြိမ် သတိပေးတားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။ ၆။ တားမြစ်ချက်အား လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိပါက လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ပြင်းထန်ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၇။ တားမြစ်ချက်ကို လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိသော ကုမ္ပဏီများနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံသူများ၏ စာရင်းကို ပူးတွဲပါအတိုင်း အခါအားလျော်စွာ ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးသွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-31
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment Announcement No.5/2022
Sub-title: Unconditional suspension of unlawful investment activities: final warning and notice of prohibition
Description: "Announcement 5/2022 31 July 2022 Unconditional suspension of unlawful investment activities: final warning and notice of prohibition 1. By Notification 1/2021, the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment in the Cabinet of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw imposed unconditional suspension on issuance of investment permits and endorsements on or after 1 February 2021, the date of illegal usurpation of state power by the terrorist military council. 2. The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment of the National Unity Government (‘the Ministry’) endorsed the said Notification through Announcement 3/2021, dated 16 May 2021. 3. In the ‘Three-Pillar Framework Guiding Responsible for Investment and Continued Operations’ issued under Announcement 6/2021, it was confirmed that the National Unity Government shall neither recognise nor honour any new investment approved by an organisation under the control of the terrorist military council. 4. Further, under Announcement 10/2021 dated 30 August 2021, the Ministry has issued a warning that failure to comply with the above prohibitions shall be liable to enforcement action. 5. Final warning and notice of prohibition is hereby given that no investor shall seek a permit or an endorsement from the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) under the control of the terrorist military council and that any investor that had initiated or conducted investment activities unlawfully under the above provisions must now suspend their operations unconditionally. 6. Failure to comply with this final warning and prohibition shall be subject to enforcement action leading to severe sanctions and penalties. 7. The Ministry shall from time to time publish a list of companies and investors who are in breach..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-31
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: The speech to International Community By H.E Daw Zin Mar Aung Union Minister of Foreign Affairs
Description: "Dear Friends of Myanmar the world over who stand with us in solidarity I I address you today as the Minister o f Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, i on behalf of the National Unity Government, and as a parliamentarian elected to office by the f express will of the people. 1 August 1st marked 18 months o f the people’s revolution. Eighteen months o f shared struggle of 1 resistance, of national unity against an illegal military junta bent on destroying this great beautiful T nation. 1 The darkest days are upon us. War, poverty, terrorism, economic devastation. These are the 1 hallmarks of Min Aung Hlaing and the Junta. And now, in its ever-escalating embrace of atrocities, I we grieve the execution of political prisoners. 1 Each of your calls for - expressions of concern and condemnation is from your side just regrettable 1 failure of sincere intention to facilitate moderation and de-escalation of violence. For us it is J extremely painful loss of lives. For us it is burning the houses and whole villages - destruction of 1 most basic conditions for life of tens of thousands and hundreds of thousand ordinary people who | anyhow have lived on the edge of poverty and in constant struggle to sustain their families. 1 While you are again and again calling for restrain and negotiations, Min Aung Hlaing is hardening 1 his stand. While you call for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to be released, MAH has moved her from | house arrest to prison. I While you put significant and quiet diplomacy to persuade MAH not to carry on executions, he i has killed four political prisoners and junta's spoke person in boosting that "according to law" they I will execute more. 1 Min Aung Hlaing must be stopped once and for all. The senseless and illegal execution of Ko 1 Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw is reprehensible. Once again proved Min Aung lllaing and the junta's showed absolute disregard to international norms, human rights, and amicable resolution to the current crisis. But more gravely a complete contempt and disregard for Myanmar people. Min Aung l llaing has repeatedly exploited and betrayed ASEAN's efforts to help find sustainable political solution This execution further demonstrates the Junta's disregard to the commitments it has made to the current ASEAN chair and ASEAN envoy. Indiscriminate bombings, murder, arbitrary arrests and detentions and destruction o f properties arc intolerable now for our people in every corner of our society. How many more lives docs the international community needs before it can act decisively against the junta? Weapons for Ukraine, air lifts from Afghans, and deafening silence for Myanmar people Who are we to you now? Are we expected to suffer their atrocity more than others? Endless debates on legitimacy and credentials, statements of condemnation, leveraging humanitarian access here and there. Yet nothing for our people, for our effort to restore that is rightly ours- the right to live in safetyw Four of our brothers martyred for their commitment to a free and democratic Myanmar. 41 political prisoners announced for execution. Who will be next? A bounty on the head of those democratically election in 2020 elections who dare to serve our people in health, education, humanitarian response, protection of women and girls. All the while I have respected every request to me to keep meeting secret, to be patient, to be grateful for your attention. All the while I want to scream 'help! help our people need your help'. The Preamble of the United Nations Charter states that "the People o f the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge o f war, which has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaff i rm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth o f the human person, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect fo r the obligations arising from treaties and other sources o f international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards o f life in larger freedom. "" It is time to put this into action. To the United Nations member states, security council and international community , We appreciate the statements of condemnation of the execution our friends but without practical action it is hollow words. Effective, decisive, and united collective action is needed immediately, 1. Cut the revenue streams of Min Aung Hlaing and his terrorist army as efficiently as possible. 2. Suspend all international representations of the junta and prevent any representative of the Junta in any international platforms 3. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) must act swiftly utilizing Responsibility to Protect by sending troops and weapons supplies to our united ethnic and democratic forces. 4. Immediately recognize the National Unity Government as the government of Myanmar and afford us the same right and dignity of all other democratically elected governments in the world today. We have vision for the peaceful future of our country. We have legitimacy. We have sense of responsibility. We have support of the people of country. We care for lives, for rights, for rule of law, for peace, for understanding, for accountability. We care! Start by talking with us instead of either creepingly engaging and legitimizing junta or issuing ineffective statements of regret. None of those is bringing you closer to help us and both of that is bringing us every day closer to death and destruction. As our people die in IDP camps and in people defenses forces trying to protect themselves, we compel international partners to exhaust all possible political and diplomatic means to help realize our yearning for safety, stability, peace, and freedom from the Junta' s dictatorial rule. As I close, I assure you with full voice that the people of Myanmar shall prevail. Peace and justice shall prevail. And we will restore Myanmar to its place among the vanguard of democracies. Our unshakable faith in our revolution carries at its core a commitment to our international obligations and our commitment to development, peace, and stability to our neighboring countries, to our region and to the world. I thank you..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-30
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Title: ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က မတရား ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ မျိုးစုံတပ်ခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ကြောရေးတွင် လူမဆန်စွာရက်စက်ညှင်းပမ်း နှိပ်စက် ခြင်းကြောင့် သေဆုံးသွားရသူများ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံရနေမှုများနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: " ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီကို ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီးနောက် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ လက်ရှိဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းခံရမှု အခြေအနေများ နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းပြီး သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် မှတ်တမ်းကောက်ယူပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာသို့ သိရှိနိုင်စေရန်တင်ပြလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ယနေ့ အချိန်ထိ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ၃၄ ဦး ရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက် လာသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ၇ ဦးရှိသဖြင့် လက်ရှိဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ ၂၇ ဦးရှိပါကြောင်း၊ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်း ခံရသူ ၇၉ ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူ ၁၁ ဦး ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ အခြား ၁ ဦးမှာ အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲတွင် ဆေးကုသ ခွင့်မပြုသဖြင့် သေဆုံးပြီး ကျန် ၁ ဉီးမှာလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် လမ်းဘေးတစ်နေရာတွင် ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရပြီး သေဆုံးခဲ့ရခြင်းကြောင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး သေဆုံးသူ ၂ ဦး ရှိသွားပြီဖြစ်သဖြင့် လက်ရှိဖမ်းဆီး ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ ၆၆ ဦးရှိသွားပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်၊ တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အဆင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် စုစု‌ပေါင်း ယခုလက်ရှိ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံ‌နေရသူ ၉၃ ဦး ရှိပါသည်။ ၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီက မတရားအကြမ်းဖက်ပြီး အမှုဆင်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်း၊ နှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ သတင်း အဆက်အသွယ်မရရှိဘဲ ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် အများစုအား မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းထားသည်ဆိုသည်ကိုပင် မိသားစုဝင်များ ကိုယ်တိုင် မသိရှိရခြင်းနှင့် တရားဥပဒေအရ အကာအကွယ်ရယူခွင့် အပြည့်အဝမရရှိခြင်း စသည့် အခြေခံလူ့ အခွင့်အရေးများ များစွာဆုံးရှုံး‌နေရခြင်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ CRPH အနေဖြင့် သတင်းအချက်အလက် များကို စနစ်တကျ ကောက်ယူပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာလွှတ်တော် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများထံသို့ ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၄။ အဆိုပါ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများအနက် တစ်ချို့ကို ကောက်နုတ်ဖော်ပြရလျှင် ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်အဆင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြစ်သည့် ဦးထွန်းအောင် (ခ) ဦးထွန်းထွန်းဟိန် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်၊ နောင်ချိုမဲဆန္ဒနယ်သည် ၁-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပထမအကြိမ် ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်ပြန်လည် လွတ်မြောက်လာပြီး ဒုတိယအကြိမ်အဖြစ် ၁၀-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထပ်မံဖမ်းဆီးခံရပါသည်။ ၎င်းနောက် ၂၂-၁၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (က)၊ (ခ) အမှုတို့အတွက် အလုပ်ကြမ်းနှင့်ထောင်ဒဏ် လေးနှစ် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး ၇-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၁၂၄ (ဃ) ဖြင့် အမှုဆင်ပြီး ထပ်မံစွဲဆို၍ နောက်တိုးပုဒ်မများ ထပ်ထပ်တိုးခြင်း၊ ဒေါ်ဝင်းမြမြ မန္တလေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ စဉ့်ကိုင်မဲဆန္ဒနယ်အား ၂၇-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (က)၊ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရပြီး အိုးဘိုထောင်အတွင်း တစ်နှစ်ကျော် အကြာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားခဲ့ပြီး ၂၉-၆၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင်မှ အလုပ်နှင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ၃ နှစ်ကို ချမှတ်ခြင်း၊ တစ်ချို့သော လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများမှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံခဲ့ရသော်လည်း ထောင်ထဲတွင် ရှိ၊မရှိမှာ မသေမခြာသလို မည်သည့်‌အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်ရှိနေမှန်းမသိရခြင်း စသည့် လုပ်ရပ်များသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂက ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာထားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကြေညာစာတမ်းပါ လူတစ်ဉီး တစ်ယောက်ချင်းစီ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၅။ ထို့အပြင် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများအနက်မှ အချို့ကို ကောက်နုတ် ဖော်ပြရလျှင် ဉီးညွန့်ရွှေ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ မဲဆန္ဒနယ်(၁) တိုင်းဒေသကြီး လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကို ၉-၇-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် စကစက သဘာဝဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပုဒ်မ ၂၅၊ တပ်မတော်ကို အကြည်အညို ပျက်စေမှု ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅-က တို့နှင့် ဖမ်းဆီးတရားစွဲခဲ့ပြီး ပဲခူးကျိုက်ကဇော် အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲတွင် Covid ရောဂါကူးစပ်ခြင်းခံရပြီး ဆေးကုသခွင့် လုံလောက်စွာမရသဖြင့် ၁၆-၈-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ ရခြင်း၊ ဦးကျော်မျိုးမင်း၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဘီးလင်းမဲဆန္ဒယ်အား ၂၂-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ နံနက် ၉ နာရီခန့်တွင် ဆိုင်ကယ် Taxi ဖြင့် ခရီးထွက်ခဲ့စဉ် တော်လှန်ရေးသမား နှစ်ဦးအပါအဝင်Taxi မောင်းသူရွာသားနှင့် အတူ လမ်းခရီးတွင် စကစ၏ ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါသည်။ ယင်းနောက် ၃၀-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ နံနက် (၈) နာရီတွင် တော်လှန်ရေးသမား နှစ်ဦးနှင့်အတူ ဦးကျော်မျိုးမင်းကို စကစ၏ စစ်ကြောရေးတွင် လူမဆန်စွာ လက်ပြန်ကြိုးတုတ်ထားပြီး ၎င်းကြိုးကို လည်ပင်းအား သိုင်းချည်ခြင်းတို့ ပြုလုပ်သည့် အပြင် မျက်နှာ၊ ဉီးခေါင်းနှင့်ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အနှံ့ စစ်ဖိနပ်ဖြင့် ကန်ခြင်း၊ ကျည်ကာ ဦးထုပ်ဖြင့် ရိုက်ခြင်း၊ ထိုးကြိတ်ခြင်များပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သဖြင့် ဒဏ်ရာပြင်းထန်သဖြင့် ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်သည့်နေရာတွင် မေ့မြော သွားခဲ့သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲများ၏ ရက်စက်စွာ ရိုက်နှက်နှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ခန္ဓာကိုယ် အနှံ့ဒဏ်ရာများ ပြင်းထန်စွာရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ၃၀-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင်ပင် သေနတ်ဖြင့် ပစ်သတ်၍ မြောင်းထဲတွင် အလောင်းကို ပစ်ချခဲ့ခြင်းမှာ လူတစ်ဉီးတစ်ယောက်ကို အတင်းအဓမ္မ ဥပဒေမဲ့စွာ ရက်စက်စွာသတ်ဖြတ်ပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို အဖန်တလဲလဲ ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်း၊ လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ “လွှတ်တော်ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများမှအပ အခြားဥပဒေ များဖြင့် အရေးယူခြင်းမရှိစေရ” ဟူသည့် ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်နေပြီး ဖမ်းဆီးနေခြင်း စသည့် ကိစ္စရပ်များကို နိုင်ငံတကာသိရှိအောင် တင်ပြခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သလို ပြည်သူအများ သိရှိနိုင်ပါရန် ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။.."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-30
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 1.29 MB
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Title: Open Society Foundations Condemn Horrific Myanmar Executions
Description: "NEW YORK—The Open Society Foundations are appalled and deeply saddened by the recent horrific executions by the military regime in Myanmar of former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The executions are the first in Myanmar in more than three decades. The executions, which were unanimously condemned by the UN Security Council on July 27, mark a further regression in the already dire human rights situation that has prevailed in Myanmar since the military coup of February 2021. Since the coup, Myanmar’s military regime has engaged in countless human rights violations including military air assaults targeting villages of ethnic communities, burning civilian facilities, and cracking down civil society organizations inside the country. Open Society calls on the international community to step up its efforts to end the crisis in the country, with steps including: the imposition of a full arms embargo action to expand the number and type of sanctions on senior military leaders and those around them fully supporting and expediting the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar established by the UN Human Rights Council in September 2018 Open Society is also calling on Myanmar to allow unimpeded access to UN investigators and human rights monitors, and urges the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to adopt a more effective diplomatic response to the crisis, drawing on support from civil society and humanitarian groups. We urge G20 leaders and donors to increase support for humanitarian aid, including funding for civil society to document these heinous acts and push for international accountability..."
Source/publisher: Open Society Foundations
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-29
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Title: Latest Report by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Finds Crimes Against Humanity, War Crimes Perpetrated by the Myanmar Junta
Description: "Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) released, “Resisting a Coup,” a new six-month report which covers human rights violations committed by the Myanmar military junta between January and June 2022. Over the course of the six-month reporting period, the regime torched thousands of homes, and murdered civilians with impunity. Against the backdrop of the violence continues to be a full-fledged humanitarian crisis that has left thousands displaced and living in poverty. ND-Burma calls for immediate international intervention including targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo. Across ND-Burma’s member target areas are cases of extreme violence perpetrated by the soldiers of the Myanmar military. The wide-spread antagonism against the junta has led to the regime responding the only way they know how – by waging more internal conflict. This is evident in the mass numbers of civilians who have been routinely internally displaced. Evidence of the military junta deliberately embarking on a ‘trajectory of terror’ suggest that the regime will not stop their merciless attacks until the masses submit. ND-Burma members have documented crimes committed by the Myanmar Army including arbitrary arrest and detainment, torture, rape and sexual violence, destruction of property, enforced disappearances, murder and others. The acts of violence that the junta has committed amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Accountability for their crimes is long overdue. Further, the ND-Burma calls for an immediate cessation in violence and a retreat of junta soldiers from civilian areas. The international community, including UN bodies, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, must take concrete steps which hold the junta responsible. ND-Burma supports a United Nations Security Council resolution on a global arms embargo, and an immediate referral of the situation of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. We call for diplomatic, political, and economic pressure on the military junta to immediately cease the targeting of the civilian population in Myanmar. Attempts for peace and reconciliation will not be taken seriously under the military junta..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Families in Myanmar lose more than half their income in year of conflict, says Save the Children
Description: "28 July 2022 – Families in Myanmar have lost on average more than half of their income since the political crisis and escalation of conflict in February 2021, according to Save the Children, with soaring poverty rates threatening to reverse 17 years of economic progress. The economic impact of the political crisis, coupled with the COVID-19 pandemic, has left families struggling to feed themselves and their children, the child rights organisation said. Some 80% of families said food was their primary concern, with adults in one in five households cutting back on meals in order to feed their children. A third of households are borrowing food or relying on help from others to feed their families. Kin Thida*, 39, lives with her husband and three children in Yangon, Myanmar. She and her husband used to work as masons on a construction site and all three of their children went to school. But since February 2021 and the ensuing economic turmoil, the couple are now both without jobs. “In the past, I could buy some pieces of meat and some vegetables for two meals with around 3000 kyat (around US$1.5), but for now, it’s only enough for one meal, sometimes not even that,” Kin Thida said. Kin Thida’s 17-year-old daughter, Sabal*, had to drop out of school to work in a garment factory to support her family – before she also lost her job due to factory closures. “I need to find another job, but for that I need a national registration card, and to get that I need to travel to my parents’ hometown to apply. I can’t afford the transport to get there,” Sabal said. “I only want to go back to school – that's the only place I was happy. I was hoping to be a nurse after school.” The political crisis in Myanmar started when the country was already vulnerable. The economic crisis drove an increase in the share of households experiencing moderate to severe food insecurity between August and October 2020. Since February last year the country has suffered further economic decline, with mass job losses, business closures and weakening of the Myanmar currency (kyat), which has affected households across the country. Even middle-income households that were benefiting from the country’s economic growth since 2011 are now being pushed below the poverty line, Save the Children said. Families are reporting an average price increase of between 30% and 70% for basic foods. Earlier this year, the child rights organisation warned that at least 150,000 children had been forced to flee their homes due to violence, and last month reports showed that the number of children out of school had doubled over the past two years. Save the Children called on the international community to do everything it can to prevent the country plummeting into mass poverty and hunger, including stepping up humanitarian funding. Shaheen Chughtai, Regional Advocacy Director for Save the Children in Asia, said: “More than a year on from the coup, millions of children do not have enough to eat and families are having to beg or borrow to survive. These new figures are especially sobering at a time where humanitarian response is severely underfunded. At a time when children in Myanmar need us most, they are being let down by the international community. "Deprivation and hunger on this scale is a worrying step backwards for a country that was already struggling to pull itself out of poverty after decades of political turmoil. The speed at which poverty levels are regressing after 17 years of progress – and the impact this is having on children and their families - is an absolute tragedy, and the world must ensure children in Myanmar are not forgotten.” Save the Children has been working in Myanmar since 1995, providing life-saving healthcare, food, education and child protection programmes through more than 50 partners and 900 staff across the country..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Fears for more than 100 dissidents sentenced to death in Myanmar after executions spark condemnation
Description: "he executions of four men have brought into sharp focus the fate of more than 100 people sentenced to death under the regime since the coup in February last year. Student activist Minn Khant Kyaw Linn told the ABC the public was outraged. "There is fear from the family members of death-sentenced victims who are detained. Will their family members be executed in the next round?" But he said the people's hatred of the regime outweighed their fear. "It will just add more fuel to the rebellion of pro-democracy supporters," he said. Seventy-four people in detention have been sentenced to death in Myanmar since the February 1 military takeover, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). A further 41 people were handed death sentences in absentia and are not in the junta's custody, bringing the total to 115. Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation on human rights in Myanmar, has said the estimate is even higher, at around 140. AAPP said two boys under the age of 18 were also initially sentenced to death, but those sentences were revoked and they face re-trial in a juvenile court due to their age. Among the four executed at the weekend were former hip hop artist and MP Phyo Zeya Thaw and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as Jimmy. Both had travelled to Australia in the past and built connections with the diaspora community here. Reports have begun to swirl that further executions could be imminent, but the ABC has been unable to independently verify them. "There is an information blackout from within Insein Prison at the moment. But we know 41 death row political prisoners have been separated [from] other sentenced prisoners," AAPP joint-secretary U Bo Kyi told the ABC. "We do not know if it is a threat or intention to execute. Ultimately, the military does not care for any laws, so who can say." Little is known about the prisoners on death row, who were mostly convicted in closed-door military trials. The AAPP database shows most were sentenced under counter terrorism laws or section 302 of the penal code, which deals with punishment for murder. But U Bo Kyi said the country's penal institution is being "used as a weapon to oppress the people". Dr Justine Chambers, a postdoctoral researcher at the Danish Institute for International Studies, told the ABC many family members would be reluctant to speak out now for fear of painting a target on their backs. "The reason it's so hard to get information on people who are currently on death row is because a lot of their families actually don't want to draw attention to them… in case they become another symbol for the military to show their power," she said. Dr Chambers said Myanmar people had been left shaken by the executions — even under the former military regime, which was regarded as particularly brutal, death sentences had not been carried out in more than 30 years. "The military, I think, was hoping to use these executions to reassert control and instil fear in the population, but actually, it's created anger — it's galvanised people against them," she said. She added while the recent executions could be seen as an escalation in some respects, they took place in the context of the army's ongoing violence. More than 2,100 have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to AAPP, and soldiers who defected have described to the BBC how the military forces burnt people alive and raped girls. Dr Chambers said the military's unpredictability was "terrifying" for ordinary people — whether they were on death row or not. "This constant threat of violence is always there," she said. Children taken as hostages, UN rapporteur says Mr Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur, told ABC's Radio National this week that executing the four prisoners "was a desperate move by a desperate junta". Around 14,000 people have been arbitrarily detained since the coup, among them 1,400 children, he said. "As a matter of fact, 61 children are being held by this junta as hostages, so that their parents, their family members, will give themselves up," he said. "So this killing, these executions, are in the context of a very deep, horrific brutality that's become a living nightmare for people of Myanmar throughout the country." Prior to the executions, Amnesty International had labelled Myanmar's approach to the death penalty as "abolitionist in practice" but had noted a dramatic increase in the number of people sentenced to death since the military seized control. "As resistance to the coup shows no sign of waning, Myanmar's military is getting desperate, so desperate that it is willing to resume executions after more than 30 years in a despicable attempt to terrify the population into submission," an Amnesty regional spokesperson said. "The military will apparently do anything to maintain control, even if that ruins lives and destroys families. International pressure on the Myanmar military must be stepped up. "Silence and inaction will only embolden the military to commit more human rights abuses, which means more lives ruined and more loved ones lost." Australian economist Sean Turnell, an advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, remains in custody in Myanmar and faces trial under the Official Secrets Act. "The Australian government should do even more for the Australian national in arbitrary detention facing a kangaroo court," AAPP's U Bo Kyi said. He said every country in the region must condemn the "execution murders" and had a duty to put strong economic and political pressure on the regime. "The Australian government must work together with like-minded countries and pressure other countries to impose targeted sanctions and stop the flow of weapons used by a military to kill its own people," he said. The ABC understands the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade called in Myanmar's chargé d'affaires on Tuesday and made strong representations condemning the executions. Foreign Minister Penny Wong this week said Australia was "appalled" by the executions and called for an end to the violence, adding that sanctions against members of the military regime were under "active consideration". Myanmar's military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun has defended the executions, saying they were enacted under the law. "I knew it would raise criticism but it was done for justice. It was not personal," he said. Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs also slammed countries for condemning the executions. "The ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms of the Myanmar government's legal actions could be tantamount to interfering in the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism," it said in a statement..."
Source/publisher: "ABC News" (Sydney)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the executions by the military junta in Myanmar
Description: "We, the G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, strongly condemn the four executions by the military junta in Myanmar. These executions, the first in Myanmar in over thirty years, and the absence of fair trials show the junta’s contempt for the unwavering democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. Those executed were prominent members of the democratic opposition – democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu (known as “Ko Jimmy”), former Member of Parliament Phyo Zeyar Thaw, as well as Aung Thura Zaw and Hla Myo Aung. Our thoughts are with the families of the four victims and with those of the many others who have been killed, arrested or tortured in Myanmar since the military illegitimately took over power in February 2021. We continue to condemn in the strongest terms the military coup in Myanmar and express deep concern about the political, economic, social, humanitarian and human rights situation in the country. We call on the military regime to immediately end the use of violence, to refrain from further arbitrary executions, to free all political prisoners and those arbitrarily detained and to return the country to a democratic path. We continue to support efforts by ASEAN, and call for the military to meaningfully implement all aspects of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. This includes an inclusive process of dialogue with a broad range of democratic opposition. We also continue to support efforts by the United Nations, and encourage effective coordination between the ASEAN Special Envoy and the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Canada, Government of France, Government of Italy, Government of Japan, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Red Alert: Myanmar Regime to Hang More Political Prisoners; World Must Act Now
Description: "Here is our urgent warning to the world: Myanmar’s barbaric regime is planning to execute more political prisoners on death row in the coming days and weeks. For anyone who has sympathy for them and desires to see justice prevail in the country, now is not the time for procrastination. Following the junta’s recent executions of four democracy activists, the fate of the remaining 76 political prisoners on the regime’s death row is now of great concern to Myanmar people. They have reason to be worried. After the weekend hangings of Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, alarming reports have emerged that political prisoners sentenced to death in Yangon’s Insein Prison have been isolated from other inmates. Forty-one of the 76 detainees sentenced to death are being held at Insein Prison. As of Thursday, 118 people had been sentenced to death for their anti-regime activism in Myanmar. Forty-two of those were sentenced in absentia. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma on Wednesday said the remaining 76—who include university students, young professionals and eight women—would likely face extrajudicial killings at the hands of the regime, like the four activists hanged over the weekend. The Irrawaddy has also learned that more hangings are in the pipeline. The news has devastated the family members of the political prisoners on death row. They are silently praying they will not receive phone calls from prison authorities informing them they are to have “a meeting” with their condemned loved ones. The four recently executed activists were granted video meetings with their mothers and other relatives, then hanged within 24 hours. “I don’t want to get the call from them. I fear bad consequences. I can’t bear to think about it,”said a family member of a political prisoner sentenced to death. Through her tears, a deeply distraught mother begged the junta not to kill her son, while pleading for help from others: “Is there anyone who can save us? I would die if I face it. I can’t take it anymore.” The quotes above are extracts from The Irrawaddy’s interviews with family members of some of the political prisoners on death row; they capture the bleak situation in the country, as well as the families’ emotional devastation. All of the interviewees asked that their names and those of their imprisoned relatives be withheld, as they were extremely worried that the junta would kill their loved ones in haste as a punishment for talking to the media. For some skeptical souls who dare to wonder whether the regime would really do something so heinous for merely talking to the press, remember what regime leader Min Aung Hlaing once said: “There is nothing I don’t dare to do.” In the latest testament to their limitless inhumanity, the regime on Wednesday organized attacks on the homes of the recently executed Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, angered by the fact that the duo are being praised as martyrs, and because Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s mother told the media she was proud of her son. Please note the attacks came while the parents and relatives were still mourning their fresh losses. As the regime never fails to show new acts of barbarity to the world, we should not underestimate the junta; they won’t allow (and have never allowed) any ethical consideration or pang of conscience to get in the way of their grip on power. Given the junta’s relentless show of inhumanity, fears are high for the lives of the remaining 74 political prisoners on the regime’s death row. Even if they don’t kill them all, some—especially those convicted in high-profile cases—are at great risk, as the regime would simply carry out their executions as a form of reprisal, in the name of their so-called “rule of law” and “seeking justice” for junta informants and other regime targets attacked by resistance groups. Then, Myanmar will have to mourn more losses. If the executions are carried out, it would be too much for many in Myanmar, which has already lost more than 2,000 people to the regime since the coup last year. It’s time for the UN to adopt some meaningful resolutions to save lives in Myanmar—a step beyond Security Council condemnations of the executions of the four democracy activists. The same goes for the world’s democracies, including the US; it’s time to prove to the evil regime that they have to pay a price for their horrendous treatment of Myanmar and its people, as the world will no longer tolerate them. With the regime’s executions last week, we have all failed Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw. The world should not fail the Myanmar people, and the 74 political prisoners on death row, again. They should not feel they are forsaken while struggling to survive amid the junta’s unwavering abuses. They deserve to feel there are some in the world who care for them. Show your humanity with meaningful action on Myanmar now, please! EDITOR’s NOTE: The editorial was updated on Friday to reflect the latest number of death sentences..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: RESISTING A COUP
Description: "Throughout the reporting period of January to June 2022, ND-Burma members witnessed the Myanmar military make a mockery of democratic norms and principles. Our findings make clear that the regime is continuing to act with deeply ingrained impunity amid a full fledged humanitarian crisis which has now seen over one million civilians internally displaced by the junta’s violence.1 When the Myanmar military orchestrated their coup on 1 February 2021, it changed the political discourse in the country. It also triggered a domino-like effect of opposition groups forming to protest the junta’s illegitimate seizure of power. Within the first few months following the overthrow of the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government, a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) which continues to show its strength, emerged. Led by the civil service sector, medics, teachers, engineers and those representing other professions, announced that they would refuse to adhere to their responsibilities under the military junta. In March 2021, the CDM was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize.2 In addition, the Spring Revolution has rallied support through strategic organizing efforts which have even exposed the military junta for violating their own Constitution in the attempted power-grab. The establishment of the National Unity Government (NUG) and the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) were formed as legitimate platforms for formal engagement and diplomacy in Myanmar. Armed opposition groups called People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) were created in direct response to the junta’s violence being deployed against civilians who rejected their illegal coup. Civilians across various backgrounds and ethnicities continue to work in solidarity in fierce opposition to the dictatorship. What has become abundantly clear throughout the reporting period is that the junta is no match against the resilience and bravery of civil society organizations and pro-democracy affiliated organizations, including EROs. While global actors have overwhelmingly failed to respond to the multiple crises in Myanmar with the urgency required, actors inside the country have exemplified bravery by sacrificing their lives for their freedom. Rather than work with trusted, long-time activists, including the NUG, some international bodies have risked legitimizing the junta by working with them..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) နောက်ဆုံးထွက်ရှိသည့် အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် မြန်မာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့်ပြစ်မှုနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိထားသည်
Description: "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ)၊ ND-Burma မှ “အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ခုခံခြင်း” ဆိုသည့် ၆ လပတ်အစီရင်ခံစာထုတ်ပြန်ပြီး ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီမှ ဇွန်လအတွင်း မြန်မာစစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ကျူးလွန် သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို တင်ပြထားသည်။ လွန်ခဲ့သည့် ၆ လအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ သည် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ခတ် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ထောင်နှင့်ချီသည့် အိုးအိမ်များအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး၍ ပြည်သူများအား သတ်ဖြတ်နေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုများကြောင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကြပ်အတည်းများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျှက်ရှိပြီး သောင်းနှင့်ချီသည့် ပြည်သူများ စစ်ပြေးဒုက္ခသည်များအဖြစ် ထွက်ပြေးရကာ ဆင်းရဲကြပ်တည်းစွာ နေထိုင်ကြရသည်။ ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဒေသများတွင် ဆိုးရွားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို မြန်မာ့တပ်မ တော် စစ်သားများက ကျူးလွန်နေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် ၎င်းတို့အား ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဆန့်ကျင် နေမှုအား ၎င်းတို့နားလည်သည့် တခုတည်းသောနည်းလမ်းဖြစ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဖြင့် တုန့်ပြန်သည့်အ တွက် ပြည်တွင်းပဋိပက္ခများ ပိုမိုများပြားလာသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထု အများအပြားမှာ အဆက် မ ပြတ် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးရပြီး လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်းဖြစ်ပေါ်စေသည့် အထောက် အထားများဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့မှ တမင်ရည်ရွယ်၍ ‘ကြောက်မက်ဖွယ် လမ်းကြောင်းသို့ တွန်းပို့နေသဖြင့်’ ၎င်းတို့အား လက်မခံသရွေ့ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို အာဏာရှင်တို့က ရပ်ဆိုင်းမည်မဟုတ်ပေ။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ ကျူးလွန်သည့် အတင်းအဓမ္မဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ် စက်ခြင်း၊ မုဒိန်းကျင့်ခြင်းနှင့် လိင် ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ မတရားသိမ်းဆည်းခြင်း၊ လက်စတုန်းဖျောက်ဖျက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ လူသားများအပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ပြစ်မှုနှင့် လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု များကို ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များမှ မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု များအတွက် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံရန်မှာ အချိန်ကြာမြင့်နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာဒေသတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ ချက်ခြင်းရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တပ်များရုပ်သိမ်းရန် ND-Burma မှ တောင်းဆိုသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ASEAN အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေးအတွက် လက်တွေ့ကျသည့် အရေးယူများ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ချမှတ်သည့် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာ လက်နက်တင်ပို့ ရောင်းချမှု ပိတ်ပင်ရေးကို ND-Burma မှ ထောက်ခံကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ မြန်မာ့အခြေအနေအား နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး (ICC) သို့ လွှဲပြောင်းပေးရန်နှင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အပေါ် သံတမန်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးအရ ဖိအားပေး အရေးယူရန် တောင်းဆို ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Title: အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ခုခံခြင်း
Description: "ယခုအစီရင်ခံသည့် ကာလဖြစ်သည့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီမှ ဇွန်လတလျှောက် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် ဒီမိုကရေ စီ စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများနှင့် အခြေခံမူများအပေါ် မထီမဲ့မြင်ပြုနေသည်ကို ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များက မျက်ဝါးထင်ထင် မြင်တွေ့ကြရသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ အရိုးစွဲအောင် ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် ဓ လေ့နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုကြောင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကြပ်အတည်းကိုဖြစ်ပေါ်စေပြီး လူဦးရေ တသန်းကျော် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးနေရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေမှာ အကြီးအကျယ်ပြောင်းလဲသွားသည်။ ထို့အတူ တခုပြိုလဲသွားပြီးနောက် ဆင့်ကဲ ရိုက်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်စဥ်အရ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် အတိုက်အခံအင်အားစုများအ ပေါ် ရိုက်ခတ်မှုရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) သောင်ပြိုကမ်းပြို အနိုင်ရပြီး လအနည်း ငယ်အတွင်းမှာပင် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) အားကောင်းလာသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ဝန် ထမ်းများဖြစ်သည့် ဆရာဝန်၊ ကျောင်းဆရာ၊ အင်ဂျင်နီယာနှင့် တခြားနယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ ကျွမ်းကျင်သူများ က စစ်အာဏာရှင်အောက်တွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်း ငြင်းဆန်ကြေငြာခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လတွင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုသည် နိုဘယ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဆုအတွက် အမည်စာရင်း တင်သွင်းခြင်းခံရ သည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အာဏာငမ်းငမ်းတက် ရယူလိုချင်မှုကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့ မူကြမ်းရေးဆွဲခဲ့သည့် ဖွဲ့ စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေကိုပင် ပြန်လည်ချိုးဖာက်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ ဗျူဟာမြောက် စုစည်း ကြိုးပမ်းမှုမှ တဆင့် ထုတ်ဖော်ပြသခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီ (NUCC) တို့ကို တရားဝင် ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံမှုနှင့် သံတမန် ဆက်သွယ်မှုအတွက် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ လက်နက်ကိုင် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး (PDFs) အဖွဲ့များကိုလည်း စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင် သည့် အရပ်သားများဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ခိုက်ရန် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ နောက်ခံ အခြေအနေအမျိုးမျိုးနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးအသီးသီးတို့ ညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ဆန့်ကျင်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ ယခုအစီရင်ခံသည့် ကာလအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် EROs အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ၏ ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ခုခံမှုကို ယှဥ်ပြိုင်အံတုနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ကမ္ဘာ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်မှုများအပါအဝင် အကြပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ တုန့်ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ပျက်ကွက်နေစဥ်တွင် နိုင်ငံတွင်းရှိ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများက စံပြအနေဖြင့် ရဲရင့်စွာ အသက်ကို ပဓာနမထားပဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည်။ NUG အပါအဝင် ကာလကြာရှည်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် လှုပ်ရှားတက်ကြွသူများနှင့် ယုံကြည်စွာ လက်တွဲ အလုပ်လုပ်ရမည့်အစား နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းအချို့သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် လက်တွဲ၍ ၎င်းတို့အား အသိ အမှတ်ပြုစေသည့် တရားဝင်မှုကို အရဲစွန့် ပေးနေသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးရုံး (OHA) နှင့် ASEAN ၏ လူသားချင်းဆိုင်ရာ ကူညီမှု အဖွဲ့သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ခြေလှမ်းပြင်နေသည်[4]။ အထောက်အပံ့ အကူအညီများကို တလွဲသုံးခြင်းနှင့် စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ၊ ရေ၊ ဆေးဝါးနှင့် အမိုးအကာများ အပါအဝင် အရေးတကြီးလိုအပ်နေသည့် အခြေခံလိုအပ်ချက်များအား ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးနေသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ နှင့် လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ လက်တွေ့မြေပြင်တွင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အားကိုးစိတ်ချ၊ ယုံကြည်ရသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လက်တွဲ လုပ်ဆောင်မည်လား? မြန်မာစစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား အရဲစွန့်၍ တရားဝင်မှုကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုမည်လား? ဟု အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက ကုလသမဂ္ဂအား မေးခွန်းထုတ် တောင်းဆိုနေကြသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများအား တလွဲအသုံးပြုနေသည်ဟု မှတ်တမ်းရှိသည့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ အကူအညီများ ပေးပို့ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့် အရှေ့တောင်အာရှနိုင်ငံများအသင်း (ASEAN) ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အား NUG ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန် ကြီးဌာနသည် ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး (KNU), ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) နှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား တိုးတက်ရေး ပါတီ (KNPP) တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ကန့်ကွက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လက်နက်မဲ့ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများအပေါ် စက်ဆုတ်စရာကောင်းအောင် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု များတွင် ကြံရာပါအဖြစ် အရဲစွန့် လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Atrocity Alert No. 310: Myanmar (Burma), Afghanistan and Libya
Description: "Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes. FIRST EXECUTIONS IN MYANMAR IN DECADES UNDERSCORE ONGOING MILITARY REPRESSION Myanmar’s (Burma) military – also known as the Tatmadaw – announced on 25 July that it had executed two democracy activists, as well as two other men, marking the first known executions in the country since 1988. Accused of violent resistance against the military, all four men – Phyo Zeya Thaw, Kyaw Min Yu (also known as Ko Jimmy), Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw – were sentenced to death by military tribunals during closed, politically motivated trials. Since the February 2021 coup, over 100 people in Myanmar have been sentenced to death, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The executions indicate a grave escalation in the Tatmadaw’s repression. The executions received widespread condemnation from the international community, including from UN Secretary-General António Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and several governments, among others. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said, “these depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?” The executions occurred amidst growing evidence of mass atrocities perpetrated by the military throughout the country, including the scorched earth campaign in the northwest. Last week, the military killed at least ten people and burned approximately 500 homes during a raid on a predominantly Muslim village in Sagaing Region – a resistance stronghold. The victims’ bodies were found burned beyond recognition with their hands bound. Amnesty International also recently reported that the Tatmadaw is “systematically” laying antipersonnel landmines in a “massive scale” in and around at least 20 villages in Kayah State. The military has reportedly laid landmines in homes, on farmland and on church grounds, threatening the lives and livelihoods of civilians in contaminated areas. The military’s use of banned landmines likely amounts to war crimes. The international community – especially ASEAN and the UN Security Council – has a responsibility to respond to the deepening crisis in Myanmar with more than just words. The military should heed the calls of High Commissioner Bachelet by reinstating Myanmar’s de facto suspension on the use of the death penalty. All political prisoners and others arbitrarily detained must be immediately released. Member states must stop providing arms and weapons to Myanmar and support efforts to hold those responsible for atrocities to account..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: [Joint Statement] Myanmar: Execution of four democracy activists highlights junta’s brutality
Description: "We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the execution carried out by the military junta against four pro-democracy activists in Myanmar. We call on the international community, including ASEAN states, to publicly denounce these grave violations committed by the junta and to hold them accountable for their crimes. The four include prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu better known as ‘Ko Jimmy’, who was arrested in October 2021 and Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a former lawmaker from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and rapper, who was arrested in November 2021 for allegedly committing “terror acts” by the junta. The other two activists are Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. The four pro-democracy activists were convicted of trumped-up charges of terrorism under the draconian 2014 Counterterrorism Law and others laws and sentenced to death in June 2022. Their closed-door trial by secretive military tribunals has been condemned due to a lack of transparency and adherence to the due process of law. Kyaw Min Yu was also allegedly tortured during his detention. We are appalled that family members of the activists were not informed ahead of time that the executions would be carried out. Since news of the executions was released, family members have only received vague answers from officers at Insein Prison, such as that the prison procedures had already been followed. Further, the military junta continues to refuse to disclose the location and condition of the bodies of those executed. When Phyo Zeyar Thaw’s mother requested for his body, the prison officers responded that there is no law that calls for the return of the body to family members. The military junta must clarify the exact date and time that the executions were carried out, as well as immediately provide information on the whereabouts of the bodies. We condemn the cruelty of the military junta and are seriously concerned about the fate of many others who have been sentenced to death by the junta. These appalling actions are serious human rights violations and should be denounced by all members of the international community with calls for justice and accountability. With a total of 117 political prisoners being sentenced to death since the coup, failing to do so will put many other detained activists at risk of suffering the same fate. The executions are reportedly the first known judicial executions for over the three decades in Myanmar. It was undertaken despite repeated calls from human rights groups and the international community to the junta to halt and reverse the decision. The junta has even disregarded the calls from the ASEAN chair, Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, to refrain from carrying out the executions. The execution was conducted three days after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) dismissed the Myanmar military government’s preliminary objections regarding the allegation of genocide against the Rohingya, giving the possibility of the investigation as requested by the Gambia to move forward. Since the coup in February 2021, human rights groups have documented the arbitrary and extrajudicial killings of more than two thousand individuals in the country. Thousands remain in detention facing torture and ill-treatment while the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate government elected by the people of Myanmar in November 2022, was declared a terrorist organisation. The junta has also weaponised humanitarian aid to undermine the resistance movement and to gain legitimacy. Various diplomatic efforts by international and regional mechanisms, including the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus that focuses on a meaningful and inclusive dialogue toward a peaceful solution, have failed to prevent the junta from committing serious human rights violations – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. While some countries have imposed targeted sanctions, others such as Australia and Japan have failed to move in that direction and have effectively relied on the Five-Point Consensus as a solution. By executing the activists, the military junta has sent a strong message that it has no interest in respecting proposals from ASEAN and the international community to uphold democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the country. The international community must urgently step up and immediately deploy stronger actions to halt this brutality and hold the junta accountable..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: Over 100 houses burned, 4,000 displaced by SAC scorched earth operation east of Moebye Lake, southern Shan State - ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်း မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ မြေလှန်ဖျက်ဆီးသည့် စစ်ဆင်ရေးကြောင့် နေအိမ်အလုံး၁၀၀ကျော်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရပြီး ပြည်သူ၄၀၀၀ခန့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်း ရှောင်နေရ
Description: "Over 100 houses burned, 4,000 displaced by SAC scorched earth operation east of Moebye Lake, southern Shan State Since mid-May 2022, SAC forces have carried out a scorched earth campaign along the eastern edge of Moebye Lake, in Pekhon (Paikhun) township, southern Shan State, burning down over 100 houses and displacing over 4,000 people from Loi Pao village tract in response to expanded PDF attacks, On May 12, PDF forces from Pekhon attacked a SAC checkpoint (jointly manned by its milita ally the Pa-O National Organisation) at Htiri village in southern Nyaungshwe township, on the main road from Nyaungshwe to Moebye. SAC responded by launching a clearance operation south along this road, deploying LIB 422 and PNO troops into Loi Pao village tract in Pekhon township, east of Moebye Lake. Clashes erupted with local PDF forces, and on May 15 the SAC launched airstrikes over the area. The over 4,000 inhabitants of Loi Pao tract fled in different directions, including north to Hsihseng, Pinlaung and Taunggyi, and south to Loikaw (Karenni State) and Thailand. On May 16, fighting broke out between the SAC and PDF troops at Se Mee Law village, at the southeast end of the lake, and further reinforcements from ID 66 were deployed along the Moebye-Nyaungshwe road, including into Loi Pao tract. On May 16 at 4 pm, SAC troops began torching the village of Hsawng Nam Kay in Loi Pao tract, even though there was no fighting there. The troops doused the houses with petrol before setting fire to them. By the morning, over 40 houses in the village had been burned down. On May 17, at 11 pm, the SAC troops stationed in Loi Pao tract fired artillery shells indiscriminately at Loi Pan Sone village on an island in the Moebye Lake. The shells damaged Loi Pan Sone temple, school, and some houses. The shells also injured two villagers sheltering at the temple. On May 20, after clashes between SAC and PDF forces in Nam Maw Long village, the SAC troops began torching houses in the village. However, due to heavy rain that evening, only three houses were burned. The same night, the SAC troops torched houses in two nearby villages: Loi Pao and Nam Maw Soam. At least 15 houses were burned down. On May 26, the SAC troops based on Loi Mong Ku Hill, east of Loi Pao tract, came down to Mark Khur Kham village and began setting fire to villagers’ houses at 7pm. Over 20 houses were burned down. On June 3, the SAC troops went to Hla Hei village and set fire to over 20 houses. During this time, SAC troops also torched several houses in Koong Mark Lang village. On June 21, SAC troops camped in Nam Maw Long village looted a motorcycle, fertilizer, and ploughing machine from the village, and torched three houses. On June 22, at around 6 pm, the SAC troops set fire to two houses in Loi Pao village. SAC troops remain camped in Loi Pao tract, so villagers dare not return home. The troops are staying in villagers’ houses, which they have ransacked as well as looted. They have also laid land mines around the villages and shot indiscriminately from Loi Mong Ku hill at civilians passing along the main road, so few dare use the road. Most of the inhabitants of Loi Pao tract are Shan, who earn a livelihood from growing rice, corn and avocado, but have been unable to cultivate their fields this year.....ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်း၊မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ မြေလှန်ဖျက်ဆီးသည့် စစ်ဆင်ရေးကြောင့် နေအိမ်အလုံး၁၀၀ကျော်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရပြီး ပြည်သူ၄၀၀၀ခန့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနစ် မေလလယ်ပိုင်းမှစတင်ကာ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် ကျယ်ပြန့်လာသော ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ် ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့၀င်များ၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကိုတုန့်ပြန်ရန်အတွက် ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်းဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ် မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ ဘက်ခြမ်းတွင် မြေလှန်ဖျက်ဆီးသည့် စစ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကိုပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ရာ နေအိမ်အလုံးတစ်ရာကျော်ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရပြီး လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှ ပြည်သူ ၄၀၀၀ ကျော်သည် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာကာထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ခဲ့ရသည်။ မေလ ၁၂ ရက်တွင် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့မှ ညောင်ရွှေမြို့တောင်ဘက် မိုးဗြဲညောင်ရွှေလမ်း မကြီး ပေါ်ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ပအို၀့်ပြည်သူ့စစ် PNO တို့ပူးတွဲစခန်းချသည့် ထီရီကျေးရွာ ကင်းစခန်းကို ၀င်ရောက်တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ အထက်ပါတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကိုတုန့်ပြန်သည့်အနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါလမ်းကြီးတောင်ဘက်အတိုင်း နယ်မြေ ရှင်းလင်းမှုစစ်ဆင်ရေးကို ခမရ ၄၂၂ တပ်နှင့် PNO တပ်များအား ဖယ်ခုံမြို့ မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ဘက်ခြမ်းရှိ လွယ်ပေါ ကျေးရွာအုပ်စုအတွင်းသို့ တပ်ဖြန့်ကာ စတင်ခဲ့သည်။နယ်မြေခံ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များနှင့် တိုက်ပွဲများ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲပြီး မေလ ၁၅ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သည် လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကိုလည်းပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ရာ လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှဒေသခံပြည်သူ ၄၀၀၀ ကျော်သည် နေရာအနှံ့ပြားသို့ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ခဲ့ ရသည်။ ထိုသို့တိမ်း ရှောင်ရာတွင်မြောက်ဘက်ရှိဆီဆိုင်၊ပင်လောင်းနှင့်တောင်ကြီးမြို့များသို့၄င်း တောင်ဘက်ရှိ ကရင်နီပြည် လွိုင်ကော်နှင့် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံသို့၄င်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ခဲ့ရသည်။ မေလ၁၆ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သား များနှင့်ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ ၀င် များသည် အင်းအရှေ့တောင် ဘက်ခြမ်းရှိ ဆီမီးလော့ကျေးရွာ အနီးတွင်တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ် ပွားခဲ့ပြီး နောက် တပ်မ၆၆မှ စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအပါအ၀င် မိုးဗြဲ-ညောင်ရွှေလမ်းတစ်လျောက် တပ်များဖြန့်ကျက်ကာအင် အားဖြည့်လာခဲ့သည်။ မေလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဆောင်နန်းခဲကျေး ရွာတွင် မည်သည့်တိုက်ပွဲမှဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမရှိသော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ် သား များသည် ညနေ ၄နာရီခွဲမှစတင်ကာ လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စု ဆောင်နန်းခဲ ကျေးရွာတစ်ရွာ လုံးကိုမီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် နေအိမ်များကို ဓာတ်ဆီဖြင့်လောင်း ကာမီးရှို့ခဲ့ကြခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ နောက်တစ်နေ့မနက်တွင် ကျေးရွာအတွင်းရှိနေအိမ် ၄၀ ကျော်သည်မီး လောင်ပျက်စီးသွားခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနစ် မေလ ၁၇ ရက်နေ့ည ၁၁ နာရီ ၀န်းကျင်တွင် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုတွင်နေရာယူထားသော စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် မည်သည့်တိုက်ပွဲမှ ဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမရှိဘဲ မိုးဗြဲအင်းအလယ်တွင်ရှိသောလွယ်ပန်းစုံ (ရေလယ်ကျွန်း)ရွာကိုလက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသန်းပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့်လွယ်ပန်းစုံဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းတွင် တိမ်းရှောင်နေသာ ပြည်သူ ၂ ဦး လက်နက်ထိမှန်ကာဒဏ်ရာရှိခဲ့ပြီး စာသင်ကျောင်း၊ဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းနှင့် လူနေအိမ်အချို့ပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ မေလ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်အတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များ တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြင်းထန်စွာဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စု နန်းပေါ်လုံကျေးရွာကို ညနေ၆နာရီခန့်မှစတင်၍ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။မိုးများသည်းထန် စွာရွာသွန်းလာသဖြင့် နေအိမ် ၃ လုံးသာ မီးကူးစက်ခဲ့ပြီးပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ ထိုညပိုင်း၌ပင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် နန်းပေါ်လုံကျေးရွာနှင့်ထိစပ်လျက်ရှိသော လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာနှင့် နန်းဆွန့် ကျေးရွာရှိနေအိမ်များကို ထပ်မံမီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြရာ နေအိမ် ၁၅ လုံးထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည်။ မေလ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် လွယ်ပေါကျးရွာအုပ်စု အရှေ့ဘက်ရှိ လွယ်မကူးတောင်တွင် စခန်းချထားသော စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများသည် တောင်ပေါ်မှဆင်းလာကာ မခေခမ်းကျေးရွာမှ နေအိမ်များကို ည၇နာရီမှစ၍ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ရာ အိမ်ခြေ ၂၀ ကျော်မီးလောင်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရသည်။ ဇွန်လ၃ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လဟယ်ကျေးရွာသို့ ရောက်ရှိလာကာ လဟယ်ကျေးရွာရှိ နေအိမ်အလုံး၂၀ကိုမီးရှို့ခဲ့သည်။တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် ပိန္နဲကုန်းကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှ နေအိမ်အများအပြားသည်လည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ဇွန်လ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် နန်းပေါ်လုံကျေးရွာတွင် စခန်းချနေထိုင်သော စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများသည် နန်းပေါ်လုံ ကျေး ရွာအတွင်းရှိ နေအိမ်၃လုံးမှဆိုင်ကယ်၊ ဓာတ်မြေသြဇာနှင့်ထွန်စက်များကို လုယက်ခိုးယူပြီးနောက် နေအိမ်များကိုမီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဇွန်လ ၂၂ ရက်နေ့ ည၆နာရီ၀န်းကျင်တွင်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာရှိ နေအိမ် ၂လုံးကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေး ရွာအုပ်စုအတွင်း ဆက်လက်စခန်းချနေထိုင် လျက် ရှိရာဒေသခံ ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့်အိမ်ပြန်ရန် ကြောက်ရွံ့နေကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် ၄င်းတို့ မွှေနှောက် လုယက်ထား သော နေအိမ်များတွင်စခန်းချနေထိုင်ကြပြီးကျေးရွာပတ် လည်တွင်မြေမြုပ်မိုင်းများ ထောင်ထားခြင်း ၊လွယ်မကူး တောင်ပေါ်မှနေ၍လမ်းမကြီး ပေါ်တွင် သွား လာသော ပြည်သူများကိုရမ်းသန်း ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ကြသဖြင့်လမ်းမကြီးကို အသုံးပြုရန် ကြောက်ရွံ့နေကြသည်။ လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုအတွင်း နေထိုင်ကြသူအများစုမှာ ရှမ်းလူမျိုးများဖြစ်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အသက်မွေး ၀မ်းကျောင်းအတွက် ဆန်၊ပြောင်းနှင့်ထောပတ် တို့ကိုစိုက်ပျိုး ရာ ယခုနစ်တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ လယ်ယာလုပ်ငန်း များကိုလုပ်ကိုင်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပါ။..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: Pro-Junta Mobs Attack Homes of Executed Myanmar Democracy Activists
Description: "The homes of recently executed pro-democracy activists Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw were attacked on Wednesday by mobs of pro-regime thugs who denounced the two men for their anti-junta activities. The apartment of Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s parents in Bo Aung Kyaw Street in downtown Yangon was pelted with stones and other projectiles by nearly a dozen junta-backed thugs on Wednesday afternoon. They cursed the executed activist’s parents. In a video shared by pro-junta groups they can be seen hurling projectiles at the apartment and condemning the lawmaker’s mother, Daw Khin Win May, for telling the media she was proud of her son following his execution. She confirmed to The Irrawaddy that their apartment was under attack. The regime executed Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, another democracy activist, Ko Jimmy, and two other men during the weekend after sentencing them to death under the counter-terrorism law for masterminding the armed struggle against the regime and being involved in anti-junta activities. The world has condemned the hangings. On Wednesday, pro-regime Telegram channels said “people against of violence” perpetrated the attack and shared the video online. A mob also gathered in front of the house of the late Ko Jimmy in Yangon’s Insein Township on Wednesday, hurling stones at the building while denouncing him for his anti-regime activism. Pro-junta groups on social media shared a video of the attack and called it “a demonstration by people who want peace and against violence.” The attacks came one day after the regime’s spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said at a press conference that those executed were not democracy activists, but killers deserving of their punishment. “They have committed crimes for which they should have been given death sentences many times,” said Zaw Min Tun. In response to the international condemnations of the executions, the regime’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on Tuesday that it protested “in the strongest terms on the statements issued by certain countries and regional/international organizations.” “The Ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms on the Myanmar government’s legal actions could be tantamount to interfering the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism,” it said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: Security Council Press Statement on Situation in Myanmar
Description: "The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Ronaldo Costa Filho (Brazil): The members of the Security Council condemned the Myanmar military’s execution of opposition activists over the weekend. They recalled the Secretary-General’s statement of 25 July 2022 and echoed his call for the immediate release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. The members of the Security Council also recalled the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Chair’s Statement of 25 July 2022, which expressed ASEAN’s denunciation and strong disappointment at the execution despite the appeals of the ASEAN Chair and some ASEAN member States for the sentences to be reconsidered. They noted ASEAN’s view that implementation of the death sentences was highly reprehensible and presented a gross lack of will to support the efforts of the ASEAN Chair in expediting progress on the implementation of the Five Point Consensus. They noted ASEAN’s call for utmost restraint, patience and efforts to avoid escalating the situation, and for all parties concerned to desist from taking actions that would only further aggravate the crisis. The members of the Security Council reiterated their strong support to ASEAN and the efforts of the ASEAN Chair and echoed ASEAN’s call for concrete actions to effectively and fully implement the Five Point Consensus. They underlined the important role of the United Nations Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar and encouraged close coordination with the ASEAN Special Envoy to ensure synergy. The members of the Security Council called for the pursuance of dialogue with all parties concerned and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar. They also called for an immediate cessation of all forms of violence, including attacks on infrastructure, health and education facilities, for full respect for human rights and the rule of law, and for full, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all those in need. They reiterated their full support for Myanmar’s democratic transition and their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: United Nations
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Title: Joint Statement on Execution of Pro-Democracy and Opposition Leaders in Myanmar
Description: "On July 26, Mr. HAYASHI Yoshimasa, Foreign Minister of Japan, released the joint statement on the Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders together with the High Representative on behalf of the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States. （Joint Statement） The Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders are reprehensible acts of violence that further exemplify the regime’s disregard for human rights and the rule of law. We urge the regime to release all those unjustly detained, grant full and independent access to prisons and fulfill its obligations under the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus to seek peace through dialogue, not further violence. We support the people of Myanmar in their aspirations for freedom and democracy and call on the regime to end the use of violence, respect the will of the people, and restore the country’s path toward democracy. Our thoughts and condolences are with the bereaved families and loved ones as they grieve those unjustly put to death. We remember and mourn all lives lost in Myanmar in the aftermath of the coup..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Australia, Government of Canada, Government of Japan, Government of New Zealand, Government of Norway, Government of the Republic of Korea, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Title: National Unity Government Statement No.17/2022
Description: "In the morning of 24th July 2022, state propaganda media of the terrorist military council reported that U Kyaw Min Yu also known as U Jimmy, U Phyo Zeyar Thaw, U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thuya Zaw had their punishment meted out according to prison procedure. When family members approached the authorities in Insein Prison, they confirmed that the announcement was true and that they were not at liberty to release the bodies of the deceased. It is totally unacceptable that the terrorist military council, against all national and international legal norms, inhumanely went ahead with the executions of U Kyaw Min Yu, also known as U Jimmy, one of the leaders of the 88 Generation Students Group student leader, a veteran democracy activist and founder of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society and U Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a member of National League for Democracy and former Parliament Member of Pyithu Hluttaw including U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thuya Zaw. For this atrocious act of brutality, the National Unity Government pledges to take a systematic approach to any legal and political routes available, be it national, international, and military, to get legal retribution for their unlawful deaths and punish those responsible. We bow our heads, salute, pay homage and stand together with the families, friends and relatives of all those fallen heroes of the Spring Revolution and those who had been arbitrarily detained in prison, tortured and murdered. To show our gratitude to those heroes who gave up their lives during the Spring Revolution, the National Unity Government vows to, together hand in hand with the people, uproot and rid our land of the ruthless fascist policy forever never to rear its head again. We also believe that the populace and those risking their lives on the frontline must be feeling sad and sorrowful and with this force of feeling focus on the revolution and fight to the end to achieve victory. To those democracy activists and leaders of the revolution, this is solid evidence that the terrorist military is not prepared to solve our country’s difficulties and has no intentions of doing so peacefully. This is also proof, and a warning shot to those who believe that the terrorist military leaders can be approached, and political solutions found. We urge the international institutions and allied countries that treasure and value democracy and human rights to put pressure to bear on the terrorist military to stop their atrocities and in future to lend a helping hand to, and stand together with the Myanmar people, Committee Representing Pyithu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) and democracy activists and as result ending fascism in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Title: ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ၏ တော်လှန်ရေး သန္နိဌာန် ကြေညာချက်
Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဦးဂျင်မီ (ခ) ဦးကျော်မင်းယု၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးကြောင်း ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်မှုသည် ပြဌာန်း သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ဥပဒေများ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများနှင့်ညီညွတ်မှု လုံးဝမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက် လူသတ်မှု သက်သက်သာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် နေပြည်တော်၌ မမြသွဲ့သွဲ့ခိုင်အား ကျည်အစစ်ဖြင့် ဦးခေါင်းသို့ ပစ်ခတ်ချိန်မှ စ၍ နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ဥပဒေမဲ့ လက်ရဲဇက်ရဲ ကျူးလွန်နေသော ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ခွင့်မလွှတ်နိုင်သော နောက်ထပ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးတစ်ခု ဖြစ် သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ပြည်သူလူထုအား အထူးသဖြင့် လူနည်းစုတိုင်းရင်းသားများအား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအား ထပ်မံ အတည်ပြုခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အပြုသဘောဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံချဉ်းကပ်ခြင်းသည် ပြေလည် စေမည့် အဖြေဖြစ်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်နေသူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ သဘောထားအမှန်ကို နားလည်သဘောပေါက်သင့်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားအားလုံးသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဖက်ဆစ်စနစ်ကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ်ဖြင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေရှိသည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ်သည်အထိ ပြတ်ပြတ် သားသားတော်လှန်ကြရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းကို ငြင်းပယ် ထားသော အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေး၊ ပိတ်ဆို့ဟန့်တားရေးနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲနေသော ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အင်အားစုအားလုံးကို အဖက်ဖက်မှ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရေး တို့ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ထိရောက်စွာ အရှိန်မြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြရန် တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေ၏ပန်းတိုင်သည် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ဆန့် ကျင် တိုက်ဖျက်ပြီးနောက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ရန်ဖြစ်သည်ဟူသော အချက်မှာ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများ၏ ဘုံတူညီသောရည်မှန်းချက်အဖြစ် ရှင်းလင်းပြတ်သားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဤကြေညာချက်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ ဆင်နွဲနေသည့် ဖက်ဆစ် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်မြေလှန်ပစ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အဆုံးသတ်တိုက်ပွဲများ၏ ခရာတွတ်သံ ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အင်တိုက်အားတိုက် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စစ်ရေး၊ သံတမန်ရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး စစ်မျက်နှာစုံတွင် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းအားလုံးကို အသုံးပြုပြီး ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်အောင် ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ် မဆုတ်မနစ် ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု ခိုင်မာသော သန္နိဌာန်ဖြင့် အဓိဌာန်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front, National League for Democracy and All Burma Students' Democratic Front
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Title: AAPP Statement on the 25th of July Extrajudicial Executions
Description: "The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners is devastated by news today from the military-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar[1], that Ko Jimmy (aka Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were executed over the weekend. These four political prisoners were detained by an illegal and murderous junta. The trial was a kangaroo court. Any forced confessions the outcome of mental and physical abuse. Relatives and friends are in agony because of the actions of the Prison Department and junta leaders who have imposed an information blackout from inside the walls of Insein. According to Chapter VIII Section XIV of the Burma Jail Manual, paragraph 660 the body of executed prisoners “shall be carried outside the main gate and there delivered over to them [relatives or friends]. In addition to this, per paragraph 661 when the sentence has been executed the Superintendent shall “return the warrant to the court from which it issued… certifying the manner in which the sentence has been carried out”. Even if the dead bodies have not been returned, paragraph 1027 stipulates that graves shall be marked with “the name of the deceased, his residence and the date of his death”. And yet, the military junta is refusing to disclose their location and condition, with only vague wording and unclear messages following news the execution was carried out. Junta officials must verify the exact date and time the executions were carried out. As well as where the dead body is now. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said “If they executed the four it is a crime, Min Aung Hlaing committed murder. The junta is illegal, unelected by the people, they have no right to execute”. This appalling event must be a wake-up call for diplomats. Promises were supposedly made these executions – which could constitute a war crime and crime against humanity[2] – would not take place. The last execution of political prisoners was between 1986 and 1987, when three Karen resistance fighters were condemned by the previous murderous junta. Junta leaders are again telling the world they refuse dialogue. As Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar put it, “the status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected”. Since the coup 76 political prisoners have been sentenced to death under detention, while 41 others are evading a death sentence warrant. In total, 117 sentenced to death political prisoners..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Alleged new use of anti-personnel mines by Myanmar, would be a terrible assault on the international norm banning the use of this weapon
Description: "Geneva -- "The global norm created against the production and use of anti-personnel mines is at danger. The international community needs to raise in unison to condemn any such activity, by any actor anywhere", said the President of the treaty that bans the use, production, stockpiling and transfer of anti-personnel mines. H.E. Alvaro Enrique AYALA, Ambassador of Colombia to the UN in Geneva, and President of the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (also known informally as Ottawa Convention or Mine Ban Treaty), made the comments following a report published by Amnesty International on 20 July, indicating that the Government of Myanmar has actively engaged in an activity condemned by over 80% of the world's countries. "As a Colombian, I know too well the terrible implications of the use of anti-personnel mines. They have a devastating long-term impact on communities, impede the safe return of displaced persons, and generate injuries and suffering that last a lifetime. For this reason, even as armed non-state actors littered our countryside with these weapons, Colombia never responded by employing anti-personnel mines. I urge Myanmar to follow that path and refrain from using them. There is no such thing as 'proper or discriminate use' of a weapon that is so insidious, that can not discern between a military target or a child walking home from school", added the Ambassador citing communication with Myanmar as one of his priorities. While Myanmar remains outside the treaty, it had progressively made significant gains in mine action and shown greater affinity for the means and ends of the Convention. Just this past June, Myanmar had participated as Observer of a meeting of the Convention in Geneva. In 2018, Myanmar also welcomed the Special Envoy of the Convention to meet with military leaders. The norm created by the Convention has been so strong that only a couple of countries have made use of this weapon in more than two decades; unfortunately, this year alone the Convention has received reports of two countries using anti-personnel mines (Russia (see press release), and now Myanmar), neither one party to the treaty. In contrast, in June during a meeting of the Convention in Geneva, the United States announced that it had re-instated moratoria against this weapon. Editorial note: The Convention was adopted in Oslo and signed in Ottawa 25 years ago, and entered into force in 1999. It is the prime humanitarian and disarmament treaty aimed at ending the suffering caused by anti-personnel mines by prohibiting their use, stockpiling, production, and transfer, ensuring their destruction, and assisting the victims. Collectively, the States Parties have destroyed over 54 million stockpiled anti-personnel mines. The implementation of the Convention has contributed to peace and development by clearing vast tracts of land in more than 50 countries, which now safe again are used for normal activity..."
Source/publisher: Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Burma/Myanmar – France strongly condemns the execution of four political prisoners (July 25, 2022)
Description: "France strongly condemns the execution, announced on July 25, of four political prisoners by the military regime in Burma that came to power through the coup of February 1, 2021. They are writer Kyaw Min Yu, former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. With no executions reported in the country for more than 30 years, these executions represent a major step backward and a further escalation in the atrocities committed by the Burmese junta since the coup d’état. France reaffirms its staunch opposition to the death penalty everywhere and in all circumstances. We remain firmly committed to the universal abolition of this unjust, inhuman and ineffective punishment. We call on all nations that still apply the death penalty to place it under a moratorium ahead of its ultimate abolition. France reiterates its call for the release of all those who have been arbitrarily detained since February 1, 2021; for an end to the violence perpetrated by the Burmese military regime; and for the establishment of a dialogue that includes all stakeholders. France’s support for the Burmese people, whose courage we salute, remains unchanged..."
Source/publisher: Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar Junta Executes Four
Description: "(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta on July 25, 2022, reported the execution of four men in the country’s first death sentences carried out in over 30 years. The men put to death were Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41; Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” 53; Hla Myo Aung; and Aung Thura Zaw, all of whom were convicted after closed trials that fell far short of international standards. A military tribunal sentenced Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zeya Thaw to death on January 21 under Myanmar’s overbroad Counterterrorism Law of 2014. Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were convicted in April 2021 for allegedly killing a military informant. Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all countries and under all circumstances because of its inherent cruelty and finality, and has long called on Myanmar to end all use of the death penalty. “The Myanmar junta’s execution of four men was an act of utter cruelty,” said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “These executions, including of activist Ko Jimmy and opposition lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, followed grossly unjust and politically motivated military trials. This horrific news was compounded by the junta’s failure to notify the men’s families, who learned about the executions through the junta’s media reports. “The junta’s barbarity and callous disregard for human life aims to chill the anti-coup protest movement. European Union member states, the United States, and other governments should show the junta that there will be a reckoning for its crimes. They should demand immediate measures, including the release of all political prisoners, and let the junta know the atrocities it commits have consequences.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar/Burma: Declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the execution of pro-democracy and opposition leaders in Myanmar/Burma
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has executed former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’ as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The European Union strongly condemns the executions and expresses its sincere condolences to the bereaved families and friends of the victims. These politically motivated executions represent yet another step towards the complete dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar. The four men were the first prisoners to be executed in Myanmar in more than three decades, a move that is contrary to the overall worldwide trend to abolish the death penalty. The European Union is fundamentally opposed to the death penalty as an inhumane, cruel and irreversible punishment that violates the inalienable right to life. The executions are reprehensible acts that show that the military authorities have no respect for the life or dignity of the very people they are supposed to protect. They will only exacerbate the polarization, violence and dramatic humanitarian situation in Myanmar. The EU stands unequivocally with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom, and urges the military regime to end all acts of violence without further delay and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained, as well as to return to a democratic path. We will continue to support all efforts by the United Nations and ASEAN to this end..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar: Bachelet condemns executions, calls for release of all political prisoners
Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – UN human rights chief Michelle Bachelet today condemned in the strongest terms the execution of four democracy activists by Myanmar’s military despite repeated calls by the United Nations and the wider international community to not carry out death sentences. “I am dismayed that despite appeals from across the world, the military conducted these executions with no regard for human rights,” Bachelet said. “This cruel and regressive step is an extension of the military’s ongoing repressive campaign against its own people. “These executions – the first in Myanmar in decades - are cruel violations of the rights to life, liberty and security of a person, and fair trial guarantees. For the military to widen its killing will only deepen its entanglement in the crisis it has itself created.” The High Commissioner called for the immediate release of all political prisoners and others arbitrarily detained, and urged the country to reinstate its de-facto moratorium on the use of the death penalty, as a step towards eventual abolition. On 25 July, Myanmar state media reported that the military had executed four people including former National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, popularly known as Ko Jimmy. Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were the other two men executed. Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zaya Thaw were arrested on 23 October and 18 November 2021 respectively. Ko Jimmy was subsequently charged with sedition. Both Phyo Zayar Thaw and Ko Jimmy were also charged under the Counter Terrorism Law and sentenced to death by a military tribunal on 21 January 2022. Their subsequent appeals were denied. Hla Myo Aung, and Aung Thura Zaw were convicted on murder charges. Their appeals were also denied. In Myanmar, such cases are being heard by military courts behind closed doors. Since the military coup on 1 February 2021, 117 people, including two children, have been sentenced to death including 41 sentenced in absentia. Over 11,500 people remain in detention for opposing the military’s seizure of power. “Most concerningly, over 30 percent of over 2,100 people killed since February 2021 have died in military custody – most as a result of ill-treatment,” said Bachelet. On 3 June, UN Secretary General António Guterres expressed concern at the military’s decision to go ahead with executions and reiterated his calls for the respect of people’s rights to freedom of opinion and expression. Bachelet echoed his call for the military to “drop all charges against those arrested on charges related to the exercise of their fundamental freedoms and rights” and the immediate release of all political prisoners in Myanmar. “The military seems unconcerned with ending this crisis or reducing violence in accordance with its international obligations, let alone any willingness to respect due process, justice or rule of law,” Bachelet said. The High Commissioner reiterated her call to Myanmar’s neighbours and to the wider international community to hold the military accountable to its commitments under international law, as well as further to ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus”..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar: First executions in decades mark atrocious escalation in state repression
Description: "Responding to reports that Myanmar’s military authorities have carried out executions for the first time since the late 1980s, Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght said:  “These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record. The four men were convicted by a military court in highly secretive and deeply unfair trials. The international community must act immediately as more than 100 people are believed to be on death row after being convicted in similar proceedings.” These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record. Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght “For more than a year now, Myanmar’s military authorities have engaged in extrajudicial killings, torture and a whole gamut of human rights violations. The military will only continue to trample on people’s lives if they are not held accountable.” “At a time when more and more countries take steps to abolish the death penalty, the resumption of executions after more than three decades not only puts it at odds with the global trend, but is also contrary to the goal of abolition enshrined under international human rights law and standards. Myanmar’s isolation could not be any more glaring. We urge the authorities to immediately establish a moratorium on executions as a first critical step.” Background: According to Myanmar state media, four executions have been carried out. Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, also known as Ko Jimmy, were convicted of and sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January for offenses involving explosives, bombings and financing terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Law – charges that Amnesty International believes to be politically motivated. Two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, convicted of the alleged murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar in Yangon, also had their death sentences confirmed. All four were named in the report in state-run newspaper Global New Light of Myanmar. The proceedings before a military-controlled court were secretive and grossly unfair. Following Myanmar military’s issuance of Martial Law Order 3/2021, the authority to try civilians was transferred to special or existing military tribunals where individuals are tried through summary proceedings without right to appeal. These courts oversee a wide range of offences including those punishable with the death penalty. Under international law and standards, executions carried out following unfair trials violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life, as well as the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment. Myanmar’s last known execution was in the late 1980s. Since the military coup in February 2021, Amnesty International has recorded an alarming increase in the resort to the death penalty in Myanmar, where it has become a tool for the military in the ongoing persecution, intimidation and harassment of all who dare to challenge the authorities. Amnesty International opposes the death penalty unconditionally, in all cases and under any circumstances. More than two-thirds of countries all over the world have abolished the punishment in law or practice..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.17/2022 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၇/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၃ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဝါဒဖြန့်ချိရေး လမ်းကြောင်းများမှနေ၍ ဦးကျော်မင်းယု(ခ) ဦးဂျင်မီ ၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော် ၊ ဦးလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အား ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးဖြစ်သည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး အင်းစိန်အကျဉ်းထောင်သို့ သွားရောက်စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းသော မိသားစုဝင်များကို အကျဉ်းထောင်အာဏာပိုင်များက ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အတိုင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု အတည်ပြုခဲ့ပြီး ကျန်ရစ်သော ရုပ်ကလာပ်များကိုလဲ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း အကြောင်းပြန်ခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရှိရပါသည်။ ၈၈ မျိုးဆက် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်ပြီး ၈၈ မျိုးဆက် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ပွင့်လင်းလူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ ထူထောင်သူတစ်ဦးလဲဖြစ် မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူ တစ်ဦးလဲဖြစ်သည့် ဦးကျော်မင်းယု(ခ) ဦးဂျင်မီ နှင့် အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် အဖွဲ့ဝင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် တစ်ဦးဖြစ်ခဲ့သည့် ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော် အပါအဝင် ဦးလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အား တရားဥပဒေမဲ့စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် ဥပဒေအရ၊ လူ့ကျင့်ဝတ်စံနှုန်းများအရ မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ လက်သင့်ခံနိုင်ဖွယ်မရှိသောလုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ကာ အဆိုပါ ကိစ္စရပ်တွင် တာဝန်ရှိသူ တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက် မကျန် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစွာဖြင့် တရားဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခံရစေရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်း၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးနည်းလမ်း၊ စစ်ရေးနည်းလမ်း စသည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ထိရောက်ပြင်းထန်သော တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက် မှုများကို စနစ်တကျ စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း တရားမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရသူများအပါအဝင် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလ တလျောက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မတရား ဖမ်းဆီး နှိပ်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ကြရသည့် နွေဦးသူရဲကောင်းအားလုံးတို့၏ ရင်းနှီးပေးဆပ်ခဲ့မှုများအတွက် ကျန်ရစ်သူ မိသားစုများ၊ မိတ်ဆွေသူငယ်ချင်းများ အားလုံးနှင့်ထပ်တူ ပူဆွေးဝမ်းနည်းရပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြလျက် ဦးညွတ်အလေးပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကျဆုံးသွားကြသော နွေဦးသူရဲကောင်းများ၏ ကျေးဇူးဂုဏ်ကို ဦးထိပ်ပန်လျက် အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်ဝါဒ မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ အပြီးတိုင် အမြစ်ပြတ်ပျောက်ကွယ်သွားစေရေးကို ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်အတူ တွဲလက်မြဲမြံစွာဖြင့် အဆုံးတိုင် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု သန္နိဌာန်ပြုပါသည်။ ပြည်သူများ၊ မြေပြင်တွင် အသက်စွန့် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးရဲဘော် ရဲဘက်များအားလုံး သည်လည်း ပူဆွေးဝမ်းနည်းစိတ်၊ နာကျင်ခံပြင်းစိတ်များကို စိတ်ခွန်အားများအဖြစ်ပြောင်းလဲပြီး တော်လှန်ရေးကို ကျရာနေရာမှပါဝင်ကာ အောင်မြင်ပြီးဆုံးသည်အထိ မဆုတ်မနစ် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားကြမည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူ တော်လှန်ရေးခေါင်းဆောင်များအား ယခုကဲ့သို့ တရားမဲ့ကျူးလွန် သတ်ဖြတ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံ၏အကျပ်အတည်းကို နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ အဖြေရှာရန် လုံးဝဆန္ဒမရှိသည်ကို ထပ်မံသက်သေထူပြသခြင်း ဖြစ်ပေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား အပြုသဘောဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံချဉ်းကပ်ခြင်းသည် လက်ရှိရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေးအကျပ်အတည်းကို ပြေလည်စေမည့် အဖြေဖြစ်နိုင် လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်နေသူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ သဘောထား အမှန်ကို နားလည်သဘောပေါက်ကြသင့်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားကြသော နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဖက် နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော လုပ်ရပ်များ ရပ်တန့်ပြီး နောင်အနာဂတ်တွင် ယခုကဲ့သို့ကျူးလွန်မှုများ ထပ်မံပေါ်ပေါက်ခြင်းမရှိစေရန်အတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားညီနောင်အင်အားစုများ၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး လှုပ်ရှားရုန်းကန်နေကြသူများနှင့် အတူရပ်တည်ပြီး မြန်ဆန်ထိရောက်သော အကူအညီများ ပေးခြင်းဖြင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စု တစ်ခုလုံးအပေါ်ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်စနစ်ကို အဆုံးသတ်ပေးကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းပြောကြားလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Regarding Executions of Myanmar Citizens including Pro-democracy Activists (Statement by Foreign Minister HAYASHI Yoshimasa)
Description: "On July 25, the Myanmar’s state-owned newspaper reported that the executions of Myanmar citizens including pro-democracy activists were carried out according to the relevant department, despite the strong calls against it from the international community including Japan and the ASEAN Chair to the Myanmar military. Japan seriously deplores these actions by the Myanmar military, as they completely go against the “release of the detainees” which Japan has consistently called for, and also lead to deeper conflict due to the hardening of public sentiment and further isolation of Myanmar from the international community. Japan expresses its deepest condolences to the families of all those who have lost their lives after the coup. Japan will continue to support the efforts of ASEAN, including Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair, to improve the situation in Myanmar. Japan once again strongly urges the Myanmar military to faithfully work towards the peaceful resolution of the situation through taking concrete actions to (1) immediately stop the violence, (2) release those who are detained, and (3) swiftly restore Myanmar’s democratic political system and swiftly implementing ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus.”..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Secretary-General Strongly Condemns Executions by Myanmar Military against Political Activists
Description: "The following statement was issued today by the Spokesman for UN Secretary-General António Guterres: The Secretary-General strongly condemns the executions carried out this weekend by the Myanmar military against four political activists in Myanmar — Phyo Zeya Thaw, Kyaw Min Yu (Ko Jimmy), Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw — and offers his condolences to their families. The Secretary-General opposes the imposition of death penalty in all circumstances. These executions, the first to be conducted since 1988 in Myanmar, mark a further deterioration of the already dire human rights environment in Myanmar. The Secretary-General reiterates his call for the immediate release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi..."
Source/publisher: United Nations
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Southeast Asian MPs condemn barbaric executions of four political prisoners in Myanmar
Description: "JAKARTA – The recent executions of four political prisoners at the hands of the illegal military junta in Myanmar is an act of judicial barbarism, Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia have denounced today, after the state media announced that the death sentences have been carried out on an unspecified date at Insein Prison, in Yangon. The four executed men, all charged under anti-terrorism laws, are Phyo Zeya Thaw, former lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD); the prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’; Aung Thura Zaw; and Hla Myo Aung. These death sentences are the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988, according to Amnesty International, which hitherto has considered the country as “Abolitionist in Practice”. “These executions are nothing but appalling acts of evil committed by a brutal junta that has shown no qualms about waging a war against the Myanmar population in order to cement its power. The global community, and all ASEAN members in particular, should take these cold-blooded assassinations as yet another wake up call on the true nature of the regime of terror that the Myanmar military is attempting to impose in the country,” said Eva Sundari, former member of the House of Representatives in Indonesia and Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). According to the Myanmar group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 22 July there were 76 prisoners in Myanmar sentenced to death, including two children, while 41 people have been given the death penalty in absentia. Since the coup on 1 February 2021, at least 2114 people have been killed by the self-styled State Administration Council (SAC), led by General Min Aung Hlaing, in its campaign to suppress the widespread opposition to military rule. These death sentences should be viewed as an attempt by the Myanmar military to provide a veneer of legality to political assassination. Yet it is evident that these sentences were handed without fairness, by military tribunals conducting trials lacking in any respect for due process, APHR denounced. “It is clear that these executions are made to strike fear among representatives of the democratic forces and political activists who oppose the junta . We believe that all those accused by the military junta are tried in secret, unfair and biased trials with no legal safeguards. Many political prisoners are subjected to torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and now there are dozens of prisoners in Myanmar jails who could be executed at any moment,” said Tom Villarin, former Philippine MP and APHR Board Member. “Not even the previous military regime, which ruled the country between 1988 and 2011, dared to carry out the death penalty against political prisoners. This means yet another increase in the junta’s brutality, which comes from a sense of impunity largely fostered by the failure of the global community to do anything effective to prevent it from committing further atrocities,” said Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament from Malaysia, and APHR Chairperson. The executions also serve as proof that the SAC led by Min Aung Hlaing has no intention to engage in any meaningful political dialogue with the pro-democracy forces led by the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). Such a dialogue, one of the key points of the Five-Point Consensus agreed by ASEAN member states and Min Aung Hlaing’s junta in April 2021, has never materialized. The Consensus also called for an immediate cessation of violence, something that the Myanmar military, which continues shelling villages and killing protesters, has also failed to implement. Yet the Myanmar military, in its all-out war over its people is committing “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses” that may amount to “war crimes and crimes against humanity,” according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. “The junta’s contempt for the agreement it signed is clear, especially considering that the announcement of these executions comes two weeks after the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair to Myanmar, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, visited the country. The Special Envoy, and ASEAN members, should condemn these executions, and seriously rethink their approach to the crisis in Myanmar. For starters, they should begin exerting pressure on the SAC with targeted sanctions and travel bans in the region in order to show Min Aung Hlaing and his men that they cannot commit their crimes with impunity,” said Kasit Piromya, former MP and Foreign Minister in Thailand, and APHR Board Member..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: UN and ASEAN Must Respond to Junta’s Summary Executions
Description: "25 July 2022: The summary executions of political prisoners are further abhorrent acts of terror by a military junta desperately trying to ensure its own survival. The United Nations (UN) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shamefully failing the Myanmar people and finally take concerted action against the junta, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Myanmar military propaganda reported today that democracy activists Kyaw Min Yu, also known as “Ko Jimmy,” and Phyo Zeya Thaw, also a former member of parliament, as well as two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, were executed in prison. The military first announced its plans to carry out the executions in June 2022. The four individuals were sentenced to death by a military tribunal acting contrary to international standards of justice and due process. The courts in Myanmar under the control of the military junta are not independent and work only to serve the interests of the junta. “The military has been executing Myanmar people in their thousands for the last 60 years and these are but the latest,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “What makes these executions especially revolting, however, is the military’s blatant attempt to give them the appearance of judicial legitimacy, though the military court was a sham, a mockery of justice, fairness and due process. No one is fooled.” The Myanmar military has been losing ground to the democratic resistance since it launched a failed coup eighteen months ago. The junta is detaining at least 11,759 political prisoners in its jails without access to legal representation, including many of the 114 people it has sentenced to death since February 2021. 41 people have been sentenced to death in absentia. Multiple, credible reports have been made of systematic torture, sometimes resulting in death, occurring in military detention. Across the country the junta is committing further massive human rights violations in an attempt to crush democratic resistance, but it is unable to defeat the national uprising revolting against Myanmar’s long-established military-dominated system. “The military junta is acting with total barbarism. The despicable execution of these four men – that amount to summary executions – are intended entirely to drive fear into the hearts of anyone opposing the junta. That is an act of terror by any UN definition,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The junta is a massive militarised force that is waging war against the civilian population of Myanmar and is therefore primary accountable for the highest degree of violence currently prevailing, which these executions are the most manifest. The junta fails to understand that every act of brutality is only strengthening the resolve of the entire nation against it.” The international community has failed shamefully to protect the Myanmar people from the junta’s extreme and escalating violence. UN Member States have been slow to grant formal recognition to the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). The UN Security Council is yet to even table a single resolution on Myanmar, despite the gravity of the situation and the threat to international peace and security. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus agreed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021 is a failure with the junta making no progress towards its implementation. Current ASEAN Chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, wrote publicly to Min Aung Hlaing requesting that he refrain from carrying out the planned executions. By going ahead with them, Min Aung Hlaing has demonstrated that no one has the diplomatic leverage to curb his atrocities. “It is long past time for a new approach to Myanmar’s crisis,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The international failure of the Myanmar people cannot continue. Min Aung Hlaing and his illegal barbaric junta are not people that can be reasoned with. The UN and ASEAN must exert as much pressure on the junta as possible to bring this crisis to an end.” SAC-M is calling for all UN Member States to formally recognise the NUG. The UN Security Council should pass a resolution on Myanmar referring the situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC). States parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC should also refer the situation in Myanmar to the Court. If the ICC cannot act, then the General Assembly or the Human Rights Council should establish a special tribunal on Myanmar to begin the prosecutorial process and bring Min Aung Hlaing, the junta leaders and their cronies to justice. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to maintain permanently its rejection of Min Aung Hlaing and the military junta from participation in ASEAN meetings as a consequence of its abrogation of the Five-Point Consensus and contempt for the efforts of successive ASEAN Chairs. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to work with the NUG to develop a new roadmap towards resolving the crisis, beginning with the urgent provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: UN Special Rapporteurs appeal for strong international response in the wake of ‘devastating’ executions by Myanmar junta
Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, and the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial summary or arbitrary executions, Morris Tidball-Binz, today condemned the Myanmar junta’s execution of four individuals, as reported by the junta. “We are outraged and devastated at the news of the junta’s execution of Myanmar patriots and champions of human rights and democracy. Our hearts goes out to their families, friends and loved ones and indeed all the people of Myanmar who are victims of the junta’s escalating atrocities,” the UN Experts* said. "These individuals were tried, convicted, and sentenced by a military tribunal on 21 January without the right of appeal and reportedly without legal counsel, in violation of international human rights law," Andrews and Tidball-Binz said. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, military tribunals have sentenced a total of 117 individuals to death, including 41 in absentia. “These depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?" they said. "The widespread and systematic murders of protesters, indiscriminate attacks against entire villages, and now the execution of opposition leaders, demands an immediate and firm response by member states of the United Nations. The status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected.” “Having made a mockery of the Five Point Consensus, Min Aung Hlaing has now callously rejected the personal appeal of the Chair of ASEAN, Prime Minister Hun Sen, to spare the lives these individuals. ASEAN – and indeed all UN Member States—must take action that is commensurate with this outrage.” ENDS **The experts: Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; Mr. Morris Tidball-Binz Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial summary or arbitrary executions The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂၅ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့မှုနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်သူများဖြစ်ကြသည့် ကိုကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ကိုအောင်သူရဇော် တို့အား သေဒဏ်စီရင်လိုက် ကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် များစွာ တုန်လှုပ်မိပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုဝင်များ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတို့နှင့်အတူ များစွာ ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ ၂။ လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် သည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာအား လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့ လုယူထားသော တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုသာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာဖြင့် ဝယ်ယူ ထားသည့် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ်၌ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော ဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို အစဉ်တစ်စိုက် လုပ်ဆောင်နေလျက်ရှိသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း အနေဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်ရန် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ပွဲ ဝင်နေကြသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား ထိရောက်စွာ အားပေးထောက်ခံရန်နှင့် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီ ပေးရန်လည်း အထူးလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ ထို့ပြင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ အာဏာလုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်လူသတ်စစ်အုပ်စုအား သက်ဆိုးရှည်စေမည့် မည်သို့သော ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုမျိုးမျှ လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော သံတမန်ရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး ဖိအားပေးမှုတို့ကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၏ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်တို့သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့၏ အသက်ပေါင်းများစွာကို ကယ်တင်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ နိုင်ငံများက ဒီမိုကရေစီအား မည်မျှ တန်ဖိုးထားသည်ကိုလည်း သက်သေပြခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ကိုကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်တို့ အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ကာကွယ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချပြီး လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အတူ ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို တရားလက်လွတ် သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "ကိုဂျင်မီ (ခ) ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြီးခဲ့သော သတင်းပတ်တွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးလိုက်ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း မြန်မာ့အလင်းသတင်းစာတွင်[1] ယနေ့ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက် သည့် သတင်းကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး အသင်းအနေဖြင့် အထူးဝမ်းနည်း ကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ မတရားသဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာကို လုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ဥပဒေဘောင်မဝင်သော တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရုပ်ပိုင်း ဆိုင်ရာ နှိပ်စက်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အတင်းအကြပ် ဝန်ခံထွက်ခိုင်းစေမှုများ လုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အကျဉ်းဦးစီးဌာနနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ အင်းစိန်ထောင်အတွင်းမှ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ဖုံးကွယ်ထား မှုကြောင့် ဆွေမျိုးသားချင်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဆွေများသည် ပူပန်သောက ရောက်ကြရသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အခန်း ၈၊ ပုဒ်မ ၁၄၊ အပိုဒ် ၆၆၀ အရ သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ခံရသော အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အား “ထောင်အကျဥ်းတံခါးပေါက်အပြင်သို့ သယ်ဆောင်သွားပြီးနောက် ထိုနေရာတွင် ဆွေမျိုးများ (သို့) မိတ်ဆွေများထံ ပေးအပ်ရမည်”ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အပိုဒ် ၆၆၁ အရ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးလျှင် “အကျဥ်းထောင်တာဝန်ခံသည် (ဝရမ်းအား ထုတ်ဆင့်သည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြန်လည်ပေးပို့ပြီး) ဝရမ်းထုတ်ပေးသည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း မည်သို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးစီးကြောင်းကို အောက်ပါပုံစံဖြင့် မှန်ကန်ကြောင်း ထောက်ခံချက်ပြုလုပ်ပြီး ပြန်ပို့ပေး ရမည်”ဟု ဖော်ပြပါရှိသည်။ သေဆုံးသူ၏ရုပ်အလောင်းကို အထူးအကြောင်းတစ်စုံတရာကြောင့် ပြန်လည် မပေးအပ်ခဲ့လျှင် “မြှုပ်နှံသော သင်္ချိုင်းမြေနေရာများတွင် သေဆုံးသူ၏ အမည်၊ နေရပ်လိပ်စာနှင့် သေဆုံး သည့် နေ့ရက်တို့ကို မှတ်သားထားရှိရမည်”ဟု အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အပိုဒ် ၁၀၂၇ တွင် ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၄) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် သတင်းများထွက်ရှိလာပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသူတို့နှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် တည်နေရာနှင့် အခြေအနေများကို ရှင်းရှင်း လင်းလင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ထားခြင်းမရှိသေးပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ရှိသူများအနေဖြင့် သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် နေ့ရက်၊ အချိန်အတိအကျနှင့် အခုလက်ရှိ ရုပ်အလောင်းကို မည့်သည့်နေရာမှာထားရှိသည်ကို အတည်ပြု ထုတ်ပြန် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP)၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “ဒါလူသတ်မှုကျူးလွန်တာပဲ။ သူတို့က တရားဝင် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံထားရတဲ့ အစိုးရမဟုတ်ဘူး။ သူတို့မှာ ဒါမျိုးလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဘူး။ အခုလို လူသတ်အလောင်းဖျောက်တဲ့လုပ်ရပ်ဟာ သူရဲဘောကြောင်သူတွေရဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်သာ ဖြစ်ပြီး အကြီးမားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တာ ဖြစ်တယ်”ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။ ဤ ထိတ်လန့်တုန်လှုပ်စရာ သေဒဏ်ပေးသည့်ဖြစ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာသံတမန်များ အနေဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက် စက်၍ လူမဆန်သောလုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ပြန်လည်သတိမူနိုးကြားလာရမည့် ကိစ္စရပ်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု ကို ထောက်ခံသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာအာဏာရှင်များက စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုများတွင် အကျုံး ဝင်နိုင်သည့်[2] သေဒဏ်ကိုလက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးခြင်းမျိုး မပြုတန်ရာဟု ပြောဆိုနှစ်သိမ့်ခဲ့ကြသော်လည်း အမှန် တကယ်အားဖြင့်မူ စစ်အုပ်စုက ၎င်း၏သရုပ်မှန်ကို ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီးနေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အစိုးရလက်ထက်တွင် ကရင်တော်လှန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲဝင် ရဲဘော် (၃) ဦးကို ၁၉၈၆ ခုနှစ်နှင့် ၁၉၈၇ ခုနှစ် တို့၌ သေဒဏ်စီရင်ချက်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို နောက်ဆုံး သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ကွပ်မျက်လိုက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအရတွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးမှုမလုပ်နိုင်ဟု ငြင်းဆိုလိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Tom Andrews က “နိုင်ငံတကာရဲ့ နဂိုနေမြဲအတိုင်း နေနေ တဲ့ အနေအထားကို ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသားပယ်ချရမယ်” ​ ဟုဆိုထားသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ ယနေ့အထိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၇၆) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် (၄၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁၇) ဦး ရှိနေ သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၅ ရက် ယနေ့ထုတ် သတင်းစာများတွင် ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ဦးဂျင်မီ၊ ဦးလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ (၄) ဦး အပေါ် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် အမိန့်အား ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဖေါ်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ဥပဒေမဲ့ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် အမိန့်အား ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက် (တစ်နည်းအားဖြင့် ကြိုးပေးသတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ခြင်း) သည် လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုနှင့် ဥပဒေပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက် များကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရှုတ်ချလိုက်သည်။ ၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အထက်ပါ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်း လုံးဝ မရှိဘဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်ကိုင်တုတ်သဖွယ်ဖြစ်သော တရားရုံးများနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးယန္တရားကို အသုံးချလျှက် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ နေ့စဉ် လူနေမှုဘ၀ကို အညှိုးအတေး၊ အာဃာတ ကြီးမားစွာဖြင့် စနစ်တကျ ဆက်လက် ခြိမ်းခြောက်ဖျက်ဆီးနေခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ ၄။ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် သေဒဏ်ကို အတည်ပြု စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အဓိက တာဝန်ရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်တကွ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သူများ အားလုံးသည် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးက ခွင့်လွှတ်နိုင်စရာ အကြောင်း လုံး၀ မရှိသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသူ အားလုံး ထိုက်သင့်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်အသီးသီးကို မလွဲမသွေ ကျခံစေရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Justice
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 151.11 KB
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Title: Australian Embassy spent US$525,000+ at Myanmar military linked LOTTE Hotel since coup attempt
Description: "The Australian Embassy in Yangon has spent US$525,473 on accommodation, food and other services at the military linked LOTTE Hotel and LOTTE Serviced Apartment since February 1, 2021. Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade disclosed the expenses to Justice For Myanmar under the Freedom of Information Act. The Department denied a request for information regarding the lease arrangements of Australia’s Myanmar Embassy and ambassador’s residence. The Australian Embassy’s expenses at LOTTE Hotel and Serviced Apartment range from US$31.50 for chocolate cream cake, to a monthly fee of US$7,100 for a luxury lakeview apartment. LOTTE Hotel and Serviced Apartment are built on land leased from the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Army, under a build-operate-transfer agreement. The Office of the Quartermaster General is sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada. LOTTE Hotel investors pay the Office of the Quartermaster General an annual lease fee of US$1.874 million, in addition to a one-time land use premium of US$13.51 million, according to Myanmar Investment Commission records released by Distributed Denial of Secrets. The military will take control of the hotel and apartment complex at the end of the maximum 70-year lease, providing it with a lucrative future asset. Australia’s business at LOTTE Hotel and Serviced Apartment goes against the recommendations of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, which recommended against all business with the Myanmar military, its conglomerates and business relationships, including real estate rental. The Fact-Finding Mission found that real estate is “a major revenue stream” of the Myanmar military. Australia’s continuing business at LOTTE Hotel also undermines a mass boycott of military businesses in response to the military’s coup attempt. LOTTE Hotel is listed in the popular boycott app, Way Way Nay and businesses holding meetings at LOTTE Hotel have been publicly criticised. Last month, a Hong Kong government funded networking event at LOTTE Hotel was cancelled after public criticism over the location, including from the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), the legitimate government with a mandate from the 2020 election. In a June statement, NUG accused LOTTE Hotel of "knowingly aiding and abetting the atrocities of a junta that is widely held responsible for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide against its own people." ‍ LOTTE Hotel’s EU-sanctioned investor The main investor behind the hotel and serviced apartment project is the South Korean corporation POSCO International, with a 69.3% stake. POSCO International is a publicly listed subsidiary of the steel giant POSCO. LOTTE Corporation, which is also South Korean, owns 15.7% of the project. POSCO and LOTTE’s investment is channelled through a Singapore company, POSCO International Global Development Pte Ltd. The remaining 15% is owned by the project’s local partner, Spirit Paradise Services (formerly IGE-Sinphyushin). Spirit Paradise Services is owned by Ne Aung, a Myanmar crony and the brother of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung. Ne Aung’s father, Aung Thaung, was a minister in the former military junta and a notorious hardliner who was sanctioned by the US in 2014 for “perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption”. Aung Thaung died in 2015. Ne Aung’s IGE conglomerate was sanctioned by the European Union in February 2022. In its sanctions designation, the EU stated, “IGE provided the Tatmadaw [Myanmar military] with financial support in 2017 in connection to the Rakhine ‘clearance operations’ and thus contributed to serious human rights violations in 2017 against the Rohingya population. IGE has also provided the Tatmadaw with indirect financial support by taking financial participations in several projects and companies linked to the Tatmadaw and its conglomerates. Therefore, it provides support to and benefits from the Tatmadaw.” In an apparent attempt to evade sanctions, IGE Sinphyushin was restructured and renamed Spirit Paradise Services in April. International Group of Entrepreneur Company Limited, which is the entity named in the EU sanctions designation, transferred its shares to Myanma National Energy Company Limited. IGE group’s CEO, Than Win Swe, and executive director, Thazin Aung, left the IGE Sinphyushin board. The two new sole directors of Spirit Paradise Services, Lwin Yadanar Oo and Thaw Zinn Lynn, as well as the new sole shareholder of Myanmar National Energy, Paing Zin, do not appear to be linked to any historical companies on Myanmar’s company registry. It is likely that they are acting as proxies of IGE to hide the company’s beneficial ownership. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is appalling that Australia is spending taxpayer’s money at the military linked LOTTE Hotel, ignoring the recommendations of the UN Fact-Finding Mission to end business with the Myanmar military. “LOTTE Hotel finances the Myanmar Army, paying rent to the quartermaster general’s office, which buys the military’s bullets and bombs used in its indiscriminate attacks against the people of Myanmar. The Australian Embassy must have known this. “Since the military’s attempted coup, the junta has murdered more than 2,000 people and arrested over 14,000, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. The junta is carrying out indiscriminate air strikes and shelling as part of a campaign of terror that has displaced an estimated 783,400 people. “We demand Foreign Minister Penny Wong immediately end Australia’s business with LOTTE Hotel and all other companies linked to the Myanmar military, which it should have done long ago. Instead of sanctioning the military’s business interests, Australia is helping them profit. “We reiterate the call of 688 Burma/Myanmar and international organisations for Penny Wong to impose targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military junta and its business interests to cut the revenue flows that fund the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, and call for her urgent action. “We call on businesses, individuals, governments, UN agencies and non-governmental organisations to boycott LOTTE Hotel and all other businesses that are owned by or finance the Myanmar military.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-21
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Title: Coup, Covid, climate: the triple threat chasing citizens from Myanmar’s rice bowl
Sub-title: In the country’s agricultural heartland, threats posed to villagers across the Global South have collided head-on
Description: "Before the morning sun brings the oppressive heat of the day, village cars, once laden with the dry zone’s staple beans, sesame and peanuts, set off for the regional capital of Magway. But today, when the trucks draw in, they are crammed with young men and women clutching bundles of paperwork. They are seeking to flee what once was Myanmar’s agricultural capital in response to a growing food, job, and security crisis. Climate changes in the baking heartlands, Covid-19 and the military’s violent attacks on villages since its coup in 2021 have prompted an exodus of young people from the region. Nay Moe Swe Kyaw, who runs a free meal program for residents of Magway, says since the Omicron variant hit the region six months ago, around 100 people queue outside the town’s passport office each day. While some in the trucks are destined to Japan or Singapore to finish their education, China and Thailand are preferred by those seeking work. “[The crowd] reminds me of how it used to be at the pagoda festival,” he recalls. “Magway’s passport office is packed with crowds every single day.” ‘Only elders remain’ Migration is nothing new for those who have grown up working Magway’s parched earth; ten years ago, 72% of those migrating from one community in the region cited environmental change as the driving factor. Yet the region is only growing hotter. Record-breaking temperatures have afflicted Myanmar’s dry zone – which includes Magway, Mandalay and Sagaing – over the past two years. Twenty-two of its cities registered record highs in 2020, the riverine market town of Chauk in central Magway recorded a staggering 47.5 C (117.5 F). A former resident of Magway’s Thit Gyi village, Zar Chi Lwin, says her family began to experience unprecedented crop failure in 2007 after shifts in climate made it impossible even to grow the sesame that the region is famed for. “Our farmland, which was previously 100% productive, saw output levels drop to between 60 and 40% per acre,” she said. Unable to finance their debt, in 2010 Zar Chi Lwin’s family sold their ancestral land for half of its former value and migrated to the commercial capital of Yangon. Her parents, she says, were reduced to tears by the move. Ten years ago, only 6% of dry zone inhabitants surveyed said they planned on migrating overseas. Today, however, villagers report that a pressing need for incomes and escape routes is driving those of working age abroad at unprecedented rates. Crop failure – along with a post-coup collapse in trade and the plummeting value of Myanmar’s currency, the kyat - has prompted the exodus of a debt-laden workforce, which includes Zar Chi Lwin herself. She says as much as 70% of her village has moved to Thailand since she left. Those who went were predominantly 20- to 35-year-olds hoping for better economic opportunities. “Only elders remained in the village – nobody of working age – so production may have been reduced by a half. This caused huge inflation in the price of goods and, then, a military coup made it worse. I couldn’t even afford to buy cooking oil!” Zar Chi Lwin said. Land razed Advertisement The people of Magway – which borders Rakhine state and Mandalay in Myanmar’s north-west – were among the first to mount a resistance to the military government. They have been specifically targeted by the military’s latest “land clearance” operations – scorched-earth campaigns that have so far entailed the wholesale arson of entire villages and the rape, murder, and arbitrary detention of thousands of civilians. Rights groups have documented tens of thousands of incidences of human rights abuses and war crimes committed by the military across Myanmar over the past 16 months. In May, UN humanitarian agency OCHA estimated that almost 55,000 of the Magway’s near four million inhabitants have been forced from their homes and lands by the military since February 2021. In neighbouring Sagaing, that number is more than 336,000. In Magway and Sagaing – where citizens are almost entirely from Myanmar’s Bamar ethnic group - it is the first time in decades that such punishments have been meted by the country’s genocidal, and predominantly Bamar, military. Naruemon Thabchumpon, professor of cross-border migration at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University, says that while further research is needed to assess the true number of dry zone natives now in Thailand, threats to the region including the climate change and conflict have been significant factors. “The climate crisis affects the life of the people, and in the case of those from the dry zone this is pretty clear, she says. “When we look at the intensifying conflict, the first region that started fighting against the military is the dry zone region of Sagaing. The conflict map bears this out: there is a clear relationship between climate crisis, economic concerns, and areas experiencing recent political instability.” Uncertain future Those left behind say they worry about what this exodus will mean for their families. In the northern Magway city of Yenankyaung, Hnin Si Ni’s farmland had yielded the region’s famed soybean and sesame oil for generations. By 2005, increasing temperatures had brought new problems. “My cousins’ families had to move to the city to find new jobs,” Hnin Si Ni explained, adding that crop yields at her own family’s farm had fallen by 30% since 2005 due to increasing temperatures bringing dry soil, unpredictable weather patterns, reduced crop output, and natural disasters. “Some of them moved to Yangon, some to Myitkyina [capital of Myanmar’s Kachin State on the Myanmar-China border], while others moved to Thailand.” While farmers have grown accustomed to working with cracked soils, Nay Moe Swe Kyaw says he now worries about what rising crop prices and empty villages will mean for the future of his community. “With higher commodity and fuel prices, people and small businesses are facing many difficulties, losing their financial interests,” he said. “If this situation continues, people will certainly face incredible hardships. I can’t bear to think about it. The longer the coup lasts, the graver the situation will be for all of us – that’s for sure.” This story was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center. With support from the Pulitzer Center, the Democratic Voice of Burma explores how climate, economic insecurity, and a return of the Myanmar military’s “scorched earth” campaigns are driving Myanmar’s young people overseas..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-21
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Title: Burma and Bangladesh - Regional Crisis Response Fact Sheet #5, Fiscal Year (FY) 2022
Description: "SITUATION AT A GLANCE 6.2 MILLION People Targeted for Humanitarian Assistance in Burma UN – July 2022 783,400 People Displaced Since February 2021 Who Remain IDPs in Burma UNHCR – July 2022 1.1 MILLION People Displaced in Burma UNHCR – July 2022 1.5 MILLION People in Need and Targeted by 2022 Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis JRP UN – March 2022 926,606 Estimated Number of Refugees in Bangladesh UNHCR – June 2022 The total number of IDPs in Burma surpasses 1.1 million people in June, with more than 783,000 individuals displaced by ongoing violence and insecurity since the February 2021 coup. Approximately 1.3 million children in Burma remain unable to access critical nutrition support, and less than 40 percent of children are enrolled in school, the UN reports. Severe wind and rain following the onset of the Juneto-October monsoon season destroys more than 9,500 shelters and displaces nearly 9 individuals in Cox’s Bazar from mid-May to late June...."
Source/publisher: US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: MPs denounce lack of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar ahead of International Parliamentary Inquiry’s fourth hearing
Description: "JAKARTA – The Myanmar people are not receiving the humanitarian assistance they need as the crisis triggered by the coup d’état of February last year worsens, parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe have denounced, ahead of the fourth public oral hearing of their International Parliamentary Inquiry (IPI) on the global response to the crisis in Myanmar, to be held today, 20 July. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) puts at over 750,000 the number of people displaced by the violence perpetrated by the Myanmar military in order to cement their power since the takeover, bringing the total for the country the record number of over 1 million. Experts audited by the IPI in previous oral hearings have described a rapidly deteriorating situation, marked by a worsening economic crisis, an almost complete collapse of the health system and the systematic targeting of the civilian population by the military. “Time is rapidly running out to prevent the worst-case scenario for millions of people in Myanmar. But instead of increased attention to the situation, we are seeing the opposite: less engagement by regional and international actors, less efforts to lead the junta to the negotiation table, and a unconscionable shortfall of almost 90 percent of funding for the humanitarian needs of the country in 2022. Inaction must end now,” said Heidi Hautala, IPI Committee Chair and Vice-President of the European Parliament. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), as of June 2022, only 11 percent of the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) for Myanmar has been funded, “negatively affecting the breadth and quality of assistance delivered by humanitarians.” “The utter failure of ASEAN’s 5-Point Consensus should be clear to all, yet there has been no effort made to change course. Meanwhile, the international community continues to ignore evidence indicating that a primary reliance on ASEAN has not and will not result in an alleviation of the plight of the Myanmar people. Reliance on ASEAN is not a strategy, but rather a disingenuous deflection of responsibility by international actors which must stop in order for solutions to the humanitarian crisis to be found,” said Charles Santiago, IPI Committee Member, Malaysian MP, and Chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). To address these and other issues, the IPI will hold its fourth hearing on the global response to the crisis in Myanmar on July 20, at 6 pm (Bangkok time), via Zoom..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: Myanmar: Military’s use of banned landmines in Kayah State amounts to war crimes
Description: "Inherently indiscriminate landmines kill and injure civilians Military laid landmines in homes, on farming lands and on church grounds Myanmar increasingly isolated globally in its use of antipersonnel landmines The Myanmar military is committing war crimes by laying antipersonnel landmines on a massive scale in and around villages in Kayah (Karenni) State, Amnesty International said today after an on-the-ground investigation in conflict-affected parts of the state. Antipersonnel landmines are inherently indiscriminate and their use is internationally banned. The landmines laid by the Myanmar military have killed and seriously injured civilians and will have significant long-term consequences, including on displaced people’s ability to return home and to farm their lands. “The Myanmar military’s use of landmines is abhorrent and cruel. At a time when the world has overwhelmingly banned these inherently indiscriminate weapons, the military has placed them in people’s yards, homes, and even stairwells, as well as around a church,” said Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues. The Myanmar military’s use of landmines is abhorrent and cruel. Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues “The world must urgently respond to the military’s atrocities against civilians across Myanmar. Countries around the world must cut off the flow of weapons to Myanmar and support all efforts to ensure those responsible for war crimes face justice.” From 25 June to 8 July, Amnesty International researchers interviewed 43 people in Kayah State’s Demoso, Hpruso, and Loikaw Townships. These areas have been at the centre of fighting between the military and Karenni armed groups since May 2021, when conflict in Kayah State re-ignited following the military coup. The organization interviewed landmine survivors and other witnesses, as well as health professionals who treated landmine injuries and people who had discovered and deactivated landmines in villages. It also visited several recently demined villages. The Myanmar military is laying several types of landmines that it manufactures itself. These include the M-14, which typically blows off the victim’s foot at the ankle, and the more powerful MM-2, which often blows off the victim’s leg at the knee and causes injuries to other parts of the person’s body, with severe risk of death due to blood loss. Antipersonnel landmines, including the M-14 and MM-2, are inherently indiscriminate and their use is banned under customary international humanitarian law, as well as the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, which 164 states have joined. According to Landmine Monitor, Myanmar’s military is the only state armed forces confirmed to have used antipersonnel landmines in 2020-21. Civilians killed and injured Lu Reh, 62, and his family were displaced from Daw Thea village in Demoso Township in late February 2022 after a Myanmar military air strike killed two people in a neighbouring village. On 10 June, he and others returned to collect things from their property. As he walked along a dirt path to collect jah fruit, Lu Reh stepped on a landmine that ripped off his right leg just below the knee, leaving the bone exposed at the calf. According to a witness and another person with direct knowledge of the incident, it also wounded his left leg and right hand and caused significant blood loss. Lu Reh died on the way to the hospital. The Myanmar military has controlled that area since February 2022 and soldiers from the 66th Light Infantry Division (LID) have based themselves out of several nearby villages. The Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG) has documented at least 20 civilians killed or seriously injured by landmines in Kayah State since June 2021. According to activists, local aid workers, and people without formal training who have tried to demine villages, the military’s use of landmines there has soared in recent months, especially as they retreat from certain areas. In early April 2022, Rosie, 52, and her daughter Ma Thein Yar Lin, 17, were trying to return to their home in Loikaw town after being displaced by fighting in January. Rosie parked their motorbike near a rocky path, and Ma Thein Yar Lin walked a short distance away to go to the bathroom. I heard the explosion, then I looked and saw a lot of smoke. I heard my daughter yelling, ‘Mama, Mama,’ and I went to look and saw her lying on the ground…my daughter had no leg anymore. Rosie, whose daughter was injured in a landmine incident “I heard the explosion, then I looked and saw a lot of smoke,” Rosie recalled. “I heard my daughter yelling, ‘Mama, Mama,’ and I went to look and saw her lying on the ground.” “I noticed that my daughter had no leg anymore… I went searching for [her leg], but the man who [was passing by and stopped] to help us said, ‘Stop! There will be another landmine. The most important thing is to stop the bleeding.’” Ma Thein Yar Lin lost her right leg from the mid-calf down and had landmine fragments throughout her left leg. She now uses a wheelchair donated by a friend. She and her mother cannot return to their home partly because the house and bathroom are not accessible. She told Amnesty International that she wants to continue her studies; she had reached Grade 11 before the Covid-19 pandemic and the coup stopped her schooling. She said she also wants to ensure her leg recovers so that she can be fitted with a quality prosthetic. Attack on a church On 27 June 2022, Amnesty International researchers visited St Matthew’s church in Daw Ngay Khu village in Hpruso Township. The military had planted at least eight landmines on church grounds in mid-June, when there was fighting in the area. Amnesty International photographed areas where landmines had been removed, including along the main entrance path and behind the church. People involved in demining the church believed there were more landmines there that had yet to be discovered. On the afternoon of 15 June, soldiers also burned down the church and the priest’s house next door. When Amnesty International researchers visited 12 days later, the grain stored in the priest’s house was still smouldering. A 41-year-old woman from Daw Ngay Khu told Amnesty International: “That church was the centre of our village. We worried about our things [when the military started coming], so we brought them to the church to keep [them] there. We thought the Myanmar military would not attack the church, that it was a hallowed place.” Researchers saw a discarded uniform of the 66th LID on the church grounds, along with bullet casings and a used round from a 40mm grenade launcher. Amnesty International previously implicated the 66th LID in war crimes and likely crimes against humanity in Kayah State, in a report published in June 2022. In addition to the church, Myanmar soldiers laid landmines in and near homes in Daw Ngay Khu village, according to six people who lived there as well as people who had demined parts of the village. Other areas of Daw Ngay Khu likely remain contaminated. Widespread displacement and fear Amnesty International received credible information that the Myanmar military has laid landmines in at least 20 villages in Hpruso, Demoso, and Loikaw Townships in recent months. There are likely many more contaminated villages across Kayah and southern Shan States. The military appears to be systematically laying landmines near where it is based as well as in areas from which it retreats. The region along the main road between Moe Bye in southern Shan State and Hpruso town in Kayah State is particularly contaminated. The military systematically burned homes in the same area from February to April 2022, as Amnesty International reported previously. Soldiers have placed landmines in people’s yards, at the entrance of homes, and outside toilets. In at least one documented case, soldiers boobytrapped a house stairwell with a trip-wire improvised explosive device (IED). They have also placed landmines on paths to rice fields, and credible evidence indicates that at least one civilian was seriously injured recently from stepping on a landmine when going to their field. Displaced civilians across these areas of Kayah State told Amnesty International that fighters from ethnic armed groups had warned them about the military’s use of landmines in their villages and said they should not go back. The warnings have helped to limit civilian casualties so far, but many people are desperate to see their property and to work their fields during the planting season. Paulina, 20, a teacher from Daw Ngay Khu village, said her house was damaged by a military mortar during fighting and that soldiers then based themselves in the village. She said: “Last year we could move back and forth and get things from our village. But this year we dare not go back… We are worried about landmines, because they plant them anywhere.” Limited demining is overwhelmingly being undertaken by members of armed groups, who do it by hand with only rudimentary equipment and without any professional training. Contamination remains widespread. The threat to lives and livelihoods posed by landmine contamination remains an issue in other parts of Myanmar where the military has engaged in conflict with armed groups. In 2017, Amnesty International documented several incidents of landmines injuring Rohingya women, men and children along the border of Myanmar’s Rakhine State and Bangladesh. The military’s depraved use of landmines in homes and villages will continue to have devastating effects on civilians in Kayah State for years to come. Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International “The military’s depraved use of landmines in homes and villages will continue to have devastating effects on civilians in Kayah State for years to come. We know from bitter experience that civilian deaths and injuries will mount over time, and the widespread contamination is already blocking people from returning to their homes and farmland,” said Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International. “Myanmar’s military leadership should immediately end its use of landmines and join the majority of the world in supporting the Mine Ban Treaty, which includes provisions for demining and victim assistance. “There is an urgent need for a scaled-up humanitarian response that addresses rising food insecurity and ensures proper rehabilitative, psychosocial, and other needed care for landmine survivors, as well as adequate planning for and resourcing of post-conflict demining operations to clear contaminated areas.”..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: Myanmar’s Last Foreign Telecom, Ooredoo, to Leave Country
Description: "Myanmar’s last foreign telecoms operator, Ooredoo, will leave the country, as the Qatari firm is planning to sell its Myanmar unit, according to Reuters. Citing two sources familiar with the case, the news agency reported on Wednesday that Doha-based Ooredoo is now in talks on the sale after informing Myanmar’s Posts and Telecommunications Department (PTD), the country’s regulator, of its intention to sell the unit. Ooredoo, Myanmar’s third-biggest operator, had nearly 15 million users in 2020. The announcement follows the withdrawal from the country in March of Norway’s Telenor, which sold its Myanmar unit to junta-affiliated firm Shwe Byain Phyu, with a minority stake purchased by Lebanese investment firm M1. The local unit’s name has since been changed to ATOM. The Norwegian firm said it sold the Myanmar company to avoid European Union sanctions after “continued pressure” from the military junta to activate intercept surveillance technology. Myanmar has been under military rule since a coup last year that has sparked social and political turmoil in the Southeast Asian country. The country’s telecom sector has been under pressure from the regime, in particular to track the data of those involved in anti-regime resistance activities. Mobile services remain shut down in some parts of the country where the resistance movement is active. The reason behind Ooredoo’s withdrawal is not yet known. Reuters said the main potential buyers for the company include Myanmar conglomerate Young Investment Group, Singapore-headquartered network infrastructure operator Campana Group, and SkyNet, a broadcast company owned by Myanmar group Shwe Than Lwin. Other telecom service providers in the country are MPT, a large state-backed operator run as a joint venture with a Japanese company, and Mytel, a venture between the Myanmar military and Viettel, owned by Vietnam’s Defense Ministry..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (12/2022)
Description: "1. NUG Acting President meets with UNHCR, requests OHCHR for technical assistance.4/07/2022...The Acting President Duwa Lashi La met virtually with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet. The president thanked the high commissioner for her abiding commitment to the democratic aspirations and human rights of the Myanmar people and for her calls to the international community to directly engage with the National Unity Government. On behalf of Myanmar, the president also pledged to continue the nation’s commitment to its international human rights obligations and requested OHCHR to offer technical assistance to this end...... 2. NUG letter expressing gratitude toward all Islamic believers who have joined the resistance against military regime...On Eid al-Adha, the NUG expressed its appreciation for all Muslims who have taken part in the revolution against the military regime. It is the responsibility of all people to restore justice and to fight for genuine lasting peace. The establishment of a federal democratic union, for which we are now fighting is the only way to ensure true and lasting protections for all of Myanmar’s communities, including out Muslims brothers and sisters who have been marginalised and targeted under the military dictatorship for decades......3. Home Affairs Ministry of the NUG collects valid evidence of two Indian citizens who were murdered and resolves the case system- atically 12/07/2022...Prime Minister Mann Win Khaing Than commented on the murder of two Indian citizens which took place on the 5th of July in Tamu town. The NUG previously stat- ed that evidence has been collected by the Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration (MOHAI) on this case, and their investigation concluded that Mr. P. Mohan (28) and Mr Aiyanar (35) were shot dead by members of the Pyusawhti - a paramilitary terrorist group backed by the military - near Basic Education School No. 4, in Saw Bwar Ward. The same day, the bodies were cre- mated by SAC-backed administrators to destroy evi- dence before the families could sue for the return of the bodies, or proper forensic investigations could be carried out. In the 61st cabinet meeting, the prime minister called on MOHAI to engage with local authorities and LDF groups in Tamu to resolve this case, and invited relevant inter- national authorities to engage with the NUG in investigating and prosecuting this crime. In his concluding remarks, the prime minister noted that the soldiers of the Tatmadaw, and their paramilitary allies, such as the Pyusawhti, and the relatively recent Thwe Thauk group, have committed many abductions, unlawful de- tentions, extrajudicial killings, and torture on civilians across the nation and, left unchecked, will continue to perpetrate these heinous offences..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေနှင့် ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းပါ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများနှင့်အညီ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ ကလေးငယ်များနှင့် ပြည်သူများအား ကာကွယ်ပေးရေးအတွက် ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းမှ အလေးထားတိုက်တွန်းခဲ့
Description: "ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေနှင့် ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းပါ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများနှင့်အညီ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ ကလေးငယ်များနှင့် ပြည်သူများအား ကာကွယ်ပေးရေးအတွက် ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းမှ အလေးထားတိုက်တွန်းခဲ့ (နယူးယောက်မြို့၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၉ ရက်) ၁။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ “ကလေးများနှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခ” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်သည့် တံခါးဖွင့်အစည်းအဝေးသို့ တက်ရောက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ မိန့်ခွန်းပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်း၏ မိန့်ခွန်း၌ အောက်ပါအဓိကအချက်များ ပါဝင်ပါသည် - (က) လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ အခြေအနေနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မိမိတို့အနေနှင့် များစွာစိုးရိမ်နေရဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်အတွင်း ကလေးများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ရပ်အရေအတွက်သည် (၂၂,၆၄၅) အထိ ရှိခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ပဋိပက္ခများကြောင့် ကလေးသူငယ် (၁၉,၀၀၀) ဦး ကျော်အပေါ် အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုရှိခဲ့ရာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် များစွာ စိတ်မကောင်းဖြစ်ရကြောင်း၊ (ခ) ထို့ပြင် ကလေး (၈၀၀၀) ဦးကျော်နီးပါး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးရမှုနှင့် သေရာပါဒဏ်ရာရရှိမှုတို့အပေါ် များစွာဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရကြောင်း၊ တစ်ဖက်တွင်လည်း ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်သည့် အဖွဲ့များနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ စေ့စပ်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုဖြင့် ကလေး (၁၂,၀၀၀) ဦးကျော် လွှတ်ပေးနိုင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် အားတက်ရကြောင်း၊ သို့ရာတွင် ဖောက်ခွဲရေး ကိရိယာများနှင့် မိုင်းဗုံးများ၏ ကလေးများအပေါ် ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှု၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများအား တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များအား စစ်ရေးအရ အသုံးပြုခြင်း၊ မိန်းကလေးငယ်များအား အဓမ္မသွေးဆောင်ခေါ်ဆောင်ခြင်းတို့ မြင့်တက်လာခြင်းအပေါ် အထူးစိုးရိမ်မိကြောင်း၊ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကြောင့် ကလေးများအပေါ် ထိခိုက်လွယ်မှု ပိုမိုမြင့်တက်လာနိုင်သည့် အချိန်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်ဖြစ်ပွားမှုအပါအဝင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုများကြောင့် အခြေအနေကို ပိုမိုဆိုးရွာစေသည်ကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်က ၎င်း၏ အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် ထောက်ပြထားကြောင်း၊ (ဂ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ရွေးကောက်ခံအရပ်သားအစိုးရသည် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အကန့်အသတ်များကြားမှ ကလေးသူငယ်ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ဥပဒေမူဘောင်ကိုချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေသစ်တစ်ရပ်ကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း ကလေးသူငယ်များ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်မှုနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ကလေးသူငယ်များ အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ နောက်ဆက်တွဲအခြေပြစာချုပ်နှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အလုပ်သမားအဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ အလုပ်လုပ်ခွင့်ပြုသည့် အနိမ့်ဆုံးအသက်အရွယ်သတ်မှတ်ချက်ဆိုင်ရာ သဘော တူညီချက်တို့အား အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ (ဃ) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဦးဆောင်သည့် ယန္တရားလုပ်ငန်းများကို အားပေးထောက်ခံ၍ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးနှင့် ယင်းကိစ္စနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ သက်ဆိုင်ရာကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မူကြမ်းများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ကလေးသူငယ်ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရေးစီမံကိန်းနှင့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်များကို ချမှတ်ထားကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေး ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် အစီရင်ခံစာနှင့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်တို့ကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂသို့ ယခုနှစ်မတ်လက တင်သွင်းခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ (င) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊​ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလက မတရားစစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုပြီးနောက် တရားမဝင်စစ်တပ်သည် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးကိုဖျက်ဆီး၍ ကလေးသူငယ်များအပါအဝင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား သွေးအေးအေး ဖြင့် သတ်ဖြတ်၊ ဖမ်းဆီး၊ နှိပ်စက်နေကြောင်း၊ ရွေးကောက်ခံအရပ်သားအစိုးရနှင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံ အရပ်သားလွှတ်တော်တို့ တာဝန်ယူသည့် အချိန်ကပင်လျှင် စစ်တပ်သည်​ ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ အဓိကကျူးလွန်သူဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုပြီးနောက် မြန်မာကလေးသူငယ်များအား အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ တားဆီးပေးနိုင်မည့် ဥပဒေကာကွယ်မှုမရှိတော့ဘဲ စစ်တပ်သည် ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း၊ (စ) ယခုနှစ် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ အစီရင်ခံစာ၌ မြန်မာကလေးသူငယ် (၄၆၂) ဦး အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးသော လုပ်ရပ် (၅၀၃) ခုကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ဖော်ပြထားပြီး၊ ယင်းအကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်အများစုကို စစ်တပ်မှ​ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ စစ်တပ်သည် ကလေးသူငယ် (၇၇) ဦး ကို သတ်ဖြတ်၍​ သေရာပါဒဏ်ရာရရှိအောင် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့၍ (၂၂၂) ဦး ကို စစ်သားသစ်အဖြစ် စုဆောင်းအသုံးပြုခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ထို့ပြင် ကလေးသူငယ်(၈၇) ဦး ကို ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခဲ့ပြီး၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းနှင့် ဆေးရုံ (၅၂) ခုတို့ကို စစ်ရေးအရ အသုံးပြုခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ (ဆ) အာဏာသိမ်းသည့်အချိန်မှစ၍ ကလေးသူငယ် (၁,၄၀၀) ဦး ကျော်ကို စစ်တပ်မှ အဓမ္မ ထိန်းသိမ်းဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ စစ်တပ်သည် မိဘများအား လာရောက်အဖမ်းခံစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍​ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကလေးများကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ကလေးငယ် (၇.၈) သန်း နီးပါးသည် ပညာဆက်လက်သင်ယူနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိတော့ကြောင်း၊ ပြည်တွင်းနေရပ်စွန့်ခွာသူ (၁) သန်းကျော်အနက် (၂၅၀,၀၀၀) ဦး သည် ကလေးသူငယ်များဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ (ဇ) မြန်မာကလေးငယ်များသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ မိဘများနှင့်အတူ လုံခြုံမည်ဟုယူဆသည့် အိမ်နီးချင်း နိုင်ငံများသို့ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ကြရကြောင်း၊ ၎င်းတို့သည် ယခုအခါ လူကုန်ကူးမှုအန္တရာယ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ရနိုင်သည့်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ အေဂျင်စီမှ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မှုပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုထားကြောင်း၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ အေဂျင်စီ၏ ထိရောက်သည့် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို ရရှိရန် စောင့်ဆိုင်းနေသူအများအပြားရှိကြောင်း၊ အခုကိစ္စအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း အနေဖြင့် ပိုမိုအလေးအနက်ထား ထည့်သွင်းစဉ်းစား၍ အချိန်မီကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း၊ မည်သည့်အခြေအနေမျိုး၌မဆို ကလေးငယ်များကို ကာကွယ်မှုပေးရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ကလေးတိုင်းသည် အနာဂတ်နှင့် ထိုက်တန်ကြောင်း၊ (ဈ) ယခုပြောကြားနေသည့်အချိန်၌တွင်ပင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ကလေးသူငယ်များ အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ပွဲသည် ဆက်လက် ဖြစ်ပွားနေဆဲဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းမှ မြန်မာကလေးများအား အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များမှ​ ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရန် ထိရောက်ခိုင်မာသည့် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှု ချမှတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိပါက၊ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု၏ အကျိုးရလဒ်အဖြစ် ကလေးငယ်မျိုးဆက်သစ်တစ်ခု ဆုံးရှုံးမည့် အန္တရာယ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကျသင့်မခံရသည့် စစ်တပ်၏အစဉ်အလာသည် စွဲမြဲနေပြီး၊ စစ်တပ်သည် ပြည်တွင်းကလေးအခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးများ ဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူညီချက်များကို ဗြောင်ကျကျချိုးဖောက်၍ အစွမ်းကုန် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များ ကျူးလွန်ရန် တုံ့ဆိုင်းခြင်း ရှိမည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ ယင်းအခြေအနေတွင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးငယ်များကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှာက်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ (ည) ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းနှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်မူကြမ်းများတွင် ဖော်ပြသည့် တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများနှင့်အညီ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်တပ်၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ ကျောင်းနှင့် ဆေးရုံများကို စစ်တပ်က အလွဲသုံးစားမှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ လွတ်မြောက်စေရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေနှင့် ခိုင်မာပြတ်သားစွာ ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုအပ်နေကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌သာမက အခြားပဋိပက္ခအခြေအနေများ၌ပါ ကလေးငယ် များကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရန်နှင့် ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်သူအားလုံး ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကျသင့်ရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ လိုအပ်သည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များထံ အတားအဆီးမရှိ ရောက်ရှိစေရေးအတွက် လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီသည် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ချက်ချင်းအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း။..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၂/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (12/2022)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Dr.Sasa's Message on 75th Anniversary of Myanmar Martyr's Day
Description: "The morning of the 19th of July, 1947 at 10:37 am in Yangon, the father of Myanmar Independence and the founder of the Myanmar Armed Forces, General Aung San was assassinated by a terrorist group led by the traitor U Saw. Since that dark day in Myanmar's history, our dear leader General Aung San, and the people of Myanmar have yet to receive justice. The terrorist group led by U Saw assassinated General Aung San along with eight other heroes of the Nation: Thakhin Mya, Ba Cho, Abdul Razak, Ba Win, Mahn Ba Khaing, Sao San Tun, Ohn Maung and Ko Htwe. General Aung San and the leaders of the nation sacrificed their lives in the fight for democracy and it is tragic that they were not able to experience the freedom they fought so long and hard to bring to their people. Sadly, this freedom for which the general fought and died would not last. For 75 years, the brave people of Myanmar have said loud and clear that they want a Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for ALL, regardless of race, religion, gender, culture, background, or ethnicity. After a brief five-year glimpse at what democracy can bring, in February 2021, Myanmar once again lost her democracy and freedom. The coup led by Min Aung Hlaing assassinated the freedom and democracy of the country, just as Min Aung Hlaing's military forebears had assassinated General Aung San and his cabinet all those years ago. Since then, the brave people of Myanmar have come together and continued fighting for the democracy and freedom. Since the failed coup on the 1st February 2021, many modern-day martyrs have emerged. They have sacrificed their lives at gunpoint for the cause of freedom and federal democracy against this genocidal military. This martyrs' day we remember not only the victims of the assassination of 1947, but also the many brave and selfless heroes of the Four Eights Uprising, the Saffron Revolution, and the Spring Revolution, who have carried on General Aung San's legacy, and become the martyrs of a free and democratic Myanmar. We pray they are the last to have to lay down their lives for the peace and prosperity of our nation. If we look back to this day last year, the people of Myanmar were suffering not only from the coup directly but also the associated economic collapse, food shortages, and the unrelenting wave of Covid-19 which took the lives of many loved ones. But we, the people of Myanmar stood back up and took up the mantle once again to continue our battle against the Covid and the coup. Nothing can stop us. This is our only way forward to the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. All the sacrifices from 1947 to 2022 will not be in vain. They will act as a catalyst to achieve our hopes and dreams. Together we will win this revolution and we will build a new Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for all the people of Myanmar. We salute all of the great martyrs of Myanmar who have made the ultimate sacrifice for their families, people, and country. May God Bless Myanmar! Thank You and Sincerely, Dr. Sasa Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar Former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations..."
Source/publisher: Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Title: SAC regime unleashes war across the southern Dawna Range - စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဒေါနတောင်တန်း တောင်ပိုင်း တစ်လျှောက်တွင် စစ်ပွဲဆင်နွဲလျက်ရှိသည်
Description: "Since late 2021, fierce fighting has raged between the SAC regime and Karen resistance forces in Dooplaya District (KNU’s 6th Brigade) on both sides of the Dawna Range, south of the Asia Highway, Burma’s main trade route to Thailand. Heavy shelling and airstrikes by SAC forces have killed or injured 71 civilians and displaced over 86,000, many of whom are sheltering in makeshift IDP camps along the Thai border. This briefing paper describes the unfolding of conflict, instigated by the regime’s incursions into KNU ceasefire territories, and fueled by mobilization of thousands of SAC troops, including from bases across Dooplaya which were never withdrawn despite the KNU’s 2012 ceasefire. A key flashpoint has been the Lay Kay Kaw "Peace Town”, south of Myawaddy, funded by Japan for returning refugees. This flagship peace project now lies deserted and bomb-scarred, its over 3,000 residents once again fleeing for their lives. This must serve as a lesson for Japan, not only against premature funding of refugee return, but also provision of billions of dollars in development aid to the Naypyidaw government without benchmarks of progress towards genuine peace. Japanese ODA has not only subsidized Naypyidaw’s war machine, but also funded strategic infrastructure projects such as the East West Economic Corridor (EWEC) which have facilitated quick deployment of the regime’s troops into conflict areas. As the SAC’s atrocities mount across the country, KPSN calls for stronger economic and diplomatic pressure on the regime, and urges Japan to suspend all ongoing ODA projects, including bridge building along the EWEC. KPSN also urges foreign donors to provide increased cross-border humanitarian aid to IDPs.....Post-coup eruption of conflict in Dooplaya...For nearly ten years after the KNU's 2012 bilateral ceasefire, there was little armed conflict in Dooplaya. However, as the regime began cracking down on anti-coup protesters in the months following the coup on February 1, 2021, tensions began to rise between the regime’s forces and the KNU in the KNU’s 6th Brigade, where anti-regime activists were sheltering. SAC troops set up new checkpoints along roads and carried out random searches in villages. In September, the SAC sent armed patrols into KNU territories south of Kawkareik, in violation of ceasefire protocols. On September 30, KNU troops resisted, and the ensuing fighting spread into six villages, causing thousands to flee their homes. At the same time, KNU troops sought to block the SAC from sending reinforcements along the road from Thanbyuzayat to 3 Pagodas Pass, and on October 11, the SAC attacked and seized the KNU’s Lu Shah checkpoint, 20 kilometers southeast of Thanbyuzayat. The fighting displaced four villages in the area.....Fighting erupts in Lay Kay Kaw "Peace Town", spreads southwards along Thai border...The “Peace Town” of Lay Kay Kaw south of Myawaddy, funded by Japan for returning refugees after the KNU ceasefire, was one of the areas suspected of harbouring anti-regime activists. At the end of September 2021, SAC troops from LIB 560, under Tanintharyi-based Military Operations Command (MOC) 13, deployed to Dooplaya before the November 2020 election, started carrying out house-to-house searches in Lay Kay Kaw, but did not initially make any arrests. However, on December 13, 2021, Brigadier General Myint Htun Naing, the MOC 13 commander, arrived at the SAC artillery base just south of Lay Kay Kaw and on December 14 led over 150 troops into Lay Kay Kaw, forcibly entering houses and arresting suspected activists. On December 15, the troops returned at 10 am, beating and carrying out further arrests. In total 22 men were arrested, tied up and taken to Myawaddy for interrogation, including two former NLD MPs. The fate of those arrested remains unknown. Local KNU officials immediately protested the arrests, but SAC troops ignored this, and continued searching through Lay Kay Kaw, causing the KNLA to open fire. Heavy fighting ensued, with SAC shelling indiscriminately into Lay Kay Kaw from nearby “Artillery Hill”, causing the town residents to flee in terror. Over the next few weeks, fighting between SAC and Karen resistance forces spread east and south along the Thai border, displacing thousands more villagers. On December 23, SAC started launching airstrikes over Lay Kay Kaw to try to dislodge the KNLA. During early 2022, fighting continued to spread southwards. On March 21, KNLA temporarily seized the SAC base at Maw Khee, 50 kilometers south of Lay Kay Kaw, and carried out successful ambushes of SAC troop reinforcements from Myawaddy, prompting further retaliatory airstrikes. On May 18, 2022, KNLA forces managed to seize the SAC base at Thay Baw Boe on the Thai border, 30 kilometers south of Lay Kay Kaw, despite multiple airstrikes by SAC fighter jets and helicopters..."
Source/publisher: Karen Peace Support Network
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Title: Statement in condemnation of escalation of violence in Southeast Burma
Description: "Over the past month, violence against civilians in Southeast Burma reached new heights as the State Administration Council (SAC) escalated its military offensives. Already engaged in heavy assaults to cripple resistance and cut off resources and humanitarian support since the 2021 coup, the military junta continues to perpetrate gross human rights violations throughout Karen State, including arbitrary arrest and torture, the burning down of entire villages, the use of human shields, and relentless air strikes and shelling. Forced displacements continue to rise, as do the number of civilian deaths and grave injuries. The SAC is intentionally targeting civilian areas in its air and ground attacks, thus forcing villagers to flee; destroying civilians’ homes, farmlands and livestock, local schools, and medical clinics; and placing villagers in constant fear of life. Since the 2021 coup, there have been more than 60 SAC air strikes in Karen State, almost all centred on villages. At least 32 civilians have been killed by these air strikes.[1] Unexploded ordnance from these air attacks have landed inside villages or in villagers’ farmlands creating additional risks and insecurity, as does the planting of new landmines. In some areas, indiscriminate shelling into and near villages is taking place on a near daily basis. The estimated number of displacements in Karen State since February 2021 is now over 200,000. Despite the international community’s condemnation of the military junta and its assault on the people of Burma, little concrete action has been taken to end the violence. The ongoing intensification of attacks and human rights violations is proof that current efforts are insufficient. One villager in Karen State, after being interrogated and tortured by SAC soldiers in March 2022,[2] asked: “Is the international community just going to watch while civilians have to go through things like this? Is there no longer anything they can do to help us?” The SAC’s actions are in breach of international humanitarian law, and amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. KHRG condemns these heinous acts, and calls on the international community to take actions that show the people of Burma that there is still reason to trust in the UN, international human rights and justice mechanisms, and the principles that underlie international humanitarian action. Use of human shields, and burning of houses in Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District Human rights violations perpetrated by the SAC and affiliated forces have significantly increased in Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo District since August 2021. Reports of forced labour, including the use of civilians as human shields, looting, and direct threats against villagers have multiplied. On May 1st, two air strikes were conducted, and as a result, 10 houses in Lay Kay village, Bilin Township, were burned down and another 66 were seriously damaged. SAC troops at Lay Kay army camp have continued to fire mortars into surrounding villages, injuring a woman with a 2-month-old baby on June 22nd. In May 2022, over 150 villagers in T’Kaw Hpoe and Weh Pyar village tracts, Hpa-an Township, were arrested and forced to act as human shields and porters. Many were detained for around 2 weeks. Beginning June 1st, SAC troops from Artillery Unit #9 conducted heavy artillery fire into Waw Ray village tract, Tha Htoo (Thaton) Township, for six days straight after an SAC company commander and military medic were captured by the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). As a result, more than 3,000 villagers in the area were forced to displace. An SAC officer from Artillery Unit #9 also threatened to burn everything between Hton Bo Gyi and Hton Bo Lay villages in Waw Ray village tract. On June 25th, the SAC set fire to Hton Bo Lay village, after looting homes, the school and monastery, and taking villagers’ livestock. At least 66 houses and 30 thatch huts were completely burned to the ground. Increased fighting and indiscriminate shelling in Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District Since June 2022, ground attacks have escalated in Ler Doh Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District. From June 10th to 13th, and June 25th to July 2nd, SAC troops along with the Phyu Saw Htee (a pro-junta militia group), fired into different villages in Ain Net village tract, resulting in the displacement of 1,489 villagers from six villages. Five villagers were also injured. On June 12th, SAC troops also fired into Lian Pin Wen village, Lian Pin Wen village tract, displacing an additional 1,184 villagers (259 households). On July 2nd 2022, SAC troops entered into Ler Muh Per village, Ler Muh Per village tract, Ler Doh Township and shot dead four villagers and injured another. SAC soldiers looted villagers’ homes and set fire to the village, destroying 12 houses and several vehicles. In response to the capture of four SAC army camps by the KNLA on July 2nd, the SAC conducted air strikes and heavy shelling in nearby villages in Moo (Mone) Township, killing four villagers and injuring one. These offensives resulted in the displacement of at least 3,202 villagers from 81 villages in Moo Township. Following the air strike and shelling, the SAC entered multiple villages and arrested and tortured 16 villagers. Air and ground attacks, fighting and displacement in Mu Traw (Hpapun) District Villages in Mu Traw District, particularly in areas near Hpapun Town and Kamamaung Town, have experienced ongoing attacks. There have been at least 28 air strikes in Mu Traw District alone since the 2021 coup, with the first attack taking place in late March 2021. Most villagers have been forced to flee, seeking refuge in the jungle or along riverbanks, with little access to humanitarian support. The most recent attack occurred on July 4th 2022, when two SAC aircraft bombed an Arakan Army (AA) camp located near the Thai-Burma border, in a Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled area. The attack destroyed multiple buildings including a clinic. Afterward, one of the SAC’s jets entered into Thai airspace, over Phop Phra area of Tak Province, leading local residents to take shelter in bunkers and evacuate the schools. Yet Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha referred to the incursion as “not a big deal”. Relentless air strikes in Dooplaya District The SAC launched 17 air strikes in Dooplaya District, primarily Kaw T’Ree (Kawkareik) Township, between December 2021 and May 2022. On June 27th 2022, SAC resumed its bombardment of Kaw T’Ree Township, first sending three fighter jets into Au Kree Hta village, Choo Kalee village tract. The attacks in the area continued for six consecutive days, with bombs also being dropped in nearby Thay Baw Boh village tract. The July 1st air attack on Thay Baw Boh village killed two villagers and injured three more. One of the bombs did not explode and remains in the village. The next day, the SAC conducted air strikes in Lay Ghaw village, Thay Baw Boh village tract, injuring four villagers, including an 11-year-old boy. Due to these attacks and ongoing indiscriminate shelling, about 1,000 local villagers fled once again to the Thai-Burma border. Most villagers continue to be pushed back by Thai authorities. KHRG makes the following recommendations: Since the pursuit of justice is one of the most visible forms of accountability and will show that human rights violations and impunity for these acts will no longer be tolerated, there is an immediate need to prosecute military leaders for their past and present crimes. The international community should: Support current investigations and proceedings by intervening in the genocide case at the ICJ, and pushing for an ICC referral and acceptance of the NUG’s declaration delegating jurisdiction of the court to investigate and prosecute mass atrocity crimes that occurred in Burma since 2002. Seek out all additional opportunities (through hybrid courts, ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction and other existing mechanisms) to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes committed against Karen peoples, as well as other ethnic and religious minorities. Develop and support International Accountability Platforms, and increase support for human rights organisations operating on the ground. Meanwhile, it is imperative that adequate humanitarian assistance and protection for ethnic populations who are facing violence and atrocities at the hands of the Burma military be ensured. The international community should: Consult and sign MoUs with the NUG and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), rather than the SAC, to address the unfolding humanitarian crisis across the country. Urge neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not deny entry to people crossing the border seeking refuge. Prioritise and strengthen methods of service delivery and communication that rely on local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers that have the ability and networks (due to consistent access and trust from the community) for local implementation of support programmes. Include local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers in decision-making processes since these actors have already worked for decades to provide support and services to local communities, and are the most knowledgeable about current needs and challenges..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Southeast Asian MPs urge ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar to meet National Unity Government
Description: "JAKARTA – Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia are urging the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair to Myanmar, the Cambodian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Prak Sokhonn, to meet representatives of the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar, after his recent trip to the country, in which he met Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other members of the military junta that continues to try to rule the country after its illegal coup d’état of February last year. Formed by MPs elected before the military takeover and widely respected leaders from civil society and the ethnic minorities, the NUG was established in April 2022 to oppose the self-styled State Administration Council (SAC) led by Min Aung Hlaing. The NUG is supported by the vast majority of the Myanmar people. “Most Myanmar citizens see the NUG as their legitimate government, and that is how the international community at large, and ASEAN in particular, should regard it. If Mr. Sokhonn is serious about implementing ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus, he should publicly engage the NUG, rather than limit himself to meet the leaders of an illegal junta that is committing all kinds of international crimes and throwing the country into chaos while attempting to cement its power,” said Tom Villarin, former MP from the Philippines and Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). The Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar was signed on 24 April 2021 by all ASEAN leaders and Min Aung Hlaing. The Consensus prescribes the delivery of humanitarian aid, and calls for an immediate cessation of violence, as well as the commencement of a dialogue process between all the parties involved in the conflict, to be facilitated by the ASEAN Special Envoy appointed by the group’s rotatory Chair. Since Cambodia assumed the chairmanship of ASEAN this year, its leaders have met Min Aung Hlaing and other representatives of the SAC on several occasions, including a visit by the Prime Minister, Hun Sen, to Myanmar in January; but has never met with any member of the NUG, most of whom are in hiding or exiled. As Chair of ASEAN this year, Cambodia should hold conversations with the democratic leaders of Myanmar, by inviting them to meet outside Myanmar or online if necessary, given the challenges involved in meeting them in their own country, APHR said. The SAC has utterly failed to implement any of the five points included in the consensus and the situation has steadily deteriorated in Myanmar. With at least 2,088 people killed by the junta; over 11,000 political prisoners, a record number in Myanmar’s history; and over one million internally displaced people in the country, Min Aung Hlaing and his men are responsible for “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses” that may amount to “war crimes and crimes against humanity,” according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. “We at APHR have repeatedly called on ASEAN to hold Min Aung Hlaing and his criminal junta accountable for their crimes and for not abiding to the Consensus they signed to. The military is the main source of Myanmar’s woes and instability, and ASEAN member states should not accept its illegal rule as a fait accompli. Instead, they should engage and support the NUG and Myanmar’s civil society if they truly want to put the country back on the path towards democracy and prevent it from becoming a failed state at their doorstep,” said Villarin..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-18
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.12/2022 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၂/၂၀၂၂) ထုတ်ပြန်
Sub-title: Kaung For You ကျောင်း၏ ဖြစ်စဥ်နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မိဘပြည်သူများသို့ အသိပေးတင်ပြခြင်း
Description: "၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ဇွန်လ အတွင်းမှစ၍ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော ပုဂ္ဂလိက Online ပညာသင်ကျောင်းတစ်ခု ဖြစ်သည့် Kaung For You ကျောင်းတွင် ကျောင်းအပ်နှံရန် တောင်းခံထားသော ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူ များနှင့် သင်ကြားပေးနေသော ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ သင်ကြားရန် လျှောက်ထားသော ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၏ အချက်အလက်များ ပေါက်ကြားခဲ့သည်ဟု သိခဲ့ရသည်။ ၂။ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများ၊ မိဘများနှင့် ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးတို့ကို ဦးစားပေး၍ ဇွန်လ (၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် Kaung for You ကျောင်းမှ တာဝန်ရှိသူများ အား စတင်ခေါ်ယူကာ ဆွေးနွေးမေးမြန်းခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုဖြစ်စဥ်သည် ဆွေးနွေးရန် မလုံလောက်ဘဲ စစ်ဆေးရမည်ဟု ယူဆသောကြောင့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအတွင်း “စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေးနှင့် အကြံပေးရေး ကော်မတီ” တစ်ရပ်ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ စုံစမ်းမှုများစတင်ပြုလုပ်၍ စစ်ဆေးရန် ပြင်ဆင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက်နေစဥ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၁၃) ရက် နံနက်တွင် Kaung For You ကျောင်းတည်ထောင်သူ ဆရာဦးကောင်းသိုက်စိုး အဖမ်းခံရသည်ဟူသော သတင်းများ ထွက်ပေါ်လာခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို သတင်း ထွက်ပေါ်ခဲ့ပြီးနောက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ သတင်းများအား နောက်ယောင်ခံ၍ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများနှင့် ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများအား ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ ကျူးလွန်နေသည်။ ၃။ ဇူလိုင်လ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့ ညအချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီသတင်းဌာနမှ ဆရာဦးကောင်းသိုက်စိုး အပါ အဝင် CDM ဆရာ (၃) ဦးကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးသည့်အပြင် ဆရာ့ပုံရိပ်သိက္ခာများ ကျဆင်းစေရန် မဟုတ်မမှန်သတင်းများ လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီး၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ ၎င်းကဲ့သို့ ယုံကြည်ဖွယ်ရာ မရှိသော လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီးထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် သတင်းမှားများသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လုပ်ရိုးလုပ်စဉ် များသာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၄။ ထိုသို့ ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများကို ပညာသင်ကြားပေးနေသော ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများအား မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းသည် ပညာသင်ယူခွင့်ဆုံးရှုံးနေသော ကလေးသူငယ်များ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ပညာသင်ယူခွင့်ရရှိစေရန်အတွက် ကြားကာလပညာရေး ဖော်ဆောင်နေသော ကျောင်းများကို ဖျက်ဆီးရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် လုပ်ဆောင်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ ထိုသို့ပြုလုပ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများ ၏ ပညာရေးအခွင့်အရေးများအား ဖော်ပြထားသော ကမ္ဘာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာချက်စာတမ်း အပိုဒ် (၂၆)၊ ကမ္ဘာ့ကလေး သူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူစာချုပ် အပိုဒ် (၃၊ ၂၈)နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းဥပဒေဖြစ်သည့် ၂၀၁၉ ခုနှစ် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက် များအား ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ၆။ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနများနှင့်ပူးပေါင်း၍ Kaung For You ကျောင်း အချက်အလက်ပေါက်ကြားမှုကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသော ကျောင်းအပ်နှံထားသော ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများ၏ ပညာရေး၊ အဖမ်းခံရသော ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများနှင့်ပါတ်သက်၍ တတ်နိုင်သည့်ဘက်မှ ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ပေးမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ငွေညှစ် တောင်းခံခြင်း ခံခဲ့ရသော ပြည်သူများ အနေဖြင့် တိုင်ကြားနိုင်ရန်နှင့် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် (Complaint Mechanism) hotline channel များကိုလည်း ပြန်လည်အသိပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ မိဘများနှင့် ကလေးများအတွက် စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ နှစ်သိမ့်ဆွေးနွေးမှု အစီအစဉ်များ ကိုလည်း (Counseling Service) လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၇။ Kaung For You ကျောင်း၏ အချက်အလက်ပေါက်ကြားမှုကို အခွင့်ကောင်းယူကာ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ကျောင်းသားမိဘများ၊ ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများအား ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ငွေလိမ်လည်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်နေမှုများအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများအနေဖြင့် စုံစမ်းဖော်ထုတ်ကာ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနသည် မိဘပြည်သူများ၊ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများနှင့် ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကို အစဥ်အမြဲအလေးထား စဥ်းစားပါသောကြောင့် ကြားကာလပညာရေး ဖော်ဆောင်နေသာ ကျောင်းများတွင် အလားတူဖြစ်ရပ်မျိုး ထပ်မံမဖြစ်ပွား စေရန် လမ်းညွှန်အကြံပြုချက်များ၊ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှုများနှင့်အတူ ပညာရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအား ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-17
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Title: She treated Myanmar's resistance and paid with her life
Description: "At about 13:00 on 14 June, members of the volunteer People's Defence Force arrived at a patch of ground in the fields between two villages just west of the Chindwin River, in central Myanmar. They had been alerted by a cow herder, who had spotted crows picking at what he believed was a corpse. The volunteers saw a human hand protruding from the earth. It belonged to a young fighter from their group, Wu Khong, who had been injured and gone missing during an attack by the army four days earlier. With him, in the shallow grave, were four other bodies, dismembered and burned. From the clothing, a watch and a medical bag found nearby, they also identified 27-year-old Zarli Naing, a nurse who had come to this area in the Magway Region last year to provide healthcare to insurgents and locals. They were opposing Myanmar's military which had seized power on 1 February 2021, overthrowing the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Through interviews with Zarli Naing's friends and family, those who trained her, and the villagers and fighters she lived with until her death, the BBC has pieced together the story of a bright and courageous young woman whose decision to oppose the coup ended in tragedy. This is also the story of the desperate resistance being put up against the military junta by communities across a large swathe of the dry zone, an impoverished and drought-prone region of Myanmar. Zarli Naing was the youngest of four girls from a poor farming family, which lived close to the great temple complex of Bagan. The only one of them who did well at school, she went on to qualify as a nurse and got a job at a hospital in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. She was working there when the coup happened. Like thousands of other healthcare workers across the country, Zarli Naing joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM), refusing to work with the military-controlled administration. A month after the coup, she left Nay Pyi Taw and returned to her home village. But fearing her political activism would endanger her family, she decided to move on to a safe zone in the north of Magway, which is largely controlled by opposition forces such as the People's Defence Force or PDF. There she became part of an extensive underground healthcare network run by the thousands of doctors and nurses who have left their jobs in protest against the coup. She was also trying to complete an online degree course from the prestigious University of Nursing in Mandalay. She had started the programme in early 2020, but it was disrupted by the pandemic. "When I spoke to her a month ago she told me how happy she was to be there," says one of her online supervisors, a nursing instructor for the clandestine network. "She was especially happy that she could give first aid training to the PDF fighters in her area, because there are no other healthcare staff there. She was the only one able to give that service to them." Zarli Naing had spent the past 14 months in a village called Dan Bin Gan. She was invited there by a friend, Khin Hnin Wai, a teacher the same age as her, who was working at a school run by a respected head teacher, Win Kyaw. Win Kyaw was a prominent local CDM leader who backed the parallel National Unity Government, which was formed last year to challenge the military junta's rule. Dan Bin Gan was, in effect, a liberated zone. It had an active PDF wing, which had established its base in the centre of the village. Most of the 2,500 inhabitants are farmers, eking out a living from cultivating beans, sesame and groundnuts, and a little corn to feed their cattle. This part of Myanmar is known for being deeply loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, which, in the last election, won every seat in Magway in both the national and local parliaments. Opposition to the coup here, and in neighbouring southern Sagaing Region, is as strong as anywhere in Myanmar, with dozens of volunteer militias taking on the army using captured and home-made guns, and improvised mines. The village also lies just 6km (nearly 4 miles) from Sin Pyu Shin bridge, one of the only road crossings of the Chindwin River, and so vital for moving troops and other reinforcements around. Zarli Naing offered the only medical treatment for communities no longer able to use the local hospital, both because it was under military control, and also because after the coup so many nurses and doctors had abandoned state-run institutions. Friends and PDF fighters who knew her say she was deeply committed to the armed struggle, and ran first aid classes for the fighters. "Zarli was very strong," says another of her supervisors, who is based in the UK, where some medics are providing support for the underground health network in Myanmar. "She was always very upbeat. She never spoke about her own difficulties. She just asked smart questions when she needed to fix something. The clandestine health workers can get depressed by the challenges they face. "Sometimes their patients cannot reach them because of roadblocks or fighting, and they cannot refer patients to hospitals if they need more complex surgery. That is very hard for them - many of their patients in that situation do not survive." But Zarli Naing "did not express any regret for the path she had chosen", says a friend who worked near her in northern Magway. "There were many times she missed her family. She never told them what she was doing. Knowing she was working for the CDM would have put them in danger. "We used to ask people we knew for donations, to pay for the medicines we needed. We often used to speak together on the phone, and talk about the medical problems we faced, or about our support for the CDM." From her Facebook page she seems to have been a keen reader, posting colourful covers of the Burmese novels she liked. The photos of herself that she shared show her either reading, or holding up her hand in the three-fingered symbol of defiance that has become so popular in South East Asia in recent years. One post has a series of pictures of a much younger Aung San Suu Kyi with her family back in the UK. The day before Zarli Naing died - 9 June - three PDF groups together launched an attack on the military post guarding the Sin Pyu Shin bridge, killing three soldiers and taking control of it for a few hours. A military counter-attack was inevitable, and in the early hours of 10 June, about 30 soldiers in four vehicles were spotted making for Dan Bin Gan from the east. Not all the soldiers were in uniform, but those that were could be identified by their shoulder badges as coming from infantry battalions 256, 257 and 258, based at Hpu Lon, near Yesagyo town about 25km to the south. At 03:00 the residents of Dan Bin Gan started fleeing the village, heading for open country to the west. Zarli Naing was among them. To slow the army down PDF fighters laid homemade mines along the road into Dan Bin Gan. One of them, Wu Khong, injured his leg in a fall while doing this. Zarli Naing stayed with him to treat his leg. Win Kyaw, who was protective of the young nurse, stayed back too. So did Zarli Naing's friend, Khin Hnin Wai, who was pregnant, and another young female fighter, Thae Ei Ei Win. They had run to the western edge of Dan Bin Gan, according to eyewitnesses, but had stopped for Zarli Naing to deal with Wu Khong's injury, when they were intercepted by a group of soldiers. Guided by an informer, the soldiers had come around the south of the village to avoid the mines. They captured Zarli Naing and her friends, tied their hands, and together with nine other people they had detained, began marching them north for about an hour to the village of Thit Gyi Taw. Eyewitnesses heard the soldiers asking their captives if they were members of the CDM, and warning that they could be jailed or shot. They say the soldiers repeatedly struck and kicked their captives; and stole food and alcohol from the now empty homes in the villages. According to PDF sources, they also set 70 houses in Thit Gyi Taw alight, sending up a large plume of black smoke over the fields. Later in the afternoon the captives were moved a little way south to a temple in a village called Peik Thit Kan. Nine of them were then released, the soldiers telling them to run for their lives. One of them told us the remaining five were still alive at that point. Exactly what happened to Zarli Naing and the other four prisoners after that is unclear. At some point in the night they were moved south of Peik Thit Kan, and killed by their captors. Some villagers have reported hearing them shouting for help. But it's not clear when and why their bodies were dismembered and burned. Local PDF fighters believe the military targeted Dan Bin Gan because it was a known centre of resistance to the coup, and also because of the school established there by Win Kyaw. The school had opened only in May, but had already attracted 250 students. Its success made it something of a showcase for the parallel administration which the National Unity Government is trying to run outside military-controlled zones. The PDF believes the informer travelling with the soldiers identified Win Kyaw, Zarli Naing and Khin Hnin Wai as important figures in Dan Bin Gan. Killing them has robbed the village and surrounding communities of leaders who helped to sustain the insurgency. It has also robbed Myanmar of a promising young nurse, in a country which, even before the disastrous military takeover, had one of Asia's poorest healthcare systems. "I am sure she was a wonderful nurse," says her online instructor. "She always tried so hard to do a good job. "Just imagine, she was providing healthcare to the people of the village while all that time she was also taking all our online courses, even though there was no reliable internet access where she was. And she was taking the Bachelor degree course as well. The workload was enormous. "Even I could not do all that. She was just wonderful. One of her teachers told me that her exam results were really good." Zarli Naing had finished her first semester exams just two days before she died. At the time of writing, the inhabitants of Dan Bin Gan are still hiding in the forested area to the west of the village. It is the first time they have been forced to evacuate, but many other villages in this region have been attacked multiple times. This has repeatedly displaced their populations, creating serious humanitarian needs which are not being met because of the conflict and lack of access given to international agencies. Thousands of houses in northern Magway and southern Sagaing have been destroyed by the army; even when they feel safe enough to return, people do not have the resources to rebuild their homes. Last year's coup has unleashed a brutal war of attrition in this Burmese heartland, with uncountable casualties. Zarli Naing's story is just one of so many..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
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Title: National Unity Government: President Office Announcement No. (14/ 2022)
Sub-title: Statement on the Virtual Meeting Between the Acting President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Description: "The Acting President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, H.E. Duwa Lashi La, warmly welcomed his virtual meeting with the United Nations (UN) High Commissioner for Human Rights, H.E. Michelle Bachelet. Extending his heartfelt gratitude, the Acting President thanked the High Commissioner for her abiding commitment to the democratic aspirations and human rights of the Myanmar people and for her call on the international community to directly engage with the National Unity Government. On behalf of Myanmar and the National Unity Government, the Acting President also pledged the country’s commitment to its international human rights obligations and requested OHCHR technical assistance to this end. The Acting President further assured the High Commissioner of Myanmar’s sustained support for her Office and mandate..."
Source/publisher: President Office, National Unity Government
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-14
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Title: National Unity Government: President Office Announcement No.14/ 2022 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံး ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၁၄/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ယာယီသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလ နှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး H.E. Michelle Bachelet တို့ကြား အွန်လိုင်းတွေ့ဆုံပွဲနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ယာယီသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီး မီရှဲလ် ဘာရှလေး Michelle Bachelet နှင့် အွန်လိုင်းအစည်းအဝေးကို လှိုက်လှဲစွာ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတော်ယာယီသမ္မတမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီ မျှော်မှန်းချက်များနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး များအတွက် မဟာမင်းကြီးမှ ဆက်လက်ထားရှိသော ကတိကဝတ်အတွက် မဟာမင်းကြီးအား ကျေးဇူးဥပကာရ တင်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် တိုက်ရိုက် ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးဖို့ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအား တိုက်တွန်း‌ပေးရန် ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကိုယ်စား နိုင်ငံတော်ယာယီသမ္မတမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများ ထမ်းဆောင်ရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုခဲ့ပြီး ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး (OHCHR) မှ နည်းပညာ အကူအညီများ ပံ့ပိုးပေးရန်လည်း တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံတော်ယာယီသမ္မတမှ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး၏ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် တာဝန်များအတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ ဆက်လက် ထောက်ခံကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း အသိပေးခဲ့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: President Office, National Unity Government
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-14
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Title: National Unity Government: President Office Announcement No.13/ 2022 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံး ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၁၃/၂၀၂၂)
Sub-title: ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ယာယီသမ္မတနှင့် မွန်ဂိုလီးယားသမ္မတဟောင်းတို့ကြား အွန်လိုင်း တွေ့ဆုံပွဲနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ယာယီ သမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလ မှ မွန်ဂိုလီးယားသမ္မတဟောင်း H.E. Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj အား အွန်လိုင်းတွေ့ဆုံမှုဖြင့် ကြိုဆိုတွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ပါသည်။ သမ္မတဟောင်း Elbegdorj သည် မြန်မာလူမျိုးများ၏ ကာလရှည်ကြာ မိတ်ဆွေကောင်းတစ်ဦးဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ ဒီမိုကရေစီအသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကို အခိုင်အမာ ထောက်ခံသူဖြစ်သည်။ မွန်ဂိုလီးယား နိုင်ငံ၏ သမ္မတ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ပြီးနောက် ၎င်းသည် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ မြှင့်တင်ရန်အတွက် Club de Madrid၊ International Democrat Union ကဲ့သို့သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများတွင် နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်ဟောင်းများနှင့် တက်ကြွစွာ ပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင် လျက်ရှိသည်။ ယာယီသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေများကို ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ထူထောင်ရန် ပြည်သူများ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းနေမှုများကို ထပ်မံမျှဝေခဲ့ပါသည်။ ယာယီသမ္မတ အနေဖြင့်လည်း မြန်မာပြည်သူပြည်သားများ၏ လွတ်လပ်ရေး နှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိနိုင်ရေး ထောက်ခံအားပေးမှုအတွက် သမ္မတ Elbegdorj အား ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိ ကြောင်း ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ သမ္မတဟောင်း Elbegdorj က ၎င်း၏ ကတိကဝတ်ပြုမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်ရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှုတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသားများအတွက် စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ထောက်ခံအားပေးနေမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ယာယီသမ္မတအား အခိုင်အမာ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Atrocity Alert No. 308: Myanmar (Burma), Children and Armed Conflict and Syria
Description: "Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes. MYANMAR’S MILITARY USING SURVEILLANCE TECHNOLOGY TO MAINTAIN POWER Myanmar’s (Burma) military – the Tatmadaw – is planning to install surveillance camera systems with facial recognition capabilities in cities across all of the country’s seven states and seven regions, according to an 11 July report by Reuters. The military claims the projects will help maintain security and foster civil peace. However, recent reporting indicates that the military will increasingly rely upon surveillance technology in an attempt to strengthen its hold on power and oppose resistance efforts. This poses heightened safety risks for activists and resistance groups, including by making it easier for the military to track their movements. Prior to the February 2021 military coup, some surveillance camera systems were already installed or planned in several major cities, including Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw. Local authorities have initiated new camera surveillance projects in at least five cities around Myanmar, including Mawlamyine, the country’s fourth-largest city; Taunggyi, the capital of Shan State; and Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. Local firms are sourcing the cameras and other related technology from Chinese companies – Dahua, Huawei and Hikvision – that are tied to the surveillance of the ethnic Uyghur population in China. The surveillance cameras are part of a wider effort to monitor the activities of populations in Myanmar. Last month four UN experts condemned the military’s attempts to establish a “digital dictatorship” in Myanmar with tactics like sweeping internet blackouts, digital censorship and surveillance. According to the experts, telecommunications providers have been pressured to activate surveillance technology and hand over user data to police and military officials. Since August 2021 at least 31 townships in seven states and regions across Myanmar have reportedly experienced internet shutdowns, and an additional 23 have faced severely slowed internet speeds. The internet shutdowns have targeted areas where the military faces strong resistance from opposition groups. The UN experts said, “online access to information is a matter of life and death for many people in Myanmar, including those seeking safety from indiscriminate attacks by the military.” Notably, the imposition of internet blackouts in Sagaing Region coincided with the escalation of a military offensive characterized by arson and airstrike campaigns against civilian areas. The UN experts also noted that “internet restrictions are being used by the junta as a cloak to hide its ongoing atrocities.” The barriers to internet access and lack of connectivity in many parts of the country are hindering the collection of evidence of possible war crimes and crimes against humanity by human rights monitors and journalists. The military in Myanmar must respect the population’s right to privacy. Member states should support civil society efforts to combat censorship and surveillance and impose sanctions to restrict the sale or supply of dual-use surveillance technology..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Chin State Food Running Out as Myanmar Junta Blocks Roads
Description: "Residents in Matupi and Mindat townships in southern Chin State are running out of food as Myanmar’s regime has blocked supplies. The regime has blocked the Paletwa-Matupi, Matupi-Mindat, and Mindat-Kyaukhtu roads which supply the townships. A Matupi volunteer said communities have almost run out of rice. “The prices of oil and salt have increased. Three eggs cost 1,000 kyats [compared to around 150 kyats per egg in Yangon] and they are scarce. Most people can’t afford them,” she said. The roads are blocked by the regime although there is no fighting with the Chinland Defense Force (CDF). A 61-liter rice sack was around 4,000 kyats before the coup in Matupi and they are now 66,000-70,000 kyats, when they are available, according to residents. Residents are buying broken rice for around 45,000 kyats per sack. The regime is beginning to allow some residents to leave the town in private vehicles, said a Matupi resident. “Patients who need hospital treatment can leave. Neighbors ask them to bring back food. They bring back eggs and dried fish but no rice and oil,” she said. Mindat has been isolated and surrounding villages are often shelled, despite the lack of fighting, residents said. “We have left our villages and farms. We are struggling to survive and concerned for our safety and food,” a villager told The Irrawaddy. The Mindat CDF said junta helicopters and Light Infantry Battalion 274 based in Mindat are bombing villages. More than 60 Mindat residents are reportedly in Pakokku Prison and around 30 are being held at Battalion 274 in Mindat. It called for international charities to help displaced Mindat civilians. Mindat residents said junta soldiers detained a man and woman in Kyawttaw village on July 6. Some villagers were reportedly injured when two helicopters dropped bombs on two villages on July 2. A school, church and some houses were damaged. The regime shells villagers because it only controls Mindat town and adjacent villages, said the CDF..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: National Unity Government: President Office Announcement No. (13/ 2022)
Sub-title: Statement on the virtual meeting between the Acting President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the former President of Mongolia
Description: "The Acting President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, H.E. Duwa Lashi La, warmly welcomed former President of Mongolia, H.E. Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj at today’s virtual meeting. President Elbegdorj is a long-time friend of Myanmar people and a strong supporter of democratization in Myanmar. After leaving office in Mongolia, he is actively working together with former head of states in organizations such as Club de Madrid, the International Democrat Union, etc., to promote democracy and human rights around the world. The Acting President Lashi La briefed the current state of events in Myanmar, and reaffirmed the Myanmar people’s dedication to establish a peaceful federal democratic union. The Acting President also extended his heartfelt gratitude to President Elbegdorj for his support for the freedom and democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. President Elbegdorj strongly assured the Acting President of Myanmar of his commitment and sustained support for the people of Myanmar and NUG in their struggle for freedom and democracy. (Duwa Lashi La) Acting President National Unity Government The Republic of the Union of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: President Office, National Unity Government
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Teenage Girl Among Four Killed by Myanmar Junta Soldiers in Sagaing
Description: "Four civilians, including a teenage girl, were executed by Myanmar junta forces during a raid in Pale Township, Sagaing Region, on Monday, according to resistance groups. Around 200 troops raided Taung Ywar Thit village and residents and resistance fighters found four bodies after the soldiers left on Tuesday. A Royal Eagle People’s Defense Force (PDF) spokesman told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Daw Aye Win, 45, and her daughter Ma Moe Yi, 17, were shot dead along with a 45-year-old woman. He said they were shot in the head and found in the same property. U Tin Maung, 60, was found partially buried, the spokesman said. The resistance group said regime forces attacked and raided the village without being attacked. Several hundred residents fled their homes. Since Sunday, 28 civilians from Pale villages have been detained and more than 12 civilian detainees are still missing and around 10 villagers have been released, according to the PDF and Pale Entertainment news site. On Wednesday, regime forces raided and torched houses in Htay Aung village in adjacent Myaing Township. Around 120 houses in the village were burned down, the news site reported. On Thursday last week, regime forces burned down Hmawet Tone and Myinywar villages in the township after resistance attacks. Two male villagers in their 70s were found dead in burned houses. Amid daily attacks from PDFs and ethnic armed organizations, junta forces are committing atrocities, arbitrary arrests, killing civilians, carrying out torture, burning alive and using civilians as human shields, carrying out aerial bombardment and shelling of residential areas and looting and burning houses, especially in Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah, Mon and Karen states, and Magwe, Mandalay and Sagaing regions. As of Tuesday, 2,077 people have been killed by regime forces while 14,549 have been detained since last year’s coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Paths of Assistance: Opportunities for Aid and Protection along the Thailand-Myanmar Border
Description: "Introduction Nearly a year and a half since the military junta’s coup in Myanmar, the country remains caught in a crisis of conflict, mass forced displacement, and growing humanitarian needs. Fighting among the junta’s forces and multiple opposition groups has affected nearly every part of the country. The military junta has committed widespread atrocities and blocked international humanitarian groups from delivering aid to areas that desperately need it. The United States and other countries must pressure the junta to end its abuses and to allow aid to be delivered. In the meantime, delivery of international aid through Myanmar’s neighbors, particularly through local groups active along the Thai-Myanmar border, presents an underutilized path for getting assistance to those in need. More than 1 million people are now displaced in Myanmar, 750,000 of whom were forced to flee their homes since the coup. A quarter of the country’s population – an estimated 14 million people – needs humanitarian assistance, as the military junta continues to restrict or outright block access to aid. The most intense fighting in recent months has occurred in northwestern Myanmar’s Chin, Sagaing, and Magway states and in Karen and Karenni states in the southeast, bordering Thailand. This report focuses on the latter area, both as one of the main areas facing widespread displacement and humanitarian crisis, and as the one with the most immediate potential for mitigating human suffering. It explores the challenges facing populations living along the Thai-Myanmar border and the role long-established local civil society and community-based organizations (CSOs and CBOs) along the border can play in addressing humanitarian needs. The report is informed by a research trip to the area in late May 2022, during which Refugees International interviewed dozens of UN actors, international NGOs, local organizations, and refugees recently arrived from inside Myanmar. Currently, Thailand is restricting cross-border aid, and the Myanmar military junta’s control of main roads and tough terrain limit how much and how far informal aid can reach into Myanmar. However, informal aid is providing a vital lifeline for hundreds of thousands of people in need. Indigenous community networks across a porous 1,500-mile border provide numerous entry points for further informal aid delivery. Increased engagement by the United States and like-minded countries with Thailand, along with donor support for the already active local networks, could enable aid to reach tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, more people in need. The international community must also continue to press the military to allow aid access for UN agencies and other humanitarian actors within the country, where the majority of those in need can best be reached. But since the junta denies aid to those deemed enemies, it should not be directly involved in aid delivery. UN agencies and donor countries must monitor aid delivery to ensure it is done impartially, equitably, and on a needs-basis. Displacement in Myanmar. Credit: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Addressing the broader humanitarian fallout of the coup will require an array of efforts, including holding the military accountable for its actions. The United States and allies, including Myanmar’s neighbors, must push the junta through further coordinated sanctions, including on military-owned oil and gas companies, an arms embargo, and accountability measures. But equally important, in the interim, will be finding ways to deliver humanitarian aid to the Myanmar people. Myanmar’s neighbors should work with local actors and the humanitarian and health agencies of ethnic organizations to facilitate aid to areas accessible across borders. Neighboring countries must also ensure the safety and support of people fleeing from Myanmar by not pressuring them to return home and by allowing UN agencies and local and international NGOs to access newly arrived refugees. The United States and other countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. Addressing the causes of the crisis and reaching affected populations requires ongoing broader efforts by the United States, Myanmar’s regional neighbors, and other allies to pressure and engage the junta. But the local networks along the Thai-Myanmar border offer the most readily available path to mitigating humanitarian suffering in the country. Research Overview This report focuses on the Thai-Myanmar border area. It first addresses the current conditions inside areas of Myanmar bordering Thailand. Next it explores barriers and opportunities for the provision of humanitarian assistance and protection to those reachable along the border. It then examines protection concerns for people from Myanmar who have sought refuge in Thailand and the conditions in long-established camps on the Thai side of the border where 90,000 refugees still live. The report is based on visits in late May 2022 to Mae Sot, Mae Sariang, Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai, and Bangkok. Background On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, refused to accept the latest election results and launched a coup. A military junta arrested de facto civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of other political leaders. In response, everyday citizens protested en masse, initially peacefully. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) included boycotts of military products and walk-outs and strikes by civil servants, doctors, teachers, and others. While the junta formed a State Administrative Council (SAC) chaired by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, elected officials, whom the military had removed from government, joined with the leaders of ethnic-based opposition groups to form a National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and a National Unity Government (NUG)—a government in exile. Following a brutal response and crackdown by the SAC military, people around the country formed civilian militias or People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and several long-established Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) ended long-standing ceasefires. This led to fighting between the SAC military and EAOs and PDFs in nearly all parts of the country. The fighting continues today, often marked by SAC military attacks on civilians and wholesale destruction of villages. At the time of this report, the military junta’s forces had detained more than 14,000 people, killed at least 2,000 civilians, and committed numerous atrocities. Some PDFs have also targeted civilians seen as military sympathizers and fighting has killed thousands more armed actors on both sides. Neither the SAC military nor the opposition seem able to win outright in the short to intermediate term, meaning that fighting is likely to continue for some time. As detailed in an earlier Refugees International report, the humanitarian fallout from the coup has been immense. More than 750,000 people have been forcibly displaced from their homes since the coup began. In the first months following the coup, the estimated number of people in need tripled from 1 million to 3 million. Violence, displacement, the COVID-19 pandemic, and economic mismanagement have caused that number to skyrocket to an estimated 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2022. In addition, the coup has made the prospect of return for the 1 million Rohingya refugees living in dire conditions in Bangladesh – most of whom fled genocidal attacks by the Myanmar military in 2017 – even less likely. The highest levels of displacement and need exist in areas facing the most intense fighting in the northwest and southeast. The junta’s forces have burned thousands of homes in the northwest and fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 500,000 people to flee their homes according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). This includes tens of thousands of people who have fled across the border into India, more than 330,000 people who have been displaced in Sagaing, and another 90,000 in Magway and Chin states. In the southeast, more than 240,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, many displaced multiple times. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke report that these UN estimates are conservative and that 170,000 people have been displaced in Karen state alone with an equal number displaced in Karenni state, roughly two-thirds of the population there. Thousands more people have fled across the border into Thailand for limited periods of time. Even as displacement and humanitarian needs grow, barriers to aid delivery have increased. Part of this is due to fighting and insecurity, but in many instances the military junta has either directly or indirectly blocked the delivery of aid. In several documented cases, the military has seized or destroyed aid or attacked humanitarian workers. Physicians for Human Rights reported more than 415 attacks and threats on health workers and health infrastructure during the first year since the coup. In December 2021, two humanitarian workers with Save the Children were among at least 35 people, including women and children, killed in a Myanmar military attack. Military bombardments and use of land mines by both military and opposition forces have also prevented farmers from planting crops. UN agencies and international non-government organizations (INGOs) still operating in Myanmar have consistently reported delayed travel authorizations from the junta, and INGOs with whom Refugees International spoke have cited banking restrictions as significant challenges. Increased costs of transporting and purchasing aid materials have further exacerbated the challenges. These are due in part to global trends (including the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on commodity prices) and in part to the junta’s own economic mismanagement. Challenges with Humanitarian Access From within Myanmar, UN agencies and INGOs have been able to deliver some aid to SAC military-controlled areas and to a few opposition-held areas, largely through local civil society partners. UN OCHA reports that humanitarian actors provided assistance to 2.6 million people in the first quarter of 2022, but that is just 41 percent of those targeted to receive aid under the latest humanitarian response plan. The vast majority of those provided with aid were in urban areas, meaning that only a small portion of those in rural and conflict-affected communities received any aid. UN efforts have also led to some short-term access to non-military-controlled areas in need. For example, OCHA reports that concerted advocacy efforts helped to secure the first UN access to Karenni State in April 2022, after which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was able to deliver core relief items to 53,000 individuals, and OCHA further reports that the World Food Program (WFP) has begun distributing relief food assistance to up to 80,000 internally displaced people (IDPs). Expanding access to this aid will require further advocacy since significant barriers to delivery remain. Efforts to expand aid have been discussed within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional block. Humanitarian aid is a key part of the block’s Five-Point Consensus on addressing the crisis in Myanmar. The ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management and a Myanmar Task Force that includes the military junta are planning to conduct humanitarian needs assessments. But regional CSOs have raised serious concerns about the junta’s involvement, the failure to include the NUG and other opposition groups, and the real risks of aid being weaponized through junta denials of access to certain areas. Any UN or ASEAN efforts to work through or around the junta to deliver aid will be fraught with questions of misuse and unequal allocation. To address these challenges will require the involvement of credible third parties, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or UNHCR, and delivery of aid impartially and according to needs, ideally through local groups unaffiliated with the military. Despite these obstacles, efforts by the UN and the regional block to get the military to allow impartial and independent delivery of aid by third parties must continue, especially since cross-border aid will not reach the majority of those in need. In the meantime, there are a significant number of people living along Myanmar’s border who could be accessed with cross-border aid. This includes the potential delivery of aid from Bangladesh, China, and India, but most readily in the short term from Thailand. Conditions and Humanitarian Needs in Karen and Karenni States Refugees International spoke with several people who were or who had recently been inside of Karen and Karenni states and who have been working directly to assist IDPs—and many of our interlocutors were IDPs themselves. They described widespread displacement from villages, children hiding in the jungle in caves and trenches, and constant fear of airstrikes or artillery fire. As one Karenni CBO representative described to Refugees International, “there’s no safe place in Karenni state. If you stay in the village, you risk bombs. But if you flee too far, it is tough to get aid.” Similarly, a Karen woman who recently returned from assisting IDPs in Karen state summarized the conditions by saying, “This is not a way we can survive for long.” Since the coup, Karen and Karenni states have seen some of the most intense levels of fighting, displacement, and humanitarian need in the country. As reported by Thai-based human rights group Altsean-Burma, Karenni state has seen by far the most attacks per capita in the country. Since the coup, many CDM protestors have fled to non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen and Karenni states. Long-standing EAO’s in Karen and Karenni states, particularly the Karen National Union (KNU) and its Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its Karenni Army (KA) wing provided refuge to those fleeing the military crackdown and soon engaged in fighting with the SAC military themselves. Both of these groups have resisted the military for decades but signed a ceasefire with the military in 2012 as a period of democratic reforms was beginning. The ceasefires lasted until the coup in 2021. PDFs also sought refuge in these territories and have engaged SAC forces both independently and alongside EAOs. The EAOs have controlled large rural areas in both states and have at times seized various SAC military outposts. But junta forces have largely controlled main roads and urban areas and responded to resistance with aerial attacks and shelling, often of civilian areas. Fighting between the SAC military and these groups has intensified in several areas of both Karen and Karenni state since April 2022. The SAC military has turned to regular aerial bombardments from fighter jets and intense shelling. For example, on May 19, during Refugees International’s visit, 28 airstrikes were reported by local media and a local human rights group near the Thai-Myanmar border. The effect on the battlefield has been mixed, but the impact on the civilian population has been devastating. One woman who leads a local community-based organization described people hiding in the jungle at night, not using lights for fear of drawing the attention of bombers and being fearful of falling asleep. She told Refugees International that she is afraid to check her text messages at night, because too often they bring news of another injury or death. “There’s too much killing,” she told the Refugees International team, “It’s unforgettable, unforgiveable.” Others described the SAC military forcing civilians to carry their supplies or using them as human shields. Local groups also reported the use of land mines by the SAC and opposition forces alike. Reports from those who had been inside Karen and Karenni state were largely in line with the reports of atrocities documented by Amnesty International, described as “war crimes and likely crimes against humanity.” The result of these serious human rights abuses, airstrikes, and general fighting has been widespread and often repeated displacement of civilians in both Karen and Karenni states. Some villages and localities have been completely or nearly completely abandoned. Spillover from fighting in Karenni state has also added to the numbers of people displaced in Shan, another state bordering Thailand, which is housing an estimated 56,600 IDPs, including several thousand in close proximity to the border and only accessible through cross-border aid. Those displaced in each of these states in Myanmar face similar needs for food and shelter, particularly as the rainy season started early in 2022 and has continued. The rainy season also increases the need for mosquito nets and medicines. The trauma of flight from people’s homes and the constant threat of bombardments have also given rise to an acute need for psycho-social support. Educating children is difficult. CDM teachers have set up schools in the jungle but need supplies like pens and pencils, according to one CBO representative. Local groups are organizing educational activities and even building new makeshift structures to serve as schools. But resources are limited, and the risk of attacks looms ever-present. Cross-border Aid as a Lifeline For those living in non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen, Karenni, and southern Shan states, unofficial aid provided by local civil society organizations with links to Thailand has been a vital lifeline. While Thailand does not officially sanction such aid, long established local cross-border networks have gotten significant amounts of aid across. Those involved include small ad hoc community groups of Myanmar migrants and concerned Thai citizens, long-established ethnic community-based organizations, and international NGOs that have worked to aid IDPs and refugees on both sides of the border. Many of these groups have been operating since the early 1990s, when tens of thousands of refugees fled across the border and have continued working with the remaining 90,000 Myanmar refugees in camps in Thailand or with IDPs in Myanmar. These groups have close and long-established links with the humanitarian and health wings of EAOs that control land across the border and with local leaders on both sides of the border. Their track record has built up significant trust among local ethnic groups making IDPs more willing to walk long distances to receive it. This stands in sharp contrast to the high levels of distrust of the SAC military and any aid it might deliver. While exact estimates of aid delivered are difficult to ascertain given the complex and unofficial operating environment, Refugees International’s discussions with dozens of CSO and CBO representatives suggest that more than $10 million worth of aid from across the border has reached up to a million people in need since the coup. Much of this has come in the form of cash transfers through both official and unofficial money transferring networks, allowing humanitarian actors to buy needed supplies in Myanmar, even far from the border. Other in-kind assistance is delivered via boats or trucks across bridges and includes food, non-food items, temporary shelter, water filtration units, and medical supplies. At least one CBO focused on the needs of women and girls has also been able to get dignity kits across the border. Other smaller scale, one-off efforts to provide aid include delivery of home-cooked meals to people fleeing air strikes. With the array of actors providing ad hoc aid, coordination issues are a concern. Refugees International heard some reports of duplication of aid efforts or delivery of unneeded items (e.g. sweaters at the height of summer). But the larger CBOs are communicating regularly and EAO humanitarian entities are playing a leading role in assessing needs and assuring aid gets to the right people without duplication. As one long-time humanitarian actor put it, “At the end of the day, needs exceed response capacity. It’s not about duplication. On the list of things to be worried about, not a priority.” It is also difficult to estimate how much this aid could be scaled up and how many people it could ultimately reach, given security and terrain barriers. The SAC military controls most main roads and the landscape along the border is made up of hills and jungles. But Refugees International’s discussions indicate that there is much more that can be done to support such efforts and at least hundreds of thousands more people who could be reached. Addressing Barriers to Cross-border Aid There are four main limitations to delivering aid across the border from Thailand, each of which can be mitigated to varying extent. These are: (1) Thai restrictions reflecting junta pressure; (2) SAC military control of roads and banks; (3) difficult terrain; and (4) lack of sufficient funding. The first, most obvious barrier is the refusal of the SAC and, by extension, Thailand to officially allow aid into the country. With a 1,500-mile border with Myanmar, Thailand is concerned with its relationship with the SAC and is seeking to balance economic and security interests. Part of this balance has been to withhold any official approval of cross-border aid and crackdown on it to varying extents. But local groups have been able to find indirect ways to deliver aid, often via boat across the border river or in limited quantities within vehicles. The second main barrier is the fact that the SAC military controls most main roads and restricts cash transfers via banks. But alternative roads and paths are available and used by local groups to deliver aid beyond the main roads. Local groups use informal cash transfer networks like the hundi system, a trust-based practice originating in India and long-established in Myanmar, in which local agents transfer sums of money on behalf of friends, relatives, or other agents without legal protection or supervision. The third limitation is navigating the difficult hilly jungle terrain along the border. However, the ceasefire era enabled an expansion of roads in EAO administered areas. Moreover, the SAC military’s area of influence in rural areas has decreased since the coup. Local groups use motorbikes, horses and donkeys, or backpacks to transport aid beyond the immediate border area. The largest and most consistent barrier to aid delivery cited by CBOs was deficiency of humanitarian funding. Local CBOs have the networks and modalities for getting more aid across but not the funds to reach many more people in need. While a few governments are supporting local groups involved in aid efforts, donor countries should step up support for these underutilized and low-profile mechanisms. International donors should also engage the NUG and the humanitarian wings of EAOs to better assess needs and ensure coordination of aid delivery. Donors must also recognize the complex dynamics and greater risks local groups face in delivering aid and be appropriately flexible with their reporting requirements. Groups with which Refugees International spoke often complained about too frequent and onerous of reporting schedules, impractical demands for receipts, and unrealistic procurement protocols. For example, one group cited being required to show quotes from three different suppliers in an environment where just one was realistically available. These requirements have been so onerous that some groups said they have foregone significant amounts of potential funding. The potential for further provision of aid through experienced networks is abundant. Groups like The Border Consortium have been coordinating and providing aid to some 90,000 refugees who have remained in camps in Thailand for the past three decades. Ethnic-based organizations like the Karen Women’s Organization and Karenni National Women’s Organization have networks and experience working to promote protection of women and girls on both sides of the border. Similarly, members of the Karenni Civil Society Network, Karen Peace Support Network, and Shan State Refugee Committee have the networks and experience to assess needs and facilitate the delivery of aid through their member agencies. Ethnic health organizations are well placed to promote access to basic health care, clean water, and nutrition. And human rights groups like the Karen Human Rights Group, Karenni Human Rights Group, and Shan Human Rights Foundation have the ability to document abuses and monitor aid to ensure that it is protection sensitive. Protection for Myanmar Refugees in Thailand In addition to the hundreds of thousands of people displaced in Myanmar’s states bordering Thailand, there have been thousands of people who have crossed the border from Myanmar to seek refuge in Thailand since the start of the coup. They fall largely into two groups: people who have been internally displaced in bordering states and seek temporary refuge in Thailand and CDM protestors and high-profile individuals seeking longer-term refuge, whether in Thailand or third countries. Those in the first group have crossed into Thailand at different times when fighting and airstrikes have been particularly intense and close to the border, though usually for only a matter of days. Thai authorities have said that they will respect their international obligation of non-refoulement and not force refugees to return, but there are consistent reports of Thai authorities pressuring them to return. This is consistent with what Thai authorities have done in the past. During earlier battles between the Myanmar military and EAOs, the Thai authorities allowed people to take refuge in Thailand only while fighting was active and expected them to return to Myanmar once it had paused. But the intensity and frequency of battles and extent of displacement are much greater today, increasing concerns of extensive refoulement. In March 2021, an estimated 3,000 Karen people fled airstrikes into Thailand. Another 8,000 people fled artillery and air attacks in Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state into Thailand in December 2021. As of February 2022, the Thai government estimated that 17,000 Myanmar refugees had crossed into Thailand since the coup. And UNHCR reports that 3,000 others have crossed the border from Karenni State since March 2022, though only 246 refugees remain. According to UNHCR, those remaining face extensive humanitarian needs including access to safe drinking water, medicine, and sanitation facilities. In the first weeks following the coup, Thailand worked with UN agencies to develop contingency plans for large numbers of refugees fleeing into Thailand. This included the establishment of Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) that were to be overseen by civilian federal and local authorities. But the initial contingency planning exercises were not implemented once refugees began coming across the border in large numbers. Since then, areas established to temporarily shelter refugees have been overseen by the Thai military, which has refused international support. Conditions at the sites are deplorable. One site, established after a bout of bombing and displacement in December 2021, is called the cowshed since that was its previous use. Thai authorities did allow local community organizations and volunteers to deliver and distribute pre-cooked meals, tarps, and a few other non-food items. But the site was not fit for human habitation, and Thai authorities declined offers of international support. Refugees International saw video footage of overcrowded accommodations that lacked the most basic necessities. As one CBO representative who visited the location at the time told Refugees International, the displaced people there “need more than a cow farm along the river. They need systematic protection.” He warned of serious risks to women and girls amid a lack of privacy and sufficient toilets. The Thai government should give UNHCR and local and international NGOs access to these TSAs to provide critical nutrition, sanitation, health, and protection services, including the establishment of women friendly spaces and referral pathways. Thai authorities must also live up to their commitments to non-refoulement and refrain from pressuring people fleeing violence in Myanmar from returning before it is safe to do so. UNHCR and local and international NGOs should also be included in contingency planning for possible further numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand as the fighting in Myanmar shows little sign of subsiding in the near term. Asylum Seekers from Myanmar in Thailand People seeking longer-term refuge in Thailand and beyond are higher-profile individuals or those who have taken part in CDM protests. This group includes doctors, teachers, students, celebrities, politicians, and military-defectors who fear they will be targeted for persecution by the junta and are now seeking a safe haven in Thailand or longer-term refugee resettlement in third countries. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke estimated, conservatively, that around 2,000 to 4,000 asylum seekers are staying in and around the town of Mae Sot. When areas in Thailand beyond Mae Sot are included, those estimates reach as many as 30,000 asylum seekers. Such numbers are difficult to determine with any certainty as Thai authorities do not provide any form of refugee registration nor allow UNHCR to carry out registrations. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with a group of teachers and students who had taken part in the CDM protests in Kachin state. They had arrived in Mae Sot a few days before. They described feeling unsafe going out in public for fear of being detained and forced to pay bribes, as well as uncertainty about how they might find jobs or continue their education. Some diaspora and local groups are supporting initial rent payments, provision of basic goods like rice and oil, and online education, but the needs are great. In Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met with a photojournalist from Mandalay who had been documenting protests and the military crack-down there. He was forced to flee to Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state, and then again following attacks in December 2021. He spent some time in an IDP site, then recently fled further fighting and arrived in Thailand after several days of trekking through the jungle, first to Mae Sot then to Mae Hong Son. He plans to return to Karen state to continue documenting the abuses of the military. In Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met separately with two doctors. One had fled a government hospital in Yangon after leading CDM protests and being targeted by the junta. The other fled a hospital in Myawaddy after being targeted by the junta for assisting civilians injured following protests. Both are seeking refuge in third countries through humanitarian visas. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with an army-defector. He fled once his family was safe and is now awaiting resettlement to Australia. All of these asylum seekers felt insecure because of their lack of official status and the constant risk of detention or demand of bribes from local police. They also expressed concerns about the lack of access to work and to education for their children. One CBO focused on women and girls expressed growing concerns with the risks of abuse and exploitation amid a lack of protection through referral pathways and safe spaces for women and girls. Another, who had worked along the border in an earlier phase of mass displacement across the border warned of signs of growing sex trafficking risks. Thailand should allow access for UNHCR and INGOs to all new arrivals and allow UNHCR to register asylum seekers and carry out refugee status determinations as it does around the world. Thai authorities could also give refugees status that provides access to livelihood opportunities. Alternatively, Thailand could carry out its own registration and identity card distribution as part of the National Screening Mechanism for refugees proposed in 2020 yet to be implemented. A registration system will both help to prevent exploitation and the threat of detention and refoulement and allow UN agencies or Thai authorities to better track who is in the country. As one CBO representative put it, those can breathe.” Registration of asylum seekers would also facilitate tracking COVID-19, distribution of vaccines, and prevention of trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and other receiving countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. This will not be a solution for most of those who have fled but will have a significant impact on many individual lives. Conditions in Longer Established Refugee Camps In addition to civilians displaced by violence in Karen and Karenni states and CDM protestors and others fleeing persecution, there is a third group of people from Myanmar living on the Thai side of the border. These are the 90,000 refugees who have been living in camps since the 1990s. At the height of displacement in the early 1990s, more than 130,000 refugees fled from Myanmar into Thailand. Tens of thousands of these refugees were resettled in third countries like the United States. Many others returned to Myanmar following the democratic opening in the last decade before the coup. Today, there are nine official refugee sites in Thailand. The largest, Mae La, hosts some 34,000 refugees. Funding to these camps has dropped dramatically in recent years. In addition, measures to prevent the spread of COVID have heavily restricted the ability of these refugees to leave the camps, cutting them off from access to education and livelihood opportunities. As new populations flee violence in Myanmar, this longer-term population must not be forgotten. Thailand should work with UNHCR and INGOs operating in the camps regarding the ability to move out of the camps to access accredited education and work opportunities. Thailand, which is currently facing a need for more migrant workers, could benefit from offering migrant permits to this population. As in the past, countries like the United States should offer scholarships and resettlement slots to refugees in the camps. The Importance of International Engagement with Thailand The engagement of the United States and key allies with Thailand will be critical in creating political space for cross-border aid and protection of people from Myanmar seeking refuge in and near the border. Thailand faces a range of challenges from economic and security risks and pressure from the Myanmar junta to the risks of instability stemming from the lack of aid and formal registration for refugees. Thailand is reluctant to do anything to incentivize more refugees coming into the country, but failure to allow cross-border aid – and thus allowing conditions for people across the border to deteriorate – could do just that. Similarly, failure to register refugees makes it more difficult to monitor and prevent the spread of infectious disease or to stop trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and allies should highlight these points and encourage Thai authorities to support cross-border aid and protection of refugees both for humanitarian reasons and for the positive impacts on stability these measures can bring. Partners should also be clear that failure to take such measures will damage bilateral relationships with Thailand. U.S. officials have raised the need for cross-border assistance and a commitment to non-refoulement on several high-level visits and Thai officials have rhetorically responded positively. U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield visited Thailand in August 2021. U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman visited in May 2021, and State Department Counselor Derek Chollet traveled to Thailand in October 2021. Thailand’s Foreign Minister expressed an openness to cross-border assistance following Chollet’s visit and, in a January 2022 meeting with the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha reaffirmed a commitment to non-refoulement. In June 2022, Chollet traveled to Thailand again. He visited areas near the border including Mae La refugee camp and met with local CSOs. A July 2022 visit to Bangkok by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken included the Myanmar crisis on the agenda among several broader issues. In March 2022, in a letter to the Thai Foreign Minister, a group of U.S. senators raised concerns about push backs of refugees and urged the facilitation of cross-border aid. But it is not clear if concerns such as these were raised by U.S. President Joseph Biden during the U.S.-ASEAN Summit in May 2022 or by U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin in his trip to Thailand following Chollet’s visit in June 2022. Public statements coming out of those meetings indicate that defense, trade, and geo-political concerns with China dominated the conversations. Cross-border aid remains restricted, and reports of refugees being pressured to return to Myanmar continue to emerge. Sustained international engagement is essential to opening further paths to protection and provision of life-saving aid. The United States and allies should emphasize to Thailand that its official policy of restricting both aid and access to asylum exacerbates human suffering and creates challenges for local Thai authorities. A more nuanced approach of allowing, or at least not objecting to, cross-border assistance and fulfilling its obligation to provide safe haven to asylum seekers is in Thailand’s own national interest, as it would help stabilize a deteriorating complex emergency on Thailand’s doorstep. The United States and allies must continue to engage Thailand on these points and prioritize calls for aid delivery and non-refoulement in bilateral talks. Confirmation of already nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and ASEAN would help to amplify these messages. The U.S. Congress should act swiftly to provide consent to these nominations. At the same time, the United States must work with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to increase pressure on Myanmar’s military junta toward ending abuses and allowing unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. This should include implementation of a global arms embargo, further coordinated targeted sanctions on the SAC military and its assets, and support for accountability measures, including through the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. The U.S. Congress should pass the BURMA Act, which includes measures along these lines and would authorize further humanitarian assistance. Conclusion Displacement along the Thai-Myanmar border is just a part of the regional crisis sparked by the coup. But addressing it is the most immediate way to mitigate acute human suffering. While humanitarian actors will need to grapple with how best to ensure fair and unfettered delivery of aid in the broader context of the country, the opportunity to scale up cross-border aid to a significant portion of the Myanmar population in need should not be missed. All of Myanmar’s neighbors, including Bangladesh, China, and India should explore similar channels for aid delivery and provide access to refuge. Thailand has a chance to be a leader in asylum and protection to a population in great need. Allies seeking to alter the trajectory of suffering in Myanmar must remind Thailand why this is in its interest and provide support to local actors already providing lifesaving aid. Recommendations The government of Thailand should: Engage regional partners to press the military junta in Myanmar to end grave human rights abuses and allow those in need unfettered access to humanitarian aid. Uphold the international legal obligation of non-refoulement of individuals seeking refuge from threats to their life and freedom in Myanmar. Allow the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and international and local NGOs access to newly arrived people seeking refuge from Myanmar to assess needs, carry out services, and establish women-friendly spaces in temporary safe areas along the border. Include the UNHCR and local and international NGOs in contingency planning for possible larger numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand. Allow and facilitate the delivery of cross-border humanitarian aid through local civil-society and community-based organizations. Allow access to education and livelihoods opportunities for long-time refugees in camps along the Myanmar border. Work with UNHCR to create a protection framework for people from Myanmar who are seeking refuge in Thailand, including possibly through application of the proposed National Screening Mechanism for refugees in Thailand and the provision of identity cards and status that could provide access to livelihood opportunities and act as a barrier to detention and exploitation. Work with the United States and other countries to facilitate resettlement of refugees from Myanmar. The U.S. government should: Step up diplomatic efforts with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to pressure the Myanmar junta to end grave human rights abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Such actions should include: Further targeted sanctions on the military and military-owned enterprises, including oil and gas revenues; A global arms embargo on Myanmar; Support for accountability efforts including the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and through the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court. Maintain regular high-level government visits to Thailand and Myanmar’s other neighbors, prioritizing pressure on the Myanmar junta, access to asylum for people from Myanmar, and provision of cross-border aid. Engage Thailand and other countries hosting asylum seekers from Myanmar to expedite resettlement of at-risk individuals who have fled persecution in Myanmar. Offer pathways to the United States for long-time refugees in camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border, including scholarships and resettlement. Engage and support the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), National Unity Government (NUG), and ethnic armed organizations, including through coordination of aid and COVID vaccine distribution. U.S. Members of Congress should: Support and pass the BURMA Act of 2021-22, which would: Authorize additional humanitarian assistance for those in need in Myanmar and surrounding countries, including through cross-border delivery of aid; Support local civil society organizations in Myanmar; Demand further targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned enterprises; Support accountability efforts; Call upon the U.S. government to engage the UN Security Council toward a global arms embargo, coordinated targeted sanctions, and other measures to press the military junta to end abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Ensure high-level diplomatic presence in the region by swiftly confirming the nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). International donor countries should: Increase funding for local civil society and community-based organizations operating along the Myanmar-Thailand border and adjust reporting requirements to reflect the complex nature of aid delivery to those in need in Myanmar. Press the junta to allow unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid, while establishing safeguards to prevent the military usurping aid and avoiding legitimization of the junta. Such safeguards should include distribution through credible interlocutors like the International Federation of the Red Cross and access for UN agencies to monitor and assess aid delivery. The Myanmar military junta should: Cease attacks on civilians and other grave human rights abuses. Allow unfettered access for UN agencies and NGOs to all those in need of humanitarian aid. Release all political prisoners and open the path toward a truly inclusive and representative democratically elected civilian government..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-12
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Title: Myanmar junta sentences three UEC heads to prison
Sub-title: The three senior election officials, including UEC chair Hla Thein, have been in regime custody since last year’s coup
Description: "The ousted chair of Myanmar’s Union Election Commission (UEC) and two other senior election officials have each been sentenced to three years in prison. UEC chair Hla Thein, secretary Myint Naing, and commission member Than Htay were sentenced under Section 130a of the Penal Code last Thursday, according to court sources. The charge is related to alleged violations of electoral laws during the 2020 general election, which Myanmar’s military claimed was marred by massive voter fraud. All three were tried by a special court inside Naypyitaw Prison. They have been in regime custody since the military seized power in a coup on February 1 of last year. Hla Thein, a 74-year-old former professor from Meiktila University, was appointed chair of the UEC after the 2015 election, which the now-deposed ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won in a landslide. Myint Naing, who is also 74 years old, was also the UEC’s spokesperson. He joined the commission prior to 2015 and had also served as a parliamentary advisor on legal matters. According to Khin Maung Oo, a member of the new, junta-appointed UEC, the cases against the three defendants were among 373 filed by the commission since last year’s military takeover. At a press conference held in Naypyitaw on July 1, he said that action had already been taken in 369 cases. Despite the military’s claims of widespread voter fraud, the UEC revealed earlier this year that it had discovered just over 3,200 instances of double voting and other irregularities, representing barely more than 0.1% of the votes cast in 2020. The junta has also used its claims of a stolen election to lay charges against senior leaders of Myanmar’s elected civilian government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. It has also imprisoned and fined a total of 2,173 local election workers for allegedly failing to ensure that votes were cast and counted correctly..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Title: Myanmar: Violence Against Health Care in Conflict 2021
Description: "On Monday April 12, 2021 State Administrative Council (military junta) forces in plain clothes entered Yangon General Hospital and arrested Dr Maw Maw Oo, the head of the Department of Emergency Medicine and the emergency clinical lead for Myanmar’s COVID-19 response. At the time of his arrest Dr Maw Maw Oo was treating patients. He was reportedly affiliated with the Civil Disobedience Movement. After his arrest he was detained in Insein Prison without charges and reportedly contracted COVID-19 while imprisoned. OVERVIEW The Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition (SHCC) identified 411 incidents of violence against or obstruction of health care in Myanmar in 2021, compared to 17 in 2020. In these incidents 535 health workers were arrested, 118 health facilities attacked, 41 ambulances attacked, and 29 health workers killed. This factsheet is based on the dataset 2021 SHCC Myanmar Health Data, which is available for download on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX)..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight and Safeguarding Health in Conflict
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (11/2022) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၁/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "1. NUG states not engaging with terrorist SAC is best means to ensure safety and security of Chinese government assets...As the 7th Lancangg-Mekong Cooperation Foreign Ministers’ meeting is planned to be held in July, 2022 and in light of the fact that the military-led SAC is illegal, the NUG has issued a call that the Myanmar army be barred from any and all involvement in the LMC. By permitting SAC’s troops to be based on their project sites, Chinese companies are increasingly perceived by local groups as aiding and abetting the enemy of the people. The announcement added that the best means for the Chinese government to ensure the safety and security of its assets is to avoid them being used by the military, thereby making it easy for pro-democracy forces to protect Chinese assets, interests and workers in the country.....2. President Duwa Lashi La calls on all parties to reject the SAC’s election...Acting President Duwa Lashi La has called on all political parties which wish to restore democracy and federalism need to meet the people’s expectations and aspirations by boycotting the faux-election which the SAC plans to hold. The president went on to say that there should be strategic cooperation between all pro-democracy actors to bring suc- cess to the revolution. The president once again urged his cabinet colleagues to make every effort for the revolution, with special consideration made to security concerns and the acute need for financial support in the Spring Revolu- tion. He noted that sadly, humanitarian aid has yet to be mobilised and distributed to many who have fled the atroc- ities and terror of the SAC. In the meeting, Prime Minister Mann Win Khaing Than re- ported that local administrative mechanisms are already well established and operating in Sagaing and Magway Re- gions under the supervision of the central committee, and have already shown substantial results. He added that dip- lomatic, military, political effort and the people’s solidarity are pushing the nation toward the complete eradication of the military SAC.....3. one million THB support for Battle of Oukarithta (4.7.2022)...The Anti-Coup Committee (Korea) announced a donation of 1,000,000 THB (approx. $30,000) raised via the One Day Challenge campaign to the NUG to support troops fighting to liberate Oukarithta Station. The committee delivered support to the KNDO commander General Nal Dar Mya, labeling the donation as an NUG contribution to the troops. The committee has been providing the NUG with the equiv- alent of 100,000 USD every month since August 2021. Such contributions are being used to develop and implement local administrative activities in the NUG controlled-areas..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Title: WLB: April-May Situation Update of Burma/Myanmar
Description: "For the first time in the nation’s history, the number of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Burma/Myanmar has reached nearly 1 million people. The junta has torched 12,000 civilian homes across the country, in what can only be viewed as the military’s overarching strategy to intentionally displace the population, rather than a by- product of local level retaliation. The Burmese Army is actively preventing the delivery of lifesaving assistance to people affected by the conflict – blocking roads, destroying non-military supplies, imposing travel restrictions on international humanitarian workers and arresting local activists and people delivering lifesaving aid to IDP camps from Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Despite the overwhelming evidence that the Burmese Army has committed grave crimes against humanity, and is the root cause of the humanitarian crisis, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and ASEAN’s humanitarian body (AHA), agreed to deliver humanitarian aid to Karenni/Kayah, Karen states, and Magwe, Sagaing and Bago regions in consultation with the work committee of the military junta . OCHA and AHA’s assessment and delivery of programs will provide the junta with access to areas it has directly targeted with airstrikes and on-ground offensives. The agreement not only legitimizes the regime; it places the Burmese Army in a position to weaponize humanitarian aid. People all over Burma/Myanmar are facing severe food insecurity with an estimated 25 million people now living under the national poverty line, and 6.2 million people in need of life-saving aid. The conflict, along with the impact of COVID-19 containment measures, super-charged economic instability, leading to a currency crisis, rising inflation rates and a collapsed banking system. Women have been most impacted by the economic crisis, not just experiencing significant job losses, but taking on more unpaid care and domestic work. Women are also more likely than men to make sacrifices to reduce the financial stress on households. Alongside the peaceful pro-democracy movement, various armed resistance forces have emerged across the country. Some of the most effective armed resistance forces are fighting junta soldiers in an area called the Dry Zone, west of Mandalay. Not being a traditional battle ground for the junta, they have recruited, armed and trained pro-military networks to provide back-up, intelligence and local geographic knowledge. The pro-military networks are referred to widely as Pyu Saw Htee. The Pyu Saw Htee are reportedly poorly armed and have failed to take control of the region. The clashes between the two forces has unleashed a self- sustaining cycle of violence with retributive attacks on both sides..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Title: CRPH wishes the Muslim community of Myanmar and the world a blessed Eid al-Adha -အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်များသို့ ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သခြင်း
Description: "The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw - CRPH wishes the Muslim community of Myanmar and the world a blessed Eid al-Adha. We highly appreciate the participation of Muslim people in building a new Federal State with diversities and also urge to work together with us in the future.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်များအားလုံး ကောင်းမြတ်တဲ့ Eid al-Adha နေ့ဖြစ်ပါစေဟု ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (‌CRPH) မှ ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါတယ်။ မတူကွဲပြားမှုများဖြင့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်နိုင်ငံတော်သစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းရာတွင် ညီနောင် အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်များ၏ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုများအတွက် များစွာကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်းနှင့် ဆက်လက်၍ လက်တွဲကြိုးပမ်းသွားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-10
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Title: National Unity Government Ministry of Education Notification No.11/2022 - Public Announcement for the Administration of Basic Education Completion Assessment, 2023
Description: "1. The National Unity Government's Ministry of Education will administer the Basic Education Completion Assessment, commencing in February 2023. 2. Those who meet the following requirements are eligible to take the Basic Education Completion Assessment administering in coming February, 2023: (a) Any student who will be 17 years old on August 31, 2022. (b) Any student who has attended basic education Grade 10 (old system). 3. For the convenience of students who are taking the assessment amid the various issues and difficulties facing across the country, students can take the assessment: (a) via online assessment portal if internet access is available. (b) via offline assessment applications if stable internet access is not available. (c) at on-ground assessment centers where safety is guaranteed. 4. Basic education completion assessment will be based on Grade 11 (old system) curriculum. However, instead of memorization-based question types, (a) Knowledge and Comprehension (b) Application and Analysis (c) Creative Problem-solving skills of the students related to the respective subjects will be assessed. 5. The duration of assessment for each subject will be two hours in total and assessment papers, like other international assessments, will include objective type items that are to be responded with critical and analytical thinking skills. 6. In 2023, the assessment will be administered twice as follows: (a) February 2023 (b) August 2023 (Those who might not be able to take the assessment in the first time in February, 2023 will be able to take in August, 2023.) 7. Assessment results will be released with competency-based gradings, not with a pass or fail. Therefore, students will not need all the subjects to be assessed again just not meeting the passing requirements of one or two subjects. Instead, depending on the admission requirements of higher or vocational education institutions they would like to enroll, students can retake assessment for the subject in which their previous grades are not unsatisfactory or ineligible. 8. The Ministry of Education shall promptly release vital information for students, teachers, and parents on the basic education completion assessment. 9. For those who are taking part in the revolution, students with disabilities, and students who affected the conflicts, special education and assessment programs will be implemented specially during the appropriate interim or post-revolution period. 10. Students are therefore encouraged and advised to start learning lessons in the Grade 11 curriculum (old system) in order to get ready for the assessment..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-10
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Title: အီဒွလ် အဿွ်ဟာ (ကုရ်ဗာနီအီးဒ်) နေ့မြတ်သို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ပေးပို့သည့်သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: "၁။ ယနေ့သည် အိုလမာ-အစ္စလာမ်သာသနာ့ပညာရှင်များအဖွဲ့ချုပ်၊ ဗဟိုလကြည့်စိစစ်ရေးကော်မတီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အရ “အီဒွလ် အဿွ်ဟာ” (ကုရ်ဗာနီအီးဒ်) နေ့မြတ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဤနေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်း မှီတင်းနေထိုင်ကြသည့် အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်များအားလုံး ကိုယ်စိတ်နှစ်ဖြာကျန်းမာလုံခြုံကြပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန် ကောင်းတောင်းရင်း နှုတ်ခွန်းဆက်သအပ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ “အီဒွလ် အဿွ်ဟာ” နေ့မြတ်သည် အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်များအဖို့ အရေးကြီးပွဲနေ့မြတ်နှစ်ခုအနက် တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ ဤနေ့မြတ်သည် အာဗြဟံက ၎င်း၏သား အိရှမေးလ်အား အလ္လာဟ်အရှင်မြတ်ထံ ပူဇော်ရန် စိတ်ဆန္ဒ ပြဌာန်းပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်ကို အလေးအမြတ်ထားအောက်မေ့၍ ကျင်းပခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အလ္လာဟ်အရှင်မြတ်သည် အိရှမေးလ်အစား သိုးသူငယ်တစ်ကောင်ကိုသာ ပူဇော်ရန် အာဗြဟံအား ပြင်ဆင်ပေးသနားတော်မူခဲ့သည်။ ၃။ အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်တစ်ဦးအတွက် အရေးအကြီးဆုံးမှာ အလ္လာဟ်အရှင်မြတ်၏သွန်သင်ချက်ကို ရိုသေစွာနာခံ လိုက်လျှောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အစ္စလာမ်၏အဓိပ္ပါယ်မှာ ငြိမ်းချမ်းခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းခြင်းရှိရန်မှာ တရားမျှတမှု လိုအပ်ပေသည်။ တရားမျှတမှု မတည်ရှိ၊ မဖြစ်ထွန်းလျှင် စစ်မှန်သောငြိမ်းချမ်းခြင်းဆိုသည်မှာ မဖြစ်လာနိုင်ပေ။ ထို့ကြောင့် စစ်မှန်သောငြိမ်းချမ်းခြင်းအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရှိရေးဖော်ဆောင်ရန် မိမိတို့အားလုံးတွင်တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ၄။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကြီးစိုးပြီး နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားများ၏ အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်း ခွင့်များကို လျစ်လျူရှုကာ၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ လူမဆန်ရက်စက်စွာပြုကျင့်နေသမျှကာလပတ်လုံး စစ်မှန်သောလုံခြုံငြိမ်းချမ်းမှု ရရှိနိုင်မည် မဟုတ်ပေ။ ထို့ကြောင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အပြီးတိုင်ရိုက်ချိုးဖယ်ရှားကာ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ကြရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ ယနေ့မှစတင်သည့် “အီဒွလ် အဿွ်ဟာ” နေ့မြတ်အချိန်အခါသာမယအတွင်း အလ္လာဟ်အရှင်မြတ်၏ ကရုဏာ တော်အားဖြင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်း လုံခြုံငြိမ်းချမ်းနိုင်ပါစေကြောင်းနှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဖြုတ်ချရေး တွင် စိတ်စေတနာထက်သန်စွာ ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်နေကြသည့် အစ္စလာမ်ဘာသာဝင်အပေါင်းအား လေးစားဂုဏ်ပြု ကြောင်းဖော်ပြရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-10
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Title: UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 50th session - Adoption of the resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar
Description: "The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the adoption by consensus of the resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, and extends its appreciation to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) for its leadership on the text. Myanmar supports the resolution's strong condemnation of the gross human rights violations and abuses perpetrated by the security and armed forces of Myanmar against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities, and its recognition of the impact of the military's escalating acts of violence and forced displacement on civilians, including ethnic minorities. According to the United Nations (UN) High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, these acts include probable crimes against humanity and war crimes. It is with great shame that the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government, acknowledges that historic exclusionary and discriminatory policies, practices and rhetoric against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups laid the ground for atrocities. The historic impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military has since enabled its leadership to commit countrywide atrocities at the helm of an illegal military junta. Myanmar therefore strongly welcomes the resolution's call for all those responsible for violations and abuses of international law to be held to account, while recalling the authority of the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Myanmar furthermore accepts the resolution's call for the adoption of new measures to promote the inclusion, human rights and dignity of all people living in Myanmar, to address the spread of discrimination and prejudice, and to combat incitement to hatred and hate speech against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities. At the same time, Myanmar's legislature, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, will take continuing steps to amend or repeal discriminatory laws, including the Race and Religion Protection Laws of 2015 and the Citizenship Law of 1982. Myanmar will also partner with ethnic and organisations, affected communities and their representatives, neighbouring states and UN entities to create conditions conducive for the voluntary return in safety and dignity of Rohingya and all other Myanmar communities driven from their homes and villages by multiple waves of violence. The sustainability of these actions, however, remains contingent on democracy being cemented, on violence being stopped, and on impunity being ended. Myanmar therefore shares the deep concern expressed by the European Union that the resolution 'fails yet again to acknowledge and condemn the military coup' despite its link to 'the worsening of the human rights situation in Myanmar - including on the Rohingya and other persons belonging to minorities - [as] has been underlined, among others, by the High Commissioner and the Special Rapporteur during this session of the Council.' Nor does the resolution recognise Myanmar's submission of an Article 12(3) Declaration under the Rome Statute granting the ICC jurisdiction with respect to international crimes, or the National Unity Government's sustained efforts to cooperate with the International Court of Justice in The Gambia v. Myanmar case under the Genocide Convention. Significantly, the resolution does express its 'unequivocal support for the people of Myanmar and their democratic aspirations'. The Human Rights Council and UN Member States must therefore directly engage with the National Unity Government as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people to realise these aspirations and to support the implementation of the asks set out in the resolution. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar restates its commitment to constructive engagement with the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms and with UN Member States..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-09
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Title: Accountability for the Junta Criminals
Description: "This report aims to tackle the impunity of junta military leaders for crimes violating international norms of jus cogens. As the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate representative of the state, is currently ‘unable’ to ensure fair functioning of domestic courts, and as it has lodged a declaration with the ICC accepting the court’s jurisdiction under article 12 (3) of the Rome statute on August 20, 2021, the court has jurisdiction to prosecute perpetrators of atrocity crimes committed from 2002 on. AAPP argues that military leaders should be held accountable for the crimes committed by their subordinates as per the Rome Statute in all cases where their active (art. 25) or passive (art. 28) responsibility can be incurred..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 422.64 (5 pages), KB 2.72 MB (87 pages) - Original version. 422.64 KB
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Title: Car rams into flash mob protesters in Yangon
Sub-title: Regime forces have repeatedly deployed their vehicles to crack down on anti-junta protests since last year’s coup
Description: "One person was hurt on Thursday after a car rammed into a group of protesters in Yangon’s Hlaing Township, according to activist sources. The incident occurred at around 3pm, shortly after a flash mob of around 20 people carrying a protest banner started shouting slogans near the Thukha bus stop on Insein Road, the sources said. “The car rammed into us just seconds into our demonstration. The guy at the far left was hit and thrown into the air,” said one person who took part in the protest. Myat Min Khant, the Yangon district chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), told Myanmar Now that all of the protesters, including the one who was hit, fled the scene after the incident. “The person who was hit managed to escape, but his arm was injured,” he said. Myanmar Now has received a video that shows the moment of impact. In it, a white Toyota Belta can be seen running into a masked protester holding one end of the banner. According to Myat Min Khant, a black item that exploded with a loud bang, believed to be a flash grenade, was thrown out of the vehicle as it sped away. Thursday’s protest was held to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the day that Myanmar’s first dictator, General Ne Win, blew up the Yangon University Student Union building on July 7, 1962. “With a strong mind, we will fight for a new world. Never forget what happened on 7.7.1962” read the banner carried by the protesters. A friend of the man who was hit by the car shared a screenshot of a conversation he had with him later that day on Facebook. “The first thought that jumped into my head was that I had to take care of my parents, and so I just ran in a panic. My legs are still sore even now,” the man said. According to a Facebook group called Hlaing Info, plainclothes officers were seen searching the area near the Thukha bus stop soon after the protesters had scattered. While it could not be confirmed that regime authorities were responsible for the apparently deliberate attack on the protesters, it would not be the first time that the junta had used a vehicle to crack down on an anti-dictatorship demonstration. In December of last year, regime forces were captured on video at they plowed into a crowd of protesters on Panbingyi Street in Yangon’s Kyimyindaing Township, killing or injuring several people before making a number of arrests. In April, junta troops riding in a double cab pickup truck smashed into a taxi while trying to hit a crowd of marchers in Yangon’s Okkalapa Township. The three people inside the taxi, including two women from the Confederation of Trade Unions, Myanmar, were arrested after the collision. The latest incident was on May 30, when five teenagers suffered multiple injuries after regime soldiers ran their vehicle into them following a flash mob protest in South Okkalapa Township. The five minors were then beaten and arrested, according to the ABFSU’s Myat Min Khant..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Title: National Unity Government Ministry of Foreign Affairs Statement No.13/2022 - Statement on the visit of the ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar
Description: "After Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn's second visit to Myanmar, it is clear that the military junta is intent on making a mockery of ASEAN. Despite his earnest efforts — and with five months now left on his term — Special Envoy Sokhonn was again handed empty assurances. This follows a firmly established pattern in which the junta rebuffs each ASEAN entreaty and frustrates all effort s to implement the Five-Point Consensus. ASEAN Chair Hun Sen received this treatment when he visited Myanmar straight after assuming the role of ASEAN chair. Later he publicly called on the junta to release Sean Turaell and to drop its plans to execute political prisoners. On both occasions, his initiatives were rebuffed. And Special Envoy Sokhonn. having repeatedly requested to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. was forced to watch the junta transfer the State Counsellor to solitary confinement in prison immediately before his visit. Each added insult diminishes ASEAN's political capital, and with it the influence of its nations' leaders while the generals of the Myanmar junta watch on. "How many indignities can ASEAN leaders tolerate from an aspiring tyrant before correcting course?" asked Daw Zin Mar Aung. Myanmar's Minister of Foreign Affairs, while welcoming the Special Envoy's continuing efforts. "Malaysia's Foreign Minister Dato' Sri Saifuddin Abdullah has rightly called on ASEAN to move from a policy of non-interference to one of non-indifference on Myanmar. This applies equally to ASEAN’s own reputation," Minister Aung continued. "Unable to address an escalating threat to peace and security in its own backyard, ASEAN’s inaction must force the UN Security Council's hand. When it comes to the military junta. ASEAN knows what it must do. It must cut the head off the snake." At the same time. ASEAN has a dedicated partner in the National Unity Government, the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people. The NUG remains committed to working with ASEAN Members inside Myanmar and through ASEAN forums to solve the multiple junta-induced crises wreaking havoc on the region. "Recognising and partnering with the NUG is not only a moral imperative, but it is also a politically astute move. It is in ASEAN’s own best interests," added the Foreign Minister. “We continue to extend our full cooperation to Special Envoy Sokhonn.".....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ======================= မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ခရီးစဉ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၃/၂၀၂၂) ဇူလိုင်လ ၈ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ======================= အာဆီယံ၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သော ဒုတိယအကြိမ် ခရီးစဉ်အပြီးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် အာဆီယံအား ပြက်ရယ်ပြုရန်အတွက်သာ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိကြောင်းကို ရှင်းလင်းသိသာစွာ ကောက်ချက်ချနိုင်ပါသည်။ အာဆီယံ၏ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn အနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ ခရီးစဉ်အတွင်း စိတ်အားထက်သန်စွာ ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့သော်လည်း၊ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ သက်တမ်းမှာ ယခုအချိန်တွင် ငါးလခန့်သာကျန်ရှိတော့သည့်အတွက် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အနေဖြင့် လက်ဆုပ်လက်ကိုင်ပြစရာ မရှိဘဲ လက်ချည်းဗလာဖြစ်ခဲ့ရပါသည်။ အဆိုပါအချက်သည် အာဆီယံ၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်တစ်ခုစီတိုင်းကို ပယ်ချကာ အာဆီယံ၏ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုအားလုံးကို စိတ်ပျက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ပုံဖော်ထားသည့် ပုံစံအတိုင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဆီယံ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌတာဝန်အား လွှဲပြောင်းရယူပြီးနောက် လက်ရှိအာဆီယံ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ Hun Sen ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သော ခရီးစဉ်အတွင်း၌လည်း ယခုကဲ့သို့ပြုမူဆက်ဆံခြင်းကိုပင်ခံခဲ့ရပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့နောက်တွင် အာဆီယံ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုထံ Sean Turnell အား ပြန်လွှတ်ပေးရန်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသားများကို ကွပ်မျက်မည့် အစီအစဉ်များအား ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် လူသိရှင်ကြား တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော်လည်း ၎င်း၏တောင်းဆိုမှုများသည် နှစ်ကြိမ်စလုံးတွင် ငြင်းပယ်ခံခဲ့ရပါသည်။ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn သည် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုထံ အကြိမ်ကြိမ် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော်လည်း၊ ၎င်း၏ခရီးစဥ်မတိုင်မီကပင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အား အကျဥ်းထောင်တွင်းသို့ ပို့ဆောင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထားခြင်းကိုသာ မဖြစ်မနေတွေ့မြင်ခဲ့ရပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲစော်ကားသော အပြုအမူတိုင်းသည် အာဆီယံ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာ စွမ်းဆောင်နိုင်မှု အရင်းအမြစ် နှင့် အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ သြဇာလွှမ်းမိုးမှုကို ကျဆင်းစေပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ယင်းကဲ့သို့ အခြေအနေများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာခြင်းကို စောင့်ကြည့်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ “လမ်းကြောင်းမှန်ပြင်ဆင်ချမှတ်နိုင်ခြင်း မပြုသေးခင်တွင် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များအပေါ် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာချခြင်းလုပ်ရပ်များအား မည်မျှအထိ သည်းခံကြမည်နည်း။” ဟု မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က အာဆီယံ အထူးကို ယ်စားလှယ်၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို ကြိုဆိုရင်း မေးခွန်းထုတ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ “မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး Dato’ Sri Saifuddin Abdullah က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ်တွင် “ဝင်ရောက်မစွက်ဖက်ရေး” မူဝါဒမှ “ဥပေက္ခာမပြုရေး” မူဝါဒတစ်ခုသို့ ပြောင်းလဲကျင့်သုံးရန် အာဆီယံထံ မှန်ကန်စွာ တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုတောင်းဆိုမှုသည် အာဆီယံ၏ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့် အညီဖြစ်သည်ဟု မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်ကလည်း ထပ်လောင်းပြောဆိုခဲ့ပါသည်။ “အာဆီယံ၏ အနောက်ဧရိယာတွင် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးအပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုများ ပြင်းထန်တိုးပွားလာခြင်းကို မဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ဘဲ ပျက်ကွက်နေခြင်းသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီထံသို့ ရောက်ရှိစေရန် တွန်းပို့နေခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အာဆီယံက မည်သို့လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဆိုသည်ကို သိရှိပြီးသည့်အလျောက် မြွေ၏ဦးခေါင်းကို ဖြတ်ပစ်သည့် နည်းလမ်းအား လက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။” တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် အာဆီယံ၏ မိတ်ဖက်အဖြစ် ဟန်ချက်ညီညီ လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုက တရားဝင်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တည်ရှိနေပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရပြီး ဒေသအတွင်း၌ အန္တရာယ်ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သည့် များပြားလှသော အကျပ်အတည်းပြဿနာများကို အတူအတွ ကြိုးပမ်းဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရန်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းတွင်ဖြစ်စေ၊ အာဆီယံဖိုရမ်များမှတစ်ဆင့်ဖြစ်စေ အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများနှင့်အတူ ပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားပါသည်။ “ အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းသည် ကျင့်၀တ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ မရှိမဖြစ်လိုအပ်ချက်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ရုံသာမက နိုင်ငံရေးအရ လိမ္မာပါးနပ်သော လုပ်ဆောင်မှုတစ်ရပ်လည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုသို့ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် အာဆီယံ၏ အကောင်းဆုံးသော အကျိုးစီးပွားလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်” ဟု မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးက ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Prak Sokhonn နှင့် အပြည့်အဝပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို ဆက်လက် တိုးချဲ့လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကိုလည်း ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ခံရမည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုခင်းများ
Description: "နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ အခြေခံနှုန်းစံများအားဖေါက်ဖျက်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ်မှ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရနေခြင်းကို တားဆီးရပ်တန့်ရန် ဤအစီရင်ခံစာက ရည်ရွယ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) သည် လက်ရှိတွင် ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ လုပ်ငန်းလည်ပတ်စေနိုင်သည့် အခြေအနေ မရှိသေးရာ၊ ရောမစာချုပ်၏ ပုဒ်မ ၁၂(၃) အရ နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး တရားခွင်တွင် ICC ၏ စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို လက်ခံကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်တွင် ကြေညာချက် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ နောက်ပိုင်းကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်၊ သတ်ဖြတ် မှုများအတွက် ကျူးလွန်သူများအား တရားစွဲအပြစ်ပေးရန် ခုံရုံးက စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု ခေါင်းဆောင်များအနေဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့ကိုယ်တိုင်ဖြစ်စေ (ပုဒ်မ ၂၅)၊ အခြားသူများကြောင့်ဖြစ်စေ(ပုဒ်မ ၂၈) ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေခဲ့သော အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်များ အားလုံးတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်အောက်ငယ်သားများကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ခံကြရမည်ဟု အေအေပီပီက အခိုင် အမာယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 470.61 (6 pages), KB 3.16 MB (87 pgaes) - Original version 470.61 KB
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၁၆/၂၀၂၂) - တမူးမြို့တွင် အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံသားနှစ်ဦးသတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသည့်ကိစ္စနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၅) ရက်၊ မွန်းလွဲ (၁) နာရီခန့်တွင် တမူးမြို့၊ စော်ဘွားရပ်ကွက်၊ အမက (၄) ကျောင်း အနီး၌ အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံသားများဖြစ်သော Mr. P. Mohan (၂၈ နှစ်) နှင့် Mr Aiyanar (၃၅ နှစ်) တို့အား အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ထောက်တိုင်ဖြစ်သော ပျူစောထီးအဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ရက်စက်စွာ ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း စိတ်မကောင်းစွာ သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ၎င်းတို့၏ရုပ်ကလာပ်များကို ကျန်ရစ်သူ မိသားစုများအားပြန်လည် လွှဲပြောင်းအပ်နှံပေးခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ယင်းနေ့တွင် တမူးမြို့၌ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကဦးဆောင်၍မီးသဂြိုဟ်ခဲ့ကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ ၂။ အထက်ပါသတ်ဖြတ်မှုကိုကျူးလွန်သူများမှာ တမူးမြို့ရှိ ပျူစောထီးခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည့် မောင်လေးဝင်း ဆိုသူ၏ညွှန်ကြားချက်အောက်၌ ပျူစောထီးအဖွဲ့ဝင်နှစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည့် ဖိုးစိန်နှင့် ဇော်ရဲဆိုသူတို့ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သက်ဆိုင်ရာမြို့နယ်မှတာဝန်ရှိပြည်သူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏တင်ပြချက်အရ သိရှိရသည်။ ဤသတ်ဖြတ်မှုများတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညွှန်ကြားမှုဖြင့် ပျုစောထီးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်မှုရှိသော အိန္ဒိယ ကသည်း သောင်းကျန်းသူများလည်းပါဝင် ပတ်သတ်နေမှုရှိနေသည်ဟု သိရှိရပါသည်။ ကသည်းသောင်းကျန်းသူအုပ်စုများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ကူညီပူးပေါင်းပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည့် သာဓကများစွာ ရှိပါသည်။ ၃။ လုပ်ကြံသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသူများမှာ မိုရေးမြို့တွင်နေထိုင်သည့် တမီးလ်လူမျိုးများဖြစ်ပြီး၊ မည်သူမည်ဝါဖြစ် ကြောင်း အလွယ်တကူစုံစမ်းသိရှိနိုင်သူများသာဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံခြားသားနှစ်ဦး အသတ်ခံရခြင်းအား စနစ်တကျအမှုဖွင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း၊ အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံဘက်သို့အကြောင်းကြားခြင်းစသည်တို့ မပြုဘဲ တမူးမြို့ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဆောင်ရွက်သူများကိုယ်တိုင် ယင်းနေ့တွင်ပင် အဆောတလျင် မီးသဂြိုဟ်ဖျောက်ဖျက်လိုက်ခြင်းသည် ယင်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု၏ နောက်ကွယ်၌ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများပါဝင်ပတ်သက်နေသည်ကို သုံးသပ်နိုင်သည်။ ၄။ ယခုဖြစ်ရပ်ကိုကျူးလွန်သူများမှာ ပျူစောထီးအဖွဲ့ဝင်များဖြစ်ကြောင်း တမူးမြို့နှင့် မိုရေးမြို့များတွင်နေထိုင်သူ ပြည်သူအများ သိနေကြသည့်ကိစ္စဖြစ်သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူဆိုသူ ဇော်မင်းထွန်းက ယင်းဖြစ်ရပ်ကိုကျူးလွန်သူများမှာ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များဖြစ်သည်ဟု ၇/၇/၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ပြုလုပ်သည့် သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲတွင် စွပ်စွဲထားပြီး၊ အမှန်တရားကို ဗြောင်လိမ်လည်ငြင်းဆိုထားသည်။ ၅။ ပျူစောထီးအပါအဝင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များသည် မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြားတွင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ လူမဆန်ရက်စက်စွာ နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည်တို့ကို အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ်ပြုကျင့်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ပြုကျင့်သည့်ဖြစ်ရပ်များစွာ၏ ခိုင်လုံသောမှတ်တမ်း မှတ်ရာများကိုလည်း မိမိတို့ ရရှိထားပါသည်။ ၆။ ယခုဖြစ်ရပ်မှာ မြန်မာ့အရေးကိစ္စသည် ပြည်တွင်းရေးကိစ္စ သက်သက်မဟုတ်ပဲ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအပါအဝင် ဒေသတွင်းနိုင်ငံများ၏ လုံခြုံငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ လုံခြုံငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးတို့ကို ထိပါးလာသည့် လူသားတိုင်းကာကွယ်တားဆီးရမည့် အရေးကိစ္စတစ်ခုဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို မီးမောင်းထိုးပြလျက်ရှိသော ဖြစ်ရပ်များစွာထဲက တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည့် Mr. P. Mohan နှင့် Mr Aiyanar တို့၏ ကျန်ရစ်သူမိသားစုဝင်များနှင့်အတူ ထပ်တူဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲဖြစ်ရပါကြောင်းနှင့် ၎င်းတို့အတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိနိုင်ရေး မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အဆင်သင့်ရှိပါကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာ အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
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Title: Bangkok Says Myanmar Junta Has Promised Written Apology for Jet Incursion
Description: "Thai Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai told the country’s media that Myanmar had promised to send a written apology to Bangkok for the incursion by a Myanmar Air Force MiG-29 fighter jet into Thai airspace over Tak Province’s Phop Phra district on June 30. Don met his Myanmar junta counterpart, Wunna Maung Lwin, during the 7th Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Bagan, Myanmar on Monday. The duo also discussed a number of issues including the intrusion into Thai airspace by the Myanmar jet, according to the Bangkok Post. The Thai minister said Wunna Maung Lwin expressed regret over the incident, saying it was unintentional and that his government would send an official letter of apology. Last week, the Royal Thai Air Force scrambled two F-16 jet fighters after an aircraft, believed to be a Russian-made MiG-29 of the Myanmar Air Force, intruded into Thai airspace over the western province of Tak while conducting an air strike against anti-regime rebels and anti-coup forces positioned near the border. For the past two weeks, Myanmar’s military regime has conducted massive airstrikes against resistance forces attempting to seize the junta’s strategic Ukayit Hta military outpost in Waw Lay in Karen State’s Myawaddy Township. On Thursday last week, the Myanmar jet fighter intruded into Thai airspace several times as it conducted a mission over Ukayit Hta to assist ground troops. The heavy air strikes have prevented ethnic Karen and joint resistance forces from capturing the strategic outpost, and according to Karen insurgent leaders, have effectively made it impossible for their forward forces to retreat. The Thai government has downplayed the incursion. Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha said it was not a big deal as the Myanmar jet did not intend to intrude into Thai airspace but was merely trying to make a turn. Some Thai MPs have asked the government to clarify why the Myanmar jet fighter was allowed to enter Thai airspace while attacking resistance forces and civilians on the border. Don said his Myanmar counterpart had given him a guarantee that there would be no repeat of the incident. It is unclear how the regime intends to honor the guarantee, however, as its forces are still attacking and bombing ethnic insurgents, resistance forces and villages along the Thai border. Thai troops are now patrolling the area on the border where the incursion took place last week. Under an agreement reached by the Thai-Myanmar Township Border Committee, if artillery shells land on the Thai side of the border, Thailand will fire smoke grenades as a warning. If the shelling continues in a way that could endanger Thai people, the Thai side is authorized to return fire with live ammunition, the Bangkok Post quoted Don as quoted saying. Just a day before the incursion, coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing met with a Royal Thai Army general to discuss stability and anti-terrorism in border areas, among other issues. A Myanmar junta media mouthpiece said the Thai general “paid respect” to Min Aung Hlaing, who staged a coup last year and continues to face strong resistance to his rule. Junta-controlled newspapers said Min Aung Hlaing received the Thai military delegation headed by Lieutenant General Apichet Suesat in the Myanmar capital Naypyitaw. The delegation was in the country to attend the 34th meeting of the Thailand-Myanmar Regional Border Committee hosted by Myanmar. The meeting was held in the Shan State capital Taunggyi, but the Thai delegation was invited to meet Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyitaw. Lt-Gen Apichet is the commander of the Third Army Region (TAR), which encompasses border areas in northern Thailand neighboring Myanmar. The TAR has been one of the most active commands in terms of dealing with the fallout from the conflict in frontier areas inside Myanmar following last year’s coup, as well as dealing with illegal migrants from Myanmar who slip across the border into Thailand in search of work. Thailand shares a more than 2,400-km-long frontier with Myanmar. Since the coup, the Myanmar Air Force has effectively deployed jet fighters and helicopters to continue to bomb and attack civilian populations and resistance fighters. Over the past two decades it has purchased advanced fighters mainly from Russia and China. Since 2000, Myanmar’s military leaders have sought to replace the Air Force’s aging jet fighters with modern ones. Myanmar’s military acquired 12 Russian MiG-29 jet fighters in 2001, following clashes with Thai forces in northern border regions. The Thais at the time deployed US made F-16s jet fighters and apparently alarmed the Myanmar military leaders with their air defense capabilities. Last week, this publication also reported that Russia delivered the first two of six new Su-30 jet fighters to Myanmar in March. The Su-30 is a twin-engine, two-seat supermaneuverable fighter jet developed by Russia’s Sukhoi Aviation Corporation. It is a multirole fighter for all-weather, air-to-air and air interdiction missions. The multirole fighters were used by Russia in Syria in 2015. Russia agreed to sell six Su-30 fighter jets to the Myanmar military in 2018..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-07
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Type: Individual Documents
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