2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Individual Documents
Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (3/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-19
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Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
Call on Myanmar’s neighbours to block the illegal military junta’s use of their airspace for its atrocity operations
Description:
"1. On 10th and 11th January 2023, illegal military junta fighter jets bombarded Camp Victoria,
which serves as the headquarters of the Chin National Front (CNF) on the India-Myanmar
border. A number of civilians were reportedly killed and injured in the aerial attack, and
civilian infrastructure, including three homes and a local hospital, were destroyed.
2. According to Chin National Front sources, the junta jets entered Indian airspace during the
course of the attack. Other sources on the ground reported that some junta bombs hit Indian
territory.
3. This is not the first time that the illegal military junta has used the airspace of its neighbours
during its atrocity operations, with Bangladesh and Thailand earlier examples. Nor is it the
first time that junta bombs have struck foreign soil during such air raids.
4. The National Unity Government therefore calls on Myanmar’s neighbours, in the interests
of regional peace and security and the protection of civilians, to block the illegal military
junta's use of their airspace for its aerial attacks.
5. This is consistent with the United Nations Security Council’s condemnation of attacks
against civilians and civilian infrastructure in its resolution 2669, its demand for an
immediate end to all forms of violence, and its urging of restraint and de-escalation..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏လေကြောင်းပိုင်နက်များကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဆိုးရွားသော လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ အတွက် အသုံးပြုခွင့် မပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုခြင်း
Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့ နှင့် ၁၁ ရက်နေ့များတွင် ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) ဗဟိုဌာနချုပ်တည်ရှိရာ အိန္ဒိယ-မြန်မာနယ်စပ်ရှိ Camp Victoria ကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ဂျက်တိုက် လေယာဉ်များဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် အရပ်သား အများအပြား ထိခိုက် ဒဏ်ရာရသေကြေခဲ့ရပြီး၊ လူနေအိမ်သုံးလုံးနှင့် နေ့စဥ်ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးနေသည့် ဒေသန္တရ ဆေးကုသဆောင် တစ်ဆောင်အပါအဝင် အရပ်သားအခြေခံအဆောက်အအုံများ ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီး ခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါတိုက်ခိုက်မှုတွင် အိမ်နီးချင်း အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံ၏လေပိုင်နက်ထဲသို့ ကျူးကျော်ဝင်ရောက် အသုံးချမှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦးမှ ပေးပို့သောသတင်းတင်ပြချက်များအရ သိရှိရသည်။ အခြားသော မြေပြင်သတင်းရင်းမြစ်များအရလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဗုံးကြဲမှုများသည် အိန္ဒိယ ပိုင်နက်အတွင်းသို့ပင် ကျရောက်ခဲ့ကြောင်းသိရှိရပါသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများ၏ လေပိုင်နက်များကို ကျူးကျော်အသုံးပြု၍ ရမ်းကားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကျူးလွန်ခြင်းသည် ပထမဆုံးအကြိမ် မဟုတ်ဘဲ အခြားသော အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများဖြစ်သည့် ထိုင်း နှင့် ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံများ၏လေပိုင်နက်များကိုလည်း ကျူးကျော်အသုံးပြုခဲ့သည့် အစဥ်အလာများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ရပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ ဒေသတွင်းလုံခြုံရေး၊ တည်ငြိမ်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူတို့၏အသက်အိုးအိမ်များ ဘေးကင်း လုံခြုံရေးကို ရှေးရှု၍ မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့၏ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏လေပိုင်နက်များကို အသုံးပြု၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံပြည်သူများကို လေကြောင်းမှ အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်နေခြင်းများ ကျူးလွန် နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်များအား ခွင့်ပြုခြင်း မပြုပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံ တောင်းဆို လိုက်သည်။
၅။ အဆိုပါတောင်းဆိုမှုသည် အရပ်သားများနှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အအုံများကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းအား ဆန့်ကျင်ရှုံ့ချထားသည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အမှတ် - ၂၆၆၉ အရ ဖြစ်ပြီး အဆိုပါဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ လုပ်ဆောင်နေခြင်းကို ချက်ချင်း ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေခြင်းကို တားဆီးဟန့်တားရန် တောင်းဆိုသည့် အချက်များလည်း ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Following the attempted coup in February 2021, Myanmar’s military1 has relied on an arsenal of weapons2 to carry out summary executions, massacres and other human rights atrocities in response to peaceful protests and growing anti-coup armed resistance in Myanmar. Analysis of witness statements and of video and photographic evidence in relation to such human rights violations shows security forces armed with a variety of locally produced firearms, including sniper rifles,3 MA-1 semi-automatic rifles,4 and Uzi-replica BA-93 and BA-94 sub-machine guns.5 In addition, analysis of images of weapons used by soldiers and the military-controlled Myanmar police force shows that much of the small arms ammunition used against peaceful protestors in 2021 carries the headstamp marking of the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries (DDI), confirming local manufacture.6
Since the late 1950s, and in particular with the coming to power of the so-called State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) military junta in 1988, Myanmar’s military has invested significantly in strengthening its domestic capacity to produce weapons as a necessary means for releasing the military from a dependence on external supplies. This ambition is illustrated by:
the initial establishment of weapon production factories in Yangon and in the central, Bamar- majority parts of the country and the continuous establishment of new factories, including some that have yet to become fully operational;
the progressive increase in stockpiles of strategic raw materials to ensure adequate and uninterrupted supply for continuous in-country production of weapons;
the modernisation of auxiliary industries – such as iron and steel plants – to provide necessary materials for production;7
the continuous upgrading of existing weapons and diversification of production lines; and
the strategic diversification of sourcing bases (countries and companies) to limit the impacts of current and potential future sanctions and embargoes.
As a result, Myanmar’s military has gradually become largely self-sufficient in manufacturing a range of weapons. By way of illustration, the DDI currently has an extremely robust production capacity for small arms8 to meet its operational needs,9 which are focussed almost exclusively on the brutal internal suppression of the Myanmar population.
As its atrocities mount, the military’s need to further insulate itself from economic and external diplomatic pressure will likely lead to increased efforts aimed at the modernisation of existing weapon factories, the construction of additional factories and the development of auxiliary domestic industries for supplying the factories with necessary raw materials.
Despite robust production capabilities, however, the DDI is still reliant on international supplies, including for a variety of raw materials, parts and components and end-items, as well as machinery and technology, for the sustained production – both licensed and un-licensed10 – of the weapons in its arsenal.
This report maps out the Myanmar military’s in-country weapon production which takes place at factories commonly referred to as KaPaSa (after the Burmese name for the Directorate of Defence Industries, Karkweye Pyitsee Setyone) or, in the military’s own terms, as “Defence Industry” factories (DI). The report provides an overview of some of the critical supplies that appear to enable this production, and it identifies companies whose products are currently used by the DDI to successfully sustain its weapon manufacturing at scale.11 The report also identifies companies that enable the DDI to purchase products by brokering deals or otherwise acting as intermediaries for the DDI.12 In doing so, these companies also enable Myanmar’s military to continue to commit gross human rights violations, amounting to crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide.
This report by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) finds that:
Some of the DDI’s production appears to be taking place under license (including expired licenses). However, the licensing situation for many of the weapons currently produced at the KaPaSa factories remains unclear. Whether licensed or unlicensed production, the DDI appears to have obtained the technology and know-how to produce a variety of its weapons through various types of transfer of technology (ToT) deals. Over the years, the types of ToT deals that the DDI has entered into with companies – including State-owned companies – from Italy and (then) West Germany, Singapore, Israel, South Korea, North Korea, China and Ukraine have included the receipt of entire weapon production plants (turn-key projects), receipt of direct support from engineers associated with the owner of the technology, joint venture agreements, and KaPaSa factory staff being trained by original license-holders. Some companies that have provided ToTs to the DDI appear to have received commercial contracts, including in Myanmar’s oil and gas sector, in exchange.
While the DDI is able to partially produce and domestically source some of the critical raw materials used for its arms production, it still imports important quantities of such materials, including from China through the China State-owned company China North Industries Group Corporation Limited (NORINCO). China has also played an important role in supporting the establishment and operation of auxiliary industries, such as iron and steel plants and copper mines, that are either directly connected with weapon production factories in Myanmar or whose outputs feed the factories’ production. The DDI is currently also seeking to invest in iron and steel plants in the country, including in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay Region. Consequently, foreign companies involved in the extraction and/or processing of certain raw materials in Myanmar may find themselves contributing to, or being directly linked to, sustaining the Myanmar armed forces’ arms production capabilities.
The DDI also depends on imports of parts and components ready to be used in weapons made in the KaPaSa factories, including fuses, cast boosters, detonating caps, igniters and electric detonators. Available data indicates that many of these parts and components come from companies domiciled in India and China. Information obtained by SAC-M suggests that the poor quality of many of the Chinese products upon which the DDI depends has prompted the DDI to progressively turn to other countries, including India, for critical supplies, and that the DDI is planning for other countries, including India, to play an increasingly important role for the weapon production industry in Myanmar. Several companies domiciled in India have also been identified as supplying the DDI with end-items such as optical sights to be fitted to made-in-Myanmar small arms such as sniper rifles. The military’s need to import optical sights is likely to continue as the military is moving towards the increased use of optical sights in its small arms and light weapons design and manufacture.
Automated machining is a critical step for weapon manufacturing at scale and modern Computer Numerical Control (CNC) machines with turning, milling and grinding functions, as well as electro-discharge machines, play a critical role. SAC-M has identified machines manufactured by companies legally domiciled in Austria, Germany, Japan, Taiwan and the United States (US) that are currently used by the Myanmar military at its weapon production factories. SAC-M has also identified various software programmes made by companies legally domiciled in France, Israel and Germany currently being used at KaPaSa factories for operating some of the CNC machines.
Singapore functions as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items – including certain raw materials – that feed the Myanmar military’s weapon production. Companies domiciled in Singapore have been identified as brokering deals and exporting items to the DDI or to associated civilian front companies for the military in Myanmar. In addition, according to credible information received by SAC-M, Taiwan functions as an important transit point for the DDI’s purchase of high precision CNC machines, including from European manufacturers, for KaPaSa arms manufacturing. In addition, individuals formerly associated with Myanmar’s armed forces suggest that, with the assistance of Mottama Holdings Limited – a Myanmar-based conglomerate and reportedly the current intermediary between the DDI and Chinese arms industry company NORINCO – the DDI also regularly sends CNC machines from KaPaSa factories to Taiwan where they are serviced by technicians associated with the European manufacturers of the machines, after which they are shipped back to Myanmar and to the DDI. It appears as though the absence of Taiwanese sanctions on Myanmar facilitates these types of transactions and shipments to and from Myanmar for the performance of critical maintenance.
The leader of the Myanmar military, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and his top military leaders must be held accountable for the human rights violations that they have perpetrated. However, this report emphasises that concrete action must also be taken to address the corporate responsibility to respect human rights in Myanmar. This requires action both by the companies that have been identified in this report and by their home governments.
Under international human rights law, all States have a duty to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including business enterprises, through appropriate policies, regulation and adjudication. In relation to the manufacturing and export of weapons and associated items and machinery specifically, this expectation is reflected in several multilateral agreements of relevance to the arms industry, including the Arms Trade Treaty13 and dual-use goods regimes, such as the Wassenaar Arrangement,14 the European Union (EU) Dual-Use Goods Regulation15 and current sanctions regimes that apply to Myanmar.16 For the home States of the companies that have been identified, adhering to these legal provisions requires them to apply export controls on a number of items – including sub-components, end-items and machinery and technology – that could be used for arms production.
At present, it is unclear to what extent the home States of companies have upheld this responsibility in relation to the products that have been identified in use at the Myanmar military’s weapon production factories and auxiliary industries. SAC-M recommends that the home States identified in this report investigate and, as relevant, initiate administrative and/or legal proceedings against the companies whose parts and components, end-items and machinery and technology are relied upon by the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries. States should also adopt targeted sanctions against the KaPaSa, its leadership and its network of brokers that have been identified in this report.
Companies have a responsibility to respect human rights. This means that they should act with due diligence to avoid infringing on the human rights of others and to address adverse human rights impacts with which they are involved.17 The responsibility to respect is independent of States’ abilities and/or willingness to fulfil their human rights obligations. In practical terms, and in relation to the Myanmar military’s weapon production, meeting this responsibility means that companies are expected to apply their own due diligence in relation to the risks of potential harmful end-use of their products,18 and to put in place measures to prevent or mitigate such risks. For products that are covered by export controls, companies are not absolved of the responsibility to respect human rights by the mere fact that their home State has granted the necessary export permits. Companies identified in the report should immediately stop doing business with the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries and associated military entities and civilian front companies for the Myanmar military, and they should investigate how their products have ended up being used for the manufacturing of arms by the military in Myanmar. Beyond this, companies should also take steps to prevent future harmful end-use of their products through robust due diligence to identify, prevent, and mitigate the risk of harm associated with the sale/licensing and deployment of their products. In relation to harms that have already been suffered by civilians in Myanmar, companies should provide for, or cooperate in, the remediation of such harms, including by collaborating with any future legal or administrative proceedings.
Lastly, it should be noted that this report does not undertake the immense task of mapping out the Myanmar military’s arms production and associated value chains19 in their entirety. Undertaking such an endeavour is a key recommendation of this report. Put differently, additional, longer-term research is needed to identify additional critical supplies with a view to disrupting the Myanmar military’s weapon production. This undertaking would fill an important gap in the current research on Myanmar’s armed forces, which tends to focus on the military’s acquisition of weapons from elsewhere, rather than weapons that are made in the country. To this end, SAC-M encourages interested parties to follow-up on the present research where it has left off. To sustain such future work, SAC-M invites the submission of information, on a continuous basis, that could lead to the identification of additional companies that supply or support the Myanmar military in its manufacturing of weapons.20
PURPOSE AND METHODOLOGY
Since the military’s crackdown on the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, arms embargoes and sanctions have been imposed on Myanmar by foreign governments. So far as arms are concerned, these types of measures have principally sought to prohibit the trade of military or dual-use goods that may be used by the Myanmar military for internal suppression. Important as they may be, these measures have not been fully effective in preventing the military from committing atrocities against the civilian population. On the one hand, this failure stems from the fact that several UN member states continue to sell weapons to the military.21 An equally important factor, however, is the fact that Myanmar’s military can produce a large variety of weapons in-country.
Weapons made in the country’s so-called KaPaSa factories have been, and continue to be, used by Myanmar’s military for widespread, systematic and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, as evidenced in publicly available reports and video/photographic evidence, and corroborated by information received by SAC-M from individuals formerly associated with the Myanmar armed forces or experts on made-in-Myanmar weapons. For example:
Post-coup military offensives in Karenni / Kayah State have involved the systematic and massive use of landmines – including locally produced M14 anti-personnel landmines – in and around villages in south-eastern Karenni / Kayah State, acts that may amount to war crimes.22 Photographs reviewed by the Land Mine and Cluster Munition Monitor indicate that antipersonnel landmines manufactured by Myanmar were captured from the Myanmar Armed Forces by non-state armed groups every month from January to September 2022 and in virtually every part of the country.23 In August 2022, antipersonnel mines manufactured by and in the possession of the Myanmar military were captured in both the northwest and southwest of the country, indicating extensive mine use by the armed forces.24
Following the 2021 attempted coup, the military and police responded to peaceful protests with in- country made weapons – including a variety of rifles25 and grenades26 – to assassinate protestors.
In March 2019, during armed conflict between the military and the Arakan Army (AA), at least five people were killed when the army opened fire on Say Taung village in northern Rahkine, using rounds and artillery produced at a KaPaSa factory.27 Throughout the two-year period of conflict with the AA, the military regularly fired into villages in Rakhine State with locally produced small arms and ammunition, injuring or killing civilians, damaging civilian houses and other structures, and causing mass displacement. Investigation into military attacks in Rakhine in 2019 also indicates that the military systematically fired explosive weapons with wide area effects, including locally produced mortars and associated projectiles, into civilian areas.28
The military’s genocidal atrocities inflicted on Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017 involved the killing of Rohingya civilians by the military and Border Guard Police using a variety of DDI-made small arms, including the MA-3 MK I and G3 rifles used during the Inn Din massacre.29
In short: weapons produced by the Myanmar military in-country at its KaPaSa factories have been used in the military’s widespread and systematic attacks against civilian targets, prior to, during and after the 2021 attempted military coup, and continue to be so.
Over a period of one year, SAC-M has mapped out the Myanmar armed forces’ in-country weapon production and the value chains that enable this production. The research has entailed open- source investigation, including review of user-generated content in Burmese and English posted on a wide variety of social media forums and discussion groups (open and closed). SAC-M has also reviewed leaked budget-related documents (2016-2021) from the Myanmar military-controlled Ministry of Defence (MOD) and the DDI as well as shipment records from subscription-based import/export databases. In addition, SAC-M has interviewed approximately 30 individuals, including former soldiers of the Myanmar armed forces as well as weapon experts and experts on the weapon manufacturing industry in Southeast Asia broadly and Myanmar specifically.31,32
SAC-M hopes that this report will contribute to a greater understanding of the Myanmar military’s weapon production and the global value chains that feed this production to ensure that more effective international action can be taken to protect the rights of the Myanmar people, including through targeted sanctions, engagement with identified companies to prevent future supplies reaching the DDI and the network of KaPaSa factories and, as necessary, targeted accountability-oriented proceedings..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya
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Format :
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970.79 KB
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"16 January 2023: Companies from at least 13 countries, including in Europe, Asia and North America, have been enabling the Myanmar military to manufacture weapons used for human rights atrocities. They must stop doing business with the Myanmar military and associated entities immediately, if they have not done so already, said the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), in a new report on the Myanmar military’s in-country arms production and the global value chains that facilitate it. Weapons produced in Myanmar have been used and continue to be used by the military to commit widespread human rights violations that amount to the most serious crimes under international law.
The report, Fatal Business: Supplying the Myanmar Military’s Weapon Production, identifies companies domiciled in Austria, France, China, Singapore, India, Israel, Ukraine, Germany, Taiwan, Japan, Russia, South Korea and the United States. They have been providing supplies that are critical to weapon production in Myanmar by the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries (DDI) at arms manufacturing factories commonly referred to as KaPaSa.
The report also maps out the locations of KaPaSa factories and their current production lines as well as other locations of strategic importance for the DDI’s weapon manufacturing. The Myanmar military has invested heavily over many years in building up its capacity to produce arms in-country, particularly small arms and light weapons, in response to embargoes and sanctions that have restricted its access to essential military supplies produced elsewhere.
“Foreign companies are enabling the Myanmar military – one of the world’s worst human rights abusers – to produce many of the weapons it uses to commit daily atrocities against the Myanmar people,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Foreign companies and their home states have moral and legal responsibilities to ensure their products are not facilitating human rights violations against civilians in Myanmar. Failing to do so makes them complicit in the Myanmar military’s barbaric crimes.”
The report draws on a range of sources including leaked budget-related documents from the Myanmar military-controlled Ministry of Defence and the DDI, shipment records, interviews with individuals formerly associated with the Myanmar military and photographic evidence shared by them as well as open-source materials.
Through its investigation, SAC-M has identified companies supplying raw materials, parts and components, end-items, and high-precision Computer Numerical Control (CNC) machines and associated technology to the DDI for the sustained production – both licensed and un-licensed – of weapons currently in its arsenal. The report also names front companies, including companies domiciled in Myanmar, and middlemen that enable the DDI to purchase products and services by brokering deals or otherwise acting as intermediaries for the DDI.
“Weapons produced at the Myanmar military’s KaPaSa factories have been used to commit human rights atrocities for decades,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “States must investigate and, if necessary, initiate administrative or legal proceedings against companies whose products we have identified as enabling the DDI to produce weapons used by the Myanmar military in its indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Foreign companies that profit from the suffering of the Myanmar people must be held accountable.”
Companies identified in the report may be contravening various export controls and other restrictive measures that apply in relation to Myanmar, the Myanmar military and companies associated with it. They may also be failing to uphold their international responsibilities to respect human rights under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. Meanwhile, the home States of companies identified may be in breach of their obligations and duties under applicable international human rights and humanitarian law.
Over many years media and human rights groups have gathered extensive video and photographic evidence of DDI-manufactured weapons being used by the Myanmar military to commit gross human rights violations. This includes, for example, evidence of DDI-made weapons being used during lethal crackdowns on peaceful protests in response to the attempted coup of February 2021, and during the genocidal atrocities against Rohingya in 2016 and 2017. Companies involved in the provision or supply of essential products to the DDI may be found complicit in these and other atrocities committed by the Myanmar military.
“The Myanmar military has built a robust arms manufacturing industry that makes it largely self-sufficient in its ability to produce the small arms, light weapons and ammunition it uses to brutally suppress the Myanmar people,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “However, the DDI’s reliance on external supplies to sustain its weapon production means it is still vulnerable to external pressure. UN member states should do everything in their power to restrict the Myanmar military’s access to those supplies to protect the Myanmar people, including by adopting targeted sanctions against the KaPaSa, its leadership and its network of brokers.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
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"1. U Kaung Khant Kyaw, a 27-year-old CDM teacher from Myan-Aung Township, Ayeyarwaddy Region had been arbitrarily arrested and jailed in October 2021 at Hinthada Prison.
2. In August 2022, a biased court controlled by the military junta without the power to govern the legal and justice systems, Hinthada District Court, heard the case, and he was sentenced to a 5-year prison term according to S. 50(j) of the Anti-Terrorism Act. Again, on December 30, 2022, the Myan-Aung District Court sentenced U Kaung Khant Kyaw to death according to Section 302(a) of the Penal Code and promptly moved him to the Pathein Prison.
3. According to media sources, the terrorist military group is torturing political prisoners in Pathein Prison under duress. The terrorist military group has been committing crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide for which they will be held accountable.
4. The unjustified detention and sentencing to death by a terrorist group of a young teacher who is a valuable human resource for the nation is a violation of his right to life and his political freedom as mandated by international human rights law.
5. The terrorist military group's implication of the death penalty is a violation of the peace and security mechanism of the United Nations. This mechanism was used when the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution No. (2669/2022) and called for the release of political prisoners.
6. The Ministry of Education has administered to collect and keep records of human rights violations, has worked hard to gain justice. We will keep fighting until the uprising is successful, and will stand in solidarity with the students, workers, farmers, and workers who are being tortured and killed all over the country..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
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Sub-title:
Statement on the Establishment of the Office of Special Envoy
Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar warmly
welcomes the establishment of the Office of Special Envoy, as announced by H.E. Retno L.P.
Marsudi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia.
We are confident that Foreign Minister Retno will bring dedication and determination to her
role as Head of the Office.
To further raise the bar of ASEAN’s Myanmar response, the Minister’s likely appointment
of a new Special Envoy should see the role made full-time, and the Office of Special Envoy
allocated human and financial resources matched to the mandate’s importance and scope.
Indonesia’s leadership of ASEAN arrives at a critical moment for Myanmar and amidst a
groundswell of momentum. ASEAN Leaders' call for support from the United Nations and external
partners at the recent ASEAN Summits enabled the UN Security Council to adopt its historic first
resolution on the situation in Myanmar. Significantly, this binding resolution confirmed the Security
Council's support for the will of the Myanmar people, demanded an immediate end to the illegal
military junta’s violence, and stressed the need for full, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to
all people in need.
The National Unity Government extends its full support and cooperation to Indonesia as
ASEAN Chair and to Foreign Minister Retno as Head of the Office of Special Envoy..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံး ဖွင့်လှစ်ခြင်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description:
"မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံး ဖွင့်လှစ်လိုက်ကြောင်း အင်ဒိုနီးရှားနိုင်ငံ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး H.E. Retno L.P. Marsudi မှ ကြေညာခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရမှ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး Ms Retno မှ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံး အကြီးအကဲအနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားများကို အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် တစိုက်မတ်မတ်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဟု မိမိတို့ အစိုးရမှ ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။
ထို့အပြင် အာဆီယံ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် တုံ့ပြန်မှု အရှိန်ကို ပိုမိုမြှင့်တင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် Ms Retno မှ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အသစ် ခန့်အပ်လာပါက အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် မှ ၎င်း၏တာဝန် ဝတ္တရားများကို အချိန်ပြည့် လုပ်ဆောင်သွားနိုင်ဖွယ်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံး အနေ ဖြင့်လည်း အရေးကြီးသော နယ်ပယ်နှင့်ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် လူသားအရင်းအမြစ်များနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေး အရင်းအမြစ်များကို ခွဲဝေချထားသည်ကို တွေ့မြင်ရပါသည်။
အာဆီယံတွင် အင်ဒိုနီးရှားနိုင်ငံ၏ ခေါင်းဆောင်မှု စတင်သည့်အချိန်သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းပြီး လူထု၏သဘောထား တဟုန်ထိုးမြင့်တက်နေသည့်ကာလ ဖြစ်သည့်အပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် အရေးပါသော အခိုက်အတန့်နှင့်လည်း ကိုက်ညီနေ ပါသည်။ မကြာသေးမီက ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများတွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် ပြင်ပ မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများထံမှ ထောက်ခံမှုရရှိရန် အာဆီယံ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုကြောင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျက်ရှိသော အခြေအနေများနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် သမိုင်းဝင်သော ပထမဆုံး ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကို ချမှတ်နိုင်ခဲ့ ပါသည်။ ဥပဒေအရ ချည်နှောင်မှုရှိသည့် အဆိုပါဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ သဘောဆန္ဒများ ကို လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီမှ ထောက်ခံကြောင်း ပြသလိုက်သည်သာမက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်ရန် တောင်းဆို ထားသည်ကိုလည်း တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အဆိုပါ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်တွင် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများကို ပြည့်ပြည့်ဝဝ၊ လုံလုံခြုံခြုံ၊ အဟန့်အတားမရှိ အကူအညီ လိုအပ်နေသူများထံသို့ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရန် လိုအပ်သည်ကိုလည်း အလေးထားဖော်ပြထားသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အင်ဒိုနီးရှားနိုင်ငံမှ အာဆီယံဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင်ခြင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး Ms Retno မှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံအထူး ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ရုံး၏ အကြီးအကဲအဖြစ်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခြင်းတို့အပေါ် အပြည့်အဝထောက်ခံပါ ကြောင်းနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများလည်း ပြုလုပ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာ အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Junta reportedly bombs Indian territory in fresh attacks on Chin Army
Description:
"(BANGKOK, January 12, 2023)—The Government of India should prevent Myanmar-junta fighter jets from accessing Indian airspace and take measures to protect ethnic-Chin and Indian civilians in border areas, said Fortify Rights today. On Tuesday and Wednesday, the Myanmar junta air force dropped bombs on both sides of the Myanmar-India border, killing five ethnic-Chin opposition soldiers and destroying civilian structures.
“New Delhi shouldn’t tolerate the junta’s incursions on its airspace, and Indian authorities should do everything in their power to ensure the security of civilians and border areas,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer of Fortify Rights. “India should be aware of the junta’s habit of violating its neighbors’ airspaces and terrorizing civilian populations and take action accordingly.”
The attacks reportedly began on January 10 at around 3:30 p.m., targeting Camp Victoria—the headquarters of the Chin National Front (CNF), an ethnic resistance organization—located in Myanmar’s Chin State, which abuts India’s Mizoram State. The bombing reportedly destroyed civilian housing and a health facility located inside Camp Victoria and killed five CNF soldiers, including two women.
Junta forces also reportedly dropped two bombs on the Indian side of the border, near Farkawn village in Mizoram State’s Champhai District, where thousands of ethic-Chin refugees have sought protection. No one was reported injured in Farkawn.
Leaked junta documents shared by the Chin Human Rights Organization on social media in November 2022 exposed alleged plans by the Myanmar junta to launch airstrikes on Camp Victoria. One document titled “Target List of CNF Headquarter” listed dormitories of soldiers, training facilities, leaders’ houses as well as civilian residences, hospitals, churches, and schools.
Anticipating potential attacks, in November 2022, a senior-ranking official in the CNF told Fortify Rights that the CNF had requested military support from the Indian government to increase security on the Myanmar-India border.
A few months back, in 2022, the Assam Rifles—border guard forces responsible for providing ground security in India’s Mizoram and Manipur states at the Myanmar border—withdrew from its post overseeing the Tiau River, which borders Myanmar in India’s Farkawn village. The junta bombed locations near the Tiau River this week.
In recent months, incursions by the Myanmar junta air force into the sovereign air space of both Thailand and Bangladesh have been reported.
According to the Royal Thai Air Force, on June 30, 2022, Myanmar junta aircraft crossed into Thai airspace over Phop Phra District in Tak Province, which is located on the Thailand-Myanmar border. Thai authorities reportedly detected a MiG-29 fighter jet belonging to the Myanmar military in Thai airspace, more than three miles into Thai territory. Reportedly, the incursion of the fighter jet and loud explosions across the border created panic among villagers in Thailand, prompting them to shelter in bunkers. In response to the junta’s incursions, Thai authorities deployed two F-16 fighter jets. Similarly, in late August 2022, the junta air force reportedly fired two rockets that landed less than 400 feet into Bangladeshi territory.
“The Myanmar junta is a threat to peace, including to the Myanmar people and civilian populations in neighboring states,” said Matthew Smith. “India must not allow the junta to continue destabilizing the region by using Indian airspace in its attacks and should support efforts to hold the junta accountable for its crimes.”
In the first six months after the Myanmar military launched its coup d’état, Fortify Rights and the Schell Center at Yale Law School documented crimes against humanity perpetrated by the military and police in Myanmar, including murder, imprisonment, torture, persecution, and enforced disappearances.
The junta’s systematic attack against the civilian population has forced tens of thousands from Chin State in Myanmar to Mizoram State, India. Although the Indian government reportedly ordered border security forces and the chief secretaries of the four northeastern states bordering Myanmar to prevent refugee inflows from Myanmar, as of July 2022, Mizoram State continues to host more than 30,000 Chin refugees. An estimated one-third of those sheltering in Mizoram State are located in the recently bombed Champhai District.
International humanitarian law—also known as the laws of war—is applicable to the situation in Chin State, which constitutes a non-international armed conflict. The laws of war are primarily defined by the Geneva Conventions, which provide fundamental rules to regulate the conduct of armed conflict and expressly guarantee the protection of civilians “against all acts of violence.” Under the laws of war, parties involved in the conflict are required to distinguish civilians and “civilian objects,” such as homes and hospitals that are not being used for military purposes, from combatants and “military objectives.” Both direct attacks and indiscriminate attacks that strike civilians and “civilian objects” are prohibited by the laws of war. “Intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population” is further considered a serious violation of international humanitarian law that may constitute a war crime.
The Myanmar junta’s nationwide attacks on civilian populations amount to serious violations of international law and should be addressed by the United Nations Security Council, said Fortify Rights.
The U.N. Security Council has recognized that military coups, mass atrocity crimes, and cross-border refugee crises can threaten international peace and security and be a context for the Security Council to invoke its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter.
On December 21, 2022, the U.N. Security Council adopted a historic resolution, denouncing human rights violations by the Myanmar military since the February 1, 2021 coup d’état. This was the first Security Council resolution on Myanmar since the country became independent in 1948, and while important, it failed to mandate action.
The Security Council should invoke its authority and pass a resolution to issue a global arms embargo against the Myanmar junta and refer the situation to the International Criminal Court, said Fortify Rights.
The Government of India should coordinate with Myanmar’s neighbors and other U.N. member states to block imports of aviation fuel to Myanmar, which would help prevent the junta’s deadly air strikes on civilian populations. The Indian government should also authorize cross-border humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons in Myanmar, and deprive the Myanmar military junta of weapons, dual-use technology, revenue, and political recognition, said Fortify Rights..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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Sub-title:
ASEAN Countries Should Adopt Tough Sanctions against Junta
Description:
"(Jakarta) – Myanmar’s junta has been responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity since the military coup in February 2021, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2023. The security forces have been implicated in mass killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, sexual violence, and attacks on civilians in conflict areas. Amid a post-coup economic crisis, the junta has severely hindered the delivery of humanitarian aid to communities most at risk.
Member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which Indonesia will chair in 2023, should coordinate to support targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military’s major revenue streams.
“Ending the Myanmar junta’s widespread abuses needs a global commitment to impose pressure through targeted sanctions and accountability for atrocities,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Indonesia as ASEAN chair should take the lead in imposing concrete measures that will curtail the junta’s ability to violate the rights of its citizens.”
In the 712-page World Report 2023, its 33rd edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in close to 100 countries. In her introductory essay, acting Executive Director Tirana Hassan says that in a world in which power has shifted, it is no longer possible to rely on a small group of mostly Global North governments to defend human rights. The world’s mobilization around Russia’s war in Ukraine reminds us of the extraordinary potential when governments realize their human rights obligations on a global scale. The responsibility is on individual countries, big and small, to apply a human rights framework to their policies, and then work together to protect and promote human rights.
Since the coup, Myanmar’s security forces have arbitrarily arrested more than 16,000 pro-democracy activists and supporters and killed at least 2,300, according to the nongovernmental Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. In July, the military executed four political prisoners in Myanmar’s first use of the death penalty in over three decades. The National League for Democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is serving a 33-year sentence after closed military trials for corruption, incitement, breaching the Official Secrets Act, and other politically motivated charges.
The Myanmar military has carried out indiscriminate ground and air attacks that have resulted in numerous civilian deaths. Fighting since the coup has displaced over one million people internally, with another 70,000 refugees fleeing into neighboring countries.
The junta has blocked desperately needed humanitarian aid from reaching millions of displaced people and others at risk, in violation of international humanitarian law. Across the country, security forces imposed new travel restrictions and attacked aid workers, blocked access to roads and aid convoys, destroyed non-military supplies, and shut down telecommunications services.
In Rakhine State, new restrictions on movement and aid affecting ethnic Rohingya camps and villages exacerbated water scarcity and food shortages, increasing cases of preventable diseases and severe malnutrition. Escalating hostilities between the Arakan Army armed group and the Myanmar military resulted in Rohingya and Rakhine civilian deaths, arbitrary arrests, and displacement.
Key international actors such as the European Union, United States, United Kingdom, and Canada have imposed targeted sanctions on senior military and junta officials and some junta entities. However, countries in the Asia-Pacific region, notably ASEAN member countries, Australia, and Japan have not taken meaningful actions against the junta, undermining efforts by other governments, Human Rights Watch said..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
Grouping:
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Description:
"On 10th January 2023 at around 4:30 pm and 11st January 2023 at around 4:00 pm, the terrorist military council used its jet fighters to bombard Camp Victoria which serves as the headquarters of Chin National Front. On the first day, two Chin women and three men revolutionaries were killed and quite a few others were injured and on second day, the medical clinic in the Camp and the civilian household were destroyed. It is also reported that during the event one bomb was dropped inside Indian territory. Even before this event the terrorist military council has been repeatedly bombing regions in Karen State, Kachin State, Sagaing Division and Magway Division where innocent lives have been lost.
It is a known fact that from the time the terrorist military council staged an attempted coup d’etat on 1st February 2021 to date, 460 innocent civilians, mostly children, have lost their lives due to their repeated air strikes.
The National Unity Government strongly condemns the terrorist military council’s use of air strikes targeting innocent civilians. We convey our condolences to all those who have lost their lives from the ethnic communities by these inhumane atrocities and pledge that we will do our utmost to find justice for all those lives lost by judiciary means, be it national or international.
We urge our neighbouring countries to take immediate, robust action on the terrorist military council on the infringements incurred causing loss of property and livelihood in their land. These infringements and actions are in blatant contravention of the United Nations Security Council’s resolution that requires the immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar. As they also disregard the international community’s efforts to find a rapprochement in Myanmar’s affairs, we ask that the international community work hand in hand with the National Unity Government, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, National Unity Consultative Council, People’s Representatives, and the Ethnic Revolutionary Forces to resolve the crisis in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
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"စီဒီအမ်ဆရာ ဆရာ ဦးကောင်းခန့်ကျော်အား သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
စာအမှတ်။ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၃)
ရက်စွဲ။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၁၁) ရက်
၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ဧရာ၀တီတိုင်း မြန်အောင်မြို့တွင် နေထိုင်သူ အသက် (၂၇) နှစ် အရွယ် CDM ဆရာ ဦးကောင်းခန့်ကျော်ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလတွင် မတရား ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီးနောက် ဟင်္သာတထောင်၌ အကျဥ်းချ ထားခဲ့သည်။
၂။ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုသည် တရားစီရင်ရေးယန္တရားကို လည်ပတ်ရန် အခွင့်အာဏာ မရှိဘဲ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ထိန်းချုပ်ခံ ဘက်လိုက်သောတရားရုံးဖြစ်သည့် ဟင်္သာတခရိုင် တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးပြီး ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ သြဂုတ်လ တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေး ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၀(ည) ဖြင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ၅ နှစ် ချခဲ့သည်။၊ တဖန် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ (၃၀) ရက်နေ့ တွင် မြန်အောင်ခရိုင် တရားရုံးက ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၃၀၂(က) ဖြင့် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး ဆရာဦးကောင်းခန့်ကျော်အား ပုသိမ်အကျဥ်းထောင်သို့ ချက်ချင်းရွှေ့ခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ပုသိမ်အကျဥ်းထောင်တွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများကို ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများအား အဓမ္မ ပြုလုပ်နေသည်ဟု မီဒီယာများတွင် ဖော်ပြနေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ် မှုများ၊ လူမျိုးသုဉ်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် တာ၀န်ယူ၊ တာ၀န်ခံရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ တိုင်းပြည်အတွက် အားထားရသော လူငယ်ဆရာတစ်ယောက်အား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ မျက်ကွယ်တရားရုံးများမှ စီရင်ချက်များ ချမှတ်ခြင်းတို့သည် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေက ပြဌာန်းထားသော အသက်ရှင်သန်ခွင့် နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအခွင့် အရေးများ ကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား လွှတ်ပေးရန်အတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီက ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အမှတ် (၂၆၆၉/၂၀၂၂) ထုတ်ကာ ဖိအားပေးတောင်းဆိုနေချိန်တွင် ယခုကဲ့သို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ချက် ချမှတ်ခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး နှင့် လုံခြုံရေး ယန္တရားအား ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ ပညာရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခံနေရသော အလုပ်သမား၊ လယ်သမား၊ ပြည်သူ လူထုနှင့် အတူရပ်တည်၍ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှု မှတ်တမ်းများကို ကောက်ယူသိမ်းဆည်းလျက် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိနိုင်ရေးကို အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးစားလုပ်ဆောင်ပြီး အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု သန္ဓိဌာန်ပြုပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
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"၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၁၀) ရက် ညနေ ၄:၃၀ နာရီခန့်တွင်တစ်ကြိမ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၁၁) ရက်နေ့ ညနေ ၄:၀၀ နာရီခန့်တွင် တစ်ကြိမ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး(CNF) ဌာနချုပ်တည်ရှိရာ Camp Victoria စခန်းအား တိုက်လေယာဉ်များအသုံးပြု၍ လေကြောင်းမှ ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများအတွင်း ပထမရက်တွင် ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် တော်လှန်ရေးရဲမေ (၂) ဦးနှင့် ရဲဘော်(၃) ဦးကျဆုံးကာ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူများရှိခဲ့ပြီး ဒုတိယနေ့တွင် ပြင်ပလူနာဆောင်နှင့် လူနေအိမ်များ ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံ နယ်နိမိတ်အတွင်းသို့ ဗုံးတစ်လုံး ကျရောက်ပေါက်ကွဲခဲ့သည်ဟုလည်း သိရှိရပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဖြစ်စဉ်မတိုင်မီကလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မကွေးတိုင်းတို့တွင် လေကြောင်းအသုံးပြုကာ ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ကြိမ်ဖန်များစွာပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကာ အရပ်သားပြည်သူ သေဆုံးမှုများ ရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ပြည်သူ့အာဏာကိုလုယူခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်၍ ယနေ့အထိ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူဦးရေ ( ၄၆၀ ) ဦးကျော် ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်ပြီး အများစုမှာ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အချက်အလက်များအရ သိရှိရသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အရပ်သားပြည်သူများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ လေကြောင်းအသုံးပြု ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်နေမှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ကြရသော တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများအတွက် ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲ ရပါကြောင်းနှင့် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်ချင်းစီတိုင်းအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုကို ပြန်လည်ရရှိနိုင်ရေး ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာတရားဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစား ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။
အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများ အနေဖြင့်လည်း မိမိတို့၏လေပိုင်နက်ကို ကျော်လွန်အသုံးပြုကာ မြန်မာပြည်သူများကို သတ်ဖြတ်နေရုံသာမက၊ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများရှိ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်လုံခြုံမှုကိုပါ ခြိမ်းခြောက်လာနေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို ထိရောက်ပြင်းထန်စွာ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးပြုလုပ်ကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်းပြောကြားလိုသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်တောင်းဆိုထားသည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာ့အရေးကိစ္စကို ပြေလည်စေရန် ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်း၏ ကြိုးစားမှုများကိုလည်း လျစ်လျူရှုနေခြင်း ဖြစ်သောကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာ့အရေးကိစ္စကို အမြန်ဆုံးဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထုကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် မြန်မာ့တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာလက်တွဲ ဆောင်ရွက်သင့်ပါကြောင်း အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
Size:
479.16 KB
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"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
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Email - [email protected]
သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
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"The title of a luxury Bangkok condo and two Siam Commercial Bank passbooks belonging to the children of junta head and war criminal Min Aung Hlaing were among items confiscated during the arrest of Myanmar crony arms broker Tun Min Latt, Justice For Myanmar has revealed in a report today, based on the seizure record.
Tun Min Latt and three of his associates were arrested in dawn raids in Bangkok on September 17 and were indicted on December 13 on drug trafficking, money laundering and transnational organised crime charges.
Justice For Myanmar understands that Thai authorities have not seized the assets of Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon, despite evidence linking them to Tun Min Latt’s alleged criminal activities.
The title documents for a number of properties were confiscated belonging to Tun Min Latt and associates in his network.
Among them, a four-bedroom condo in Belle Rama 9 belonging to Aung Pyae Sone, Min Aung Hlaing’s son.
Comparable condos in Belle Rama 9 are being advertised for close to US$ 1 million.
The Siam Commercial Bank passbooks belong to Khin Thiri Thet Mon, Min Aung Hlaing’s daughter.
The condo title and passbooks were in the possession of Tun Min Latt at the time of his arrest.
Min Aung Hlaing and his two children are sanctioned by the US and Canada.
The revelations come as Min Aung Hlaing has maintained a close personal relationship with Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, who became Prime Minister after leading a military coup in 2014. Thailand provides substantial support to the illegal junta through the purchase of natural gas.
Justice For Myanmar urges Thai authorities to seize the assets of Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon and investigate whether they have benefited from the proceeds of crime, and to block junta members, their families and enablers from accessing Thai banks and purchasing assets in Thailand.
Justice Myanmar calls on Thai banks to close accounts held by junta members, cronies and their families sanctioned in other jurisdictions.
Justice For Myanmar further calls on governments to urgently sanction financial enablers of the junta to cut its access to funds and block opportunities for generals and their families to profit from the illegal coup attempt and steal public assets from the people of Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The fact that Min Aung Hlaing’s children’s assets were in the possession of an international criminal should be a wake-up call to the Thai government and international community.
“Justice For Myanmar urges Thai authorities to seize Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon’s assets and investigate whether they have benefited from the proceeds of Tun Min Latt’s alleged money laundering and drug trafficking and to hold them accountable for any violations of Thai law.
“The Myanmar military junta is both a terrorist organisation and a transnational criminal enterprise, working in partnership with criminal enablers like Tun Min Latt, who co-own a military-owned casino and has brokered arms while committing his alleged criminal activities.
“While the junta continues waging its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, the families of junta members are hiding their stolen assets offshore, as they benefit from the military’s genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Thailand and other governments must urgently block the transfer of stolen assets from Myanmar and close access to the international financial system for junta members and their families, or risk complicity in the junta’s international crimes and corruption.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-1-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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pdf pdf
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141.19 KB 89.02 KB
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"1. Revolutionary forces urge civilians to boycott the SAC’s attempt to collect population information for the sham election.....2. Defence Ministry plans to expand its battalions.....3. LDF members provide healthcare services to those affected by arson.....4. Fire protection taskforce established in Myinmu Township, Sagaing Region 3/1/2023.....5. NUG Prime Minister remarks victory only at hand due to the increased support from the international community.....6. The NUG announced that it will send reports to international organizations, including the United Nations, regarding the violent torture in Pathein Prison and will take action..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
Size:
553.63 KB
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Description:
"National Unity Government weekly News Update (2/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.25 MB
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"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
Telegram - info2mod
Email - [email protected]
သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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855.38 KB
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"(ဤသတင်းများကို သတင်းမီဒီယာများမှတစ်ဆင့်ကူးယူထားခြင်းနှင့် မြေပြင် ပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ
ပေးပို့ထားသောအချက်အလတ်များကိုစုစည်းဖော်ပြထားခြင်းသာဖြစ်ပါသည်။)
မှတ်ချက်။ ။မြေပြင်တွင် ယခုတွေ့ရသည့်သတင်းအချက်အလက်များထက် ပို၍ ဖြစ်ပွားနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
Size:
1.61 MB
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Source/publisher:
Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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pdf
Size:
1.32 MB
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Source/publisher:
Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-09
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Individual Documents
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pdf
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1.39 MB
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"Six civil society organizations that work on business and human rights sent a letter dated September 30, 2022 to 160 major investors in MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, and Mizuho Bank, major Japanese banks that are investing or lending to projects that may benefit the Myanmar military, or that hold shares in companies that may be complicit in human rights violations in Myanmar. In their human rights policies, the financial groups that oversee each of the banks, Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, Mitsui Sumitomo Financial Group, and Mizuho Financial Group, support international human rights standards such as the UN Global Compact and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and are expected to implement those standards without fail.
The letter requested that the institutions holding shares in the three banks promptly engage with the banks to take the "measures required of banks" shown in the letter, and that if the three banks do not take measures even after engagement, to consider divestment.
The recipients of the letter included multiple pension funds and mutual aid associations. So far, in addition to the Council on Ethics that manages four pension funds in Sweden that welcomed our input, we have received responses from nine institutions. One of the nine stated that it would conduct engagement, and two others said that they would utilize our request in their analyses of corporations and future engagement. However, the remaining recipients did not disclose information about specific activities including whether or not they were conducting engagement. Further, the recipients included multiple mutual aid associations for civil servants in Japan, but none of the associations even responded to our request.
In Myanmar, the military continues to commit international crimes such as the murder of people including children, unlawful arrest, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance, and torture. Investors may be complicit if they neglect the fact that they hold shares in and receive dividends from companies that are funding these crimes. We strongly urge investors to take action towards improving the human rights situation in Myanmar, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities.
Please refer to the letter linked below for further details.
[English] "Call for Engagement to Urge Banks to Take Measures to Stop the Flow of Funds to the Myanmar Military," dated September 30, 2022, sent to 160 institutional investors holding shares in MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, or Mizuho Bank..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, Network Against Japan Arms Trade, ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation and Japan International Volunteer Center
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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66.4 KB 108.52 KB
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Sub-title:
From brutal murders and military parades to jailed opponents, Min Aung Hlaing is true to the tyrant’s playbook. The worldwide fight for democracy has to be fought here
Description:
"It’s a country where children are imprisoned, tortured and sexually abused. Hundreds have been killed since the military coup two years ago. In total, more than 2,600 people have been murdered and nearly 17,000 detained by a brutal regime led by a genocidal war criminal. In case you’re wondering, this isn’t Ukraine and it isn’t Vladimir Putin.
The criminal in question is Myanmar’s junta boss, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who struts about in a uniform adorned with meaningless decorations and gaudy gold braid. As a general rule, the more medals a dictator wears, the more absurd and dangerous they are. This killer, this bigoted bomber of villages, schools and hospitals, this displacer of millions, is right up there with the worst of them.
Min Aung Hlaing “celebrated” Myanmar’s 75th independence anniversary from Britain last week with a big military parade silently boycotted by most Burmese. Days earlier, he slapped yet another prison term on Aung San Suu Kyi, the democratically elected leader he deposed. True to the tyrant’s playbook, the junta plans sham elections this year that will exclude its opponents.
Addressing a sullen nation, Min Aung Hlaing thanked countries which have declined to join the EU, US and UK in imposing sanctions. It was a roll call of shame. “We are closely working with China, India, Thailand, Laos and Bangladesh ... for border stability and development,” he said. He might have mentioned Russia, too, his main arms supplier.
What the general failed to say is the junta’s grip on power is weakening in the teeth of growing political and armed resistance from an umbrella group, the People’s Defence Force, so-called ethnic armed organisation (EAOs), and the exiled, civilian-led national unity government.
Despite regime efforts to suppress independent reporting, much of Myanmar appears to be in a state of semi-permanent insurrection, punctuated by junta atrocities. Yet to succeed, disparate resistance groups need to forge a united front, Scot Marciel, a former US ambassador, suggested.
“The junta may be able to stay in power for some time just through pure brutality, but there’s no evidence at all that [it] will be able to stabilise or effectively govern the country or gain any kind of popular support,” Marciel told the Irrawaddy news website last week. “They [the resistance] have to show ... they present a stable alternative.”
It’s plain Myanmar’s people need help. So what more should the “international community” be doing? As the former colonial power, Britain is lead country on Myanmar at the UN. Notwithstanding foreign secretary James Cleverly’s recent boasts in the Guardian, its good-faith efforts have proven largely ineffectual over the years.
As is so often the case, hopes are pinned on the US. The 2023 National Defense Authorization Act authorises the Biden administration to provide non-lethal assistance and funding to opposition organisations, political prisoners and civil society groups. But it is unclear what, if anything, the White House may do next.
If the world really wants to end Myanmar’s suffering, and bring Min Aung Hlaing to heel, China – in theory – is best placed to try. Huge business and infrastructure investments afford it unmatched leverage. It cares nought for democracy, but chronic instability on its border is not in Beijing’s interest.
Self-serving calculations, not principles, explain China’s unexpected decision not to veto last month’s first-ever UN security council resolution on Myanmar, which called for an end to violence and the freeing of all political prisoners. Following Beijing’s lead, Russia also abstained. Now comes the hard part: ensuring the junta complies.
The UN, like Myanmar’s opposition, needs a united front. To work, it must also include India’s government which, as with Ukraine, puts money before morality; Bangladesh, which is struggling to cope with a million Burmese Rohingya Muslim refugees; and Thailand and other Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean) members.
But Asean is split. Its “five-point consensus” peace plan has stalled. Some states fantasise the junta’s sham elections will provide genuine legitimacy. Even recent tragedies involving Rohingya boat people have left regional leaders largely unmoved.
The Burma Campaign UK pressure group complains the UN resolution does not go far enough, with no mention, for example, of a long-sought global arms embargo. “Russia, China and India are using their seats on the security council to protect their profitable dodgy arms deals with the Burmese military,” said UK director Mark Farmaner.
Trying to maintain momentum, activists want the UK and other governments to block supplies of aviation fuel, to stop the junta launching air strikes. Too many international companies still do business in Myanmar, they say. Legal action alleging a Rohingya genocide is under way at the UN’s International Court of Justice – but the process will take years.
Who else can deter the junta? Religious leaders might be expected to help. But the regime assiduously courts majority Buddhist opinion. Last week it honoured Wirathu, an ultra-nationalist monk notorious for anti-Islam rhetoric who was once dubbed the “face of Buddhist terror”.
Disappointingly, Catholic leaders feted Min Aung Hlaing at a Christmas service at Holy Trinity cathedral in Yangon. Cardinal Charles Maung Bo prayed for peace, apparently forgiving of the fact his parishioner’s stormtroopers frequently burn churches – and attacked his home village last year.
Bottom line: all concerned actors, international and domestic, must join together to dethrone the region’s worst regime since the Khmer Rouge terrorised Cambodia. “What is required is action,” Tom Andrews, UN rapporteur on Myanmar, declared last month. “Systematic, gross human rights violations, amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity, [are] being perpetrated daily on the people of Myanmar.”
What could be clearer? If the 21st century’s defining global struggle for democracy, justice and civil liberties is to have any hope of succeeding, it must be fought here, too..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"AAPP issues this statement to bring attention to the gross human rights violations perpetrated by the military junta. On the evening of January 5, 2023, a dispute occurred between prison authorities and political prisoners. Eight political prisoners were called out and brought from the compound. Their hands were tied behind their back, and they were savagely kicked and beaten with batons. Following brutal torture several political prisoners were severely injured some of whom are in critical condition, and at least one political prisoner was killed. AAPP strongly condemns these severe crimes of extrajudicial murder and torture in a crackdown.
In Burma since the coup, rule of law and any judicial system have collapsed. The pillars of military rule – judges, soldiers, police, and prison guards are being used by the junta to abuse and torture political prisoners. In fact, in every prison, political prisoners are intentionally tortured and violated.
On January 5, 2022, there was an altercation between political prisoners and prison guards. Prison personnel used excess force to crackdown with brutal beatings on political prisoners who were severely beaten with hands tied behind their back. One political prisoner was killed, and several critically injured. Looking at these events, the torture and extrajudicial killings in Pathein Prison are crimes under the UN Convention Against Torture (UNCAT).
Junta authorities including Pathein Prison Superintendent Nay Min Htet, Pathein City Surveillance Police Station Officer Myint Aung, and Police Station Officer Kyaw Oo, are responsible for Pathein Prison. Those who ordered crimes be perpetrated in Pathein Prison, as well as all other relevant prison officers who personally carried out the violations are responsible and must be held to account.
AAPP condemns these extrajudicial killings and brutal torture which occur daily under military rule and will strive to achieve justice for all political prisoners whose rights have been violated.
We urge the international community to provide protection from the daily perpetrated human rights violations, extrajudicial killings and brutal torture. The junta is committing international crimes, but such cases cannot be handled within the domestic judiciary system – international judiciary mechanisms must hence take action for accountability..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
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114.79 KB
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"ပုသိမ်အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်နေ့ ညပိုင်းတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများနှင့် ထောင် အာဏာပိုင်တို့ကြား ပြဿနာြဖစ်ခဲ့ပြီး ထောင်အာဏာပိုင်တို့ဘက်မှ လူကိုသေစေနိုင်သည့် လက်နက်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်း၊ အသံဗုံးခွဲခြင်း၊ အုပ်စုလိုက်ဝိုင်းဝန်းရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း၊ လက်ပြန်ကြိုးတုပ်ပြီးအပြင်းအထန်ရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း တို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအနည်းဆုံးတစ်ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအများအပြား အပြင်း အထန် ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ကြောင်း သတင်းရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုလုပ်ရပ်များသည် အကျဉ်းထောင်လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်း များကို ကျော်လွန်၍ လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး မတရား ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုနှင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည့် ကြီးမား သောရာဇဝတ်မှုကိုပါကျူးလွန်လိုက်သည့်လုပ်ရပ် ဖြစ်သည်ဟု နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး အသင်း (အေအေပီပီ)မှ ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။
၁။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစပြီး တရားဥပဒေ စိုးမိုးရေးပျက်ပြယ်သွားခဲ့ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ အမာခံထောက်တိုင်များဖြစ်ကြသည့် တရားသူကြီးများ၊ စစ်သားများ၊ ရဲများ၊ အကျဉ်း ဦးစီးဝန်ထမ်းများက စစ်အုပ်စုအလိုကျ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့မတရားပြစ်ဒဏ်များချမှတ်ခြင်း၊ အကျဉ်း ထောင်အသီးသီးတွင်လည်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ အနိုင်ကျင့်စော်ကားခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေပါသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်နေ့ မှစတင်ခဲ့သောပုသိမ်ထောင်ဖြစ်စဉ်တွင် အင်အားအလွန်အကျွံသုံး၍ အသက်သေဆုံးစေသည့် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု ပြုမူဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းကြောင့် အနည်းဆုံး နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား တစ်ဦးသေဆုံးပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား အများအပြား ဒဏ်ရာပြင်းထန်စွာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်သည် အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း မတရား ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း နှင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့မတရားသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းကို ကျူးလွန်လိုက် ကြောင်း ထင်ရှားနေပါသည်။ ထိုသို့ကျူးလွန်မှုသည် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုနှင့် အခြားရက်စက်၍ လူမဆန်သော သို့မဟုတ် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကျဆင်းစေသော ဆက်ဆံမှု သို့မဟုတ် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးမှုဆန့်ကျင်ရေး နိုင်ငံတကာ သဘောတူစာချုပ် (UNCAT) ကို အတိအလင်းချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်သည်။
၃။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး ပုသိမ်အကျဉ်းထောင် တာဝန်ခံအရာရှိ နေမင်းထက်၊ ပုသိမ်မြို့မရဲစခန်မှူး မြင့်အောင်၊ နယ်မြေစခန်းမှူး ကျော်ဦးတို့အပါအဝင် အမိန့်ပေးစေခိုင်းသူများ၊ သက်ဆိုင်ရာထောင်အာဏာပိုင်များ၊ ကိုယ်တိုင်ကျူးလွန်သူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် တာဝန်ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့မတရားသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းနှင့် မတရားညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းများအပေါ် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်း သားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်အသင်း အနေဖြင့် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန်ကန့်ကွက်ရှုံ့ချလိုက်ပြီး မတရားကျူးလွန်ခံခဲ့ရ သည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအားလုံးအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိနိုင်ရေး အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးစားအကောင်အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း ပုသိမ်ထောင်ဖြစ်စဉ်အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း နေ့စဉ်ကြုံတွေ့ နေရသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများနှင့် မတရားညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများသည် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများအား ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အဆိုပါကျူးလွန်မှုများကို ပြည်တွင်း တရားစီရင်ရေးကဏ္ဍအတွင်း ကိုင်တွယ်အရေးယူနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိသည့်အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာတရားစီရင်ရေးယန္တရားတွင် အရေးယူနိုင်ရေး ဝိုင်းဝန်းကြိုးပမ်းပေးကြပါရန် အလေးအနက်တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။
ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုနှင့်အခြားသောရက်စက်၍လူမဆန်သည့်(သို့)လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာညှိုးနွမ်းစေသည့်ပြုမှုဆက်ဆံမှု (သို့) ပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးမှုတို့ကိုတားမြစ်ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်သဘောတူစာချုပ် (UNCAT)
အပိုဒ်(၂) (၂) စစ်မက်ဖြစ်ပွားသည့်ကာလ(သို့)စစ်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကျရောက်နိုင်သည့်ကာလ၊ ပြည်တွင်း နိုင်ငံရေး မငြိမ်သက်မှု(သို့) အခြားသောအများပြည်သူအပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် အရေးပေါ်အခြေအနေ တို့အပြင် မည်သည့် အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင်မဆို ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု ပြုလုပ်ကျူးလွန်ခွင့်မပြု။
အပိုဒ်(၂)(၃) အထက်အရာရှိ(သို့) အစိုးရအရာရှိများထံမှအမိန့်တစ်ရပ်ရပ်အား နှိပ်စက်မှုပြုလုပ်ကျူးလွန်ရန် အကြောင်းပြချက်အဖြစ် သုံးခွင့်မပြု။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
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Individual Documents
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871.92 KB
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Source/publisher:
Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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"၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၅) ရက်နေ့နှင့် (၆) ရက်နေ့တွင်စတင်ပြီး ပုသိမ်ထောင် အတွင်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု လက်အောက်ခံ ထောင်ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကြောင့် မတရား ဖမ်းဆီး အကျဉ်းချခံနေရသည့် ပြည်သူတစ်ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပြီး၊ (၇၀) ဦးခန့် ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ကာ၊ တစ်ဦးပျောက်ဆုံးနေဆဲဖြစ်ကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီး ဌာနက ကောက်ယူထားသည့် အချက်အလက်များအရ သိရှိရသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် ယခုဖြစ်စဉ် အပါအဝင် အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများ နှင့် မတရား သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထိန်းသိမ်းလျက် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အပါ အဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများထံ ပေးပို့ခြင်းအပါအဝင် နည်းလမ်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တရားမျှတမှု ဖော်ဆောင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
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Email - [email protected]
သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
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"On January 4, the junta announced they would release a total of 7,012 prisoners in “accordance with the Code of Criminal Procedure, Section 401, Sub-Section (1)”. AAPP has been monitoring the situation and understands that around 300 political prisoners from at least (19) prisons were released. Throughout the day, AAPP has been able to confirm the release of 223 identified political prisoners. The exact identities and total figures of the prisoners released remain to be verified, but AAPP will continue to monitor and document these releases as more information becomes available.
Since the February 1, 2021, military coup and the emergence of the Spring Revolution, a total of (2707) people, pro-democracy activists and other civilians have been killed through military crackdowns following pro-democracy movements.
Since the coup, a total of (13,272) people are currently under detention, (1911) of whom are serving sentences. There are a total of (100) post-coup death row prisoners as of January 6, 2023. (121) people have been sentenced in absentia, of whom (42) have been sentenced to death. This makes a total of (142) people who have been sentenced to death. (24) people have been released on bail and (3696) people have already been released. These are the numbers verified by AAPP. The actual numbers are likely much higher. We will continue to update accordingly.
According to information gathered today, on the night of January 5 political prisoners were severely tortured by prison staff and many police forces in Pathein Prison. The beatings are still continuing today. It is reported that a political prisoner Win Min Thant (aka Mae Gyi) was killed from the assault, though the death is still being confirmed. 8 political prisoners are reportedly receiving medical treatments in the new Pathein Hospital and are in life-threatening condition. Such kind of torture is a serious and blatent violation of human rights.
Among the prisoners released from Myeik Prison in Tanintharyi Region on January 4 was Dr. Min Htet Paing, a political prisoner who was sentenced to serve 3 years in prison under Penal Code Section 505 A. However, another charge was then made against Dr. Min Htet Paing and he was rearrested in front of the prison entrance. He was accused of writing false information on social media to create unrest and “terrorism”, and arrested in early April 2021 on Kyay Nan Taing Bridge in Pathaung Village Tract, Myeik Township.
AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected].....ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ အကျဉ်းသား၊အကျဉ်းသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၇၀၁၂) အား ရာဇဝတ်ကျင့်ထုံး ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၄၀၁၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (၁) အရ ပြန်လည် လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ AAPP မှ အဆိုပါ အကျဉ်းထောင်လွှတ်ပေးမှု အခြေအနေနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ စောင့်ကြည့်မှတ်တမ်းတင်လျက်ရှိရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိရရှိထား သော အချက်အလက်များအရ အကျဉ်းထောင် (၁၉) ခုထက်မနည်းမှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၃၀၀) ဝန်းကျင် လွတ်မြောက်လာကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့် ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ အဆိုပါ အကျဉ်းသားလွှတ်ပေးမှုဖြစ်စဉ်မှ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၂၂၃) ဦးကို ယနေ့အထိ မှတ်တမ်းပြုနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေအတိအကျနှင့် အမည်စာရင်းမှာ ချက်ချင်းရရှိရန် လက်လှမ်းမမီနိုင် သည့်အတွက် အတည်ပြုရန် လိုအပ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး အတည်ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမည်စာရင်းများကို ဆက်လက်ဖော်ပြပေးသွား ပါမည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့ မတရားစစ်အာဏာလုမှုဖြစ်စဉ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်းမှာ (၂၇၀၇) ဦး ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၆ ရက်နေ့ထိတိုင် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၃၂၇၂) ဦးရှိပြီး ၎င်းတို့အနက်မှ (၁၉၁၁) ဦးမှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသည်။ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၆ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အထိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၀၀) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ (၄၂) ဦး အပါအဝင် (၁၂၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံ ထားရသည်။ ထိုကြောင့် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၄၂) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အာမခံဖြင့် လွတ်မြောက်သူ (၂၄) ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေမှာ (၃၆၉၆) ဦး ရှိသည်။
ဖော်ပြပါ ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များသည် AAPP မှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အရေအတွက်ဖြစ်ပြီး မြေပြင်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အချက်အလက်နှင့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များမှာ ယခုထက်ပိုမိုများပြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ အချက်အလက်များကို ထပ်မံကောက်ယူရရှိလာပါက ဆက်လက်ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသွားပါမည်။
ယနေ့ရရှိသော အချက်အလက်များအရ ယမန်နေ့ (ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်) ညအချိန်တွင် ပုသိမ်အကျဉ်းထောင်၌ ထောင်ဝန်ထမ်းနှင့် ရဲအင်အားအများအပြားမှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ပြင်းထန်စွာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခဲ့သည်ဟု ကြားသိရသည်။
ယနေ့တွင်လည်း ဆက်လက်၍ ရိုက်နှက်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားဖြစ်သူ ဝင်းမင်းထက်(ခ) မဲကြီးမှာ ရိုက်နှက်ခံရမှုကြောင့် သေဆုံးသွားကြောင်း ကြားသိရပြီး ထိုသေဆုံးမှုအား ဆက်လက်အတည်ပြုနေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ၈ ဦး မှာ ပုသိမ်ဆေးရုံအသစ်တွင် ဆေးကုသမှုခံနေရသည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။ ဆေးကုသမှုခံနေရသူများမှာလည်း အသက်အန္တရာယ် စိုးရိမ်ဖွယ်ရာ အခြေအနေဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းသည် အလွန်ပြင်းထန် သော လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုဖြစ်သည်။
ထို့ပြင် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်နေ့၌ တနင်္သာရီတိုင်း၊ မြိတ်အကျဉ်းထောင်မှ လွတ်မြောက်လာသူများတွင် ရာဇသတ်ကြီးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅-က ဖြင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် သုံးနှစ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ဒေါက်တာ မင်းထက်ပိုင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သော်လည်း ၎င်းအား အခြားအမှုကပ်ပြီး ထောင်ဘူးဝရှေ့၌ ပြန်လည် ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ဒေါက်တာမင်းထက်ပိုင်သည် လူမှုကွန်ရက်စာမျက်နှာပေါ်တွင် မဟုတ်မမှန်ရေးသားပြီး ဆူပူအကြမ်းဖက်မှု များဖြစ်ပေါ်လာစေရန် စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ဆော်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခြင်းခံရကာ မြိတ်မြို့နယ်၊ ပသောင်းကျေးရွာအုပ်စု၊ ကြေးနန်းတိုင် တံတား၌ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဧပြီလဆန်းပိုင်းတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသည်။
အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အရပ်သားများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ သတင်းသမားများ၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများစသည့် နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ မည်သူမဆို ဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းခံထားရ ခြင်းများနှင့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို သိရှိပါက အောက်ပါလိပ်စာ များသို့ ဆက်သွယ်၍ အသိပေး၊ အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကျဆုံးအချက်အလက်များကို ဖော်ပြပါ [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖမ်းအဆီးအချက်အလက်များကို [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း တိုက်ရိုက်ပေးပို့၍ ဆက်သွယ်အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters
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"Myanmar military regime chief Min Aung Hlaing’s mania for the presidency is increasingly unchecked and, infuriatingly for the Myanmar people, grows more visible with each passing day.
In recent days, they have cringed at the sight of the coup leader dressed in presidential attire handing out decorations to those who have earned his favor, at commemorations of New Year and the country’s 75th Independence Day. Then, he attended a grand military review, putting on airs and posing as the country’s legitimate president.
In their eyes, Min Aung Hlaing has never been the country’s leader. Rather, they see him as merely a nasty impostor who grabbed power from the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a military takeover and began committing atrocities, including air strikes against civilians, killing more than 2,600 people so far for rejecting his rule.
Formally, Min Aung Hlaing has not yet been able to call himself Myanmar’s president—constitutionally, the holder of that position must be elected to it by the country’s parliament. In fact, he came to power via a coup that effectively abolished the legislature.
But he has long been, and remains, desperate to be the president. That’s why he staged a coup against the NLD despite party leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s offer to him of the vice presidency, or a new post as chairman of the Military Commission.
Right after the coup, he moved straight into the Presidential Residence.
Then, he tried to deceive the world by appointing himself prime minister, preferring to be regarded as a civilian leader, rather than the head of a coup, while maintaining the military chief positon. Since then he has rarely been seen in uniform. Instead, he jumped into presidential attire to greet incoming diplomats in front of the Sihasana Palin, or Lion Throne, a symbol of Myanmar’s sovereignty, in imitation of the country’s previous presidents.
His mania for the presidency moved into high gear last year when he presided over a grand military review in February, following in the footsteps of ex-president Thein Sein, a former general. In short, Min Aung Hlaing has done almost everything that Myanmar monarchs and presidents traditionally do—from his reverence for white elephants and obsession with rubies, to building and consecrating pagodas and churning out honorary titles.
During the grand military reviews and ceremonies to confer titles, he has worn the Salwel, a sash that is one of the regalia of the Myanmar president, mimicking the pose of Thein Sein when the latter was sworn in as president at the Parliament in 2011.
Min Aung Hlaing plans to hold a general election in August—a must if he is to convene the Parliament and be elected president of Myanmar.
In his speeches to mark New Year and the 75th anniversary of Independence Day, Min Aung Hlaing therefore stressed that his regime is working hard to hold the election nationwide, ignoring the fact that his regime is losing ground in many parts of the country.
Min Aung Hlaing may however push ahead with his plan and order the Union Election Commission appointed by him to postpone the voting in some electorates, citing security reasons.
Taking no chances, he has also suppressed the National League for Democracy (NLD)—which he still sees as a threat, even after imprisoning its leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—and is in the process of replacing the first-past-the-post electoral system with proportional representation to ensure there is no landslide victory for a single party.
Min Aung Hlaing also installed Khin Yi, who served as police chief under the previous regime and is known for his brutal crackdown on activists who protested against it, as chairman of the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). The party has been making moves to solidify its position ahead of the planned poll.
With the NLD boycotting the election, the USDP is much more likely to win a majority in the Parliament. With 25 percent of seats constitutionally reserved for the military, Min Aung Hlaing’s dream seems set to become a reality, as USDP members and military appointees would vote for him to become president.
Meanwhile, Min Aung Hlaing is required under the constitution to hand power back to the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) at the end of this month. The election must be held within six months of that date. To maintain the military’s grip on power ahead of its plan for a so-called election in August, he would form a “transition council” under his leadership.
All of which guarantees that military rule will not really end in six months, or beyond the planned election, which he will use to legitimize his presidency by any means..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-01-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
Language:
more
Description:
"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
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သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Size:
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Description:
"On January 4, the junta announced they would release a total of 7,012 prisoners in “accordance with the Code of Criminal Procedure, Section 401, Sub-Section (1)”. AAPP has been monitoring the situation and understands that around 300 political prisoners from at least (19) prisons were released. Throughout the day, AAPP has been able to confirm the release of 193 identified political prisoners. The exact identities and total figures of the prisoners released remain to be verified, but AAPP will continue to monitor and document these releases as more information becomes available.
Since the February 1, 2021, military coup and the emergence of the Spring Revolution, a total of (2702) people, pro-democracy activists and other civilians have been killed through military crackdowns following pro-democracy movements.
Since the coup, a total of (13,284) people are currently under detention, (1912) of whom are serving sentences. There are a total of (100) post-coup death row prisoners as of January 5, 2023. (121) people have been sentenced in absentia, of whom (42) have been sentenced to death. This makes a total of (142) people who have been sentenced to death. (24) people have been released on bail and (3667) people have already been released. These are the numbers verified by AAPP. The actual numbers are likely much higher. We will continue to update accordingly.
According to information gathered today, on January 3, at around 7:30 PM, the junta fired heavy artillery, despite no clash occurring, at Demoso Township in Kayah State. One of the artillery shells exploded on a hut near Daw Tangoo Village, resulting in the death of an internally displaced woman called Soe Myar, who was struck in the thigh.
On January 3, Aung Kyawl, NLD Township Secretary of Wakema Township in Ayeyarwady Region, was sentenced to serve 10 years imprisonment with hard labour. Aung Kwyal was charged under Counter-Terrorism Law Section 50 (j) and sentenced by the Myaungmya Prison Special Court in Ayeyarwady Region. He is over 70 years old and already spent over a year under detainment.
AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected].....ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ အကျဉ်းသား၊အကျဉ်းသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၇၀၁၂) အား ရာဇဝတ်ကျင့်ထုံး ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၄၀၁၊ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (၁) အရ ပြန်လည် လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ AAPP မှ အဆိုပါ အကျဉ်းထောင်လွှတ်ပေးမှု အခြေအနေနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ စောင့်ကြည့်မှတ်တမ်းတင်လျက်ရှိရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိရရှိထား သော အချက်အလက်များအရ အကျဉ်းထောင် (၁၉) ခုထက်မနည်းမှ နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသား (၃၀၀) ဝန်းကျင် လွတ်မြောက်လာကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့် ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ အဆိုပါ အကျဉ်းသားလွှတ်ပေးမှုဖြစ်စဉ်မှ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၁၉၃) ဦးကို ယနေ့အထိ မှတ်တမ်းပြုနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေအတိအကျနှင့် အမည်စာရင်းမှာ ချက်ချင်းရရှိရန် လက်လှမ်းမမီနိုင် သည့်အတွက် အတည်ပြုရန် လိုအပ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး အတည်ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမည်စာရင်းများကို ဆက်လက်ဖော်ပြပေးသွား ပါမည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့ မတရားစစ်အာဏာလုမှုဖြစ်စဉ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်းမှာ (၂၇၀၂) ဦး ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်နေ့ထိတိုင် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၃၂၈၄) ဦးရှိပြီး ၎င်းတို့အနက်မှ (၁၉၁၂) ဦးမှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသည်။ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အထိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၀၀) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ (၄၂) ဦး အပါအဝင် (၁၂၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံ ထားရသည်။ ထိုကြောင့် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၄၂) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အာမခံဖြင့် လွတ်မြောက်သူ (၂၄) ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေမှာ (၃၆၆၇) ဦး ရှိသည်။
ဖော်ပြပါ ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များသည် AAPP မှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အရေအတွက်ဖြစ်ပြီး မြေပြင်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အချက်အလက်နှင့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များမှာ ယခုထက်ပိုမိုများပြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ အချက်အလက်များကို ထပ်မံကောက်ယူရရှိလာပါက ဆက်လက်ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသွားပါမည်။
ယနေ့ရရှိသော အချက်အလက်များအရ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၃ ရက်နေ့၊ ည ၇ နာရီခွဲခန့်အချိန်တွင် ကယားပြည်နယ်၊ ဒီးမော့ဆိုမြို့နယ်၌ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမရှိဘဲ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်မှ လက်နက်ကြီးဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့ရာ အဆိုပါလက်နက်ကြီးကျည်မှာ ဒေါတငူးကျေးရွာအနီးရှိ တဲအိမ်ပေါ်ကို ကျရောက်ပေါက်ကွဲခဲ့သောကြောင့် စစ်ရှောင် အမျိုးသမီးတစ်ဦးဖြစ်သူ စိုးမြာသည် ပေါင်ကို ထိမှန်ခဲ့ပြီး သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။
ထို့ပြင် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဧရာဝတီတိုင်း၊ မြောင်းမြအကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်းအထူးတရားရုံးမှ ဝါးခယ်မမြို့နယ် အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်၏ မြို့နယ်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးအောင်ကြွယ်ကို အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၅၀(ည) ဖြင့် အလုပ်ကြမ်းနှင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ၁၀ နှစ်စီ ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ဦးအောင်ကြွယ်သည် အသက် ၇၀ ကျော်အရွယ် ရှိပြီဖြစ်ပြီး တစ်နှစ်ကျော်ကြာဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပြီးနောက် အမိန့်ချမှတ်ခံခဲ့ရခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အရပ်သားများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ သတင်းသမားများ၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများစသည့် နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ မည်သူမဆို ဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းခံထားရ ခြင်းများနှင့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို သိရှိပါက အောက်ပါလိပ်စာ များသို့ ဆက်သွယ်၍ အသိပေး၊ အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကျဆုံးအချက်အလက်များကို ဖော်ပြပါ [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖမ်းအဆီးအချက်အလက်များကို [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း တိုက်ရိုက်ပေးပို့၍ ဆက်သွယ်အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters
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more
Description:
"There is no doubt that China in just a couple of decades has transformed itself from a poor Asian country into an economic, political and even military superpower. But little attention has been paid to the way in which China has also established a media and information imperium with tentacles spreading all over the world.
That would not be especially remarkable, had it not been for the way in which China’s ruling communist party is using its own media outlets, and the influence those exercise over newspaper, internet sites and blogs in some other countries, to promote its own undemocratic system as an alternative to “liberal democracy”, as well as peddling misinformation about, for instance, the situation in its ethnic minority regions of Xinjiang and Tibet.
China’s propaganda apparatus even tries to influence other countries domestic policies by planting false news and manipulating public figures. In Beijing’s Global Media Offensive: China’s Uneven Campaign to Influence Asia and the World, Joshua Kurlantzick, a senior fellow for Southeast Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), examines China’s global media offensive and how the leaders in Beijing are increasingly cooperating with their comrades in Moscow in their efforts to become global media influencers.
China has, as Kurlantzick points out, often failed to reap gains from its efforts, but it has been successful in exporting “its political and internet control models” to some like-minded regimes in Asia — among them Myanmar, Cambodia and Vietnam. These campaigns, Kurlantzick argues, may “not only help protect the ruling Party [in China]; they may also help China build alliances with autocracies and undermine press freedoms, human rights, and democracy across the globe.” CFR may be a United States (US)-based think-tank but it is independent and non-partisan, and often publishes reports critical of Washington and its policies.
Although Kurlanzick’s study focuses on the media, it should also be mentioned in this context that Reuters, on July 11 last year, identified three Chinese companies that have supplied Myanmar with cameras with facial recognition capabilities which now are in place in cities all over the country, enabling the junta to track down and identify opponents to the dictatorship. Two of the three companies – the Shenzhen-based technology giant Huawei Technologies and Zhejiang Dahua Technology in Hangzhou in Zhejiang province – did not respond to Reuters request for comment. The third company, Hikvision, another partly state-owned company also based in Hangzhou, issued a vague and ambiguous statement saying that the company had never sold any equipment “directly to Myanmar government authorities.”
Hikvision claimed also that it had not provided Myanmar with facial recognition technology. But The Irrawaddy has learned from industry sources that Hikvision has used local Chinese and Myanmar middlemen to transfer such equipment to the junta, and that such indirect sales to Myanmar have increased dramatically over the past year. Chinese companies have also supplied the military regime with technology that makes it possible to monitor the internet, hack into independent websites, and control the flow of news from Myanmar to the outside world.
Kurlantzick quotes a speech at the United Nations (UN) by China’s then president Hu Jintao in 2005 as an early example of how Beijing has for years been trying to sell its version of authoritarianism to the outside world by stating that all states should have “respect for countries’ right to choose independently their own social systems and paths of development.” Needless to say, that is impossible in Myanmar and other dictatorships because the people in those countries have no right to elect their own governments. No one has “chosen” to be oppressed and ruled by a small group of ruthless villains who have usurped power. But the leaders in Beijing probably don’t care what ordinary people think. China’s model is fairly straight-forward: authoritarian rule, not democracy, leads to economic development. And, to some extent, that notion has been accepted by rulers and politicians in some Asian, African and South American countries.
China’s charm offensive, which began in the late 20th and early 21st centuries has, in some ways, not been that different from the so-called “soft power” efforts pursued for years by many Western countries, among them the US, France and the United Kingdom, as well as the European Union. China has established Confucius Institutes in a host of foreign countries and, on the surface, they don’t seem to be that different from the United States Information Service, the British Council or Alliance Française.
But the Confucius Institutes go much further then its Western equivalents. According to Kurlantzick, the US Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations found in a report issued on February 19, 2019, that many American universities had allowed Confucius Institutes to be set up on their campuses “with minimal oversight and little knowledge of the Chinese governance of the Confucius Institute program, even though the institutes can come with strings that compromise academic freedom.”
The decision to name its institutes after the Chinese philosopher Confucius (actually a Latinized form of Kong Fuzi, or ‘Master Kong’), who is believed to have lived from 551 to 479 BCE, could not have been an easy one to make. During the last three years of his life, 1973-76, the old Chinese dictator Mao Zedong and his wife Jiang Qing launched a campaign called “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius”. Lin was of course Lin Piao, Mao’s former heir who allegedly planned to stage a coup and then tried to escape to the Soviet Union. But the plane crashed under mysterious circumstances in Mongolia in September 1971 and, as a possible opponent to Mao, he was branded “an enemy of the people”.
Confucius, Mao and Jiang claimed, had stood for feudalism, slavery and the denigration of women. Traces of Confucian thought which still remained in the consciousness of the Chinese people in the 1970s thus hindered the country’s development, Mao and Jiang argued.
In today’s ‘reformed’ China, the Confucius Institutes are overseen by China’s United Front Work Department (UFWD), a department that is directly controlled by the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. It is known to be gathering intelligence and managing relations with individuals and organizations inside and outside China.
UFWD operatives and local informants working for the outfit are, among other things, suspected of monitoring overseas popular protests against Beijing and its policies. That happened in Hong Kong during the pro-democracy demonstrations there in 2019-2020. Further away from China’s immediate periphery, there were demonstrations outside China’s embassy in Yangon, which must have shattered the powerholders in Beijing. China, a longtime supporter of the Myanmar military, was and has never been popular among the public at large. Hence, China’s support for the junta’s efforts to identify opponents to military rule, whether they are spotted by surveillance cameras in public, or identified through policing of the internet.
Apart from the Confucius Institutes, another major way in which the Chinese leadership is trying to influencing public opinion in foreign countries, Kurlantzick states, is “contents-sharing deals” with media in selected countries. They are offered free dispatches from the official, government-controlled news agency Xinhua and programs aired by Chinese national television in return for having some of their material appear in Chinese media. In Thailand, the Matichon Group, of which the well-respected website Khaosod is a part, announced a content-sharing deal with Xinhua in 2019.
Khaosod began running Xinhua articles for free and among the first pieces were articles on the 2019 Hong Kong protests that portrayed the demonstrators as “tools of Western agitators” and Xinjiang as a place where “equality, solidarity and harmony among ethnic groups and religions have prevailed.” People in the region were also supposed to be “enjoying peace and stability.” According to human rights groups, the Chinese authorities have detained as many as a million Muslim Uyghurs in Xinjiang and have perpetrated widespread sexual violence against local women.
A report from the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, released in August last year, concluded that “serious human rights violations have been committed,” including “arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups” which, it asserted, “may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.” When the Matichon Group was criticized by, for instance Tyler Roney writing for Foreign Policy, for striking a deal with Xinhua, the response from a Khaosod editor was that “there are two sides to a story” and “we believe in the judgment of our readers.”
Elsewhere in the region, government-controlled TV stations in Laos, Cambodia and Timor Leste have links with Chinese media firms. In Cambodia, the government has also created a new set of rules governing its domestic internet which copies China’s internet laws. In Vietnam, whose relations with China have not, to say the least, always been smooth, the authorities have emulated not only China’s model of state power but also implemented new cyberspace legislation akin to that in China.
Kurlantzick also points out that in Myanmar, “the junta government, which seized power in February 2021, quickly tried to implement new cyberspace laws and regulations similar to China’s internet laws.” Xinhua frequently quotes news material from junta mouthpieces such as The Global New Light of Myanmar and The Mirror. Chinese state media has also signed content-sharing deals with Chinese-language outlets in Myanmar, at least at some stage, while in 2012, China Radio International signed an agreement with Myanmar state TV to broadcast Chinese shows.
More controversially, in 2018 the Dehong Group in Yunnan that publishes Pauk Phaw entered into a content-sharing agreement with the Myitkyina News Journal, which before the coup was one of Kachin State’s most respected newspapers. Myitkyina News Journal’s editors stated after the deal was struck that they had hoped to get sources in China. The paper is still being published, but as a website and on Facebook. Several of its editors had to flee after the 2021 coup.
Naturally, since it examines a global media effort, Kurlantzick’s book deals with not only Southeast Asia’s media, but also the rest of the world and especially Africa, where China’s often not-so-subtle charm offensive has been easier to observe and discern. The book is a brilliant account of how Beijing’s multi-pronged campaign is unfolding, and it should be read by anyone interested in press freedom and what China’s leaders are doing to manipulate the media throughout the world, so as to control democratic forces at home and in other countries..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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"အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ၎င်းတို့ ပြင်ဆင်စိုင်းပြင်းနေသော “အတုအယောင် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ”အတွက် “နိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ လူဦးစာရင်းမှန်ကန်ရေးအတွက် မြေပြင်ကွင်းဆင်း တိုက်ဆိုင်စစ်ဆေးရန်”ဟု ခေါင်းစဥ်တပ်၍ အကြိုမဲစာရင်းများကောက်ယူရန် ခြေလှမ်းပြင်လာခဲ့ပြီး သတ်မှတ်ကာလမှာ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၉ ရက်နေ့မှ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့အထိ (၂၃) ရက်တာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
အဆိုပါ ကိစ္စရပ်နှင့် စပ်လျဥ်း၍ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများမှ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးသို့ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များတွင် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမပြုကြရန်၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုများရှိပါက မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထား၍ သတင်းပေးပို့တိုင်ကြားရန်၊ မိမိတိုပတ်ဝန်းကျင်တွင် လူဦးရေစာရင်းကောက်ယူမှုအခြေအနေများကို Telegram Scout channel များသို့ဖြစ်စေ၊ သတင်းမီဒီယာများနှင့် သပိတ်အင်အားစုများ၏ လူမှုကွန်ရက် (Facebook) စာမျက်နှာများသို ဖြစ်စေ အချိန်နှင့် တပြေးညီ သတင်းပေးပိုကြပါရန်၊ အခြေအနေ အရပ်အရပ်ကြောင့် လူဦးရေစာရင်းပေးရပါကလည်း သတင်းအချက်အလက် အမှားများသာ ပေးကြရန် စသည်ဖြင့် ပန်ကြားနှိုးဆော်တိုက်တွန်းထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-05
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"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
Telegram - info2mod
Email - [email protected]
သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-05
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"AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing said “the junta’s propaganda mouthpiece Myawaddy media today stated that 7,012 prisoners would be released. An illegal regime cannot announce an amnesty – since its coup the junta has announced several so-called amnesties to distract international attention. AAPP has been monitoring the situation and understands that over 200 political prisoners from at least (19) prisons were released today. We have so far confirmed 43 identities and will continue to monitor the situation. In fact, today on January 4, 2022 – an additional (22) political prisoners were arrested across the country but mostly in Sagaing”
Since the February 1, 2021, military coup and the emergence of the Spring Revolution, a total of (2701) people, pro-democracy activists and other civilians have been killed through military crackdowns following pro-democracy movements.
Since the coup, a total of (13,356) people are currently under detention, (1923) of whom are serving sentences. There are a total of (100) post-coup death row prisoners as of January 4, 2023. (121) people have been sentenced in absentia, of whom (42) have been sentenced to death. This makes a total of (142) people who have been sentenced to death. (24) people have been released on bail and (3517) people have already been released. These are the numbers verified by AAPP. The actual numbers are likely much higher. We will continue to update accordingly.
According to information gathered today, on January 1, junta troops stationed in Htan Ma Kauk Village, Seikphyu Township, Magway Region indiscriminately fired into the village. A 12-year-old called, A Mu Mu Aung, was killed while gathering firewood on the hill to the southwest of the village.
In addition, on January 3, Ashin Arsar Ya (aka Thabeik Khin) from Sangha Union Mandalay who was involved in anti-dictatorship protests in Mandalay City, was detained by the armed wing of the junta. He was arrested whilst carrying out a photo campaign at Kyauk Taw Gyi Pagoda, near the foot of Mandalay Mountain.
AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] .....“အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုရဲ့ဝါဒဖြန့်သတင်းမီဒီယာတစ်ခုဖြစ်တဲ့ မြဝတီသတင်းဌာနကနေ ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကျခံနေရတဲ့ အကျဉ်းသား/အကျဉ်းသူ ၇၀၁၂ ဦးကို လွှတ်ပေးမယ်လို့ ဒီနေ့မှာ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။ အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာလု စစ်အုပ်စုအနေနဲ့ လွတ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းသာခွင့်ပေးဖို့ရာ တရားဝင်ဘာအခွင့်အာဏာမှမရှိနေပေမယ့် သူတို့အနေနဲ့ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကို အာရုံလွှဲဖို့ရာအတွက် အမည်ခံလွတ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းသာခွင့်တွေကို အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်မှာ ပြုလုပ်နေပါတယ်။ AAPP က ဒီနေ့လွတ်မြောက်လာတဲ့ အခြေအနေနဲ့ပတ်သက်ပြီး စောင့်ကြည့်မှတ်တမ်း ပြုစုလျက်ရှိရာမှာ လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိ ရထားတဲ့အချက်အလက်တွေအရ အကျဉ်းထောင် (၁၉) ခုထက်မနည်းကနေ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၂၀၀) ကျော် လွတ်မြောက်လာတယ်လို့ သိထားရပါတယ်။ အဲ့ဒီထဲကမှ အမည်စာရင်းနဲ့တကွ မှတ်တမ်းကောက်ယူထားနိုင်သူဦးရေ (၄၃) ဦးရှိနေပြီး အချက်အလက်တွေကို ဆက်လက်ကောက်ယူနေဆဲပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စုက အကျဉ်းထောင်တွေကနေ အကျဉ်းသားတွေကိုလွှတ်ပေးနေတယ်လို့ ပြောပေမယ့်လည်း ဒီနေ့မှာ နိုင်ငံရေးအရ အဖမ်းခံရတဲ့သူ (၂၂) ဦးရှိနေပြီး အဲ့ဒီထဲက အများစုဟာ တိုက်ပွဲအရှိန် ပြင်းထန်နေတဲ့ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းကပါ” ဟု နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) ၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူးဖြစ်သူ ဦးတိတ်နိုင်မှ ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့ မတရားစစ်အာဏာလုမှုဖြစ်စဉ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်းမှာ (၂၇၀၁) ဦး ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်နေ့ထိတိုင် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၃၃၅၆) ဦးရှိပြီး ၎င်းတို့အနက်မှ (၁၉၂၃) ဦး မှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသည်။ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အထိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၀၀) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ (၄၂) ဦး အပါအဝင် (၁၂၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံ ထားရသည်။ ထိုကြောင့် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၄၂) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အာမခံဖြင့် လွတ်မြောက်သူ (၂၄) ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေမှာ (၃၅၁၇) ဦး ရှိသည်။
ဖော်ပြပါ ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များသည် AAPP မှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အရေအတွက်ဖြစ်ပြီး မြေပြင်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အချက်အလက်နှင့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များမှာ ယခုထက်ပိုမိုများပြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ အချက်အလက် များကို ထပ်မံကောက်ယူရရှိလာပါက ဆက်လက်ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသွားပါမည်။
ယနေ့ရရှိသော အချက်အလက်များအရ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ဆိပ်ဖြူမြို့နယ်၊ ထမ္မကောက်ကျေးရွာ၌ တပ်စွဲထားသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်မှ ရမ်းသန်းပစ်ခတ်ခြင်းကြောင့် ရွာ၏ အနောက်တောင်ဘက်ရှိ တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်တွင် ထင်းခွေနေသော အသက် ၁၂ နှစ်အရွယ် ဧမူမူအောင်သည် ကျည်ထိမှန်ပြီး သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။
ထို့ပြင် မန္တလေးမြို့တွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်သော ဆန္ဒပြလှုပ်ရှားမှု၌ ပါဝင်သည့် သံဃသမဂ္ဂ (မန္တလေး) မှ အရှင်အာစာရ (ခ) သပိတ်ခင်ကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်မှ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၃ ရက်နေ့၌ ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ အရှင်အာစာရသည် မန္တလေးတောင်ခြေအနီးရှိ ကျောက်တော်ကြီးဘုရားတွင် ဓာတ်ပုံကမ်ပိန်းပြုလုပ်နေစဥ် ဖမ်းဆီး ခြင်း ခံခဲ့ရသည်။
အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အရပ်သားများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ သတင်းသမားများ၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများစသည့် နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ မည်သူမဆို ဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းခံထားရ ခြင်းများနှင့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို သိရှိပါက အောက်ပါလိပ်စာ များသို့ ဆက်သွယ်၍ အသိပေး၊ အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကျဆုံးအချက်အလက်များကို ဖော်ပြပါ [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖမ်းအဆီးအချက်အလက်များကို [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း တိုက်ရိုက်ပေးပို့၍ ဆက်သွယ်အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters
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"Myanmar’s military regime has released the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government’s Minister of Religious Affairs and Culture, Thura U Aung Ko, philanthropist and writer Daw Than Myint Aung and ex-NLD information officer, writer U Htin Lin Oo, along with some detained journalists, as part of the junta’s prisoner amnesty to commemorate the 75th anniversary of Myanmar’s independence from the UK.
The junta announced on Wednesday that 7,021 prisoners were freed from jails across the country. It is not yet clear how many political prisoners were among those released.
Family members said that former Brigadier General Thura U Aung Ko was released from Yangon’s Insein Prison on Tuesday night. The 75-year-old was arrested after the February 2021 coup and charged with alleged corruption. He was sentenced to 12 years in prison with labor in March 2021.
Relatives of Daw Than Myint Aung and U Htin Lin Oo were waiting at the gate of Insein Prison on Wednesday morning to welcome them. The pair were released Wednesday afternoon.
Daw Than Myint Aung was a member of the Yangon City Development Committee during the NLD’s time in power. She was arrested on the first day of the military takeover and sentenced to three years in prison for incitement.
Former NLD information officer U Htin Lin Oo faced the same charge as Daw Than Myint Aung, and was also sentenced to three years by the Insein Prison Court.
U Tun Kyi, the head of a political prisoners group, said that Thura U Aung Ko is known to be in poor health and that his release was a cynical ploy by the regime.
“The junta released the political prisoner hostages for its own political gain,” said U Tun Kyi, referring to international pressure on the regime to free political prisoners.
On Wednesday, Kyaw Zay Ya, the chief reporter of Mawkun Magazine, was released from Daik-U prison in Bago Region, but was then detained again by police for unknown reasons.
Family members of other detained journalists were eagerly awaiting the release of their relatives. The husband of Thuzar, a journalist arrested in September 2021 and sentenced to two years in prison under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for spreading false news, said that she had been freed.
“I am now on my way to East Dagon Police Station to get her,” said her husband Ko Ye Ko.
Another journalist Sai Ko Ko Tun, a former reporter from the now defunct 7 Days News, was released from Dawei prison, too.
As of Tuesday, some 16,862 people have been detained by the junta since the coup, of whom 3,463 have been released, according to the rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
The AAPP’s joint secretary Ko Bo Kyi said that with many political prisoners still locked up, the regime’s amnesty does not herald any meaningful changes for Myanmar.
“That will happen only when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Win Myint and all the other political prisoners are freed,” he added.
Both Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Win Myint were arrested on the first day of the coup. Former State Counselor Suu Kyi has been sentenced to a total of 33 years in prison, while ousted President U Win Myint has been given 12 years by the regime..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-01-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"- Asia-Pacific Region အွန်လိုင်း လူထုတွေ့ဆုံပွဲအား ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီး တက်ရောက်ဆွေးနွေး
- စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ စစ်ကိုင်းခရိုင်၊ မြိုင်မြို့နယ်၊ ရွှေဘုံသာ နှင့် ဖွားစောကျေးရွာ၊ ကူးတို့ကုန်းကျေးရွာအုပ်စု လှေတင်ဦး ကျေးရွာ မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုဖြစ်စဉ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်တစ်ဦးအား ဆက်သွယ်မေးမြန်းခြင်း
- ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့မှ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အတွင်း လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှု များကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်နိုင်မှုအခြေအနေ
- “တိုက်တွန်းမှုနဲ့ မလုံလောက်ရင် အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ဖို့ ဘယ်နည်းသုံးပြီးတော့ အရေးယူ ဝင်ရောက်တားဆီးနိုင်မလဲဆိုတဲ့ လမ်းကြောင်းကို အခုကတည်းက ပြောဆိုထားပါတယ်”
- မြန်မာ့အရေးကို ပြည်တွင်းရေးဖြစ်တယ်ဆိုပြီး မျက်နှာလွှဲလက်ရှောင်နေတဲ့ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဝင်နိုင်ငံတွေကို တာဝန်ပေးလိုက်တာဖြစ်တယ်
- အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ တုန့်ပြန်အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ
- စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် ဖြစ်တည်လာသည့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းများ
- "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။"..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2023-04-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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2.45 MB
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"၁။ ကိုလိုနီနယ်ချဲ့တို့အား တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်မှုဖြင့် တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ထုတ်၍ ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် လွတ်လပ်သော အချုပ်အခြာ အာဏာပိုင်နိုင်ငံအဖြစ် ရယူနိုင်ခဲ့ရာ ယနေ့ဆိုလျှင် (၇၅) နှစ်တိုင် ရှိခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အတိတ်တွင် တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ခဲ့သည့် နားလည်မှု၊ အမြော်အမြင်ကြီးမှုနှင့် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုတို့သည် ယနေ့ အချိန်တွင်လည်း အထူးလိုအပ်လျက် မိမိတို့ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ စိတ်ဓာတ်နှင့် လမ်းစဉ်အတိုင်း အတူတည်ဆောက်လျှောက်လှမ်းကြမည့် အချိန်ပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ယနေ့အချိန်တွင် ပြည်ပ၏ နယ်ချဲ့ဖိနှိပ်မှုမဟုတ်ဘဲ လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု အား ကိုလိုနီဖက်ဆစ်ပုံစံဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများဖြင့် ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေသော အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များနှင့် အမြစ်တွယ် နေသည့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးအား နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများက ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ် တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ထုတ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းကာလ (၂) နှစ်နီးပါး ကြာမြင့်သည့်တိုင် မိမိတို့ ပြည်သူအချင်းချင်းကြားတွင် ပြိုကွဲယိမ်းယိုင်ခြင်းမရှိသည့် အခြေအနေတစ်ရပ်သည် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၏ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုကြောင့်သာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ လွတ်လပ်ရေးကြေညာစာတမ်း အပိုဒ် (၅) တွင် “ငါတို့နိုင်ငံ တော်ကြီးသည် မည်သူ တဦးတယောက် တဖွဲ့တသင်း၏ အမွေအနှစ်မဟုတ်၊ မည်သူတဦး တယောက်တဖွဲ့ တသင်း၏ ပုဂ္ဂလိကအပိုင်ပစ္စည်းမဟုတ်၊ မည်သူတဦး တယောက် တဖွဲ့တသင်းက ချုပ်ကိုင် အနိုင်သိမ်းယူ အကျိုးခံစားအပ်သော နိုင်ငံမဟုတ်” ဟု ဖော်ပြထားသည့်အတိုင်း မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် မည်သည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များက လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရန်အပါအဝင် လူထုဆန္ဒ မပါသော ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းနှင့်သွေဖီသည့် မည်ကဲ့သို့သော ကြိုးပမ်းမှုမျိုးကိုမဆို အတူတကွ တားဆီးကာကွယ်သွားကြရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုက ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်း ကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်သည်နှင့်အညီ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ဆန္ဒသဘောထားကို ဦးထိပ်ပန်ဆင်လျက် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒအရ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာမည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ ရှင်သန်ခိုင်မာစေရေးကို နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများအားလုံးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၅။ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးသည် လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း အနှစ်သာရများ အပြည့်အဝ ရရှိ ခံစားနိုင်၍ မိမိတို့ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားနှင့်အညီ တိုင်းပြည်၏ ကိစ္စအရပ်ရပ်တွင် ဖိနှိပ်မှုများနှင့် အကြောက်တရားကင်းစွာ မိမိတို့ကိုယ်တိုင် ပါဝင်ဆုံးဖြတ်နိုင်ရေးအပြင် ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ်နှင့် ဒီမို ကရေစီစနစ်တို့ ထူထောင်ရှင်သန်ခိုင်မာရေးဖြစ်သည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးအားလုံး၏ ဘုံရည်မှန်း ချက်အား ဆက်လက် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရေး အားထုတ်ကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း လေးနက်စွာ ထပ်လောင်းကတိပြုလျက် ဤ (၇၅) နှစ်မြောက် လွတ်လပ်ရေးနေ့သဝဏ်လွှာအား ဂုဏ်ယူစွာ ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2023-01-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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"Today, 4th January 2023 is the 75th anniversary, the Independence Day. For sixty years, Myanmar suffered under the yoke of colonialism as a vassal state, during the era where more powerful nations took control over less powerful countries, subjugated, and exploited them, the world over. But due to the love for independence by the people and their endeavours, on Sunday 4th January 1948, (Myanmar calendar Waning day of Pyatho 9th 1309), on this auspicious day Myanmar was declared an independent country as Union of Myanmar.
Even though Myanmar’s military forces played a significant role, together with the people’s struggle, in gaining the country’s independence, they started to put their interests before country and after becoming inured with the taste of power, the military leaders started to systematically dismantle institutions and transform the country to their benefit using their military might. And our country’s history is littered with coup d’état, and putsches and country has been under the military yoke for longer.
But this is the era where the populace and the ethnic communities, together are not taking it lying down and are confronting a group of military dictators who are inhumane, excessive, and irrational compared to their predecessors, and who have illegally seized power from the people.
We convey this commemorative message by urging all the organisations representing the people, Ethnic Revolution Organisations, and the people to follow their New Year Resolutions of eradicating the military dictatorship and creating the Federal Democracy Union as a common goal and follow in the footsteps of our forebearers where they garnered the spirit to fight off a force much stronger. Together we will go forth with this zeal and spirit, and we will uproot this military dictatorship and gain a second independence..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
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Individual Documents
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Description:
"ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၄) ရက်နေ့သည် (၇၅) နှစ်မြောက် လွတ်လပ်ရေးနေ့ ဖြစ်သည်။ အင်အားကြီးသောနိုင်ငံများက အင်အားနည်းသောနိုင်ငံများကို နယ်ချဲ့ခြင်း၊ ကိုလိုနီပြုခြင်းများ ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့စဉ်ကာလဖြစ်သဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည်လည်း တိုင်းတစ်ပါးသားတို့၏ ကျူးကျော်နယ်ချဲ့မှုဒဏ်ကို ခံခဲ့ရပြီး နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀) ကျော် သူ့ကျွန်ဘဝဖြင့် နေထိုင်ခဲ့ကြရသည်။ သို့သော် လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို မြတ်နိုးသောစိတ်ဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်ခဲ့မှုကြောင့် မြန်မာသက္ကရာဇ် ၁၃၀၉-ခုနှစ်၊ ပြာသိုလဆုတ် (၉)ရက် (အင်္ဂလိပ်သက္ကရာဇ် ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၄ ရက်)တနင်္ဂနွေနေ့တွင် ကောင်းမြတ်သန့်စင် မင်္ဂလာအပေါင်းနှင့် ပြည့်စုံသောအခါ၌ ဤငါတို့မြန်မာပြည်သည် လုံးဝလွတ်လပ်သော အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာပိုင် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်ကြီး အဖြစ်သို့ ရောက်ခဲ့ပြီဟု ကြေညာနိုင်ခဲ့ပေသည်။
ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အင်အားဖြင့် မြန်မာ့လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အရယူခဲ့သည့်သမိုင်းတွင် အဓိကကျသည့် အခန်းကဏ္ဍကပါဝင်ခဲ့သော မြန်မာ့တပ်မတော်သည် မိမိတို့၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားကိုရှေ့တန်းတင်သော၊ အာဏာယစ်မူးသော စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ စနစ်တကျ ဖျက်ဆီးမှု၊ ယင်းတို့လိုလားသည့် ပုံသဏ္ဍာန် ရိုက်သွင်းကာ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို လက်နက်အားကိုး အနိုင်ကျင့်သည့် အလေ့အထကို စတင်ခဲ့မှုများ ကြောင့် သမိုင်းခေတ် အဆက်ဆက်တွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုများပေါ်ပေါက်ကာ ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးသည် စစ်ကျွန်ဘဝကို ကျရောက်ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရသည့် ကာလသည်လည်း ထပ်မံရှည်ကြာခဲ့ရပေသည်။
ယခုကာလသည်လည်း ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များထက် ပိုမို သိမ်ဖျင်းသော၊ ရိုင်းစိုင်းယုတ်မာသော၊ အသိဉာဏ်ဆင်ခြင်တုံ့တရားကင်းမဲ့သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်တစ်စုတို့က ပြည်သူ့အာဏာကို မတရားလုယူ သိမ်းပိုက်ပြီး တိုင်းပြည်၏ အနာဂတ်တစ်ခုလုံးအား နင်းခြေဖျက်ဆီးရန် ကြိုးစားနေခြင်းကို တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးက ခေါင်းငုံ့မခံပဲ ရင်ဆိုင်တုံ့ပြန်နေကြသည့် အချိန်ကာလဖြစ်သည်။
တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးရှိ ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားပြုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ ၊ ပြည်သူများ အားလုံး၏ နှစ်သစ်ကူးထုတ်ပြန်ချက်များ၊ ပြောကြားချက်များတွင် ထင်ရှားပေါ်လွင်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်အမြစ်ဖြတ်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ဖော်ဆောင်ရေး ဘုံရည်မှန်းချက်ပန်းတိုင်ကို မျက်ချေပြတ်မခံပဲ လူအင်အား၊ လက်နက်အင်အား မိမိထက် အဆပေါင်းများစွာသာလွန်သော တိုင်းတပါးနယ်ချဲ့များကို တော်လှန်စိတ်ဓာတ်များ လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းသယ်ဆောင်ပြီး ဇွဲခတ်ကာ မြန်မာ့လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အရယူနိုင်ခဲ့သည့် သမိုင်းအောင်ပွဲ၏ အောင်စိတ်ကို နှလုံးသွင်းလျက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်အား အမြစ်ဖြတ်၍ ဒုတိယလွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အရယူပြီး နိုင်ငံသစ်ကိုထူထောင် နိုင်ကြရန် လက်ရှိ ရရှိလျက်ရှိသော စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုဖြင့် ရှေ့ဆက်ချီတက်သွားကြပါစို့ဟု အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းရင်း ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကိုပေးပို့ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"France condemns in the strongest possible terms the new seven-year prison sentence imposed today on State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi following arbitrary legal proceedings that aim to discredit a democratically elected civilian political figure. This sentence is an additional indication of the military regime’s contempt for the rule of law and the will of the Burmese people, which was freely and unequivocally expressed in the general elections that took place on November 8, 2020.
France reiterates its commitment to seeing the establishment of a political dialogue that includes the democratic opposition, including the National League for Democracy and its historic leaders, which is a crucial prerequisite for any resolution to the crisis.
As was demanded by the UN Security Council in its resolution 2669, France reiterates its call for the immediate, unconditional release of all those who are being arbitrarily detained, including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, as well as its call for an end to the violence committed by Myanmar’s security forces.
France reaffirms its support for the efforts of ASEAN and its Special Envoy as well as those of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations..."
Source/publisher:
French Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Date of publication:
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, About Aung San Suu Kyi
Language:
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Description:
"Since the February 1, 2021, military coup and the emergence of the Spring Revolution, a total of (2692) people, pro-democracy activists and other civilians have been killed through military crackdowns following pro-democracy movements.
Since the coup, a total of (13,375) people are currently under detention, (1947) of whom are serving sentences. There are a total of (100) post-coup death row prisoners as of January 3, 2023. (121) people have been sentenced in absentia, of whom (42) have been sentenced to death. This makes a total of (142) people who have been sentenced to death. (24) people have been released on bail and (3463) people have already been released. These are the numbers verified by AAPP. The actual numbers are likely much higher. We will continue to update accordingly.
On December 29, Nang Twal Tar Oo, Joint-Secretary of Yangon University of Education Students’ Union (ABFSU), and Yu Yu Mon, a former member of Yangon Institute of Economics Students’ Union and current Vice-Chief Statistician of Nay Pyi Taw Central Statistical Organization, were each sentenced to serve 10 years imprisonment. Yu Yu Mon had joined CDM and the pair were sentenced by Mon State Mawlamyine District Court under Counter-Terrorism Law Section 50 (j). They were arrested while evading capture in Mawlamyine Town on June 9.
On January 2, 2023, at around 9 AM, junta forces, stationed at Budalin Township in Sagaing Region, raided Shwe Taung Village in Budalin Township. The junta troops killed a couple of over 70-years-old. Military soldiers also detained a local called Nga Hmay for just wearing long pants, then tortured before killing him in a corn field outside the village.
AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected].....၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့ မတရားစစ်အာဏာလုမှုဖြစ်စဉ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်းမှာ (၂၆၉၂) ဦး ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၃ ရက်နေ့ထိတိုင် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၃၃၇၅) ဦးရှိပြီး ၎င်းတို့အနက်မှ (၁၉၄၇) ဦး မှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသည်။ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၃ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အထိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၀၀) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ (၄၂) ဦး အပါအဝင် (၁၂၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံ ထားရသည်။ ထိုကြောင့် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၄၂) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အာမခံဖြင့် လွတ်မြောက်သူ (၂၄) ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေမှာ (၃၄၆၃) ဦး ရှိသည်။
ယနေ့ရရှိသောအချက်အလက်များအရ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ မော်လမြိုင်ခရိုင်တရားရုံးမှ ရန်ကုန်ပညာရေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်)၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး နန်းတွယ်တာဦးနှင့် ရန်ကုန်စီးပွားရေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင်ဟောင်း၊ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) ပြုလုပ်ထား သော နေပြည်တော် ဗဟိုစာရင်းအင်းအဖွဲ့၏ ဒု-စာရင်းအင်းမှူး မယုယုမွန်တို့ကို အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၀ (ည) ဖြင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ၁၀ နှစ်စီ ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ဇွန်လ ၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် မနန်းတွယ်တာဦးနှင့် မယုယုမွန်တို့သည် မော်လမြိုင်မြို့၌ တိမ်းရှောင်နေစဉ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသည်။
ထို့ပြင် ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဧရာဝတီတိုင်း မအူပင်ခရိုင်ထောင်တွင်းအထူးတရားရုံးမှ မအူပင်နည်းပညာ တက္ကသိုလ်၏ နောက်ဆုံးနှစ်ကျောင်းသူ မရွှေခြူးဝိုင်းကို အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၅၀ (ည)ဖြင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ဆယ်နှစ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည်။ မရွှေခြူးဝိုင်းသည် ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မအူပင်) ၏ သတင်းနှင့် ပြန်ကြားရေး တာဝန်ခံ တစ်ဦး ဖြစ်ပြီး ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသည်။
ဖော်ပြပါ ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များသည် AAPP မှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အရေအတွက်ဖြစ်ပြီး မြေပြင်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အချက်အလက်နှင့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များမှာ ယခုထက်ပိုမိုများပြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ အချက်အလက် များကို ထပ်မံကောက်ယူရရှိလာပါက ဆက်လက်ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသွားပါမည်။
အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အရပ်သားများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ သတင်းသမားများ၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများစသည့် နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ မည်သူမဆို ဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းခံထားရ ခြင်းများနှင့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို သိရှိပါက အောက်ပါလိပ်စာ များသို့ ဆက်သွယ်၍ အသိပေး၊ အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကျဆုံးအချက်အလက်များကို ဖော်ပြပါ [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖမ်းအဆီးအချက်အလက်များကို [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း တိုက်ရိုက်ပေးပို့၍ ဆက်သွယ်အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters
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Sub-title:
Myanmar’s junta appears determined to hold a national election this year, but the vote will be a sham, logistically difficult to pull off and will almost certainly provoke greater violence.
Description:
"Just a handful of autocrats will endorse the results. Precious money and resources will be wasted. Violence will almost certainly worsen. And yet, the junta led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing remains committed to holding an “election” in 2023 that few in Myanmar want.
After thousands of deaths, at least a million people displaced, a massive nationwide drop into severe poverty, war crimes on at least a weekly basis and the broad militarisation of society, the regime believes it will hold an election by August 1 this year, the legally mandated end of its emergency rule provisions.
Whatever else this theatrical undertaking turns out to be, it does not appear to be either an “exit strategy” for senior military officials or an attempt to achieve peace. Moreover, there will be no independent findings that the results represent a credible reflection of Myanmar’s electorate.
Throughout Myanmar’s post-independence history, the country’s military rulers have concocted elections on their own terms. The 2015 election remains the outlier – the only instance since General Ne Win’s 1962 coup d’état where the military lost and accepted the results. It refused to recognise the National League for Democracy’s similar landslide election victories in 1990 and 2020, while the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won amid an NLD boycott in 2010.
This next election is rooted in Min Aung Hlaing’s fabricated justification for the February 2021 coup – that the NLD led by then-State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi won the 2020 election due to massive voter fraud.
This narrative, which invokes the founding claim of the military to be the only reliable guardian of the nation, obscured what were arguably the real factors behind the takeover, such as the senior general’s personal ambition, legally required retirement in 2021 and growing rancour at Aung San Suu Kyi.
The commander-in-chief and his handpicked Union Election Commission, consisting of 15 elderly men, have appeared confident from day one of delivering what they frequently describe as a much better, cleaner and – rather improbably – more inclusive election than the NLD oversaw in 2020.
But even meeting the August 1 deadline is a challenge. Since independence in 1948, Myanmar has never held a general election in July – the middle of Buddhist Lent and peak rainy season.
May, just before the rains, is a more common month but time is running out. Before then, the UEC must compile voter lists, register and vet political parties and candidates, organise an expected shake-up of constituencies, change the electoral system from first-past-the-post to one based on proportional representation, and allow time for campaigning – rumoured to be extended from 60 days to 90 days.
The expected introduction of an entirely new voting system is clearly intended to benefit pro-military candidates, as the NLD had won more seats than its proportion of the popular vote in the winner-take-all system in 2015 and 2020, while the USDP suffered the reverse fate.
The junta may adopt what is known as the “largest remainder” system of proportional representation, with candidates running on party lists and numbers of seats assigned by quota. The administrative focal point would shift from 330 township-based constituencies to 100-plus districts. Potentially the use of a smaller number of geographically larger constituencies makes it easier for the military-appointed UEC to exert control. Presumably the army can secure a few polling stations in at least half of those districts? Maybe even all?
Combined with the constitutionally-mandated 25 percent of seats in both parliamentary chambers that are directly appointed by the commander-in-chief – along with an expected boycott by many parties and voters – Min Aung Hlaing might think he is assured victory.
But regardless of constituency size and seat allocation, compiling voter lists is fraught with difficulties and danger. Ministries have never maintained a centralised registry of citizens, leaving that kind of record-keeping to ward and village tract offices, which in theory (but rarely in practice) updated records at the township administrative office. In many parts of the country since the coup, local officials have been chased out or killed by resistance forces, and residency ledgers have been torched or blown up.
Any serious attempt at a voter list update will require on-the-ground data collection in places where anyone involved in any kind of regime project – and the election in particular – will be considered a target by anti-junta groups.
Whatever way the regime manipulates the process, the scene is set for Myanmar’s most violent election in history. Electoral violence was not unusual in the 1950s “parliamentary” era, when many politicians of the ruling Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League campaigned with so-called pocket armies (gabaik-saung tat). In 1951-52, fighting was so widespread that delayed elections were unconstitutionally held in three stages, with turnout reaching just 18pc.
Rumours have circulated that the junta is thinking of replicating this kind of staggered election, starting with a first round of polling in places it can protect from resistance attacks. There is a recent precedent of sorts: in the 2020 election, most parts of Ann Township in Rakhine State were cancelled for “security reasons”, except for the large area occupied by the Western Regional Command, where soldiers and their families voted. Afterwards, the military proposed holding supplementary elections in cancelled areas after agreeing a ceasefire with the Arakan Army, but they were never held.
Areas where the military has a strong presence, like Nay Pyi Taw, Pyin Oo Lwin, Mingaladon and Meiktila (at least around the airfield), could possibly sustain security for some campaigning and one day of voting. In other parts of the country where daily violence is occurring, there remain islands of military security. For example, Magway Region has vast areas occupied by as many as 20 military weapons factories, with possibly up to 50,000 soldiers, employees, guards and their families in massive and highly secured compounds, which could also host campaigns and polling stations.
Voting could also possibly be held in the more than 200 villages across the country controlled by pro-military Pyusawhti militias, and more than 2,000 military landholdings, garrisons, arms factories and agribusiness plantations, such as the giant oil palm and rubber concessions in Tanintharyi Region.
There is even a remote chance that first-round elections could be held in territory controlled by some ethnic armed groups that have not joined the fight against the junta, like the United Wa State Army or New Mon State Party. Other ethnic armed groups have made it clear this electoral exercise won’t be tolerated. The chairman of the Kachin Independence Organisation, a key player in the resistance, warned that any party that participates in the election is “standing with the enemy” – another hint of the violence the vote could bring.
Attempts to reach even half the number of districts will put large numbers of civilians in harm’s way. Anyone who votes, no matter who they vote for, will be considered complicit and therefore a legitimate target for radical guerrilla groups. Meanwhile, anyone who refuses to vote could find their homes raided by police – or worse, given the army’s penchant for airstrikes, artillery attacks and arson against civilians.
Given the challenges and dangers, it is possible to imagine two scenarios. In the first, the commander-in-chief runs polls in around 200 to 400 places, down from 40,000 in 2020, with heavy air and ground support. In the second, he orders a legal advisor to find a way around the August 1 deadline and postpone the election. The latter, however, would involve a significant loss of face for Min Aung Hlaing, because he is a product of a military that fetishises elections, even though it almost always loses the ones it holds.
Who will run in the election? Hundreds of high-ranking military officers have been or will be pensioned off to stand for the USDP or some other military-aligned party. A motley crew of political parties with no real support base will also be expected to contest. They include the Shan Nationalities Development Party (considered a USDP proxy in 2010) and former human rights activist Ko Ko Gyi’s People’s Party. The National Democratic Front and People’s Pioneer Party – both NLD breakaway parties – will also undoubtedly join, as both of their leaders hold senior positions in the junta.
Of more concern to the pro-democracy movement would be if credible ethnic minority parties, with grievances against the NLD, decide to contest. The Mon Unity Party has already confirmed its intention to participate, and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy and Arakan National Party have both declined to rule it out (although neither have made any moves that indicate they are preparing for an election). All three had relatively strong showings in 2020 and are considered among the most influential ethnic parties.
But despite reports of a recent ham-fisted attempt to get the blessing of Aung San Suu Kyi, there seems no possible scenario in which the NLD would participate, a prerequisite for a legitimate election in Myanmar.
Finally, which countries would lend their blessing to this sham? China and Russia, providers of weapons and a diplomatic shield in the United Nations Security Council, are the most likely. India and Thailand, important neighbours with their own agendas, may also recognise the process and the results. Few other countries, though, can be expected to pay the election any regard.
Yet, regardless of its attempts to stage-manage the vote, the military has a mixed record on controlling the process and fallout of elections. The military’s political proxies lost elections in 1960 and 1990, despite the playing field being heavily tilted in their favour, forcing it to take more drastic measures to reassert control. And even when the USDP won in 2010, a small number of handpicked ex-military generals and admirals went on to hijack the implementation of the 2008 Constitution and steer it in an unexpectedly reformist direction. While the military likely hopes an election will help stabilise its rule, it may instead be unleashing something it can’t control..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Articles and reports about the NLD
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Description:
"Myanmar’s junta chief Min Aung Hlaing handed out decorations to honor his predecessors and ultranationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu on New Year’s Day.
He honored the first post-independence dictator General Ne Win and his successors General Sein Lwin and Senior General Saw Maung last year and Daw Khin Sandar Win, Ne Win’s daughter, accepted the decorations for her father on Sunday.
Ne Win seized power in the March 2, 1962, coup and oversaw the country’s descent into the list of least-developed countries.
The children of Sein Lwin and Saw Maung also accepted decorations on the behalf of their fathers. Ne Win loyalist Sein Lwin was responsible for brutal crackdowns on student protesters and was dubbed the butcher of Rangoon during the pro-democracy uprising in 1988.
Saw Maung was also responsible for the brutal crackdown on the uprising as the military chief. He also ensured a fresh military takeover at the instruction of Ne Win to perpetuate military rule.
Min Aung Hlaing has handed honorary titles and medals to around 3,700 people over the past year.
Marking the 75th anniversary of Independence Day on Wednesday, Min Aung Hlaing credited Daw Aung San Suu Kyiv’s father General Aung San with gaining independence from the UK.
But he seized power from the elected 77-year-old leader, who has been given 33 years in prison on 19 charges.
A junta court sentenced Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to a further seven years in prison on December 30.
Among those receiving awards in Naypyitaw were the children of Ne Win loyalist, San Yu, president of Ne Win’s Burma Socialist Program Party, and former prime minister U Nu.
Also honored were U Kyaw Nyin and U Ba Swe, colleagues of Gen. Aung San, and post-independence political leaders.
The junta’s newspapers on New Year’s Day showed Min Aung Hlaing and his wife greeting Ne Win’s daughter Daw Khin Sandar Win and his grandson Kyaw Ne Win.
Daw Khin Sandar Win attended Armed Forces Day last year and Kyaw Ne Win’s Omni Focus Co Ltd is involved in junta plans to bring electric buses to Myanmar.
Daw Yin Yin Oo, an adviser to Min Aung Hlaing’s advisory body, received decorations on behalf of her father, Dr. Maung Maung, another Ne Win loyalist.
On Tuesday Min Aung Hlaing handed over the Thiri Pyanchi title to ultranationalist monk U Wirathu, who was dubbed the Buddhist Bin Laden in the early 2010s for his racial and religious hate speech. U Wirathu’s title honors his cooperation with the regime’s “peace, development and prosperity” program.
Last year, Min Aung Hlaing handed out 1,290 titles and medals on Independence Day, 877 on Armed Forces Day on March 27, 146 for Myanmar’s New Year on April 1 and thousands more in November and December, totaling nearly 3,700.
The golden medals cost more than 7 billion kyats (around US$33.3 million) of public funds..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
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Description:
"Two years of emergency rule declared by Myanmar’s military after seizing power from an elected civilian government will end on Jan. 31. The expiry of emergency rule prompts the question of whether the military regime will hand power back to acting president U Myint Swe.
Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing will no doubt make moves to maintain the military’s grip on power ahead of its plan for a so-called election in August. According to sources in Naypyitaw, the regime is likely to form a “transition council” in which U Myint Swe will play a role.
The council will be formed this month amid a reshuffle of the regime’s current administrative body, the State Administration Council (SAC), the sources add. The junta chief will lead the council while the military continues to rule the country.
Under the 2008 Constitution, the National Defense and Security Council can declare a state of emergency for one year and renew the order twice for six months each time.
Min Aung Hlaing cited the 2008 Constitution in explaining his coup and is thus responsible for telling the country what will come after emergency rule. There is little doubt he will follow previous military rulers by changing the regime’s name while ensuring the same people in uniform remain in power. The same old tune played by previous regimes is set to be reprised by Min Aung Hlaing.
Meanwhile, the SAC has been preparing for a so-called election planned for August. The regime has replaced ward and village administrators at the grassroots level with members of the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). It is now compiling lists of voters and contacting former election commission members. The USDP has also been reorganized, with generals taking senior positions.
Signs point to the junta rigging the proposed election just as it did in 2010. There is no hope of a free and fair vote under a military regime that has launched a brutal crackdown on the popular uprising against its illegal power seizure. The chairman of the current junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) is also notorious for rigging the 2010 poll with so-called “early voting”. The international outcry that followed was led by then-US President Barack Obama, who condemned the junta for stealing the election.
The UEC has no constitutional mandate to cancel the result of a general election, but the junta-appointed electoral body went ahead and scrapped the 2020 vote after the National League for Democracy won by a landslide. Under the 2008 Constitution and election law, the UEC can handle individual complaints but is not authorized to void the result of an entire election.
The military had already violated the 2008 Constitution by seizing power in February 2021. It also broke its promise of reform and nation-building made before the 2010 election.
These days, Myanmar’s voters are well aware that military rule remains military rule no matter what name it takes..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-12-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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Description:
"1. Decisive military operations to be carried out against the SAC in 2023 – NUG President.....2. NUG Prime Minister transfers 50 weapons to Cobra Column.....3. Fire protection taskforce established in Sagaing Region.....4. NUG announces SAC atroci-ties in resulting in 10 civilians deaths.....5. NUG collects youth’s voices.....6. The Acting President of NUG said no one can defend the terror-
ist group internationally and the forces are becoming weak due to blows from all directions.....7. The Union Prime Minister of NUG promised that the federal de-mocratization policy, which is the wish of the ethnic groups, will not be changed.....8. NUCC and NUG issued a joint statement that they will fulfill transitional justice for the violations committed against ethnic people by successive dictators.....9. About 13,000 soldiers and police officers who have defected to
People’s Embrace are participating in various ways to root out the military council, NUG Union Prime Minister said.....10. The NUG announced that the military council and their associates who unjustly sentenced the president and state counsellor of the country to prison will inevitably face a public trial..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (1/2023)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
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Email - [email protected]
သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
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Individual Documents
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"Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and 20 other important drivers of the broad, nationwide movement against the military junta have released an important New Year Joint Declaration on the People’s Revolution.
In it they articulate a clear vision and roadmap for how to lead Myanmar out of the current tragedy caused by the futile and criminal effort of the military junta to grab and consolidate power. Leading actors of the Spring Revolution are showing unity and mutual agreement on the principles and key steps for how and where to go to end the violence and destruction of the country and to find a solid political solution on which lasting peace and development can be built.
Myanmar’s neighbors, other relevant and concerned countries in the Indo-Pacific region and key global actors have a clear choice. The first option is to help the people of Myanmar and their legitimate representatives follow the path that is outlined in the New Year Joint Declaration – and that includes rejection of the junta and eradication of the military dictatorship.
The other option is to continue to do little or nothing, such as by engaging in futile efforts to negotiate an agreement between “all stakeholders” including the current murderous and illegitimate junta. This approach will just lead to further escalation of the junta’s war against the people, further mass atrocities, deepening instability and chaos, continued destruction of civilian infrastructure and the burning to the ground of hundreds of villages, the creation of hundreds of thousands of IDPs (internally displaced persons) and a further meltdown of the economy. At the end of this path, after years of conflict and enormous civilian suffering, we will have neither stability under consolidated military dictatorship nor negotiated compromise between “all stakeholders”. Instead, we will have a broken, fragmented country divided into territories (most likely five to seven) controlled by different armed militias with the former Myanmar army being nothing better than the worst among all predatory militias. It will be an irreparably broken country, like the current Libya or South Sudan.
This Joint Declaration, as well as a few other statements issued over the New Year period (like the statement of the Three Brotherhood Alliance and a speech given by Kachin Independence Organization chairman General N’Ban La) clearly show to international actors and neighbors of Myanmar that a dialogue and agreement between all relevant stakeholders is already present. Such dialogue and agreement is possible and already exists once one takes Min Aung Hlaing and his criminal junta out of the equation. Min Aung Hlaing’s blunder, his failed coup, is the root of all the troubles that have happened in Myanmar since February 2021. His effort to impose power through sheer brutality, murder and destruction is the only obstacle to finding a solution for the country.
Remove Min Aung Hlaing and it will be possible to relatively quickly deescalate the violence, bring back basic security, provide much-needed humanitarian assistance, resume economic activities and start political negotiations, which have a good chance of finding compromise and agreement about the founding documents of a new Federal and Democratic Union of Myanmar.
Removing Min Aung Hlaing would be much easier than it seems to international actors. He is already rejected by the people of the country and has a very shaky position within the military itself. What is holding him in the game – in addition to the brutal violence he is applying, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s cynical assistance, and revenues from Myanmar’s gas fields – is the readiness of Myanmar’s neighbors to treat him as an indispensable part of the “all stakeholders negotiations”.
Start an active dialogue with all stakeholders without Min Aung Hlaing, and support the processes and actions of all stakeholders without him – and the junta will collapse in a matter of months. Once that happens, the Myanmar military without the current junta will be quick to join the political dialogue and negotiations of all stakeholders, and to join it in a constructive and productive manner.
Myanmar’s neighbors, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the UN and other relevant international actors have a clear choice and a clear opportunity to solve the deepening state failure of Myanmar. There is a realistic chance to achieve what we have not seen in decades – the possibility for lasting peace and stability.
If Myanmar’s neighbors, ASEAN, the UN and other relevant international actors miss this chance, the country will continue to fall deeper and deeper into violence, destruction and fragmentation. Putin might not care about this, but all others, including China, India and Thailand, have an interest in not allowing things to develop this way..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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more
Description:
"Since the February 1, 2021, military coup and the emergence of the Spring Revolution, a total of (2689) people, pro-democracy activists and other civilians have been killed through military crackdowns following pro-democracy movements.
Since the coup, a total of (13,300) people are currently under detention, (1940) of whom are serving sentences. There are a total of (100) post-coup death row prisoners as of January 2, 2023. (121) people have been sentenced in absentia, of whom (42) have been sentenced to death. This makes a total of (142) people who have been sentenced to death. (24) people have been released on bail and (3463) people have already been released. These are the numbers verified by AAPP. The actual numbers are likely much higher. We will continue to update accordingly.
According to information gathered today, on December 30, an artillery shell fired by junta forces exploded in San Khar Village, Lone Khin Village Tract, Hpakant Township, Kachin State; injuring six locals. Kun Jar Naw was one of six injured locals and he died on arrival at the hospital.
On December 30, Kaung Khant Kyaw, a primary school teacher of a high school branch in Htate Pote Kone Village, Myanaung Township, Ayeyarwady Region, was given a death sentence by a special court inside Hinthada Prison. He was charged under Section 51 (a) of the Counter-Terrorism Law and Section 302 (1)(c) of the Penal Code. In August 2022, Kaung Khant Kyaw had previously been sentenced to serve 5 years in prison under Section 50 (j) of the Counter-Terrorism Law. Kaung Khant Kyaw had taken part in the Civil Disobedience Movement and he was arrested in October 2021, on suspicion of being involved in the death of junta informant Win Nyunt Aung from Thabyay Kone Village.
AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected].....၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့ မတရားစစ်အာဏာလုမှုဖြစ်စဉ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်းမှာ (၂၆၈၉) ဦး ရှိခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၂ ရက်နေ့ထိတိုင် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၃၃၀၀) ဦးရှိပြီး ၎င်းတို့အနက်မှ (၁၉၄၀) ဦး မှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသည်။ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၂ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အထိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၀၀) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရသူ (၄၂) ဦး အပါအဝင် (၁၂၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံ ထားရသည်။ ထိုကြောင့် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၁၄၂) ဦးရှိပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အာမခံဖြင့် လွတ်မြောက်သူ (၂၄) ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေမှာ (၃၄၆၃) ဦး ရှိသည်။
ယနေ့ရရှိသောအချက်အလက်များအရ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဖားကန့်မြို့နယ်၊ လုံးခင်း ကျေးရွာအုပ်စု၊ ဆန်ခါကျေးရွာအတွင်းကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ပစ်ခတ်သော လက်နက်ကြီးကျည် ကျရောက် ပေါက်ကွဲခဲ့သောကြောင့် အရပ်သားခြောက်ဦး ကျည်ထိမှန်ခဲ့သည်။ ကျည်ထိမှန်ခဲ့သော အရပ်သား ခြောက်ဦးအနက် တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သော ကွန်ဂျာနော်မှာ ဆေးရုံအရောက်၌ သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။
ထို့ပြင် ဧရာဝတီတိုင်း၊ မြန်အောင်မြို့နယ်၊ ထိပ်ပုတ်ကုန်းကျေးရွာတွင်ရှိသည့် အထက်တန်းကျောင်းခွဲ၏ မူလတန်းပြ ကျောင်းဆရာတစ်ဦးဖြစ်သော ကိုကောင်းခန့်ကျော်ကို ဟင်္သာတအကျဥ်းထောင်တွင်း အထူးတရားရုံးမှ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၁ (က)၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၃၀၂ (၁)(ဂ) တို့ဖြင့် ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လတွင် ကိုကောင်းခန့်ကျော်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၀ (ည) ဖြင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ငါးနှစ် ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံထားရပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ကိုကောင်းခန့်ကျော်သည် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ပါဝင်သူဖြစ်ပြီး သပြေကုန်းကျေးရွာမှ စစ်တပ်သတင်းပေး ဦးဝင်းညွန့်အောင် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှု ဖြစ်စဥ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ သံသယဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသည်။
ဖော်ပြပါ ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များသည် AAPP မှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အရေအတွက်ဖြစ်ပြီး မြေပြင်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အချက်အလက်နှင့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းအရေအတွက်များမှာ ယခုထက်ပိုမိုများပြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ အချက်အလက် များကို ထပ်မံကောက်ယူရရှိလာပါက ဆက်လက်ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသွားပါမည်။
အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အရပ်သားများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ သတင်းသမားများ၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများစသည့် နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ မည်သူမဆို ဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းခံထားရ ခြင်းများနှင့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို သိရှိပါက အောက်ပါလိပ်စာ များသို့ ဆက်သွယ်၍ အသိပေး၊ အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကျဆုံးအချက်အလက်များကို ဖော်ပြပါ [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖမ်းအဆီးအချက်အလက်များကို [email protected] အီးမေးလ်သို့လည်းကောင်း တိုက်ရိုက်ပေးပို့၍ ဆက်သွယ်အကြောင်းကြားနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication:
2023-01-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
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Email - [email protected]
သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Format :
pdf
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509.71 KB
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Sub-title:
New Year Joint Declaration on the People’s Revolution
Description:
"1. The Spring Revolution is a noble endeavour with overwhelming support of all the peoples of Myanmar, of all nationalities, from all walks of life and all regions. With the common goal of eradicating the military dictatorship, and through united efforts of the revolutionary forces, the people seek to establish national unity and to institute a true federal democracy, thus resolving over 70 years of political strife and discord.
2. The Federal Democracy Charter embodies the common political agreement of the constituent revolutionary forces of the NUCC and the NUG. Our revolutionary forces pledge an endeavour, underpinned by collective leadership, collective responsibility and unyielding commitment in line with the political road map based on the aspirations and values espoused in the Federal Democracy Charter.
3.After eradication of the military dictatorship, our aspirant federal democratic union shall oppose any form of bigotry, guarantee the rights of ethnic nationalities and the equality and self-determination of the states or federal units. Such a union shall be constituted to protect the rights of citizens, human rights and minority rights according to democratic standards.
4.We believe that the failure to implement the commitments of the Panglong conference led to the extinguishment of democracy, discrimination, and loss of equality and right of self-determination for ethnic nationalities. Subsequent emergence of a system of central control and a military institution that is steeped in the ideology of dictatorship are the root causes that perpetuate underlying political problems of our nation.
5.We are determined to establish, from among all the ethnic nationalities, a Federal Defence Force of the future federal democratic union, that embraces the principle of civilian supremacy, refrains from involvement in the field of politics, and is concerned solely with the defence of the nation.
6.In the transitional period after the defeat of the attempted coup d’état, we will maintain the national unity that has been achieved and, in accordance with the transitional constitution, fairly apportion legislative, executive and judicial powers of transitional administration among those who hold de jure legitimacy through the elections of 2020 and those who hold de facto legitimacy through other means in our national struggle for liberation.
7.In our country, successive dictators have committed injustices, violations of human rights, and international crimes against ethnic nationalities. We will implement transitional justice to bring truth, justice and accountability for the perpetrators, and to introduce reforms to prevent similar occurrences in the futures.
8.The terrorist military junta has attempted to seize power, not only by trampling on the laws of the land, but by persecuting the people through murder, torture and destruction of property and livelihood. Such a terrorist organisation has no right to hold an election. Any ‘election’ that they hold will never be the solution to the political problems that beset Myanmar; it will only be an act of deception that does not even deserve to be dignified with the term ‘election’.
9.The terrorist military junta’s efforts are nothing more than political deception and a trap, intended to alleviate myriad crises and challenges that they face. As such, we categorically denounce and oppose their attempt to hold such an illegal sham election.
10.We honour the sacrifices made by the forces of liberation, members of the ethnic revolutionary organisations, people’s defence forces (PDF), participants of the civil disobedience movement (CDM), private sector workers, and other supporters of the revolution. Countless lives and livelihoods have been lost, and much blood and sweat been shed, over the years. After the success of the revolution, there will be recognition and recompense for those sacrifices.
11.We believe that the defeat of the military dictatorship and establishment of a true federal democratic system are crucial to achieve cessation of war, and to establish a Union that enjoys lasting peace, stability, harmony with its neighbours and the wider international community, and that enjoys sustainable development. Accordingly, we the forces of revolution will work tirelessly and in unison until the military dictatorship has been eradicated and the people’s revolution has triumphed.
12.We call on all the peoples of Myanmar to join us in this historic revolution that will determine the destiny of the nation with ardour, valour and determination..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Consultative Council and National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"The New Year tide is upon us, for Myanmar, far too many of our brothers and sisters lie dead by the genocidal military's hand, and many more languish in prisons and torture camps. We cannot celebrate this new year as we would wish. We cannot give gifts because we have nothing left to give but our lives. We cannot gather with our communities as hundreds of thousands of our people are being displaced regularly, our communities and peoples scattered and vulnerable. We cannot rejoice and share the New Year celebration with family as nearly every family in Myanmar has suffered terrible losses as a result of the genocidal military's failed coup and their war of terror.
In this New year, on one hand we brace ourselves for the genocidal military's nonstop crimes and atrocities upon the entire population of 54 million people of Myanmar, on the other hand we reflect the last year on what we have lost and what the genocidal military have taken from us and from our homeland. But after all, we are taking heart and keeping the light hope. In the darkness, even a small light shines brightly. In an empty home even a whispered word echoes.
Therefore, let us all take heart then from our many victories, from the erosion of the genocidal military in Myanmar, from the increasing pressure of the international community, from the strength of our resolve and from the bright federal democratic future we will build for our country for ALL the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, culture, language, gender, background and ethnicity.
As this New Year is, like last year's, marred by the genocidal military's heinous crimes, we may not be able to celebrate as we should, and as we would, but we can celebrate the progress which we have made in the last year such as the inclusion of BURMA Act in the National Defence Authorisation Act ( NDAA) of the USA , the UN Security Council Resolution on Myanmar for the first time in 75 years, the legitimate credential approval of the people’s representative of Myanmar to the UN etc and many other, and we can celebrate the turning of the tide in this horrific conflict and crisis created by the genocidal military in Myanmar. The genocidal military's days are numbered, and our deliverance from their cruelty, inhumanity, brutality is all but assured..."
Source/publisher:
Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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29.21 KB
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Description:
"ဤ ၂၀၂၃ နှစ်သစ်နှင့်အတူ သမိုင်းတလျှောက်တွင် အထူးခြားဆုံးသော စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှု၊ မတူ ကွဲပြားမှုများ၏ စုစည်းမှုအောက်မှ အားနည်းချက်များကို ဆင်ခြင်သုံးသပ် ပြုပြင် ထိန်းကျောင်းရင်း အားသာချက်များဖြင့် အတူတကွ ပေါင်းစပ်ရင်း ခွန်အားသစ်လောင်းလျက် မိမိတို့ လိုလားတောင်းတသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး ပီပြင်စွာ အမြန်ဆုံး ပုံဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပန်းတိုင်အရောက် အတူတကွ ဆက်လက် လျှောက်လှမ်းကြပါစို့ ..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
Language:
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pdf
Size:
297.6 KB
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Source/publisher:
The Three Brotherhood Alliance
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
138.35 KB
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Sub-title:
ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ နှစ်သစ်ကူး ပူးတွဲထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာစာတမ်း
Description:
"၁။ လက်ရှိ မြန်မာ့နွေဦး ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးကြီးသည် လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၊ လူထုလူ တန်းစား ပေါင်းစုံနှင့် ဒေသပေါင်းစုံမှ ပြည်သူတရပ်လုံး၏ တစ်ခဲနက် ထောက်ခံပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် ဘုံရည်မှန်းချက် ပန်းတိုင်ဖြစ်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်တွန်းလှန် ဖယ်ရှားပြီး နောက် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများ၏ စုစည်းညီညွတ်မှု တနည်းအားဖြင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးကို တည်ဆောက်လျက် စစ်မှန်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို တည်ထောင်ခြင်းအားဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အနှစ် (၇၀) ကျော်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သော နိုင်ငံရေးပြဿနာ ကို အပြီးတိုင်ဖြေရှင်းရန်အတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် နေကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ် (Federal Democracy Charter) သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) တွင် ပါဝင်သော တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၏ ဘုံနိုင်ငံရေးသဘောတူညီချက် ဖြစ်သည်။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ မျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုးများကို အလေးအနက်ခံယူလျက် အားလုံး သဘောတူ ချမှတ်ထားသော “နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ”ကို NUCC နှင့် NUG တွင် ပါဝင်သော တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများက စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းတာဝန်ယူမှု၊ ခိုင်မာသော ကတိကဝတ်ပြုမှုများဖြင့် တညီတညွတ်တည်း လက်တွဲပူးပေါင်း အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချမှတ်ထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းပြီးနောက် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မျှော်ရည်သော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုသည် မည်သည့် မဟာလူမျိုးကြီးဝါဒကိုမဆို ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ဖျက်ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၊ ပြည်နယ်/ ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ကို အပြည့်အဝအာမခံမည်ဖြစ်လျက် နိုင်ငံသား ရပိုင်ခွင့် များ၊ လူသားရပိုင်ခွင့်များ၊ လူနည်းစုအခွင့်အရေး များကို အကာအကွယ် ပေးသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ စံနှုန်းများနှင့်အညီ ဖော်ဆောင်ကျင့်သုံးသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ ဒီမိုကရေစီဆိတ်သုဉ်းခြင်း၊ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုများနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ လိုလားသော တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ဆုံးရှုံးခြင်းတို့၏ အဓိက နိုင်ငံရေးပြဿနာ သည် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်နှင့် ကတိကဝတ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် မျက်ကွယ်ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် အတူ နောက်ဆက်တွဲ ဖြစ်ပေါ် လာသည့် ဗဟိုဦးစီးချုပ်ကိုင်မှု လွန်ကဲသည့်စနစ်နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်အတွေးအခေါ်ကို လက်ကိုင်ပြုသော စစ်တပ်တစ်ခု ရှိနေရခြင်းကပင် အထက် ဖော်ပြပါ မဖြေရှင်းနိုင်သည့်အရင်းခံ နိုင်ငံရေးပြဿနာ များအား ပိုမိုဆိုးဝါးစွာ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာ ရခြင်း၏ အရင်းခံအကြောင်းအရင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မှတ်ယူသည်။
၅။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မျှော်ရည်သော အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံတော်တွင် နိုင်ငံရေးနယ်ပယ်၌ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်မှု လုံးဝကင်းရှင်းပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကာကွယ်ရေးတာဝန်ကိုသာ ထမ်းရွက်သော၊ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ ကွပ်ကဲမှု (Civilian Supremacy) ကို လိုက်နာခံယူသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ကိုယ်စားပြုပါဝင်သော "ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတပ်မတော်" ကို တည်ထောင်ရန်လည်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့က ခိုင်မာစွာ စိတ်ပိုင်းဖြတ်ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို အောင်မြင်စွာဖယ်ရှားပြီးသည့်နောက် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေး ကာလသို့ ရောက်ရှိချိန်တွင် ချမှတ်ထားသောလမ်းပြမြေပုံအရ ယခုရရှိထားပြီးဖြစ်သော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး ကို ဆက်လက်ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ အရှိန်မြှင့်တင်လျက် ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲမှ ရရှိသော လူထုထောက်ခံမှုအရ တရားဝင်မှု (De Jure Legitimacy) ကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသော နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ မဟုတ်သော အခြားနည်းလမ်းများဖြင့်ရရှိသော လူထုထောက်ခံမှုအရ တရားဝင်မှု (De Facto Legitimacy) ကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသော နိုင်ငံရေး အင်အားစုများ၏ စုစည်းပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုဖြင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ အစီအမံအရ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေ နှင့်အညီ ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး၊ တရားစီရင်ရေး အာဏာများကို စနစ်တကျ ခွဲဝေ ကျင့်သုံး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
၇။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် ဤနိုင်ငံ၌ အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်က တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူ လူထုအပေါ် ကျုးလွန်ချိုးဖောက်ခဲ့သည့် မတရားမှုများ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက် မှုများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှု များအတွက် အမှန်တရားပေါ်ပေါက်ရန်၊ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိရန်၊ ကျူးလွန် သူများက မိမိကျုးလွန်မှုများ အတွက်တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိရန်နှင့် နောက်ထပ်အလားတူကိစ္စရပ်များ ထပ်မံ မကြုံတွေ့ရေးအတွက် ပြုပြင် ပြောင်းလဲမှု လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်များ ချမှတ်အကောင်အထည် ဖော်ရန် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ တရားမျှတမှု (Transitional Justice) ကို ဖြည့်ဆည်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၈။ ဥပဒေအရပ်ရပ်ကို ချိုးဖောက်လျက် နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို အကြမ်းဖက်လုယူရန် ကြိုးစား နေရုံသာမက ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို နေ့စဉ် သတ်ဖြတ်၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက် ဖျက်ဆီးနေသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကျင်းပရန် အခွင့်အာဏာလုံးဝမရှိပေ။ ၎င်းတို့က ကျင်းပမည်ဆိုသော "ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ" ဆိုသည်မှာ လက်ရှိ မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေး အကြပ်အတည်း ပြဿနာ၏ ထွက်ပေါက် အဖြေ လုံးဝမဟုတ်ရုံသာမက ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ ဟူသော အသုံးအနှုန်းကို သုံးစွဲရန်ပင် ထိုက်တန်မှုမရှိသည့် အမှန်တရားကို ဖုံးကွယ်ပုံဖျက်မှု (Deception) သာ ဖြစ်ပေသည်။
၉။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ယင်းသို့ကြံစည်လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်သည် ၎င်းတို့ ရင်ဆိုင် နေရသော စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေး အထွေထွေအကြပ်အတည်းများကို လျှော့ချနိုင်ရေး အတွက် ရည်ရွယ် လုပ်ကြံသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးလှည့်ကွက်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးထောင်ချောက်သာဖြစ်သဖြင့် တရားမဝင် အတုအယောင် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ ကျင်းပရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်မှန်သမျှကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့က ပြတ်ပြတ် သားသား ဆန့်ကျင်သည်။
၁၀။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အသက်၊ သွေး၊ ချွေးနှင့် ဘဝများကို ပေးဆပ်လျက် ပြည်သူ့ တော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်နေကြသော အင်အားစုများ၊ မဟာမိတ်တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့များမှ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရဲဘော်များ၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော် (PDF) နှင့် CDM နိုင်ငံ့ ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိကဝန်ထမ်းများအပါအဝင် အခြားသော နည်းလမ်း ပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် တော်လှန်နေကြသော အင်အားစု များသည် တော်လှန်ရေး အောင်မြင်ပြီး သည့်အခါ အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှု နှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှုများကို အတူတကွ ခံစားရရှိကြရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၁၁။ ဤနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်ပြီး စစ်မှန်သော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်မှသာ စစ်မက်ကင်းစင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်း၍ ငြိမ်းချမ်း သာယာသော၊ နိုင်ငံရေး တည်ငြိမ်မှုရှိသော၊ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် သဟဇာတဖြစ်၍ အပြန်အလှန်အထောက်အကူပြုနိုင်သော၊ ရေရှည်ဖွံ့ဖြိုး တိုးတက်သောပြည်ထောင်စုကို တည်ဆောက် နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဟု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့က ယုံကြည်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်သောကြောင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြတ်၍ ပြည်သူ့ တော်လှန်ရေးကြီး အောင်ပွဲခံ သည် အထိ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ အားလုံး၏ သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်မှုအားဖြင့် မဆုတ်မနစ် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွား ကြမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၁၂။ လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၊ ဒေသပေါင်းစုံမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးအနေဖြင့်လည်း တိုင်းပြည်၏ အနာဂတ်ကံကြမ္မာကို အဆုံးအဖြတ်ပေးမည့် သမိုင်းဝင်တော်လှန်ရေးကြီးတွင် ပြင်းပြထက်သန်သော ဇွဲ၊ သတ္တိ၊ လုံ့လ၊ ဝီရိယ၊ ဆန္ဒ၊ ဉာဏ်ပညာတို့ဖြင့် အစွမ်းကုန် ဆက်လက်ဆင်နွှဲပါဝင် ပူးပေါင်းကြစေ လိုကြောင်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ သဘောထားများကို ပူးတွဲ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Consultative Council and National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Format :
pdf
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810.41 KB
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Description:
"စကစ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှူများ၊ တပ်တည်၊ တပ်လှုပ် သတင်းများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ထောက်တိုင်များ၏ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ပေးပို့လိုပါက
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သို့ ပေးပို့နိုင်ပါသည်။
မှတ်ချက်။ ။ မြေပြင်သတင်းတာဝန်ခံများနှင့်သတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖော်ပြလာသော အချက်အလက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံပြုစုထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
658.43 KB
more
Description:
"၁။ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့တွင် ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံအသီးသီးရှိ ပြည်သူများ သာမက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူသွေးချင်းမောင်နှမများအားလုံး ကံကောင်းခြင်း၊ ပျော်ရွှင်ခြင်း၊ ကျန်းမာခြင်းအဖြာဖြာ ရရှိပိုင်ဆိုင်နိုင်ကြကာ နှစ်ဟောင်း၏ အတွေ့အကြုံများအား နှစ်သစ်တွင် အားအင်တစ်ရပ်အဖြစ် အသုံးပြုလျက် ရည်မှန်းသော အောင်မြင်မှုပန်းတိုင်အသီးသီးသို့ လှမ်းလျှောက်နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် နှစ်သစ် ဆုမွန်ကောင်း တောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။နိုင်ငံတကာနှစ်သစ်ကူးနေ့ အခါကာလများတွင် အခမ်းအနားများ၊ အထိမ်းအမှတ် ပျော်ပွဲ ရွှင်ပွဲများ ပြုလုပ်ကျင်းပ၍ ကြိုဆိုကြသော်လည်း မိမိတို့မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်နက်အားကိုး အာဏာသိမ်းယူခြင်းကို ခံထားကြရသည့်အပြင် နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ဝင်များ အပါအဝင် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများနှင့်ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချ ထားကာ နေ့စဥ် ပြည်သူလူထုသည် စိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့်မှုများစွာဖြင့် နေရာဒေသအသီးသီးတွင် ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများအား ခိုးယူချိတ်ပိတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးမီးရှို့ခံရခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ဘေး စစ်ဒဏ်သင့်ကာ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရခြင်းတို့ ကြုံတွေ့နေကြရသည်မှာ လပေါင်း (၂၂)လ ကြာမြင့်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။လွတ်လပ်၍တရားမျှတသော ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ် အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် မဲဆန္ဒရှင် ပြည်သူလူထုက ယုံကြည်စွာ မဲပေးရွေးချယ်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ဆန္ဒမဲရလဒ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ တရားဝင် အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုရရှိထားသည်သာမက ပြည်သူကိုယ်စားပြု မိမိတို့လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ အနေဖြင့်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်အတူ တသားတည်းရပ်တည်ကာ ရှေ့သို့ ချီတက်လျှောက်လှမ်း လျက်ရှိရာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လက်နက်အားကိုး အင်အားပြကာ ပြုလုပ်မည့် အတုအယောင် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲသည် မည်သည့်နည်းလမ်းဖြင့်မျှ အကောင်အထည်ပေါ်လာနိုင်မည် မဟုတ်သည်ကို ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူ့အင်အားသည် ပြည်သူများ၏ လက်ထဲတွင်သာ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာ ပိုင်ဆိုင် ထားရှိပြီး မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်အုပ်စုများက ဝင်ရောက်သွေးခွဲဖြိုဖျက်ပါစေ ပျောက်ဆုံးပျက်သုဥ်း သွားနိုင်မည် မဟုတ်သည်ကို သွေးချွေးအသက်များ ရင်းနှီးပေးဆပ်ထားသည့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး သမိုင်းက သက်သေပင်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များ၊ မတရားဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်ခြင်းတို့အပေါ် တွန်းလှန်ဆန့်ကျင်ရင်း အမှန်တရားအတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအနေဖြင့် ရရာလက်နက်ကိုင်စွဲ၍ ယခုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုဖြစ်စဥ်သည် မည်သည့်နိုင်ငံတွင်မှ တွေ့ကြုံဖူးခြင်းမရှိသေးသည့် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားများ၏ စည်းလုံးမှုအင်အား ပြယုဂ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်ကို လေးစားဂုဏ်ယူစွာ ဖော်ညွှန်း လိုပါသည်။
၅။မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အခက်အခဲများ၊ စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ၊ အကြပ်အတည်းများစွာဖြင့် ကြုံတွေ့ နေကြရသော်လည်း ဒီမိုကရေစီအား မြတ်နိုးတန်ဖိုးထားကြသော အာဏာရှင်အမြစ်ပြတ်ရေး နွေဦး တော်လှန်ရေးခရီးကြမ်းတွင် အတူပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်၍ အကောင်းဆုံးကြိုးပမ်းထမ်းဆောင်နေသူ ပြည်သူ ပြည်သားတစ်ဦးချင်းစီ၏ လူသားအခွင့်အရေးပြည့်ဝစွာ ရရှိခံစားနိုင်စေရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများ၊ လွှတ်တော်များ၊ အာဆီယံအသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် အရပ်ဖက်မိတ်ဖက် လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအပါအဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် လျစ်လျူရှုခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ပြတ်သားစွာ ရပ်တည်နိုင်ကြစေရန်နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများအား ပိုမိုအားစိုက်လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးနိုင်ပါရန် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် နိုင်ငံတကာနှစ်ကူးနေ့တွင် တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆို အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2023-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-01
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Individual Documents
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"We send our year-end salutations to all people in Myanmar, in particular the resistance forces who are standing up to the murderous military regime run by bullying criminals.
One of the first things we learned in 2022 is that Russian President Vladimir Putin and Myanmar junta leader Min Aung Hlaing share a tendency to underestimate the public and their opponents. Ukraine did not fall to Russia and its defenders did not run away. To the surprise of the West and the international community as a whole, the Ukrainians stood and fought back. Putin was wrong.
Similarly, the people of Myanmar have refused to accept the military coup. This has been clear since last year, when thousands took to the streets to protest the illegal power grab. Using social media and other digital platforms they made it known that the coup maker can never win. Since then, Gen Z and their older compatriots have joined forces in the ethnic territories to fight the murderous regime.
In 2022 we saw jet fighters and helicopters fly over the country and conduct air raids, dropping bombs and killing anyone in their path in an effort to suppress the anti-coup movement. The brutal offensive against the civilian population and resistance forces intensified but did not succeed.
Thousands of villages were burned to the ground. Many thousands of people fled their homes and millions have lost their futures, hopes and dreams. The damage that the coup has done to the country’s economy is so extreme that Myanmar is now backsliding socially and economically into the sorry state it endured in the late 1990s, when people had electricity for a few hours a day. Lawlessness is rampant, even in the major cities including commercial hub Yangon.
For the citizens of countries across the region, it is as if they woke up one day to find that their neighbor Myanmar was on fire. A decade ago, after years of darkness, we saw “flickers of progress” in once isolated Myanmar. Once again, however, the flames signal strife and the spread of war. Southeast Asia has not seen a regime this bad since the Khmer Rouge.
Darkness has returned to Myanmar. But the people are not giving up.
Medics, artists, professors, activists and army and police officers have joined the Spring Revolution. More importantly, major ethnic forces fighting for a federal union and equality have provided refuge and assistance to the movement. Without them, it would be difficult to sustain the fight and maintain momentum.
In this movement we find a sense of hope and dynamism. Two years after the Myanmar military staged a coup to oust the elected government led by President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, its attempt to take control of the country has failed.
The Myanmar people’s resilience, fighting spirit and heroism have thwarted the will of the coup leaders, a group of thugs and criminals who act like a foreign invading force in their country of birth.
In 2022, our newsroom—now up and running offshore, like those of several independent Myanmar media outlets—was kept busy with stories of air raids, bombings, shootings of children, the hangings of activists and a lawmaker, political detainees being tortured to death in gulags, and extreme violence committed daily against regime opponents and the civilian population. Day by day throughout the year we reported Myanmar’s descent into its new status as the “Syria of Southeast Asia”. We have had little rest—our fate is linked to the political changes in Myanmar.
Myanmar people have demonstrated resilience and heroism in standing up to bullies. They have found ingenious and resourceful ways to challenge the illegitimate regime, sustain the fight and grow the resistance at home and abroad.
The international community, the UN, governments around the region, and global heavyweights China, India, the US and Russia have reacted in various ways to Myanmar’s deepening crisis and civil war.
That response has been slow, frustrating and often disappointing, but it is important to note that, for the most part, the regime’s efforts to win legitimacy and international recognition this year failed.
It is true that Russia and China continued to supply arms and hardware, and India has befriended the regime, but their decision to do so has not come without cost—all have been roundly condemned by the Myanmar people.
The US and other Western governments condemned the regime and imposed limited sanctions on the generals and their cronies but many other potential sanctions targets—some obscure, others prominent and operating in plain sight—remain at large and untouched. The message is out there, however: associating with the regime comes at a price.
In the region, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) decided to suspend Myanmar’s participation at its annual meetings and summits. Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his puppet foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin have been barred from attending all such gatherings. By the standards of the regional bloc, which has historically adhered to policies of non-interference and consensus, this is relatively strong stuff. And the regime is not pleased about it, either.
The year ended with some encouraging news that has strengthened the spirit of the opposition movement.
The US Congress passed defense legislation that authorizes non-military assistance for and engagement with Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and the resistance forces collectively known as the People’s Defense Force (PDF).
In short, the so-called Burma Act serves as a description of US policy toward Myanmar as the country struggles for democracy, human rights and justice. It aims to help return civilian governance to Myanmar and to pursue accountability for human rights violations, as well as to support anti-junta forces including EAOs and PDFs.
The bill also commits the US to push for greater action at the United Nations against the military regime, and calls for holding Russia and China accountable for their support of the junta.
This was followed by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)’s adoption of a resolution in late December denouncing the regime’s rights violations since the Feb. 1, 2021 coup.
The passage of the landmark resolution with 12 yes votes and three abstentions reflects the Myanmar junta’s growing isolation due to the ongoing abuses by its security forces, which amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The resolution condemns the military’s execution of pro-democracy activists, urges the military to “immediately release all arbitrarily detained prisoners,” and demands an “immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country.”
But promises of support need to be followed up with action. Material support should come soon, and it should be in a form that helps the Myanmar resistance achieve its mission of bringing down the regime.
It is worth pausing for a moment and reflecting on why the Myanmar people are willing to take deadly risks to defy a regime that is murderous and armed with fighter jets. The Myanmar people have said “enough is enough”.
For decades they lived under brutal, selfish dictators and saw their country plundered and driven into bankruptcy by the military. Then, as the country began opening up in 2012, they got a taste of freedom and hope, and started to sense opportunities.
Now the future looks bleak again, with power stolen back by thugs and criminals.
If they don’t win, the Myanmar people know they will forever be slaves.
Their fight is far from over. A tough year lies ahead for the Myanmar people, but they have not given up on their dream of creating a new federal and democratic Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-12-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"Responding to the latest seven-year sentence handed down to Aung San Suu Kyi for alleged corruption, Amnesty International’s Regional Director Meg de Ronde said:
“From start to finish, the trumped-up cases against Aung San Suu Kyi have been politically motivated, unfair, and completely lacking in anything resembling transparency. The same goes for the charges against the thousands of others languishing behind bars in Myanmar’s notorious prisons and interrogation facilities across the country.
“Since seizing power almost two years ago, Myanmar’s military has turned the courts and prison system into a human rights inferno in which journalists, activists, politicians, doctors, protesters and many others are jailed for nothing more than peacefully expressing dissent.
“The fact that this verdict comes less than 10 days after a rare rebuke from the UN Security Council demanding an end to the violence and the release of arbitrarily detained prisoners shows that more pressure on the Myanmar military is needed and fast.
“The UN Security Council should impose a comprehensive arms embargo, including on aviation fuel, and targeted sanctions against military leaders. The international community can and must do more to support the people of Myanmar.”
Background:
Ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s latest conviction on corruption charges on 30 December 2022 means she faces a total of 33 years in prison, according to reports. Suu Kyi was arbitrarily detained at the start of the coup on 1 February, 2021.
Myanmar’s military has arrested more than 16,000 people since the start of the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. It has also executed four people in its first use of the death penalty in decades..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-12-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, About Aung San Suu Kyi, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"This Friday, a military-controlled court in Myanmar delivered its final verdicts against detained President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, concluding a series of purely politically motivated trials conducted in the course of the past thirteen months. These trials were carried forward with no respect for due legal procedure or necessary judicial guarantees and are a clear attempt to exclude democratically elected leaders from political life. Win Myint and Aung San Suu Kyi face a total of 12 and 33 years’ imprisonment respectively, including 3 years of hard labour, representing another blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar.
The European Union strongly condemns these trials, verdicts and the overall dismantlement of democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar. EU’s position remains that only a genuine dialogue involving Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy, the National Unity Government, civil society and all other relevant stakeholders in Myanmar can lead the way out of the deep crisis in the country and restore the path towards democracy.
The EU also expresses its deep concern over the large number of persons arbitrarily detained and reiterates its urgent call for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners.
As the second anniversary of the military coup of 1 February 2021 is approaching, the military regime’s actions continue to show a complete contempt for human dignity and the will of the people. The EU reiterates its full support for ASEAN efforts to promote a peaceful resolution of the crisis in Myanmar, including the inclusive dialogue called for by ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus..."
Source/publisher:
European External Action Service
Date of publication:
2022-12-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, About Aung San Suu Kyi, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"1. Executive Summary
This report provides analysis of the indiscriminate aerial bombardments launched by the
Tatmadaw1 throughout the country—especially after the 2021 military coup—with a special focus on
the recent bombardments in A Nang Pa, Hpakant township, Kachin State. Despite the stated
bombardments seeming like a harbinger of death for civilian victims, they have, in turn, become the case
for the senior military commanders, led by Min Aung Hlaing, who have been providing orders from their
high command headquarters located in Nay Pyi Taw, the capital of Burma. How can it be a reality? In
that regard, this report elaborates in detail.
For over 70 years, the civil war in Burma has proved that, if the Tatmadaw continues to exist as
a major state institution, serious human rights violations amounting to the gravest crimes of international
concern will never be deterred. Continued Tatmadaw rule would also mean no genuine peace—nor
justice, freedom, or development for all ethnic nationalities—can ever be achieved. Lessons learnt from
the roughly 60 years of ostensible peace-seeking processes starting in 1963 following the 1962 military
coup vividly indicate that all so-called peace-related dialogues, including various types of ceasefires with
the Tatmadaw, have unequivocally failed due to the lack of the rule of law. As far as Burma is concerned,
the concept of institutional reform no longer suffices. This report therefore urges all stakeholders to exert
efforts that support the emergence of a new Federal Union Army to replace the position of the Tatmadaw
and ultimately uphold the rule of law.
Chapter 2 provides a general background of the country before and after the coup, focusing on
aerial attacks against civilians. Then, chapter 3 details some of the worst aerial attacks launched by the
Tatmadaw in other states/provinces and regions that have resulted in high civilian casualties. A brief
case summary of the A Nang Pa airstrike, a contextual description of the situation of the site, and the
nature of the object of the attack, which is the central focus of this report, are laid out in chapter 4.
Subsequently, chapter 5 addresses the legal issues that arose from the aerial bombings of A Nang
Pa from the three perspectives: 1) whether the geographic feature of the site effectively contributed to
military objectives, 2) whether the Tatmadaw had knowledge of the civilian presence in the vicinity, and
3) the systematic and widespread nature of the airstrike constituting crimes against humanity. While the first legal question argues the legitimacy of the site as a military object by invoking the Geneva
Conventions and customary rules of International Humanitarian Laws, the second question deals with
the mental element, the perpetrators’ behavior, and the means and methods used to carry out the
airstrikes. The last legal question deals with the prerequisite elements of the crimes against humanity
provided for in the Rome Statue of the ICC. Moreover, this chapter highlights notable previous decisions
and judgements of the international courts potentially relevant to the case of Burma.
Under the title of a common plan to keep Min Aung Hlaing in power, chapter 6 contrasts the case
of Laurent Gbagbo, the President of Ivory Coast, and the case of Min Aung Hlaing, the military coup
maker in Burma. The former was acquitted by the ICC, while the latter is currently enmeshed in the
process that leads to an ICC trial. In the case of Ivory Coast, the ICC prosecutor might have failed to
prove that President Laurent Gbagbo committed such crimes.
Chapter 7 offers a conclusive analysis of all related societal, political, and legal factors that have
influenced Burma, focusing on impunity and immunity issues from the perspective of international law.
In addition, the rationale behind Min Aung Hlaing orchestrating the illegal coup and desperately trying
to retain power to avoid criminal accountability is somewhat covered. The chapter indicates too that, to
achieve stability and long-term peace, Burma must still carefully address people’s rights to selfdetermination. Such actions will lead to the emergence of a federalism suited to Burma with the
underpinning of the rule of law. In addition, responsibility of states to comply with international law,
transitional justice related issue and national defense authorization act – NDAA, 2022, (USA) are also
scrutinized.
Chapter 8 covers the major recommendations of our LAN, inter alia, that, despite maintaining
ethnic nationalism leading to the emergence of a federalism suited to Burma, the protection of human
rights with the underpinning of the rule of law must be a prime priority. Such protection of rights must be
undertaken, at a minimum, in line with the Geneva Convention, also known as the law of war, even in a
non-international armed conflict. To this end, in connection with the 2020 election results,
constitutionalism that focuses on limited government concepts must be activated. Finally, a strong
national legal order – which is essential for a just, peaceful and prosperous society – is recommended
highlighting the core and distinguishing feature of law..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Aid Network
Date of publication:
2022-12-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"1.The election of the terrorist State Administration Council(SAC) is only a political trap to prolong the reign of power, and the Acting President urged the public to oppose it decisively.....2.NUG Acting President said that the Spring Revolution is being driven by the courage of the new generation of young people, and after the time of the revolution, it must be driven by the wisdom of the youth.....3. The terrorist act of Yangon-Dala ferry bombing has nothing to
do with NUG, NUG announced that the actual perpetrators will be identified and dealt with.....4. The Burma Act will provide assistance to the people of Burma and is expected to be signed by US President Biden, NUG announced.....5. The UN Security Council approved the draft resolution on Myanmar as a step to support the people, NUG announced.....6. NUG released that in the statement of the leaders of EU-ASEAN summit, the demands on Myanmar are nothing special and lack crucial information.....7. NUG urges neighbouring governments and labour organizations
to support the helpless migrant workers who are struggling with various forms of oppression.....8: NUG insisted that it would reward and give opportunities if the information about military were informed.....9: NUG announced that it provided over 340 million for humanitarian affairs in November.....10: Union Prime Minister of NUG insisted to review the ongoing activities and to become a government that people can rely on .....11. United Nations Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun’s answers about the fake election of terrorist army.....12. The Security Council of Myanmar issues a draft resolution as soon as possible..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"National Unity Government Weekly Press Bulletin (35/2022)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"London, 25 December, 2022: Myanmar’s failed coup leaders have escalated their attempts to evict the Myanmar Ambassador from his residence in London by posting eviction notices on the gates of Myanmar House, the ambassadorial residence in London.
Junta representatives have been attempting to seize the property in violation of English property law but the Ambassador has refused to move.
The Myanmar Accountability Project, a UK-based human rights organization that has been campaigning against the illegal junta condemned the move.
“Any attempt to evict the Ambassador is doubly unlawful. Firstly, the junta itself is illegal as it attempted to seize power through a coup which violated their own constitution, so anything it does or says lacks legitimacy,” said MAP Director, Chris Gunness. “Secondly, the English property register lists the Union of Myanmar as the rightful owner of the ambassadorial residence in London and as the junta’s agents in London do not represent the Union of Myanmar, they have no legal claims to the property.”
Just last week, the United Nations General Assembly voted unanimously not to recognize the junta and the UN Security Council also adopted a resolution sponsored by Britain, condemning the junta’s violent suppression of the population.
According to conservative estimates, since the failed coup last year, over 2,500 have been killed and over 16,000 have been arrested or forcibly disappeared.
“The illegal junta continues to violate the laws of Myanmar and the human rights of the people. Any attempts by their agents in London to bring their thuggish and illegal behaviour to the UK will be robustly opposed,” Gunness insisted..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Accountability Project
Date of publication:
2022-12-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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"On 22 December 2022, His Excellency PRAK Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister,
Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia attended a
ministerial Informal Consultation on the situation in Myanmar hosted by His
Excellency Don Pramudwinai, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Thailand. The Meeting was also attended by Foreign Minister of Laos PDR, and
Deputy Foreign Minister of Vietnam. Also present from Myanmar were Union
Ministers responsible for Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation, and Investment
and Foreign Economic Relations.
The Consultation was very much in line with Point 14 of the ASEAN Leaders' Review
and Decision on the Implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, that underlines
the importance of exploring other approaches that could support ASEAN's collective
efforts to help Myanmar bring about a peaceful solution to the current crisis.
The open-ended Informal Consultation provided a good opportunity for Ministers and
representative to have an open, frank and meaningful discussion, and receive
updates from Myanmar on its efforts to implement the Five-Point Consensus.
Importantly, they also exchanged views on practical approaches that could expedite
the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus including an exit strategy that could
help return normalcy and peace to Myanmar the soonest possible.
The Meeting also commended Cambodia's efforts and the works of the Special Envoy
of the ASEAN Chair in facilitating the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, in
particular the provision of humanitarian assistance to those most in need. Cambodia
will render full support to Indonesia, as the incoming ASEAN Chair, and its Special
Envoy in helping Myanmar find a peaceful political settlement and return to a democratic path for the interests of its people and ASEAN as a whole.
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of publication:
2022-12-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"Myanmar endured a second year under the military dictatorship of Min Aung Hlaing in 2022, a year marked by worsening atrocities by the junta, but also by an increasingly organized and successful resistance against it, as the civilian National Unity Government and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force, went on the diplomatic and military offensive, with help on the battlefield from of a number of the country’s oldest ethnic armed organizations. The people of Myanmar continued to draw inspiration from the courage displayed by the country’s thousands of striking civil servants and political prisoners—including four martyred activists hanged by the regime—as well as detained elected leaders U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the latter having been moved by the regime to solitary confinement in prison in June. While the last month of the year offered a few rays of hope in the international arena with stepped up action by the US and UN, for the most part, in 2022 the international community continued to do little more than pay lip service to the need for a return to democracy in Myanmar, as the regime continued to thumb its nose at regional bloc ASEAN while drawing practical support from India, China and, in particular, Russia.
Here, The Irrawaddy looks at some of the individuals and groups who shaped the events of 2022.....Immortal heroes who gave their flesh, bones and lives...
The events of July 23, 2022 are a dark mystery. Many Myanmar people wonder how the country’s respected and devoted democracy fighters Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw reacted as they were led up to the gallows at Insein Prison, how they responded when the ropes were placed around their necks, and what their last words were before they were hanged. The next day, two more anti-regime protesters, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, faced the same fate on the same gallows.
They were killed. But they will never die. General Aung San is still alive; the 32-year-old independence leader’s assassination in 1947 ensured that he will be remembered always. Win Maw Oo is also alive, though the 16-year-old girl was shot dead by military troops during the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Salai Tin Maung Oo lives on, though the 25-year-old ethnic Chin student leader was hanged in 1976. They are just a few of a long list of heroes who put their flesh, bones and lives in the hands of successive regimes in the interest of their country and compatriots.
Such stories of sacrifice are not new in Myanmar. Successive military regimes have openly or secretly killed countless people since their first coup in 1962. Before and after the second coup in 1988, about 3,000 pro-democracy protesters and students were killed. Since the latest putsch last year, the regime has killed more than 2,600 people, including young students, politicians and members of various professions, to date, on streets, in schools, in their own homes, in torture chambers and also in prisons. They are all national heroes, as they died great deaths.
Among these great deaths, those of veteran 88 Generation pro-democracy activist Ko Jimmy (Kyaw Min Yu), 53, former National League for Democracy lawmaker and hip-hop star Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41, and anti-coup protesters Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw stand out, as they were killed by hanging in the first such executions in more than 30 years. The hangings showed once and for all that coup leader Min Aung Hlaing is even more evil than his predecessors—they, at least, refrained from hanging political activists after the execution of Salai Tin Maung Oo in 1976.
Min Aung Hlaing’s decision to execute the four activists was intended to extinguish the flame of the people’s democracy. But the act was counterproductive; their deaths have emboldened the spirit and strength of the Myanmar people to fight the military dictatorship, and those he killed have become heroes of the country. No one really died at the hands of the most evil man. They gave their flesh, bones and spirits to help build a beautiful, peaceful and prosperous country. They are all immortal......Min Aung Hlaing: The face of evil...If you want to know what evil looks like, look closely at Myanmar military junta chief Min Aung Hlaing. Since his coup last year, he has commissioned his troops to kill thousands of his countrymen simply because they reject his rule. As of December this year, troops acting on his orders have killed more than 2,600 civilians, including schoolchildren and elderly people, in artillery and air strikes. His subordinates enjoy immunity to commit extrajudicial killings of dissidents in torture chambers while locking up thousands of others. It is not just that his regime does nothing good for the country; Min Aung Hlaing is the most devious and bloodthirsty man in Myanmar today.
Under his rule, Myanmar, whose return to prosperity had been gaining momentum in the years before he seized power, has made a dramatic U-turn and is now on its way to becoming a failed state. Young people have joined the country’s established ethnic armed groups in droves to topple his regime, while others have left Myanmar in search of greener pastures. The country is now backsliding socially and economically into the sorry state it endured in the late 1990s, when people had electricity for a few hours a day. Lawlessness is rampant, even in the major cities including commercial hub Yangon.
Internationally—his increasingly cozy relations with Russia notwithstanding—Min Aung Hlaing is mostly an outcast. Even the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, refuses to invite him to its summits due to his failure to cooperate with the bloc’s efforts to mediate the crisis. Under his rule, several Western democracies including the US and UK have downgraded their diplomatic relations with Myanmar.
In the coming years, historians of Myanmar will unanimously depict him as the leader of a failed coup, one whose brutality is matched only by his stupidity. He is clearly the most inept dictator the country has ever known, having failed to assert control nearly two years after the takeover, unable to contain an unwavering and unprecedented popular armed resistance against him. In desperation he has resorted to air strikes and a scorched earth policy against civilians, especially in resistance strongholds, hoping to rule through fear. Rather than forcing Myanmar’s people into submission, however, his atrocities have only turned them into more committed revolutionaries, who are dying to see him hang at any cost. In their view, there can be no sympathy for a man as devious as Min Aung Hlaing. He deserves only the worst!.....People’s Defense Force: Myanmar’s ‘People’s Army’ evolves....There has been little or no progress in people’s lives after 21 months of military rule in Myanmar, but the People’s Defense Force (PDF) offers a rare ray of light. The young and energetic folks who traded their comfortable lives to join the armed struggle against the regime have proven themselves on the battlefield—in stark contrast to their pre-coup image as a generation largely obsessed with online video games and Korean dramas—successfully engaging the Myanmar military while fighting alongside the country’s seasoned ethnic armies.
In contrast to the homemade hunting rifles they wielded in the summer of 2021, many but not all are now properly equipped with automatic assault rifles thanks to the Myanmar people’s crowdfunding support. It’s encouraging for the people to see the young PDF members, whom they affectionately call “our boys and girls,” cradling M-16s—though some are dressed in their favorite football team jersey and dusty sandals to supplement their insufficient uniforms.
One thing that hasn’t changed is their steely determination to topple the regime and fight for democracy—a quality that moved the country’s detained democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to express her pride in them.
Furthermore, they have earned respect from international observers who initially thought the PDF’s armed struggle against the regime, with its superior firepower, wouldn’t last long. The PDF groups across the country are now more organized, united under the command of the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), and using more creative tactics, such as the deployment of commercial drones for combat purposes. They are now inflicting heavy losses on junta forces daily.
As there are now over 300 PDF battalions nationwide, supplemented by township-level defense forces in 250 of the 330 townships across the country, the PDF groups in 2022 took on a more offensive role, increasingly raiding and occupying—sometimes in collaboration with ethnic armed groups—army outposts and police stations in resistance strongholds.
But this has required considerable sacrifice on the PDFs’ side. Some fighters have lost their lives in action, and others have been maimed by explosions while testing or producing improvised weapons, too impatient to wait for arms from the NUG, which has been struggling to keep all PDF members supplied.
There have been some missteps. Some PDF groups have admitted involvement in extrajudicial killings when dealing with accused junta informants. Those responsible have been severely criticized by their peers, who associate such actions with the regime. The NUG announced that those found guilty would be punished.....National Unity Government: Progress on multiple fronts despite shortcomings...Heavy blows struck this year by the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) against the brutal military regime of Min Aung Hlaing—including creative and successful fundraising schemes for the revolution; battleground victories of its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force (PDF), and allied ethnic armed groups (EAOs); and increased diplomatic presence, engagement and recognition on the international front—have heartened the people of Myanmar amid the ongoing shocking news stories and images of the junta’s atrocities.
Under its command, PDF groups across the country are becoming more sophisticated and organized, undergoing advanced military training and launching offensives against regime troops. NUG Minister of Planning and Finance U Tin Tun Naing has also developed a reputation as a fundraising genius, introducing innovative projects such as lotteries, bond issuances, online auctions of houses and properties acquired by regime leaders, sales of land plots, and digital payments. While some of his plans didn’t impress some observers at first, he has proven his ability to successfully reach targets within a few days with the help of his teammates across the world. To date, his ministry has raised about US$100 million, around 95 percent of which has been used for the armed struggle.
NUG Foreign Minister Daw Zin Mar Aung has also earned well-deserved praise for her diplomatic victories over the junta. The passage of the Burma Act by the US Congress, the UN Security Council’s adoption of its first-ever resolution on Myanmar, the UN’s retention of NUG-backed U Kyaw Moe Tun as the permanent representative to the world body, the increasing treatment by ASEAN and the international community of the junta as an outcast, and fresh sanctions on the generals and related businesses are among the latest welcome developments in the international arena.
International online news magazine The Diplomat wrote in September that with the NUG increasingly acting as the government of Myanmar and providing a viable plan for Myanmar’s future, the world is fast running out of excuses for not recognizing it. However, it is still not perfect, and challenges abound, as it is still struggling to work with ethnic armed groups and collaborate effectively on building a federal union—something both the NUG and all ethnicities of Myanmar have dreamed of. Its inability to distribute arms to all of its PDF groups has also drawn complaints. Furthermore, reckless comments from some wayward ministers to the effect that victory is just around the corner have given people false hope.
Overall, the revolutionary government led by ethnic Kachin former lawyer and community leader Duwa Lashi La and comprising democratically elected lawmakers, civil society leaders and activists of various ethnicities commands loyalty and support from the vast majority of Myanmar people and international friends, and is trying its best to lead the people’s revolution to uproot the dictatorship, one of the most notorious and ruthless regimes on this planet.....The people of Myanmar...When it comes to democracy, Myanmar people don’t compromise. The nationwide popular demonstrations against military rule that erupted in the wake of the coup last year and the ongoing anti-regime resistance movement are the best examples of this focused determination to wipe out the military dictatorship. The regime has still not been able to crush the movement, and to keep it going Myanmar people contribute whatever they can, from arming the resistance forces to joining silent strikes against the regime to funding the National Unity Government (NUG), which they take as their rightful government. In other words, so far, the revolution against the regime has been sustained solely by the Myanmar people, without outside help.
However, supporting a revolution is not easy, especially when your enemy is as ruthless as the Myanmar military regime. The junta shuts down individual bank accounts of those inside the country who are accused of financing the resistance forces or who are arrested for anti-regime activities. To bypass the restrictions, resistance supporters have turned to crowdfunding with the help of likeminded Myanmar people in other countries. Among other achievements, early this year, a US$2.2-million project to arm resistance forces met its target within a few days, much to organizers’ surprise. When resistance forces continued to launch offensives, Myanmar people at home and abroad were motivated to donate more to purchase ammunition and other necessities for the front lines, and those engaged in fundraising abroad have had little sleep, as they struggle to cope with a surge in transactions.
Clearly viewing the armed struggle as the only means to root out the military dictatorship, Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore have worked extra shifts and taken additional jobs to contribute to the revolution. In resistance strongholds upcountry where the regime’s atrocities are rampant, grandmothers in their 80s have handed their golden earrings and bracelets to resistance members, saying, “Take this and fight till they [the regime] are gone.”
The Myanmar people’s solidarity and self-reliance developed of necessity after their calls for international help to topple the regime were ignored, as all eyes have been on the Ukraine war. Whenever they learn about military assistance from other countries for Ukraine, all Myanmar people can do is look on and murmur, “What we could do with just a fraction of that support!” Rather than dwelling on their disappointment, however, they have kept the revolution moving forward on their own for nearly two years. However, the passage of the so-called Burma Act (a component of the National Defense Authorization Act) by the US Congress to support Myanmar’s anti-regime movement offers some reason to be positive. Hopefully it is the light at the end of the tunnel.....The international community...Since Myanmar people embarked on their fight against the military dictatorship nearly two years ago, they have been on their own, as the international community has been good for nothing except expressing concern as the regime kills its own people, including schoolchildren, despite the people’s repeated calls for tangible assistance.
In December, the passage of the Burma Act by the US Congress to provide non-lethal support to Myanmar regime opponents, and the UN Security Council’s adoption of a resolution on Myanmar calling for an end to the military regime’s escalating repression and violence against civilians, provided some hope. Both actions are just first steps, however, and much work needs to be done if they are to bear fruit.
Regionally, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, has been completely ineffective, including its adoption of a peace plan for Myanmar, which the junta has completely ignored. The bloc has yet to even unanimously condemn the regime, as some members have ties to the junta.
China, India and Russia have consistently engaged with the regime militarily, diplomatically and economically, providing breathing space for the junta, which has been largely shunned by Western democracies. Its warming ties with China and Russia have also enabled the regime to access military assistance to use in crushing anti-regime resistance forces in Myanmar.
All in all, it’s undeniable that Myanmar’s suffering under the military regime has been made worse by the international community’s divided approach to the country, which has emboldened the regime to commit more atrocities. It’s likely that if there had been earlier and more concerted international action taken against the regime, we would be closer to the restoration of democracy in Myanmar and there would have been fewer air strikes on civilians. Such action would also have prevented the junta’s hangings of Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw and two other democracy activists. The hell hound that is the Myanmar regime remains loose in the absence of any genuine international effort to bring it to heel.....International friends of Myanmar...While countries like Russia, China and India have made the most of their ties with Myanmar under military rule and ignored the people’s suffering, some individuals have stood along with the people of Myanmar in their fight against the regime.
The most remarkable is Sean Turnell. When he was released by the regime after 650 days in captvity, mainly for being deposed leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s adviser on economic reform in Myanmar, the Australian economist didn’t complain about having been locked up. Instead, he said bluntly, “It is a tragic and terrible thing that the nicest people I have encountered anywhere are ruled over by such knaves and fools.”
In media interviews, he warned that the coup has severely damaged Myanmar’s economy and that the regime wouldn’t give up power easily. He revealed the inhumane treatment he experienced in prison along with other political detainees such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whom he met during their trial proceedings and who urged him to tell everyone the truth about Myanmar.
Toru Kubota, a Japanese filmmaker who was released after nearly four months of detention by the regime, urged his government to take a strong proactive approach to human rights violations in Myanmar by protecting people who flee authoritarian rule. He warned the world not to be fooled by the junta’s mass amnesty in which he was released, dismissing it as a mere propaganda stunt and pointing out that some 10,000 political prisoners remain locked up.
And there are others, like former US ambassador to Myanmar Scot Maricel and European human rights campaigner Igor Blazevic. With their unique understanding of the complexity of Myanmar’s politics, they have spoken the truth on behalf of the people of Myanmar. Their assessments of the country’s ongoing issues have turned out to be far closer to reality than those of some so-called native Myanmar scholars who blame the people for the country’s instability while kowtowing to the regime.....EAOs: Myanmar’s divided ethnic armed groups...Arguably, one benefit of the military coup for the Myanmar people is that it has allowed them to draw distinctions between the various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in the country.
Some of the oldest EAOs, including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Chin National Front (CNF), have shown their support for the anti-regime movement since the coup. They have not only provided shelter for those fleeing the junta’s persecution, but also provided military training and armed those fighting the regime. The KIA alone has trained more than 4,000 members of the anti-regime People Defense Force.
Furious, the regime has retaliated against the KIA with numerous air strikes, including one on an open-air concert celebrating the Kachin Independence Organization’s anniversary, killing several KIA officials and scores of civilians.
On the other hand, 10 EAOs—seven signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and three non-signatories—declined to join the anti-regime movement and agreed to attend so-called peace talks with the regime in an effort to promote their own interests.
Among the signatories are the Restoration Council of Shan State, the New Mon State Party, the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army-Peace Council, the Arakan Liberation Party, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, the Pa-O National Liberation Organization, and the Lahu Democratic Union.
The three non-signatories that joined the peace talks were the United Wa State Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army (also known as the Mongla Group), and the Shan State Progress Party.
Unlike other EAOs, the 10 groups have no tensions with the Myanmar military.
Min Aung Hlaing invited EAOs to peace talks in April 2022. Observers said he organized the talks to give his regime, which has been overwhelmed by resistance forces in many parts of the country, some breathing space and to sow discord among EAOs.
The KNU, KIA, KNPP and CNF refused to attend the junta-organized peace talks, dismissing them as a sham and not inclusive. The Arakan Army and its allies the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army also stayed away.
Min Aung Hlaing has urged ethnic leaders to stand for election in an already discredited vote he plans to organize in 2023, and to press their demands in the parliament instead of fighting. He suggested EAOs could transform into Border Guard Forces if they want to keep their arms. He also promised separate legislative power for parliaments in ethnic states, to make the so-called election more attractive.
In the 1990s, the previous regime offered incentives to some EAOs to drive a wedge between them and other ethnic armed groups. Certain EAOs exchanged their arms for lucrative concessions to run businesses, legal and otherwise, including logging, drug running and mining.
However, the Myanmar military broke its promises in 2009, reviving the vicious circle of armed conflicts.....Civil Disobedience Movement: Peaceful but strong blow to the junta...Like the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) and the People’s Defense Force groups (PDFs), Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) poses a serious challenge to the regime, which is still reeling from its impact nearly two years on. While the NUG and PDF wage an armed struggle, CDM participants utilize the power of peaceful resistance. Formerly employed in the state’s medical, education, administrative and defense sectors, their refusal to work under military rule had an immediate impact from the moment the movement was launched two days after the coup, bringing the government administration to a halt.
Almost two years on, the CDM is recognized as the longest-running movement of its kind in the world, and was nominated for the 2022 Nobel Peace prize. It has turned out to be one of the pillars of the revolution against the junta, as participants continue to defy the regime while coping with many hardships as the junta targets them with threats and arrests. Some have even been beheaded and had their limbs cut off.
Striking civil servants who try to flee abroad are frequently arrested at airports. CDM teachers have been sentenced to up to 10 years’ imprisonment and a CDM police officer was sentenced to a maximum of 26 years. To evade the junta’s atrocities against them, many CDMers have gone into hiding or fled to border areas, taking jobs completely unrelated to their previous careers. Amid such hardships, they still refuse to go back to work for the government.
While some have gone back to work after facing threats from the regime, others, notably in the health and education sectors, have kept their anti-regime mission alive by joining the relevant operations of the NUG. Some run online classes for students refusing to study under the regime while others now work at community schools operating in resistance stronghold areas.
CDM health workers have also joined resistance groups as medics. When they are not at the front line, they treat internally displaced people and other civilians who need medical assistance, strongly supporting the goal of removing the junta. The same determination keeps their detained comrades, who have been unjustly thrown into jails for their anti-regime activism, alive.....Political prisoners: Jailed but unbowed...Another force that we mustn’t forget to honor for their bravery, sacrifice and commitment to the cause of democracy is Myanmar’s unbowed political prisoners. Myanmar now has the largest number of political prisoners in its history, as the junta has detained more than 16,500 people in less than two years during its harsh crackdowns against those who oppose its rule. Among the junta’s prisoners are elected leaders, state and regional chief ministers, prominent protest leaders, lawmakers, activists, students, doctors, nurses, health workers, teachers, professors, lawyers, engineers, reporters, writers, charity volunteers, company workers, filmmakers, actors and other citizens.
Despite being thrown into the junta’s deadly prisons and facing inhumane conditions, brutal punishments, torture and horrific human rights violations behind bars, brave and resilient political prisoners across the country are unbroken and their revolutionary spirit remains strong.
They continue to stage protests against the junta and maintain their defiance, despite knowing that they will be crushed brutally and face severe punishment in the form of beatings, torture, additional sentences or being put into solitary confinement, being banned from receiving family visits—their only source of food and other supplies from outside—being moved to remote prisons, or even death.
Despite these threats, they never fail to mark important political dates such as the silent strikes, the anniversaries of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising or the start of the ongoing revolution against the regime, and detained leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday, and to show solidarity with fellow anti-junta activists who are still free in denouncing the junta’s execution of political prisoners, handing down death penalties to student activists and other actions. They yell anti-regime slogans and sing revolutionary songs from behind bars, risking their lives. Political prisoners are often referred to as “chickens in the coop” by the generals. But they have proved that while the regime may imprison them physically, it is impossible to lock up their spirit, determination and bravery. And most importantly, that the regime can’t impose its rule at all, even inside prisons.....Tayzar San—‘Tayzar the extraordinary’...Among prominent individuals resisting the regime, one figure comes to mind immediately: Tayzar San—the man who led the first anti-coup protest in Mandalay three days after the coup and has since become a prominent revolutionary—is the face of the Myanmar people’s anti-regime movement and resistance. The skinny, bespectacled doctor and librarian intimidates the ruthless regime like few others. The generals have been hunting him for months for his leading role in anti-regime activities and have even offered a reward of 10 million kyats (nearly US$5,000) for information leading to his arrest.
Despite being in hiding, the physician-turned-democracy activist continues to carry out his mission of eliminating the military dictatorship from Myanmar. He challenges the junta leaders on social media almost daily, organizes protests and encourages citizens to continue the fight against military rule. He has also been traveling extensively to meet resistance groups and civilians on the ground. Last month, he even led a street protest against the military dictatorship in Upper Myanmar, marching at the front of the protest column holding a megaphone—the device has come to symbolize him since the coup—and openly defying the junta and the arrest warrant it has issued for him on an incitement charge.
Tayzar San is also involved in the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), an anti-regime coalition that offers policy guidance to the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), which is leading efforts to lay the groundwork for the creation of a federal democratic union.
His most exquisite characteristic is his friendly and cheerful smile, which never leaves his face, a reflection of his faith in the prospects of the people’s revolution.
In a personal manifesto on his Facebook account, the protest leader declared: “Whatever I need to sacrifice, including my life and body [in the revolution], I believe it is worth it. Because what we get back from this revolution is a new era, new system and new state that we wish for.”.....The people’s legitimate leaders—yet again, prisoners of a regime...They are as immoveable as a rocky mountain when it comes to their dedication to their convictions, their commitment to the mandate entrusted to them by the people, their loyalty to the people of Myanmar, their defiant defense of the truth and their resilience in the face of persecution by the ruling generals.
They are the legitimate leaders—State Counselor and President—of Myanmar. They were democratically elected by a majority of Myanmar voters, twice. The party they have dedicated most of their lives to has won every election it has contested over the past three decades, since 1990. Currently, they are prisoners of the ruthless regime—one in solitary confinement inside a prison, the other held in an unknown location, like a hostage.
The harshness of the conditions in prison and the brutality of their captors would be life threatening for anyone, let alone people of advanced age such as 77-year-old Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and 70-year-old U Win Myint. To date, the former has been sentenced to 26 years’ imprisonment and the latter to five years. The two leaders are the oldest of the 16,500 political prisoners the regime has incarcerated since its coup.
Surviving in prison is tough—physically, mentally, intellectually, even ideologically. They are not first-time prisoners. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was a long-term prisoner of the previous regime, kept under house arrest for 15 years, while U Win Myint spent several years as a political prisoner in the 1990s.
Their strong spirit and resilience in the face of their lengthy imprisonment by the regime since the coup last year shows us yet again who they are, and the strength of their commitment to the country and its citizens—to a genuine democratic federal nation.
Three days after her 77th birthday on June 19, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was transferred from house arrest in Naypyitaw to solitary confinement in a prison in the city. It’s a tougher punishment than she was subjected to in the past; she was mostly kept under house arrest under the previous regime. The new regime is harsher, but she is still the Iron Lady of Myanmar.
The people of Myanmar hailed U Win Myint when they learned of his reaction to his captors on the first day of the coup. After he refused their request that he step down as President, one of the generals asked U Win Myint to reconsider, saying he could be harmed. He said he would rather die than resign.
Recently released Australian economist and adviser to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government Sean Turnell said, “She’s strong; she remains as she always was.” A court source who saw the hostage President recently said that U Win Myint is “as fit as a fiddle.”
The regime’s harsher punishments this year have done nothing at all to diminish their mettle, their principles and their spirit. They may be beaten, but they do not bow; they do not take, but give. These are the virtues of a leader..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-12-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Tomorrow it will be one year since 30 people, including at least one child, were killed and their bodies burnt on a road near Moso Village, Hpruso Township. For the past year, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar has been actively collecting and analysing information about this and other alleged serious international crimes committed across Myanmar to help ensure that the perpetrators one day face justice.
In the year since the 24 December tragedy, we have collected and analysed evidence of an array of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Myanmar, from Rakhine state in the west to Kayah in the east, including evidence of murder, rape, torture, unlawful imprisonment, and deportation or forcible transfer. The evidence concerns crimes committed over many years, including persecution of Rohingya and attacks on other minorities since 2011, to more recent events affecting almost all parts of the country. Tragically, we have seen a dramatic increase in the number of deliberate or indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian locations like schools, hospitals and churches over the course of the year. Armed attacks that target civilians or indiscriminate attacks that affect civilians are prohibited by international laws of war and can be punished as war crimes or crimes against humanity.
International justice can be a slow and painstaking process. Criminal investigation requires a long-term commitment to gathering evidence. Collecting this information while it is fresh is essential to see justice served. The evidence is not meant to gather dust in an archive, but to eventually be used in a court of law where perpetrators will be prosecuted. We are already sharing evidence, with the consent of people who gave us the information, with those working on ongoing cases concerning the Rohingya at the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice.
The Mechanism is very grateful and inspired by the courage of those individuals who come forward with information concerning the crimes that they have suffered or witnessed. The testimonies of witnesses and survivors of any crimes we are investigating, or their families, friends or colleagues, are vital for us to build criminal cases. Equally important are people with knowledge of illegal orders or policies. We encourage anyone who has information about serious international crimes in Myanmar to contact us through our secure and confidential channels.
Information on how to communicate securely and confidentially with the Mechanism can be found at https://iimm.un.org/contact-us/confidential-and-sensitive-communications/
The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files for use in future prosecutions of those responsible in national, regional and international courts. For more information visit https://iimm.un.org/ or contact [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Children, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"GENEVA (22 December 2022) – While noting that the UN Security Council has adopted a resolution on Myanmar for the first time since a military coup nearly two years ago, Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, responded by stating that the crisis in Myanmar will worsen unless and until Member States of the UN respond with action. The UN expert released the following statement:
“It is notable that the UN Security Council has passed a resolution on Myanmar for the first time since the military unleashed a brutal crackdown on the people of Myanmar nearly two years ago. I appreciate the efforts made by the United Kingdom and other Security Council Members to craft and advance a resolution that managed to avoid a veto.
With all due respect to the Security Council, however, ‘expressing deep concern’ and demanding that certain actions be taken without any use of the Security Council’s Chapter VII authority, will not stop the illegal Myanmar junta from attacking and destroying the lives of the 54 million people being held hostage in Myanmar. What is required is action.
The systematic gross human rights violations -- amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity -- being perpetrated daily on the people of Myanmar by an illegal military junta requires strong, coordinated action by UN Member States. The demands put forward in the resolution -- including ‘an immediate end to all forms of violence,’ the release of political prisoners, the need for unimpeded humanitarian access, and the need to respect the rights of women and children -- are critically important but what is missing are consequences for the failure to meet them and the imposition of sanctions and accountability for crimes the military has committed to date. I wholeheartedly agree with Security Council members Norway, the United Arab Emirates, the United States, Iceland, and Mexico that the language of the resolution should have been stronger.
“What the content of this resolution makes clear is that the action that is required to end this crisis will not come from the Security Council. It is therefore imperative that those nations with the political will to support the people of Myanmar take coordinated action immediately to end the carnage. The Security Council resolution should not become a dead-end that is followed by more international inaction. It should be a wake-up call for those nations who support a people under siege.
It is clearly time for the creation of a working coalition of nations who are willing to stand with the people of Myanmar by providing what they need most -- action.
UN Secretary-General Guterres was correct when last month he declared that, with respect to Myanmar, the international community has failed. This failure cannot be rectified by resolutions that have no consequences. It can only be responsibly addressed with targeted, coordinated action. There are viable options for Member States who are prepared to address this failure, including coordinating sanctions, cutting off the flow of revenue that is financing the junta’s military assaults, an embargo on weapons and dual-use technology and robust humanitarian aid that can reach those most in need, among other measures. What is required is the political will to seize them.”
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Human Rights Council (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-12-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-22
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Individual Documents
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Human Rights and international relations, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Republic of the Union of Myanmar, as represented by the National Unity Government,
welcomes the adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution on the situation in Myanmar.
Myanmar offers its deep gratitude to the United Kingdom for its leadership in the process of drafting
and adopting the resolution and to all others who support the resolution.
The NUG supports the resolution and accordingly urges the member states and all relevant
stakeholders to timely implement the resolution as taking a step towards restoration of democracy in
Myanmar.
The resolution demonstrates the Security Council’s progress in taking action on the serious crisis
in Myanmar and the junta’s threats to international peace and stability. This resolution highlights the
need to respect human rights and to uphold rule of law. It urges the "military to immediately release of
all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu
Kyi,” whom the National Unity Government notes continue to serve in those roles within Myanmar’s
government. Furthermore, the resolution emphasizes respect for “democratic institutions and processes,
in accordance with the will and interests of the people Myanmar.”
The resolution also highlights the need for “full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access” as
well as “scaled up humanitarian assistance to all people in need.” It emphasizes creating “conditions
1
necessary for voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally
displaced persons." In addition, the resolution calls for concrete and immediate actions for
implementation of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus and for an oral report to the Security Council on
UN support for that implementation.
Despite these positive elements and the challenges to adoption, we would have liked to see a
stronger text. However, we are clear this is only a first step. As such, on behalf of the people of
Myanmar, the National Unity Government calls on the UN Security Council, building on this resolution,
to take further and stronger action to ensure the swift end of the military junta and its crimes. We call for
additional international support for the collective efforts of the National Unity Government, allied
stakeholders, and the people of Myanmar to build the Federal Democratic Union, pave a way to create a
conducive environment for the repatriation of the Rohingya, deliver life-saving humanitarian assistance
to all people in need, and ensure accountability for all violations of international criminal law.
The will and interests of the people are clear and continue to be expressed each day by millions
of brave individuals protesting, maintaining a general strike, and defending their villages and families
against the military’s atrocities. This resolution is a welcome step towards supporting them. The
Security Council’s work only begins with this resolution. It should remain more regularly seized of the
matter as a priority, including by receiving formal updates directly from representatives of Myanmar and
its people. Decisive action by the Security Council is needed to save lives of the people of Myanmar and
prevent further destabilization of the region..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-22
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"After the UN Security Council today adopted a long-overdue resolution demanding an end to the violence and immediate release of all arbitrarily detained persons, Amnesty International Secretary-General Agnes Callamard said:
“With the adoption of this resolution, the Security Council has finally taken a small but important step to acknowledge the dire situation in Myanmar. The Council must now follow up with regular open meetings and enforce its demands with additional resolutions under Chapter VII.”
The resolution failed to include other measures urgently needed to address the situation in the country, including a comprehensive arms embargo, targeted sanctions against military leaders responsible for grave human rights violations, and a referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court.
“The military authorities must abide by the resolution, immediately end the violence and release arbitrarily detained prisoners. The Council should further proceed to impose a comprehensive arms embargo, including on aviation fuel, and targeted sanctions against military leaders,” said Callamard.
“This resolution should be a message to the Myanmar military that they cannot continue their grave human rights violations and attacks against civilians. The Council is watching.”
Background:
Amnesty International continues to call on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) as soon as possible, in order to begin to address the impunity which has prevailed for both the atrocities against the Rohingya and crimes committed since the February 2021 coup. The Council has only twice used its power to refer atrocity situations to the ICC (Sudan & Libya), and must now urgently refer the grievous situation in Myanmar.
Almost two years after the February 2021 military coup, over 1.4 million people are displaced inside Myanmar, more than 13,000 people are detained in inhumane conditions, at least 73 people remain on death row, and 7.8 million children are out of school.
The Myanmar military has killed more than 2,600 people since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The victims include peaceful protesters, pro-democracy activists and other civilians. The Myanmar military has flagrantly ignored calls to respect human rights, including the ASEAN five-point consensus which they agreed to implement in April 2021.
The atrocities since last year’s coup follow the brutal military campaign of crimes against humanity in 2017 that drove out more than 740,000 Rohingya from Rakhine State into Bangladesh by extrajudicial executions, arson and sexual assault. An estimated one million Rohingya refugees now live in Bangladesh, and many of their villages back in Rakhine State have been wiped from the map..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-21
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Security Council today called for the immediate end to all forms of violence in Myanmar and urged restraint, the de-escalation of tensions and the release of all prisoners.
Adopting resolution 2669 (2022) (to be issued as document S/RES/2669(2022)) by a vote of 12 in favour to none against, with 3 abstentions (China, India, Russian Federation), the 15-member organ demanded an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country and urged restraint and the de-escalation of tensions. It also urged the Myanmar military to immediately release all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
By its terms, the Council reiterated its call to uphold democratic institutions and processes and pursue constructive dialogue and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of Myanmar’s people. All parties must respect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, it urged while acknowledging the central role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in finding a peaceful solution to the crisis and encouraging the international community to support the ASEAN-led mechanism and process in this regard. It called for concrete and immediate actions to effectively and fully implement ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus — which called for an immediate cessation of violence and constructive dialogue among all parties, among other things — and requested that the Secretary-General or his Special Envoy on Myanmar provide an oral report to the organ by 15 March 2023 on the Organization’s support to that end.
Also by the text, the Council reiterated its support for the ASEAN Special Envoy’s efforts to engage intensively with all relevant parties in Myanmar with a focus on promoting fully inclusive and representative dialogue, encouraged close cooperation with the United Nations Special Envoy and urged all parties in Myanmar to work constructively with both Envoys to commence dialogue to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of that country’s people.
In reiterating the necessity for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access, the Council underlined the need for scaled-up humanitarian assistance to all people in need in Myanmar and to ensure the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel.
The Council also underscored the need to address the root causes of the crisis in Rakhine State and create the conditions necessary for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons. It encouraged diplomatic efforts between the parties concerned to help address the issues facing the Rohingya, further stressed the importance of providing continued protection and assistance to refugees and displaced persons, and decided to remain seized of the matter.
Following the adoption of the resolution, many Council members voiced their support for ASEAN with several commending the organ for its action as others voiced their concerns over the text’s nature and content.
Through this first resolution on the situation in Myanmar, the Council has responded to the calls of ASEAN leaders for support and sent a firm message to the military, the representative of the United Kingdom commended. It also sent a message to the people of Myanmar that it seeks progress in line with their rights, wishes and interests.
The Council must use this opportunity to seek additional ways to support the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus and promote accountability for the regime’s actions, the United States’ speaker encouraged. Despite being a strong next step in addressing the military regime’s egregious behaviour, the Council did not go far enough and should have directly addressed the severe violations of the freedom of religion and belief. It could have also recognized and condemned the continued sale and transfer of arms to Myanmar, widespread sexual and gender-based violence and the importance of accountability mechanisms, his colleague from Ireland added.
The representative of the Russian Federation then spotlighted proposals which were ignored by the penholders to demonstrate the counterproductiveness of unilateral restrictive measures. Council members must not destabilize the situation on the ground and undermine ASEAN’s mediation efforts, he cautioned before turning his attention to the text’s lack of balance. Given the main focus on the human rights situation in Myanmar, the Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) would have been a better discussion forum, he suggested while noting that his country did not block the resolution.
Agreeing with his fellow Council member over the text’s imbalance, China’s speaker said it would have been more appropriate to adopt a presidential statement as he explained his country’s abstention.
The complex situation in Myanmar calls for quiet, patient diplomacy, the representative of India stressed in explanation of her country’s abstention. Any other course will not help resolve outstanding issues and may even entrench the parties in inflexible positions. The Council must carefully weigh its action and consider the interests of neighbouring countries most affected by instability in Myanmar, she urged.
Also speaking today were the representatives of France, Norway, United Arab Emirates, Ghana, Ireland, Brazil, Albania, Mexico and Gabon.
The meeting began at 3:03 p.m. and ended at 3:39 p.m.
Statements
BARBARA WOODWARD (United Kingdom) pointed out that the Council resolution — the first on the situation in Myanmar — is the result of many weeks of careful consultation with that organ’s members, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other key regional partners. In February 2021, she recalled, the military overturned the results of a democratic election, seized power and plunged that country into a series of cascading humanitarian, economic and political crises. The coup has also had negative consequences for the region and its stability including by exacerbating the challenges facing the Rohingya. Through its adoption, the Council has responded to the calls of ASEAN’s leaders for the Organization to support its efforts. As the Secretary-General’s mandated briefing next March will be an important opportunity to assess developments on the ground, her Government stands ready to take further action as necessary. Today, the Council sent a firm message to the military that it expects the full implementation of this resolution and to Myanmar’s people that it seeks progress in line with their rights, wishes and interests, she said.
NATHALIE BROADHURST ESTIVAL (France), welcoming the adoption of the resolution, stressed that it was essential for the Council to express its concerns and demands towards the junta in support of Myanmar’s people and in light of the situation’s continued deterioration. The gravity of this situation requires unanimity, she said, regretting the abstentions of other members while recalling the resolution’s four main messages. Civilians, especially women and children, must stop suffering violence by that country’s security forces. France, she continued, denounces the serious violations committed by the junta against the civilian population who have been severely affected by repression. On the situation of the Rohingya, she spotlighted her country’s response and support, which included voluntary contributions to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in 2022. ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus must be a central part of the conflict’s resolution, she emphasized.
ZHANG JUN (China) pointed out that it would be more appropriate for the Council to adopt a presidential statement, noting that the tone of the text lacks balance. Therefore, China abstained, he said, stressing that there is no quick fix for the Myanmar issue and the solution to the conflict depends on Myanmar itself. The large-scale prisoner release in November by the Myanmar authorities should be recognized and encouraged, he noted, underscoring that ASEAN has a unique advantage in dealing with Myanmar-related issues. He thus encouraged the international community to listen to ASEAN’s views, support its leadership and allow the organization time and space to build consensus. Recalling that the Council unanimously issued 10 outcome documents on Myanmar in 2021, he spotlighted China’s participation and consensus. Reiterating China’s policy of friendship towards Myanmar, he expressed full support for ASEAN and the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus.
TRINE SKARBOEVIK HEIMERBACK (Norway) saying that her country voted in favour of the resolution, condemned the military coup in 2021, emphasizing that the people of Myanmar deserve sustained attention and support. She encouraged a closer collaboration between the United Nations and ASEAN in implementing the Five-Point Consensus. Commending the adoption of the resolution, she expressed regret that it was not possible to agree on a more substantial draft and recalled that Norway advocated for stronger language on the protection of children and education in armed conflict; combating sexual and gender-based violence; ending impunity; and preventing the flow of arms and financial assets of the military.
AMIERA ALHEFEITI (United Arab Emirates), welcoming today’s adoption, said that the resolution conveys an important message regarding the need to address the challenges facing the Rohingya and the crisis in Rakhine State. This is important for the whole region, especially at a time when international interest in the Rohingya is regressing. She noted, however, that the language of the resolution — despite the importance of the crisis — is insufficient, stating that her delegation hoped for stronger language that would address the scope of the challenges in Myanmar. She called for further international efforts to solve the Rohingya crisis, respond to the deteriorating humanitarian situation and create an enabling environment for the voluntary, safe, sustainable and dignified return of refugees and internally displaced persons. For its part, the United Arab Emirates will continue assisting refugees — especially women and children — and act to reduce their suffering, including through support to Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) efforts to address the conflict. She went on to welcome that the Council supported ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus, which is the most effective way to end the crisis. Underlining the importance of regional efforts, she called on the international community to support the same to achieve peace in the region.
ROBERT A. WOOD (United States) welcomed the adoption of the resolution, noting that it is a strong next step in the Council’s efforts to address the Myanmar military regime’s egregious behaviour. However, it does not go far enough, he said, adding that the Council should directly address the regime’s severe violations of freedom of religion and belief and call directly for the regime to face justice for the crimes it has reportedly committed. Moreover, the Council should not overlook the General Assembly’s resolution in support of an arms embargo and pursue a mechanism to prevent the flow of financial resources to the regime. Those measures are critical to ending the bloodshed, he added. Given those realities, the adoption of the resolution is an important start forward in the conversation within the Council on Myanmar, he said, noting that the Council must use this opportunity to seek additional ways to support implementation of the Five-Point Consensus and promote accountability for the regime’s actions.
HAROLD ADLAI AGYEMAN (Ghana) said the Council has responded to ASEAN’s call for the United Nations and other external partners to support its efforts in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. There should be no doubt that the international community expects the military junta to reverse its repressive policies and commence actions which show respect for the rule of law and the fundamental human rights of all of Myanmar’s people. Not surprisingly, the persistent overruling of the will of Myanmar’s people by the military authorities since February 2021 has only worsened the plight of that country, he pointed out. Only through dialogue can this unsustainable governance situation — which has created insecurity in the country and beyond with widespread humanitarian consequences — be resolved. As such, State authorities should embrace the efforts of ASEAN, the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy and other stakeholders to bring this crisis to an end, he encouraged.
FERGAL TOMAS MYTHEN (Ireland) reiterating that the Council’s actions in response to the violence in Myanmar have been inadequate, suggested that the Council should have convened an open briefing. Noting that Ireland voted in favour of the resolutions to combat the cycle of violence, he outlined that the Council could have recognized and condemned the continued sale and transfer of arms to Myanmar, the widespread sexual and gender violence and violations against children, and the importance of the accountability mechanisms, such as the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Further, it could have directly called on the military to stop its assault on the people of Myanmar. Spotlighting that the resolution is a pivotal moment in the Council’s response, he urged it to maintain a dedicated focus on the situation.
RONALDO COSTA FILHO (Brazil), spotlighting the difficulty in achieving a Council reaction to ongoing developments in Myanmar, welcomed the positive engagement of all Council members that has finally allowed the organ to speak on the situation in that country. Further, he welcomed the inclusive, transparent manner with which the United Kingdom conducted negotiations and allowed the Council to arrive at the text adopted today. Adding that Brazil has always stressed the need for the international response to the situation in Myanmar to take its lead from ASEAN, he welcomed that the Association was involved and consulted throughout the process.
FERIT HOXHA (Albania) said the milestone text should go a long way to support the basic aspirations of the Myanmar people denied by the brutal military coup. “It was about time that the Council did its part,” he underscored, noting that the decision shows the Council’s ability to respond to the growing calls for support in Myanmar in finding a peaceful solution to the deep crisis in the country. With today’s result, the Council has responded to ASEAN leaders and has made the right choice to stand with the Myanmar people. He welcomed the focus on the plight of the Rohyinga, emphasizing that they must not be forgotten. He commended the work of the United Kingdom as file sponsor for producing a balanced, yet important text. He called on all relevant parties to support the full implementation of the Five-Point Consensus from ASEAN and ensure accountability for crimes committed.
LUIS GERARDO ELIZONDO BELDEN (Mexico), noting that his delegation voted in favour of the resolution, highlighted its focus on cessation of violence, respect for human rights and the need for an inclusive dialogue. The text calls for safe and unhindered humanitarian access, he said, adding that it also underscores the need to protect the civilian population, in particular women, children and minorities. It also stresses the need to establish the right conditions for the voluntary and dignified return to Myanmar of refugees. However, he noted that his delegation would have preferred that the text also include references to the importance of preventing the flow of weapons.
MICHEL XAVIER BIANG (Gabon) stressed that his country’s vote was a message of solidarity with Myanmar’s people against violence targeting that country’s civilian population and an appeal to resolve the Rohingya crisis. It is also a message in support of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus and the humanitarian response. Gabon, he pledged, will continue to support the search for a solution based on dialogue and encourage the preference for a regional approach with ASEAN taking on a leading role.
VASSILY A. NEBENZIA (Russian Federation) saying that his country abstained from voting, noted that the situation in Myanmar does not represent a threat to international peace and security. Pointing out that the text mainly focused on the human rights situation, he suggested that the Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) would be a better discussion forum. Expressing dissatisfaction with the work of the penholders, who did not strive to agree on a balanced text, he pointed to proposals that were ignored as an indication of the counter productiveness of unilateral restrictive matters. While recognizing that States can have different opinions about the policies of the military Government, he stressed that Council members should not destabilize the situation on the ground and undermine ASEAN’s mediation efforts. Urging all Myanmar political forces to show restraint, he pointed out that the Myanmar military has confirmed its commitment to the Constitutional provisions that establish the timeframe for the state of emergency, with a view towards holding parliamentary elections in 2023. Noting that the resolution is not consensus-based, he said that the Russian Federation decided not to block it, recalling that the only topic on the Council’s agenda on Myanmar should be the situation in Rakhine State.
RUCHIRA KAMBOJ (India), Council President for December, spoke in her national capacity to point out that her country shares a long border with Myanmar, along with historic and cultural links with its people. Therefore, any instability in that country directly impacts India, and resolving the current crisis is matter of national security. The welfare of Myanmar’s people remains India’s priority, and she said that the complex situation in Myanmar calls for quiet, patient diplomacy. Any other course will not help resolve outstanding issues and, under the current circumstances, a Council resolution may entrench the parties in inflexible positions — rather than encourage them to pursue inclusive political dialogue. She called on all parties to immediately cease hostilities, abandon extreme positions and initiate an inclusive political dialogue to restore democracy. On that point, she stressed that political leaders should be released and allowed to resume political activities. Adding that it is important to carefully weigh Council action, she urged the organ to consider the interests of neighbouring countries, who will be most affected by instability in Myanmar. In view of these concerns, her delegation abstained from the vote, she said..."
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United Nations Security Council (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-12-21
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2022-12-21
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"Bi-lateral pressure needed on India and Pakistan over arms sales.
Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the passing of the first ever UN Security Council Resolution on Burma as a significant moment symbolically, but warned that as it fails to deliver any practical action, it will have no practical impact.
The Resolution passed with 12 countries in favour and Russia, China and India abstaining.
Democracy and human rights activists from Burma have been calling for a UN Security Council Resolution on Burma for more than 17 years. However, the Resolution has been watered down to the point where it will have absolutely no practical impact on the ground. Instead, it must be seen as a stepping-stone towards further practical action by the UN Security Council.
“The imposition of a global arms embargo should have been a no-brainer first step by the UN Security Council, but the supply of arms doesn’t even get a mention in the Resolution,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Russia, China and India are using their seats on the Security Council to protect their profitable dodgy arms deals with the Burmese military.”
UN Security Council Members which support a global arms embargo but failed to get it passed by the UN Security Council must now step up and coordinate pressure on countries supplying arms, starting with India and Pakistan.
The new Resolution calls for the release of political prisoners, implementation of the weak and already failed ASEAN five-point consensus, and an end to violence.
Three UN Security Council members, Russia, India and China are actively arming the Burmese military while the USA, which voted in favour of the Resolution, is still allowing American companies to fund and work for the Burmese military and their businesses, including Chevron, Apple, and Google. Chevron is linked to gas revenue payments to the military and the delivery of aviation fuel.
The Resolution also takes no action to address numerous violations of international law by the Burmese military, including genocide of the Rohingya.
“As the lead country on Burma at the UN Security Council the British government must urgently convene a meeting on Burma’s non-compliance with provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice to prevent ongoing genocide of the Rohingya,” said Mark Farmaner. “The ICJ is a UN Court and it’s the responsibility of the UN Security Council to ensures its rulings are followed. The Security Council failed to act to prevent genocide of the Rohingya, failed to make a referral to the International Criminal Court and is now failing to ensure measures to prevent ongoing genocide are implemented.”
The campaign for UN Security Council action on Burma was launched in September 2005 with the publication of a report, Threat to the Peace, commissioned from DLA Piper by former Czech President Vaclav Havel and Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The legal study found that the situation in Burma met the definition of a threat to international peace and security and that the UN Security Council has an obligation to intervene.
In September 2006 the UN Security Council voted to place Burma on its agenda. Veto power does not apply to placing items on the agenda, instead nine votes are required. Ten countries voted in favour with Russia, China, Qatar and Democratic Republic of Conger (DRC) voting against.
In January 2007 Russia and China vetoed a non-binding resolution calling for dialogue and reconciliation. South Africa also voted against the resolution.
The British government, as the lead country (penholder) on Burma at the UN Security Council, ensured that Burma remained on the UN Security Council agenda since then. Whilst there have been various statements over the years, they have been watered down so significantly to achieve consensus that they bore very little reality to the serious crisis situation on the ground and had no practical impact.
For decades the UN Security Council has completely failed in its legal mandated responsibilities towards Burma, allowing ongoing violations of international law, including ongoing genocide, violations of Burma’s treaty obligations, and conflict and violations of international humanitarian law, leading to ongoing regional instability. The new Resolution continues that record of failure.
“When people in Burma look at this Resolution, they will wonder why the UN Security Council bothered,” said Mark Farmaner. “At the United Nations it might be seen as a diplomatic coup to get this resolution passed but in Burma it will have no impact for people living under a military coup.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-21
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UN Security Council, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
First Such Resolution Recognizes People’s Brave Calls for Democracy
Description:
"(New York) – The United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution on December 21, 2022, denouncing the Myanmar military’s rights violations since the February 1, 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said today. The landmark resolution, passed with 12 yes votes and 3 abstentions, reflects the Myanmar junta’s growing isolation generated by security force abuses amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
It is the first Security Council resolution on Myanmar since the country, formerly known as Burma, acquired independence from Britain in 1948.
“The Security Council resolution is a momentous step on behalf of the people of Myanmar, opening the door toward holding Myanmar’s brutal generals to account,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The resolution should bring renewed scrutiny to the junta’s daily atrocities and recognition of the Myanmar people’s brave efforts toward democracy and freedom.”
The resolution, which the United Kingdom drafted under the UN Charter’s Chapter VI concerning “pacific settlement of disputes,” expresses deep concern at the “ongoing state of emergency imposed by the military in Myanmar on 1 February 2021 and its grave impact on the people of Myanmar.” It condemns the military’s execution of pro-democracy activists, urges the military to “immediately release all arbitrarily detained prisoners,” and demands an “immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country.”
The resolution includes numerous references to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which adopted a “five-point consensus” in April 2021 in response to the Myanmar coup. Junta chief Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has since defied each point of the consensus while exploiting the international community’s deference to the regional bloc, Human Rights Watch said. The secretary-general or his special envoy on Myanmar is tasked with reporting orally by March 15, 2023, to the Security Council on UN support for implementation of the five-point consensus.
All Security Council members voted for the resolution, except for China, India, and Russia, which abstained.
The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses since the coup – including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians – amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. Security forces have killed over 2,600 people and arbitrarily arrested over 16,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
The military has expanded abusive operations in ethnic minority areas, displacing more than one million people, and deliberately blocked humanitarian assistance from reaching populations in need as a form of collective punishment. The resolution calls for “full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access,” expressing deep concern at the “increasingly large numbers of internally displaced persons and dramatic increase in humanitarian need.”
Activists in Myanmar have pressed for a Security Council resolution on the country for decades. China and Russia vetoed a 2007 draft condemning the then-military government’s attacks on civilians and detention of political prisoners. Calls for a resolution by UN experts, human rights groups, and others in response to the atrocities against the Rohingya in 2017 went unanswered. This was largely due to China and Russia’s resistance, but also concerns on the part of Western governments of alienating the now-ousted civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in military custody since the coup.
The Security Council has issued statements of condemnation on Myanmar in the past and received numerous briefings from UN experts and the secretary-general. Under resolutions of the Security Council Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict, the council has debated reports on abuses against children in Myanmar. This resolution represents a significant escalation of the council’s engagement on Myanmar and offers a basis for sustained future monitoring of the situation in the country, Human Rights Watch said.
This first-step resolution should be followed by close monitoring and reporting on the junta’s compliance and further action by the council. Human Rights Watch has long called on the Security Council to impose a global arms embargo, refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court, and impose targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies. The initial draft of the resolution called for an immediate end to arms sales to Myanmar, which was later removed.
“China and Russia’s abstentions signal that even the junta’s few friends have lost interest in sticking out their necks to defend its atrocities,” said Louis Charbonneau, UN director at Human Rights Watch. “The building blocks put in place with this resolution offer a starting point for reinvigorating pressure on the junta among Security Council members and governments across the globe.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UN Security Council, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
The BURMA Act allows the US to engage with the National Unity Government and mandates a plan for sanctions.
Description:
"The U.S. government will be able to engage directly with Myanmar’s government-in-exile and must develop a program of sanctions against the military junta that seized power in last year’s coup, according to a new law passed by Congress as part of a military spending bill.
The Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2022 – or BURMA Act – was passed by the Senate as part of the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act on Thursday night, after the House passed the gargantuan annual spending package a week prior.
The act enables the United States to engage directly with groups opposing the junta, including the National Unity Government, National Unity Consultative Council, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, and to provide non-lethal support to the People’s Defense Forces and Ethnic Armed Organizations in Myanmar.
It also forces the Biden administration to introduce a program of sanctions against the junta and its supporters, as well as anyone who has helped to undermine the country’s democratic institutions.
Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), the outgoing chair of the House Foreign Relations Committee, on Dec. 8 said the BURMA Act was “a major victory for the people of Burma who are fighting for democracy” and “a critical step in holding the murderous Burmese military accountable.”
The law would add “targeted sanctions on those responsible for the coup, those responsible for committing human rights abuses, and the state-owned companies bankrolling the junta,” Meeks said.
Government-in-exile
The act was welcomed by Myanmar’s government-in-exile.
"The National Unity Government (NUG) and the pro-democracy forces of Myanmar applaud passage today by the US Congress of the Burma Act,” NUG Acting President Duwa Lashi La said in a statement on Friday, praising the mandate for more sanctions against the junta.
“This important law clearly sets out United States policy to support the people of Myanmar … and our allied organizations in our struggle against the junta for democracy, human rights, and justice,” he said.
Nicole Cochran, the Burma program officer at the United States Institute for Peace, told Radio Free Asia that one of the biggest impacts of the law would be in allowing U.S. authorities to engage with the anti-junta organizations hoping to restore civilian government.
“Historically, the U.S. has been precluded from engaging with these actors. The authorization is important because they will be a critical part of the solution to the current crisis,” Cochran said, adding the bill would also force “stability and coherence” to American sanctions.
“Without this legislation, the State Department’s Office of Sanctions Coordination could have created a comprehensive policy on Burma-related sanctions,” she said. “With this legislation, they will have to.”
Zachary Abuza, a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, said the BURMA Act represented “Congress's way of forcing the administration's hand,” which he said had been resisting introducing some sanctions “largely due to Thai pressure.”
In particular, he noted Thai opposition to sanctions on the junta’s Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise company, which the new law explicitly targets for sanctions by the administration in one section.
“In the 2022 NDAA, [Congress] pushed the administration to increase its contacts with the NUG, which it did,” Abuza said. “This act paves the way for more aid and assistance to the NUG, PDFs, and EAOs, but it's really not clear how the administration will implement it.”
Abuza added it was not clear the bill would make a big difference in returning Myanmar to democracy, explaining that the U.S. government was “still not doing enough to cripple the regime economically”
“The sanctions have been inconsistent and insufficient,” he said. “The longer this conflict drags out, the more it favors the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-16
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"The Myanmar military has started its preparations for conducting the next general election in 2023. A pertinent question for the current political crisis is what will be the future of Myanmar’s political system in 2023 and thereafter? Since the military takeover, the opposition forces under the National United Government (NUG) view themselves as an alternative to military rule. Even the EAOs have felt alienated from the political process and have stepped up their efforts at expanding administrative and judicial control. The lack of requisite representation in the political system dominated by the Bamar majority and the slow progress of peace conferences have dwindled EAO’s faith in the National League for Democracy (the ruling party since 2015) and the military. While, on the one hand, the EAOs are demanding a federal structure, the military is for a strong centre. On the other hand, the Arakan Army in the Rakhine State is demanding a confederation.
Questions are being raised about the legitimacy and authority of the National Unity Government and the military. While NUG is being questioned for its acceptability and recognition in the current situation, the military is being questioned for its violent repression and its legitimacy for governance. The third alternative to this is the rise of EAOs, which might eventually lead to a scenario of Myanmar’s Balkanisation.
The country is facing severe economic crises, compounded by COVID-19 and the military coup. The currency has depreciated, and the foreign investments are at their lowest. Unemployment has risen in the country and there are supply-demand mismatches of goods and services. Refugees from Myanmar have increased in neighbouring countries, especially in Thailand and India, and the number of people displaced internally has reached around 1.5 million. The issue of drug trafficking and money laundering has also intensified in these unstable times.
The international sanctions imposed immediately after the military take-over has somehow failed to change the course of the military. The sanction regimes have never really been effective in Myanmar. However, China and Russia continue to deal with the military, and China has gone to the extent of calling the military the legitimate government and the coup as a mere “cabinet reshuffle”. ASEAN, since April 2021, with its Five-Point Consensus, has tried to resolve the issue through negotiations and also appointed a Special Envoy for the purpose. Cambodia has held the chair of ASEAN for 2022, and the Special Envoy visited the country twice to further negotiate with the military and ensure the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. For 2023, Indonesia will be the chair, and there are renewed hopes for a settlement between all stakeholders. However, the change in the policy of calling a non-political representative of Myanmar to ASEAN meetings has created a rift between ASEAN and the military. On the other hand, India is watching the situation as it does not want to sever ties with either the military or the civilian representatives. The situation in Myanmar is vital for India’s economic and security needs, and therefore the visits by the Foreign Secretary in 2021 and 2022 were significant for addressing India’s border management and security concerns.
In this background, the possible scenario for 2023 is that Myanmar could be heading towards either a fractured democracy or eventually towards Balkanisation. The key drivers shaping this scenario in the following years are military’s capabilities to sustain itself, NUG’s effectiveness and functionality, continuous protests and demonstrations along with increasing attacks on both sides, alienation among Ethnic minorities and the Bamar majority and finally, a worsening economic crisis. However, there are key uncertainties to watch out for in 2023. The military’s repressive and violent tactics like air strikes and executing a number of protestors could lead to its eventual decline as there are increasing defections in the military ranks. Further many countries, especially ASEAN members, are raising their concerns for Myanmar military’s non-conformity to the Five-Point Consensus. There are also fears about whether NUG will stay united in these turbulent times and gain increased legitimacy despite suppression by the military. On the other hand, the strengthening of EAOs could lead to a fractured democracy as many are expanding their administrative and judicial presence in their regions. And finally, there is also uncertainty with regard to the effectiveness of sanctions as countries like the United States, Europe, and Canada which have imposed fresh round of sanctions.
The key indicators to look out for in the year 2023 are the upcoming elections promised by the military, the continued casualties and human rights violations, cases against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other important political prisoners, economic and social implications and finally, the international reactions. Here, important partners especially bordering countries, China, Thailand and India, will likely play key roles. In addition, Russia, with its closer ties with Myanmar since the military coup, will be an important area of interest in 2023. The upcoming scenario will have implications for India, as a neighbouring country, as any instability or fractured democracy in the country will impact the northeast region. There is likely to be a further rise in the incidences of the cross-border supply of arms and drugs and influx of refugees to India.
However, one can also predict that the military might eventually postpone the elections to further cement their control. This extended time will also give space for the NUG and the other opposition forces, such as EAOs, to expand their presence. As the NUG is reaching out to international powers and setting up representative offices in some countries, the latest one being in Washington DC, its recognition and presence worldwide will have implications on its legitimacy and acceptability. There is also a possibility that the elections could take place without the participation of either NUG or many EAOs, and the military could take over the governance via its proxy party, USDP. While the military in Myanmar continues to be an important stakeholder, it is also vital that the military takes on board all the other stakeholders to work towards a stable democracy in Myanmar. The year 2023, therefore, will be a very significant due to likely scenarios that might unfold in Myanmar and their impact on South Asia as well as Southeast Asia.
Source/publisher:
Vivekananda International Foundation
Date of publication:
2022-12-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"The National Unity Government (NUG) and the pro-democracy forces of Myanmar applaud passage today by the US Congress of the Burma Act as part of the James M. Inhofe National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2023 (2023 NDAA). We look forward to President Biden soon signing it into law.
This important law clearly sets out United States policy to support the people of Myanmar as well as the NUG, NUCC, CRPH, CDM and our allied organizations in our struggle against the junta for democracy, human rights, and justice. It also expands authorization
for economic sanctions on the military junta, its cronies, and the energy sector and related businesses. The law authorizes greater humanitarian assistance for the people of Myanmar; technical support and non-lethal assistance to Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs); and to support programs for former members of the military. It also authorizes support for the establishment and operation of transitional
justice mechanisms. The legislation will promote steps to increase pressure on the military, including at the UN.
The Burma Act will provide much needed hope and support to the struggling people of our country. We also thank the Burmese diaspora and people of good conscience across the U.S. who worked tirelessly in support of this achievement. It is only through working together with our brothers and sisters around the world that we will bring democracy back to our people. With the passage of the Burma Act, support for our democracy movement grows ever stronger.
I again deeply thank the US Congress and all those who worked to get the Burma Act approved..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
The dead men had worked at a local motorbike repair shop and had no political affiliations, residents say.
Description:
"Residents in central Myanmar made a grisly discovery on Wednesday when they stumbled upon the corpses of six civilians who worked at a local motorbike repair shop.
Their bodies bore signs of torture and their hands had been tied behind their backs, apparently executed by junta troops.
“It appeared as if [the soldiers] struck their necks with a sword. We found that their throats were cut,” said a resident of Ywar Thit village in the Mandalay region who was among those that found the bodies. He spoke to Radio Free Asia on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal by the military.
Photos provided to RFA of the bodies appeared to confirm the source’s description. All six of the men’s hands are bound and their throats are slit.
Three of the men have wounds to their throats that suggest they were made with a heavy weapon, such as a machete, while a fourth has a similar wound on the top-left of his head that has penetrated his skull. The heads of two of the men appear to have been crushed, while the chests of two others show as many as eight stab wounds.
No political affiliation
The source said two of the bodies were found between Myingyan’s Thar Paung and Gaung Kwe villages, another two near the intersection of Thin Pyun Road on the outskirts of Natogyi township, and the last two just west of Natogyi’s Ywar Gyi village.
“The cuts of the bodies found west of Ywar Gyi village and those near Thar Paung village were exactly the same,” he said. “It appeared to me that the junta soldiers made them kneel, tied their hands behind their backs, and delivered a blow to their necks when they were tired of torturing them.”
The victims were “innocent civilians” who were employed by a local motorbike repair shop, said a resident of Ywar Thit village, who also declined to be named.
“[They] were just simple villagers who weren’t involved in any political activities,” he said. “They weren’t members of any political parties or organizations … But the pro-military Pyu Saw Htee militia and junta troops arrested and cruelly killed them.”
The junta has yet to release any information about the killings of the six men. Attempts by RFA to contact the junta’s spokesman for Mandalay region, Thien Htay, went unanswered on Thursday.
Sources from the two townships identified the six dead as Min Thu and Kaung Kaung, both 20; Aung Than Kyaw and Zayar Phyo, both 30; and Aung Naing Win and Zaw Naing Win, both 43.
Inflicting terror
Residents said that the discovery of the bodies followed a Nov. 29 raid on Ywar Thit village in which junta troops from the No. 88 Light Infantry Division and members of the pro-military Pyu Saw Htee militia detained six civilians.
The families of the deceased retrieved their bodies on Wednesday from the Myingyan township mortuary and buried them in the township’s Su Phyu Kone cemetery, residents told RFA. Due to the graphic nature of their deaths, family members were unable to inspect the bodies of the victims and confirm their identities, they said.
A political activist in Myingyan township, who gave his surname as Soe, told RFA that the junta hopes to gain control of the region through fear by arresting and killing innocent civilians.
“When they lose their military bases and informers [to anti-junta forces], or suffer losses in battles, they attack unarmed civilians as revenge, since they cannot crush the resistance,” he said.
“Myingyan-based junta troops and the … pro-junta militia try to cow the people by torturing and killing innocent civilians they accuse of being supporters of the [deposed National League for Democracy] NLD party and [anti-junta] People’s Defense Forces [paramilitaries],” he said.
“In fact, as they cannot crush the armed resistance, they are abducting and killing innocent and unarmed civilians who become caught in the middle.”
According to Thailand’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), junta troops have killed at least 2,604 civilians and arrested more than 16,500 others in the 22 months since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup, mostly during peaceful anti-junta demonstrations..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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more
Description:
"15 December 2022: The International Criminal Court (ICC) can and must end the Myanmar military’s impunity urgently, said the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Human rights atrocities in Myanmar, which have continued to escalate throughout 2022, will persist until and unless the military is held accountable. A new briefing paper on Myanmar and the ICC was published today by SAC-M.
“The human rights situation in Myanmar deteriorated even further this year,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Min Aung Hlaing and his generals will continue inflicting atrocities on the people of Myanmar until they are stopped. The international community must do everything possible to bring them to justice at the ICC.”
The briefing paper, Myanmar and the International Criminal Court, published by SAC-M, gives a short explanation of the ICC, the ways in which the ICC gains jurisdiction over crimes in different countries, and how the ICC investigates crimes and prosecutes individuals.
The paper concludes that the ICC has jurisdiction in relation to Myanmar as a whole, dating back to 2002, and that the international community has a responsibility to ensure that the leaders of the Myanmar military are prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes without further delay.
“We have been calling for Min Aung Hlaing and his generals to be prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes since 2018, when the UN Fact-Finding Mission completed its examination of the military’s violations in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan States,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Because of a legal declaration by Myanmar’s National Unity Government, the ICC has jurisdiction over genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Myanmar. The international system, including the ICC, cannot let another year slip by without justice for Myanmar.”
In 2019, the ICC opened an investigation into crimes relating to the forced deportation of the Rohingya from Myanmar’s Rakhine State. However, the investigation is limited to only those crimes with a cross-border element. So, it does not cover the full extent of the alleged crimes perpetrated against the Rohingya, including genocide.
SAC-M’s briefing paper explains the legal grounds for the ICC’s investigation to extend to all crimes perpetrated by the military against the Rohingya, and also to all crimes in the Rome Statute perpetrated against civilians throughout Myanmar since 2002. They include crimes perpetrated for many years against ethnic minorities throughout the country, and crimes perpetrated against civilians more broadly and particularly following the attempted coup of February 2021.
“Why are the victims of Myanmar’s barbaric military being forced to wait when there are routes to justice available now?” Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M asked. “The ICC was established to hold to account those individuals accused of the gravest crimes. If the ICC cannot act now to hold the leaders of the Myanmar military to account, then it has lost its way.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Criminal Court
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210.71 KB 1.14 MB
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Sub-title:
Myanmar Now asked American scholar Dr Zachary Abuza whether the BURMA Act can finally begin to provide the help that Myanmar’s people need
Description:
"New legislation passed by the US House of Representatives (US House) last week—known as the BURMA (Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability) Act—could compel significant changes in US policy towards Myanmar. The legislation, in the form of amendments to the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), is expected to become law within weeks after passing by a floor vote in the US Senate.
Although US lawmakers have referred to the NDAA amendments discussed in this interview as the “BURMA Act,” they differ in some respects from a 2021 bill introduced in the US House under the same name. The earlier bill passed in the lower legislative chamber but was never brought to a vote in the upper chamber—the US Senate—and did not become law.
The newly passed and amended BURMA Act within the NDAA purportedly serves as a green light for the US government to impose sanctions against Myanmar’s coup regime and the individuals or entities that abet its atrocities. It also authorises “non-lethal assistance” to the publicly mandated, civilian National Unity Government (NUG) and other opposition and resistance groups in Myanmar. This assistance does not include arms.
Myanmar Now recently discussed this legislation with Dr Zachary Abuza, a Southeast Asian politics and security issues expert at the National War College in Washington, DC.
While acknowledging the bill’s importance, Prof Abuza criticised the delayed response of the US and other democratic governments to Myanmar’s urgent humanitarian crisis following the 2021 coup. He outlined further international action he deemed necessary to deter atrocities in the country and support resistance groups in Myanmar, and offered an explanation for the US government’s ongoing refusal to supply weapons to the junta’s opponents.
Myanmar Now: The BURMA Act of 2022 has been added to the NDAA and was passed by the US House on December 8. Could you please explain its significance for US policy towards Myanmar/Burma?
Prof. Zachary Abuza: The BURMA Act of 2022 was included in the FY23 [Fiscal Year 2023] National Defense Authorization Act that the House of Representatives passed on December 6. Often these large spending bills have other pieces of legislation tacked on, especially if they are meant to pressure the executive branch to take some action that Congress wants. This year’s NDAA also included the Taiwan Enhanced Resilience Act.
In the 2022 NDAA, Congress expressed their displeasure with the Biden Administration’s policies on the Myanmar junta, considering them insufficient. The 2022 legislation called on the administration to step up their contact and relations with the NUG. We saw clear evidence of that. The NUG was represented on the sidelines of the US–ASEAN Summit; there were several high-level engagements between the National Security Council and Department of State with the NUG. In late 2022, the US allowed the NUG to open a representative office in Washington, DC to support their lobbying and coordination efforts. Perhaps the administration would have done those things on its own, but when Congress puts it into the one spending bill that is passed without exception every year, it does force the administration’s hands.
Let me be clear, even if the Biden administration does everything Congress calls on it to do in this year’s NDAA, it is insufficient to bring about the downfall of the [junta]. There is much more the US government can and should do to support the NUG, which Washington acknowledges is the lawful and legitimate government representing the people of Myanmar.
MN: The BURMA Act explicitly states that the US will provide technical support and non-lethal assistance to ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), and pro-democracy organisations ‘to strengthen communication and command and control’ as well as the coordination of international relief. Do you think that this constitutes a major US policy change? Could you unpack the term ‘non-lethal assistance’ and how that assistance could affect the armed resistance?
ZA: This is an important development. While I have long argued that the US government should be supplying lethal assistance to the NUG, it is not going to happen for four key reasons: First, Myanmar is not a national security priority for the US and you find no senior leader justifying our policy in terms of US national interests. Second, there is concern over who and what components would get the weapons, especially considering that many EAOs are involved in the burgeoning illicit narcotics market. The US government is terrified of the scandal should US weapons find their way into the hands of EAOs who are deeply involved in the production and sale of synthetic drugs. Third, the US stockpiles of arms and ammunition are being depleted by Ukraine, which the US has deemed in its national interest to support. Fourth, the actual issue of logistics of providing weapons is a challenge given that Thailand, China, India, and Bangladesh would not support it.
In sum, while I believe the NUG deserves lethal assistance, there are no strong advocates of providing them with arms within the administration. Thus, I have strongly advocated for the provision of non-lethal assistance, including encrypted communications devices, battlefield medicine, intelligence support including provision of commercially available (though expensive) satellite imagery, intelligence sharing, and training. Most importantly, the US could step up their support for the NUG’s civil administration, including public health, education and rule of law/policing. Finally, the US government could provide monetary assistance to the NGOs that facilitate the defection of military forces and provide them with subsistence funds.
“While I believe the NUG deserves lethal assistance, there are no strong advocates of providing them with arms within the administration. ”
All of this is possible, and some is even in the works. But again, there are logistical challenges to this. America’s treaty ally Thailand continues to support the [junta] and prevent large scale humanitarian access to the border. The US, itself, needs a permanent representative to the NUG. This would be all the more important because the US has announced that it is downgrading diplomatic ties with the [junta], by not replacing the prematurely departing US ambassador. But Washington really needs a point person to be a liaison with the NUG and coordinate the delivery of non-lethal assistance.
MN: Given the untold atrocities the people of Myanmar have been subjected to for almost two years, do you think that the US’s BURMA Act has come too late? The people of the country have long hoped for decisive assistance from the US to deter the reckless atrocities of the junta: do you think that the BURMA Act can fulfil that hope?
ZA: Yes, the US BURMA Act is way too little, too late, given the atrocities and human rights abuses suffered by the people of Myanmar across the country on a daily basis. The military intentionally uses war crimes as part of their military doctrine. The Four Cuts strategy is designed to terrorise the population into submission. Their reliance on indiscriminate artillery and air assaults are designed to target civilian populations. The military’s arson attacks have burnt down nearly 40,000 homes since the coup. Four people have been executed and 138 have been sentenced to death; nearly 150 have died in [junta] custody, tortured to death. Meanwhile the regime has driven the economy into the ground with their sheer incompetence, eviscerating over a decade of sustained economic growth.
The people of Myanmar deserve so much more from the US, the European Union and other democratic countries such as Japan, South Korea and Australia. There is much more that these countries can do to step up concerted economic pressure on the military regime. The sanctions regime right now is simply too piecemeal, and states like China, Russia, and India are able to violate them. While the BURMA Act spells out what the next round of sanctions should be, the act does not compel the [Biden] administration to begin sanctioning the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. The decisions to impose sanctions remain the prerogative of the Administration.
“Despite all odds, every day the people of Myanmar protest the junta, make donations to the NUG, or pick up arms to fight in PDFs, all to restore their democracy. That sustained courage and commitment should be supported.”
When Ko Jimmy, Phyo Zeya Thaw, and two others were executed [in July], it was the perfect opportunity for the international community to step up sanctions. They failed dismally. If the Biden administration is serious about advancing democracy and standing up to China’s authoritarian system that it seeks to expand throughout the world, then there is no better place for Washington to start than in Myanmar. Despite all odds, every day the people of Myanmar protest the junta, make donations to the NUG, or pick up arms to fight in PDFs, all to restore their democracy. That sustained courage and commitment should be supported.
MN: While the BURMA Act states support for amending Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution—codifying a requirement that the military exist under a civilian government and no longer hold 25 percent of parliamentary seats—the Act did not mention the Federal Charter adopted by National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC). What are your thoughts on this? Are the US lawmakers’ expectations for amendments to the 2008 Constitution still realistic? How could this materialise, given the drastically altered political landscape?
ZA: The BURMA Act stated its desire for the amendment of the 2008 Constitution, unequivocally stating that the military has to be under the civilian government and it would no longer control 25 percent of seats in all parliaments. This is a well-meaning statement, but simplistic, as facts have changed on the ground. There will be no amendment to the 2008 constitution. It needs to be scrapped.
At the same time, the BURMA Act didn’t reference the NUCC’s Federal Charter. This was a mistake, but also an understandable one. The situation in Myanmar is very complex, there are a multitude of actors and processes. Myanmar is a very low priority for Congress, despite some interest on the part of some members. It is unrealistic to expect them to have a deep and nuanced understanding. Again, having an official liaison with the NUG who regularly briefed Congress would help. Now to be fair, I don’t think that the NUG has done a great job in educating their foreign interlocutors about the Federal Charter, and, from my vantage point, there has been insufficient progress in the constitutional convention. This is another area where the US and other western countries could provide significant legal expertise and support..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun discusses the UN’s response to his country’s crisis.
Description:
"Kyaw Moe Tun, Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, will continue to serve as his country’s permanent representative to the international body in New York for another year, a position he has held since 2020. The United Nations General Assembly Credentials Committee decided to uphold his status at a meeting on Monday, though a formal announcement has yet to be made.
Myanmar’s military junta, which seized power from the elected government in a February 2021 coup, opposes the move. Its information team said in a comment on the instant-messaging software app Viber on Wednesday that Kyaw Moe Tun had been fired from his position because of his treason against the government. The junta also said he represented “terrorist groups,” such as Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, its armed wing the People’s Defense Force, and the Burmese legislative body in exile.
Kyaw Moe Tun, who does not represent the military regime, has spoken out against the junta for its attacks on and arrests of anti-regime protesters and ordinary citizens. The Burmese diplomat spoke with reporter Khin Ei Ei of Radio Free Asia’s Burmese service about his reappointment and the U.N.’s response to the violence and rights violations in Myanmar. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
RFA: If you are appointed to the same position as the permanent representative for another year, do you see more opportunities for you to work on trying to resolve the crisis in Myanmar?
Kyaw Moe Tun: I believe that I will be able to continue striving for the good of our people and our country within the boundary of a permanent representative as usual. I do believe that I will be able to educate the international community more about the problems and issues that Myanmar people are facing and do as much as I can for them in any possible way. Like I said earlier, I am going to work for the good of the people in accordance with the values in the charter, and I believe that since I am working for the righteous desire of Myanmar people, I will be able to do more and achieve more for them.
RFA: There has been criticism that the U.N. merely issues statements expressing concern about the crisis in Myanmar without taking any effective action to help the people there. Do you see any possibility that the U.N. could give more help and assistance to the citizens of Myanmar?
Kyaw Moe Tun: The Myanmar people are suffering, physically and mentally. Over 2,500 or nearly 2,600 innocent civilians have been lawlessly tortured and killed by the military junta, and a large number of people have been detained and imprisoned. Over 16,000 people have been arrested. The number of civilians who had to flee their homes for safety has been constantly rising, up to over 1.4 million so far. About 14 million Myanmar people have been facing the problem of scarcity of food according to U.N. data. That’s why, we, the Myanmar people, both local and foreign, the National Unity Government, and other organizations have been vocal about everyday challenges such as losing lives, insufficient food and various problems.
In the same way, on the New York front, we are telling the international community about the situation in Myanmar in many different ways. However, as the Myanmar people are saying, the international community, including the United Nations have not taken decisive action, as we have called for, so far. But in the way of multilateralism, some decisions can be made within a day, but others take days or longer.
In November, the Third Committee of the U.N. General Assembly submitted a draft resolution on Myanmar titled “Human Rights Situation of Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar.” In that draft resolution, there are expressions that reflect the current happenings in Myanmar, although it does not cover the entire picture. The resolution was agreed to among the member countries. Also, the members of the United Nations Security Council, especially the U.K., have been working on a draft proposal for Myanmar since August, and it is close to being passed. We hear that the member countries are discussing the resolution. These are the progress.
If a resolution for Myanmar is passed in the U.N. Security Council, it is going to highlight the atrocities that the military junta is committing against innocent Myanmar people and put new pressure on the junta in some ways. That’s why I would like to request that the members of the Security Council listen carefully to the voice of the Myanmar people, to take their true aspirations and their troubles into consideration, and make decisions that will enable decisive and effective actions for their vulnerable situation.
RFA: The U.N.’s office in Yangon has suggested that the U.N. should cooperate with the military junta to help the people? What do you think of this?
Kyaw Moe Tun: The U.N. agencies in Myanmar are trying in many different ways to carry out their tasks, especially to provide effective humanitarian help to the people. What we always point out is that although we support them in giving humanitarian assistance to our people, the help should get to the actual people who are in desperate need of it. But we do not support the help that goes to those who are close to the military junta. Humanitarian help should indiscriminately reach all unfortunate people who are in need of it.
That’s why we have always suggested that the U.N. needs to connect and work with all parties involved in order to provide humanitarian assistance directly to the people who actually need it. All parties means all organizations, including the National Unity Government, ethnic revolutionary organizations, NGOs and social help groups and those on the front lines of the incidents. We always point out that these groups need to be helped indifferently and fairly with complete transparency. That’s why we continue to urge the U.N. agencies in Myanmar to listen to our suggestions and help the people only in the ways we have suggested and to reach out to those really in need and provide humanitarian assistance as soon as possible.
RFA: What can you say about the degree of recognition that the shadow National Unity Government has achieved from the international community, including the United Nations, and their relations?
Kyaw Moe Tun: If we look back on the NUG and our revolution, we started building from the ground up and after 22 months [following the military coup], the role of the NUG, ethnic revolutionary organizations, and those who are shaping the people’s revolution has become more and more crucial. This is an undeniable fact. That’s why we can’t look at the United Nations alone, which can have some delays in its decisions and actions as it is a multilateral organization that needs to take every member into account.
As Thomas Andrew, the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said, actions like coordinated and targeted sanctions are necessary because it takes a long time and effort for the U.N. to reach a common decision. Similarly, member countries have not yet come to a common decision on the crisis in Myanmar because of different opinions. It will take a certain length of time. Although some countries have not been publicly recognized, we have seen many of them connecting and working with the NUG and urging other members to do the same. That’s why, we can see the progress in the role of the NUG in the last 20 months and now. With this progress, I would like to request all members to continue and extend help together for the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Neither the EU nor ASEAN can deal with the crisis in Myanmar alone, but together they can make a difference.
Description:
"On December 14, leaders of European Union member states are meeting in Brussels with leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) – with one exception. Myanmar is unrepresented. Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, who heads the junta put in power in Myanmar after a February 2021 military coup against a democratically elected government, was not invited.
Min Aung Hlaing and his junta security forces are responsible for countless atrocities against the opposition and ethnic minority groups amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes. The authorities have executed political prisoners, unlawfully killed hundreds of protesters and bystanders, and detained more than 13,000 people. The military has bombed and shelled civilians and their villages and sharply increased the use of banned antipersonnel landmines. Since the coup, the junta has effectively been at war with its own people.
The EU has imposed several rounds of sanctions on both Min Aung Hlaing and his leadership, as well as on lucrative military-controlled conglomerates and companies that provide the military with revenues it needs to maintain its rule and carry out abuses.
But so far, the impacts of EU sanctions have been limited.
Why? Because other governments, notably the U.S. and U.K., haven’t coordinated closely enough or matched the EU’s stronger sanctions – in particular, on the military’s natural gas revenues and banks that process foreign payments for the extractive sector. Absent better coordination with the U.S. and other governments, EU sanctions simply cannot impose enough economic pain on the junta to compel the military to change its conduct.
The EU’s foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, acknowledged in July that “bolder and stronger attitudes” were needed and that the international community “must continue to put all its economic and political forces under pressure on this junta…we must continue to apply pressure. It is the only possible way out of this conflict.”
EU leaders have been supportive of tougher action. The EU imposed a new round of sanctions in November. The U.S. imposed a small sanctions package at the same time, but has still not matched stronger and far more important sanctions the EU imposed in February.
Regrettably, however, some EU leaders – including most recently French President Emmanuel Macron – are still placing primary responsibility on ASEAN to take the diplomatic lead on actually negotiating with the military and resolving the crisis.
But neither the EU nor ASEAN can deal with the crisis in Myanmar alone.
In April 2021, ASEAN did manage to negotiate a five-point consensus with the Myanmar military, meant to lead to dialogue and de-escalation. But the military repudiated it within days and the abuses only increased. ASEAN leaders later barred Myanmar military leaders from ASEAN meetings and in 2022 began to criticize the junta more.
After the junta executed four pro-democracy activists in July, Malaysia’s foreign minister called the executions a “mockery” of promises to ASEAN, and in September its prime minister told the U.N. General Assembly that “the ASEAN ‘Five-Point Consensus’ cannot continue any longer.”
An October European Parliament resolution reflected a similar conclusion and called on ASEAN to take new approaches. It also urged the EU to adopt tougher sanctions and redouble coordination with ASEAN and other concerned governments on pressuring the military.
EU and ASEAN leaders should work to reach a new agreement for stronger cooperation on the Myanmar crisis. And ASEAN leaders should show support for sanctions – even if it must be privately – and urge the EU to press the U.S. to match EU sanctions.
For its part, the EU should urge ASEAN members to cooperate in enforcing sanctions in ASEAN jurisdictions. While U.S. and EU law obviously do not apply in ASEAN countries, it does apply to U.S. dollar and euro transactions in the international banking system, which utilize correspondent banks in the U.S. and EU. Sanctions, if they’re properly enforced, could apply to hundreds of millions of dollars the junta regularly receives for natural gas and other extractives, much of which comes from or is deposited into banks in ASEAN countries.
The EU – and any and all ASEAN governments that are willing – should in particular urge Thailand, an ASEAN member that purchases gas from Myanmar, and Singapore, where the military has bank accounts used to receive these funds, to agree to help enforce sanctions.
The EU should also urge ASEAN to consider suspending Myanmar from ASEAN.
The EU and ASEAN leaders should signal agreement on the need for a U.N. Security Council resolution imposing a global arms embargo on Myanmar, which purchases weapons from both China and Russia. Even if a resolution cannot overcome a Security Council veto, debate on the subject will further isolate the junta and help inspire tighter embargoes by individual governments and regional blocs.
New actions by the EU, ASEAN, the U.S., and other concerned governments need to be smart, strong, sustained, and coordinated. Myanmar’s generals are not going to change their conduct unless the cumulative cost of their refusal to do so grows too great to bear..."
Source/publisher:
The Diplomat (Tokyo) via Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun is the permanent representative of Myanmar to the United Nations; however, the diplomat does not represent the country's ruling military junta.
Kyaw Moe Tun was appointed to his position in 2020, months before the military overthrew the elected civilian government in February 2021. The military junta tried to fire him from his post, but he refused to leave, and so far, the United Nations General Assembly Credentials Committee has refused to recognize the military's appointee. He is also backed by Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), established by the country's elected and now-removed legislators.
On Monday, a U.N. diplomat told VOA that the U.N. credentials committee had agreed to uphold his status as Myanmar's ambassador. The diplomat declined to speak on the record before the committee formally announces its decision.
Last week, VOA's Ingyin Naing interviewed Kyaw Moe Tun at his office in New York to discuss what it is like representing a government that rejects him and how he sees his role as diplomat.
This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.
VOA: What do you think about the upcoming decision on Myanmar U.N. representations this year?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: Since last year, two countries, namely Afghanistan and Myanmar, had competing credentials with regard to the respective delegations. So, last year, the credentials committee decided to defer the decisions on the credentials of Afghanistan and Myanmar.
How they will decide depends, of course, on the members of the Credentials Committee. Russia, China and the United States are the three members who are elected every year. [[This year the credentials committee members also include Angola, Austria, Guyana, Maldives, Uruguay and Zambia.]]
VOA: You also voted this year to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine and to suspend Russia's membership at the U.N. Human Rights Council. Do you think that your stance on those issues affects Russia's decision on the matter of who should represent Myanmar and that they might prefer the Myanmar junta's representative?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: We not only voted yes but also co-sponsored the resolutions because the reason is very simple and very clear: We the people of Myanmar need to stand firm with the people of Ukraine, who are suffering like the people of Myanmar. By co-sponsoring the resolution, by voting yes on the resolution, we stand firm with the people of Ukraine. Russia will not be happy with that. So, whatever they decided regarding the representation of Myanmar here in the U.N., they will not be in favor of the permanent representative, who is appointed by the elected civilian government, who is speaking for the people of Myanmar.
VOA: What do you think about China also publicly backing the Myanmar junta?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: You can compare China and Russia. But what I know is that the high-level visit from China is what we don't see during this time. But of course, the last time Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Myanmar [in July], that was only for the subregional meeting, not for the bilateral meeting.
China was making it clear that the visit was not for a bilateral visit and was for the subregional group meetings, the Lancang-Mekong meetings. So, it is clear the position of China is different from the position of Russia because Russia's foreign minister visited Myanmar on bilateral bases.
China is also our neighboring country and a permanent member of the Security Council. That is why we always value the role of China. Of course, there are other neighboring countries whose roles we value — not only China but also India, Bangladesh, Laos and Thailand.
The role of the neighboring countries is very important. The neighboring countries of Ukraine open their borders, open their arms and extend warm hospitality to the Ukrainians, who escaped from the aggression and who take refuge in the neighboring countries. We wish our neighboring countries would be like those of Ukraine.
Back to the question about the position of China, of course, it is different from the position of Russia. That is my personal point of view.
VOA: According to some news agencies, Ukraine sold weapons to the Myanmar military. Did you ask Ukraine's diplomats about selling weapons to the Myanmar military when you met them?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: To be very frank, I haven't brought this issue to the Ukrainian ambassador here. But I do understand that the selling of weapons was before the military coup. I do understand that after the military coup, the government of Ukraine was not selling any kind of weapons to the military, who use these weapons to kill innocent civilians. So according to my knowledge, Ukraine as a government is not selling any kind of weapons to the Myanmar military.
VOA: You have spoken frequently in your speeches at the U.N. committee meetings about the U.N.'s failure to protect the Myanmar people who are being oppressed by the military junta. Do you have any hope for concrete action from the U.N.?
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun: Our people are really helpless, and even they were holding the placards carrying the R2P — "responsibility to protect." Since then, in my statements at the U.N., I tried to convey the people's voices — like asking the U.N. to apply the principles of R2P to save the lives of the people of Myanmar. Even though, of course, it is very frustrating because no one ever will make the statement whenever we made the appeal. Whenever we meet, that demand does not really come out in practical terms. But on the other hand, sometimes in multilateralism, the result takes time.
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2022-12-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime has doubled down on its repression of journalists as it tightens it grip on the country following its democracy-crushing coup on February 1, 2021. After arresting scores of journalists to block coverage of its abuses and resistance to the takeover, its second year in power saw the handing down of harsh prison sentences in a bid to silence and eliminate the country’s few remaining independent media outlets.
The Committee to Protect Journalists’ annual prison census has found that at least 42 journalists were imprisoned in Myanmar for their reporting as of December 1, a repressive 40% rise on the number recorded by CPJ on the same date in 2021 and making it the world’s third-worst jailer of journalists behind Iran and China.
Nearly half of those detained were sentenced in 2022, most under Article 505(a) of the penal code, an anti-state provision that broadly penalizes “incitement” and “false news”, both ill-defined terms in law and arbitrarily interpreted by military-influenced courts to hand down two- and three-year sentences. Others were given harsher, longer sentences on terrorism and other anti-state charges, often for contacting or reporting on the activities of anti-military armed resistance groups, including newly formed “people’s defense forces”, or PDFs, which the junta deems as terrorist organizations, as well as decades-old ethnic armies fighting for autonomy and rights.
Myanmar’s figure could be much higher. Many news organizations remain reluctant to identify their detained staff and freelancers to avoid the harsher sentences often meted out to journalists, particularly those who work undercover for military-banned media or who claimed to stop working for their news organizations after the coup but continued to report secretly.
Since the coup, the regime has periodically released journalists held in pre-trial detention or serving sentences as part of broad prisoner amnesties. That included a November 17 release in which at least eight journalists were freed, including Japanese documentary filmmaker Toru Kubota, who was serving a 10-year jail sentence on sedition, immigration and other charges.
The releases, where certain news organizations’ journalists are shown lenience while others are forced to serve their full sentences in severe prison conditions, appear to be aimed strategically to obscure the number of journalists the junta held at any given time and sow divisions among independent media groups, editors at news organizations with jailed journalists said in interviews with CPJ.
“The independent media has been targeted since day one after the coup. It’s as if they prepared a list of editors and reporters to go after,” said Aung Zaw, founder and editor-in-chief of the independent The Irrawaddy. “Some were released [while] some were charged with high treason, terrorism, electronic crimes – all sorts of allegations that don’t make sense at all,” he added, noting three of his organization’s reporters were behind bars as of December 1.
Aung Zaw, a former CPJ International Press Freedom Award recipient whose publication was banned just weeks after the coup, said the regime seeks to “divide and rule” the independent media, claiming that certain news organizations are allowed to operate unperturbed in de facto exchange for publishing “pimping propaganda” and “echoing what the regime says.”
Indeed, independent news groups that report from the conflict’s frontlines have been singled out for harsh harassment. Mekong News, a Shan State-based online news outfit covering crime, politics, war, and ethnic issues, has borne the brunt of the junta’s repression with three of its journalists, namely Maung Maung Myo, Toe Aung and Htun Than Aung, now behind bars.
“Obviously, the junta’s campaign of jailing journalists aims to stop independent news reporting on its abuses and activities,” said Mekong News managing editor Nyan Linn Htet, who is currently in hiding from an arrest warrant issued in March and whose reporters now live and operate in exile or from underground inside the country. “But, in my opinion, it is not succeeding because independent reporting hasn’t stopped and has even become stronger than before the coup.”
In an early September show of solidarity, 33 independent local news groups issued a statement condemning a new press council formed since the coup, which they jointly accused of “spreading misinformation” and “propaganda messages” about Myanmar’s independent media while noting 140 journalists had by then been arrested since the military seized power.
(CPJ emailed Myanmar’s Ministry of Information for comment but did not receive a response.)
The statement, which said that 11 independent media groups have had their publishing licenses revoked since the putsch, also said: “The military council is suppressing independent media groups and journalists in Myanmar in many different ways, impeding the right to information and hinder freedom of the press and freedom of expression throughout the country.” Some have found other ways to continue publishing, from exile and underground bureaus inside the country.
Several of the statement’s signatories, CPJ’s 2022 census shows, are among the outlets that have reporters languishing behind bars or were previously held and released.
“Imprisonment is routine for military regimes [but] this action represents severe suppression of freedom of the press,” said Kanbawza Tai News editor-in-chief Zay Tai, who told CPJ two of his released reporters, both freed in early October, plan soon to resume their news reporting. “The military can try but will never be able to stop our independent journalists.”
CPJ Senior Southeast Asia Representative Shawn W. Crispin is based in Bangkok, Thailand, where he has worked as a journalist and editor for over two decades. He has led CPJ missions throughout the region and is the author of several CPJ special reports..."
Source/publisher:
Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-12-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
more
Description:
"Human Rights Watch says the military junta in Myanmar is waging a war against its own people.
It is calling on world governments, including Japan, to step up their response.
The group released a statement on December 10, marking international Human Rights Day. It highlighted the situation in Myanmar, describing the country as having become the "worst of the worse" among ASEAN nations for human rights abuses.
It added that military crackdowns have led to attacks on civilians, and about one hundred political prisoners have been sentenced to death. It warns the situation could get worse.
The group's Deputy Asia Director Phil Robertson says the international community needs to step up.
"We have called for, time and time again, an international arms embargo to be imposed by the UN Security Council to stop the violence," says Robertson. "We've demanded that there be targeted sanctions."
Robertson also called on Japan, which he referred to as one of Asia's oldest democracies, to do more.
"It's a country where democracy and human rights are valued, and therefore Japan should be a leader in demanding change in Myanmar," says Robertson.
Japan has a long-standing relationship with Myanmar, including a military officer training program.
But the Japanese government announced it would suspend that program from next year over Myanmar's execution of pro-democracy activists..."
Source/publisher:
NHK World - Japan
Date of publication:
2022-12-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Twenty-six workers from the Myanmar Pou Chen Co. factory, which makes shoes for Adidas, have asked the global sportswear brand to investigate labor conditions there and help them get back their jobs back.
“The brand’s knowledge [of working conditions] and our actual situation may be very different. So I would like them to closely observe what is happening on the ground and stand with our workers,” said Ma Phyo Thida Win, 26, a labor union president at the Myanmar Pou Chen factory.
The workers were fired in October after leading a three-day strike at the factory in Shwe Pyi Thar Township, Yangon, over 21 points including low wages and workplace discrimination.
The Myanmar Pou Chen plant produces over 38,000 pairs of Adidas shoes per day under Taiwanese ownership.
The workers demanded a rise in the daily wage from 4,800 kyats to 8,000 kyats amid economic hardship and soaring prices for everyday goods. The factory management rejected the demand.
The first day of the strike saw a truck full of soldiers deployed to the factory. An army officer then used threats and intimidation in an effort to break up the strike, workers said. The strikers remained within the factory grounds over fear of a crackdown if they ventured on to the streets.
“But the military truck with about two-dozen armed soldiers followed us everywhere we marched inside the factory estate,” said one worker, speaking on condition of anonymity for safety reasons.
The strike swelled to around 2,000 workers on Oct 27.
The Pou Chen factory employs around 7,000 workers and is one of the biggest shoe factories in Myanmar.
On October 28, the factory management announced it had fired 26 unionized workers for breaching employment contracts. Security guards ejected the 26 from the factory, according to the union.
The factory management declined to comment.
Workers inside the factory attempted to continue the strike without the unionists, but were threatened with dismissal by the management and arrest by the soldiers.
The Labour Relations Department held three meetings over the dispute in November, but the factory management refused to reinstate the 26 workers.
The workers then filed a case with the Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population in Naypyitaw, explaining that union leader Ma Phyo Thida Win had worked at Pou Chen for over four years.
The ministry handed the case to Shwe Pyi Thar Township Labor Department, which held meetings with those involved in the dispute on Nov. 22, 25 and Dec. 8.
However, the factory management still refused to take the workers back, and instead proposed financial compensation. The workers declined the offer, asking only for their jobs back.
“Under labor law, this case is considered a personal dispute between the workers and the employer. If the workers are not satisfied, they can sue the factory owner in a civil court. But we don’t trust the judicial system under the junta, so, the only option left to us is to go to Adidas,” said a labor rights activist who is assisting the Pou Chen workers..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-12-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Economic, social and cultural rights, Business and the Military
Language:
more
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of Canadian sanctions in response to the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, to mark Human Rights Day.
Canada is the first jurisdiction to impose sanctions on Myanmar military jet fuel suppliers, designating Asia Sun Group, a Myanmar conglomerate.
Asia Sun Group is a local partner of the Myanmar military and is involved in procuring, storing and distributing jet fuel. Asia Sun has been found to import aviation fuel and directly deliver it to the Myanmar military.
Asia Sun Group’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar.
The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. Recent indiscriminate air strikes have included an attack on a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 80 people and an attack on a school in Sagaing, killing at least 12 people.
Canada also sanctioned key Myanmar military arms brokers, Dynasty International Company Limited and International Gateways Group.
Dynasty International Company Limited has brokered the purchase of arms and related equipment for the Myanmar military from Belarus, Russia and Germany.
International Gateways Group is a key broker of arms for the Myanmar military from China.
Dynasty International and International Gateways Group have also been sanctioned by the US and UK.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Canada’s latest round of sanctions, the first in the world to target the Myanmar military’s aviation fuel supply chain, as the junta carries out repeated aerial attacks that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“This is a win for the Spring Revolution, in which the people of Myanmar have categorically rejected and resisted the terrorist military junta, effectively preventing them from taking control of Myanmar, and for civil society that has campaigned for sanctions on jet fuel.
“However, far more needs to be done to cut the military’s supply of jet fuel and arms.
“We call on the US, UK, EU, Australia, Japan and South Korea to urgently follow Canada and coordinate sanctions against Asia Sun Group and all individuals involved.
“Governments should also immediately sanction Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE), ban the export of aviation fuel to Myanmar and sanction all arms brokers to stop the junta’s ability to carry out its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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114.08 KB
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"Today, the 10th of December, the world celebrates Human Rights Day in commemoration of the approval of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. However, today we cannot celebrate the dire situation of human rights in Southeast Burma. Decades of military impunity granted to the Burma Army continue to impact the lives, livelihoods and safety of the villagers in Karen State, while the international community remains ineffective and passive. The international community has failed to take genuine action to prosecute these long-standing military leaders and their blatant disregard for human rights. The 2022 Human Rights Day theme of “Dignity, Freedom, and Justice for All” falls flat as freedom and justice are being denied in Karen State. Still, villagers remain strong and dignified continuing to stand up for human rights. Today, we celebrate the strength of citizens in Burma demanding their rights be respected.
Since the 2021 coup, the Burma Army has undertaken widespread violence and attacks against civilians throughout Burma imposing its dictatorial rule once again. Their crimes include grave human rights violations, such as extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, forced displacements, shelling of civilian areas, looting, destruction of property, threats, extortion, forced labour and sexual violence, as well as the employment of the ‘four cuts’ strategy that makes civilians the central target of military offensives. More than 350,000 people have been displaced this year, the majority of them women and children. This violence is a mirror of the abuses perpetrated against the Karen peoples during earlier periods of military rule, from 1962 to 2011.
On October 3rd 1991, the Myanmar Air Force killed 41 students from Tee Tah village instantly during the bombing and strafing of their school and village, in the Delta region. Thirty-one years later, on March 5th 2022, junta troops from the army camp in Hpapun Town fired artillery into Klaw Day village, Mu Traw District, killing seven civilians, including three children and a pregnant woman, and wounding four more, including a 3-year-old boy and a 17-year-old girl.
In 1992, a survivor of conflict-related sexual violence from Doo Tha Htoo District described her experiences to KHRG: “All night long the [Burma Army] soldiers would come and drag women away to be raped. They took turns and women were often raped by several soldiers in one night. I was raped frequently like the others. While I was being raped or trying to sleep, I could hear the screams of other women all around. This went on all night, and then in the morning they'd make us carry our loads over mountains again.” After the 2021 coup, villagers in the Lay Kay area, Doo Tha Htoo District, informed KHRG researchers that they were sending away young women to hiding sites when Burma Army soldiers were nearby the village.
Between 2021 and 2022, KWO has documented 2,999 cases of human rights violations perpetrated by the Burma Army against civilians in Karen State. KWO has documented reports of 153 people killed, including 30 women, and 276 civilians wounded, including 117 women. There are 447 cases of looting and at least 171 burned homes, by the military since February 2021. The actual numbers are certainly much higher as many human rights violations have not been able to be reported or documented.
For the past 30 years, the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) and the Karen Women Organization (KWO) have documented the experiences of rural villagers in Southeast Burma, the crimes committed against them, and their resilience despite longstanding campaigns by the Burma Army to eradicate all forms of opposition. Yet, these detailed testimonies of decades of state violence and military impunity have been met with little to no action by the international community, and no justice for survivors. Today, as local actors who have been working together to ensure that international stakeholders have the necessary evidence to hold the Burma Army soldiers and commanders accountable, we find ourselves outraged by the failure of regional and international bodies to support the dignity, freedom, and justice of all civilians in Southeast Burma.
“The perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Karen State are military leaders. Ethnic minorities are oppressed by the military junta’s system of rule. Our human rights are severely violated. We are human beings but the junta seeks to crush our human dignity”, explains Saw Nanda Hsue, Advocacy Coordinator at KHRG. “There has never been justice for any violation committed against us. If this military dictatorship continues, ethnic people will never be allowed to live with full human dignity and rights.”
To this, Naw Knyaw Paw, General Secretary of the KWO, adds, “Women and children are killed, and displaced. The shelling of civilian areas has dramatically increased. The international community must take more effective actions, and impose more sanctions including prohibiting the sale of jet fuel to the junta and boycotts of the SAC junta so that they will be disabled, disarmed and disbanded. Many years of impunity have emboldened the junta and they continue to commit atrocities without fear of consequences. No one should be above the law. We need action.”
On this 10th of December, the Karen Women Organization (KWO) and the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) honour all civilians in Southeast Burma struggling against military atrocities and bearing the impact of systematic abuse. We celebrate today the resilience and fierceness of our Karen sisters and brothers who continue to fight for their human rights, and to defend dignity, freedom and justice for all. Likewise, we notice villagers’ increased knowledge of international human rights frameworks and their desire to engage the international community directly to demand justice. Therefore, we again call on the international community to condemn the crimes committed by the Burma Army, both past and present; to end all engagement that grants legitimacy to the junta -including with businesses that boost the junta’s economic power, as well as eliminating the sale of aviation fuel and arms trade to the junta; and to take concrete and coordinated action to assist local efforts and solutions to the humanitarian and human rights crisis in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group and
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma
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Format :
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Sub-title:
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည့် ကျေးလက်၊မြို့ပြနေ ပြည်သူများ၏ နေအိမ်များဖျက်ဆီး၍ မြေယာများလုယူနေခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အထူးသတိပေးတားမြစ်ခြင်း
Description:
"၁။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို လက်နက်အားကိုး၊လုယူပြီးနောက် ကျေးလက်နေ ပြည်သူပိုင်နေအိမ်များ၊ ကျေးရွာများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းပြုလုပ်နေရုံသာမက၊ မြို့ပြနေ ပြည်သူများ၏ နေအိမ်များကိုပါ အတင်းအဓမ္မ ဖျက်ဆီး၍ မြို့ပြမြေယာများအား အဓမ္မလုယက်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလအတွင်း ရန်ကုန်နှင့် မန္တလေးမြို့ကြီးများအပါအဝင် မြို့ကြီးအချို့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မြို့ပြနေ အခြေခံလူတန်းစားများ၏ နေအိမ်များအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ ဖြိုဖျက်ကာ မြေယာလုယက်မှုများကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိရာတွင် မင်္ဂလာဒုံမြို့နယ်ရှိ ရပ်ကွက် ၅ ခုမှ အိမ်ခြေပေါင်း ၁ သောင်းကျော်၊ လူဦးရေ ၅ သောင်းကျော် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်စေခဲ့သကဲ့သို့ မရမ်းကုန်းမြို့နယ်တွင် အိမ်ထောင်စုပေါင်း ၁၀၀ ကျော်၊ မန္တလေးမြို့တွင် အိမ်ထောင်စုပေါင်းများစွာ အား အိမ်မဲ့ရာမဲ့ဘ၀သို့ ရောက်စေခဲ့သည်။
၃။ ကိုဗစ်ကူးစက်ရောဂါနှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာလုယူမှုကြောင့် လူမှုဒုက္ခအ၀၀ကို ခံစားနေကြရသည့် အခြေခံပြည်သူများ၏ ဘ၀ကို စာနာနားလည်မှုမရှိ၊ ဖေးမကူညီမှုမရှိဘဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကျောတခင်းစာ နေရာများကို ဖျက်စီးခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူများ၏ အသိုက်အမြုံအားဖျက်စီးခြင်း၊ ၎င်းတို့၏ မြေယာများကို လုယူခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ယုတ်မာရက်စက်မှုကို ထပ်လောင်း အတည်ပြုပေးနေသည်။ ထိုသို့ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာခြင်းသည် အခြေခံလူ့ကျင့်ဝတ်ကို ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်သာမက နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ပြဌာန်းချက်များပါ လူတိုင်း လုံလောက်သော အိမ်ရာ၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ နှင့် အခြေခံဝန်ဆောင်မှုများ ရရှိခွင့်ကိုလည်း ပြောင်ပြောင် တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်လျက်ရှိနေသည်။
၄။ ထို့အပြင် ကျေးရွာများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ကာ လူအစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် ရွေ့ပြောင်းစေခြင်းများဖြင့် ကျေးလက်နေပြည်သူများကို တော်လှန်ရေးနှင့် ကင်းကွာစေရန် အကြောက်တရားနှင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်ကျူးလွန်နေသကဲ့သို့ မြို့ပြနေ ပြည်သူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်များ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းဖြင့် မြို့ပြများကို ပိုမိုကျပ်တည်းခက်ခဲစေကာ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးအပေါ် အားပျော့ လာစေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ၎င်းလက်အောက်ရှိ စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီအပါအဝင် ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ၎င်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အပေါင်းပါများအနေဖြင့် ယခုကဲ့သို့ မြို့ပြနေပြည်သူလူထု၏ နေအိမ်များကို အတင်းအဓမ္မဖျက်စီးခြင်း၊ မြေယာများအား လုယက်ခြင်းများကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ နေအိမ်များ ဖျက်စီးခြင်းကို ဆက်လက်မပြုလုပ်ရန် ပြင်းထန်စွာသတိပေး တားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။ တားမြစ်ချက်ကို မလိုက်နာဘဲ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေပါက အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်သူများ၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား ထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့သည့် ပြည်သူတစ်ဦးချင်းဆီအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ပြန်လည်တည်ထောင်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို မဖြစ်မနေအာမခံဖော်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
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475.81 KB
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Description:
"Whereas the Governor in Council is of the opinion that the situation in Burma constitutes a grave breach of international peace and security that has resulted or is likely to result in a serious international crisis;
Therefore, Her Excellency the Governor General in Council, on the recommendation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, makes the annexed Regulations Amending the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations under subsections 4(1)a, (1.1)b, (2)c and (3) of the Special Economic Measures Actd.
a S.C. 2022, c. 10, s. 438(1)
b S.C. 2017, c. 21, s. 17(2)
c S.C. 2022, c. 10, s. 438(2)
d S.C. 1992, c. 17
Amendments
1 Part 1 of the schedule to the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations1 is amended by adding the following in numerical order:
61 Dynasty International Company Limited
International Gateways Group
Asia Sun Group
2 Part 2 of the schedule to the Regulations is amended by adding the following in numerical order:
Zaw Min Tun
Maung Maung Ohn (also known among other names as Mg Mg Ohn)
Tun Tun Naung
Khin Maung Yi
Myo Myint Oo
Thaung Han
Win Shein
Ko Ko Lwin
Aung Soe
Zin Min Htet
Hlaing Moe Myint
Myo Thitsar
Application Before Publication
3 For the purpose of paragraph 11(2)(a) of the Statutory Instruments Act, these Regulations apply according to their terms before they are published in the Canada Gazette..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
Language:
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Description:
"၁။ ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၌ အပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကြေညာစာတမ်းအား အတည်ပြုခဲ့ရာ ယခုနှစ်သည်(၇၅) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ ပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနေ့အား “လူတိုင်းအတွက် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာ၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် တရားမျှတမှု” ဆောင်ပုဒ်ဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် ကျင်းပဆင်နွှဲနေသကဲ့သို့ မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည်လည်း မြေပြင်နှင့် အွန်လိုင်းလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ကာ ပါဝင်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ ယနေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံအများအပြား၌ လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးတို့ကို ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင် နိုင်ရေးတို့အတွက် အားလုံးပါဝင်ဆင်နွှဲနေကြပါသော်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအများစုသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုသည်နှင့် ဝေးကွာလျက်ရှိနေသည်မှာ ဝမ်းနည်းဖွယ်ကောင်းလှပါသည်။
၂။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဆိုးရွားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပြီး ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား အင်အားစုများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ မတရားတိုက်ခိုက်မှု များ ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလမှစ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်တပ် သည် ဥပဒေမဲ့ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ တရားဥပဒေဘောင်ကိုကျော်လွန်၍ တရားလက်လွတ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ညှင်းပမ်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ မုဒိမ်းကျင့်ခြင်းနှင့် ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုသိမ်းယူခြင်းတို့ကို ပုံမှန်အလေ့အထများ ကဲ့သို့ ပြုမူဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ယခုအခါ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၂၅၆၅) ဉီး သတ်ဖြတ် ခံခဲ့ရပြီး ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသည့် အရပ်သား ပြည်သူဦးရေမှာလည်း (၁၆၅၄၀) ဦး နှင့်အထက် ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာက အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် သေဒဏ်ပေးမှု များကို ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ပါသော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို မရပ်တန့်သည့်အပြင် ပိုမို၍အရှိန်မြှင့်တင် လုပ်ဆောင်လျက် ရှိသည်ကို မကြာသေးမီက ဒဂုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသား (၇) ဦးအား သေဒဏ် ချမှတ်ရန် တရားသူကြီး များကို အမိန့်ပေးခိုင်းစေခဲ့ခြင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် တွေ့မြင်နိုင်ပါသည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင် တော်လှန်ကြသည့် အရပ်သား ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၁၄၀) ကျော်ကို သေဒဏ် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ် (၁) ဉီး အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသည့် ဦးဆောင်သူ (၄) ဉီး ကိုလည်း ကွပ်မျက်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်က တိုင်းရင်းသားများ နေထိုင်ရာ ဒေသများကဲ့သို့ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာနေရာများကို ရက်စက်စွာ လေကြောင်းအင်အားသုံး၍ တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းတို့ ကြောင့် ရာချီသော ပြည်သူများ သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပြီး ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာသော ပြည်သူများသည် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးနေရပါသည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာ နေရာများသို့ ခွဲခြားမှုမရှိ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်၊ ကျေးရွာနှင့် စာသင်ကျောင်းများအား မီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း များကို လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိသည့်အပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံရသူများနှင့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင် နေရသူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်များကိုလည်း တရားမဝင် သိမ်းပိုက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် တရားမဝင် အမည်ခံ နိုင်ငံတော်စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကောင်စီသည် ၎င်းတို့၏တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့် အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအား ဆန့်ကျင်ကြသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် စနစ်တကျ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ အာဆီယံ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် (၅) ရပ်ကို ဒေသတွင်းနိုင်ငံများရှေ့မှောက်တွင် သဘောတူညီခဲ့ သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ယခုအခါ အာဆီယံနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုများကို လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိပါ။
၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား အသက်ပေး၍ ခုခံကာကွယ်နေကြသူများအပေါ် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် လူမဆန်သော လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရှိရေးနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်မှ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၇။ မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူအခွင့်အရေးနေ့တွင် လူမဆန်သော စစ်တပ်၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအား ရပ်တန့်သွားရန်နှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်များကို ကယ်တင်ပေးရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ အာဆီယံနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ တို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံ တကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ထောက်ခံသူများကို ထိရောက်သော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းများ ချမှတ်ပေးရန် ထပ်မံ တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
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Individual Documents
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"Backgrounder
Effective immediately, Canada is imposing sanctions against the following individuals and entities in relation to the coup perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces on February 1, 2021.
Canadian measures
The Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations impose on listed persons a prohibition on any transaction (effectively, an asset freeze) by prohibiting persons in Canada and Canadians outside Canada from engaging in any activity related to any property of these listed persons or providing financial or related services to them.
The specific prohibitions are set out in the regulations.
The names of the individuals and entities added to the schedule of these regulations are the following:
Individuals
(1) Zaw Min Tun; (2) Maung Maung Ohn; (3) Tun Tun Naung; (4) Khin Maung Yi; (5) Myo Myint Oo; (6) Thaung Han; (7) Win Shein; (8) Ko Ko Lwin; (9) Aung Soe; (10) Zin Min Htet; (11) Hlaing Moe Myint; and (12) Myo Thitsar.
Entities
(1) Dynasty International Company Limited; (2) International Gateways Group; and (3) Asia Sun Group..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
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Individual Documents
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new sanctions announced by the British government, this time focused on perpetrators of sexual violence.
The British government has announced the following sanctions:
The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs
The 33rd Light Infantry Division (33 LID) of the Myanmar Army
The 99 Light Infantry Division (99 LID) of the Myanmar Army
The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs has been sanctioned because of its responsibility for the use of torture, including sexual violence, against human rights and democracy activists who are illegally detained in Burma.
Light Infantry Divisions 99 and 33 have belatedly been sanctioned for their use of sexual violence during the military offensives against the Rohingya more than six years ago.
“These new sanctions are welcome, but the pace of implementation of sanctions is far too slow,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There were reports of sexual violence against arrested protesters in March 2021, and the mass rape of Rohingya women took place in 2016 and 2017. Why is there such a big time-lag between these crimes and the sanctions? Ministers must allocate more resources to swiftly implementing targeted sanctions. There are numerous companies funding the Burmese military which haven’t been sanctioned yet. British companies are still involved in the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar, despite airstrikes against civilians causing a human rights and humanitarian crisis.”
Burma Campaign UK has praised the British government for leading international efforts to cut off supplies of arms and money to the Burmese military, which launched an attempted coup in February 2021. However, successive Foreign Office ministers have failed to allocate enough resources into swiftly doing everything they can to cut off supplies of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military.
Today 516 civil society organisations wrote to British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly calling on him to swiftly implement sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"The military takeover last year fractured Myanmar’s media into three distinct groups. Needless to say, one group supports the regime while another – the country’s once mainstream but now exiled independent media that is still reporting on the country – principally opposes military rule.....The third group is media with military backgrounds.....Which group does the media outlet that you regularly read belong to? Readers might feel uncomfortable browsing this article, but sometimes it’s necessary to wash our dirty linen.....Exiled again but still independent and professional.....One of the first things military dictators do after seizing power from a democratically elected government is clamp down on independent media.
Dictators hate listening to voices criticizing their coup and the consequences of a military takeover.
Barely a month after seizing power, Myanmar’s military regime had revoked the licenses of Myanmar Now, 7 Day, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit.
Local media outlets Myitkyina News Journal (Kachin State), Delta News Agency (Ayeyarwady Region), Tachilek News Agency (Shan State), Zayar Times News Agency (Sagaing Region), Kantarawaddy Nes Agency (Kayah State) and Independent Mon News Agency were also banned.
Meanwhile, the offices of media including The Irrawaddy, Mizzima and Myanmar Now were raided by regime troops following their close coverage of the junta’s bloody crackdowns on peaceful anti-coup protests. The Irrawaddy office in downtown Yangon was raided twice, in a campaign of junta intimidation that is described in more detail below.
Worse still, the junta has arrested media workers for doing their jobs, turning Myanmar into the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists after China with at least 26 behind bars, according to Committee to Protect Journalists’ 2021 prison census.
The bans, raids and arrests sent a clear message to the press that there is no space for independent media under military-ruled Myanmar. Journalists went into hiding. To keep reporting on the regime’s atrocities and the junta’s impact on the day-to-day lives of Myanmar people, The Irrawaddy, Mizzima, DVB, Myanmar Now and others were forced to relocate to other countries.
For The Irrawaddy, Mizzima and DVB, this marked a return to exile for the first time since 2012. But as established independent media, they have maintained their professional journalistic standards while wrestling with financial, legal and security issues in their host countries.
On the other hand, the Burmese services of Voice of America (VOA), BBC and Radio Free Asia can still operate in military-ruled Myanmar.
Some, however, have upset their audience with controversial reports criticized for leaning towards the junta following the coup last year.
For example, a VOA Burmese report on November 7 last year claimed that thousands of people attended a junta-promoted hot air balloon festival in Mandalay’s Pyin Oo Lwin, the seat of Myanmar’s military academies. It drew condemnation from readers as there was no evidence of thousands of festivalgoers in the photos featured along with the report. The audience’s anger focused not just on the story’s accuracy but also the fact that a US government-funded broadcasting service was promoting the junta’s desperate claim that Myanmar under military rule was back to normalcy.
In another story in May, VOA Burmese reported that “at least 180 Myanmar journalists were sheltering in Thailand.” Though the figure was not disputable, the report amounted to leaking information to a regime that has detained and jailed journalists since the coup, said netizens.....Democracy activists also questioned VOA’s reporting.....“We no longer take questions from VOA as we don’t like their stance,” said a leading member of an established Myanmar rights group.
VOA is one of the few media outlets favored by junta spokesman Major-General Zaw Min Tun, who never fails to respond to its questions and offer information, while never answering phone calls from media operating outside the country.
As a consequence, its audience often find that VOA reports amount to regime propaganda despite its claim of “impartiality.” The head of VOA Burmese is currently under investigation for sexual harassment.
BBC Burmese Service is another outlet apparently favored by the regime.
In October this year, the regime vowed to file charges against The Irrawaddy and BBC over their coverage of a deadly shooting at Mon State’s Golden Rock Pagoda. But no action was taken against the BBC, and Maj-Gen Zaw Min Tun continues to give interviews to the outlet as if nothing had happened while BBC reporters are still working in the country.
In contrast, the regime officially banned The Irrawaddy in the same month by revoking its publishing license after the news agency failed to parrot its official account of the Golden Rock shooting. The ban came after lawsuits, raids, arrests and other moves targeting the independent news agency since the coup last year. Regime personnel arrested The Irrawaddy’s publisher, a former photojournalist and a staff member while also raiding the home of one of its editors.....Pro-junta media: Regime-sponsored media have mushroomed since the coup. Their reporters are regulars at press conferences given by the military regime. They can also be found in private groups of the junta information team. Realizing the media’s power and influence, the military approached several outlets even before the coup with offers of incentives and business opportunities in exchange for favorable coverage.
There are now more than two-dozen pro-junta media outlets run by former military officials, members of regime-friendly political parties and ultra-nationalists. They are mostly active on social media like Facebook and post their propaganda talk shows on YouTube and Telegram.
The junta has state-owned newspapers, radio and TV stations for propaganda purposes but people rarely pick up its papers or tune into its services. So the regime is funding other media to tap Myanmar’s growing audience on digital platforms.
The purpose the funding of these so-called media is to drum up support for the junta, to undermine the anti-regime movement by spreading disinformation, and to discredit independent media coverage of the anti-regime movement – an old trick of the previous junta to “use media to attack the media.”
The most infamous pro-junta outlet is Thuriya Nay Wun, owned by Moe Hein. Despite being a member of the 88-Generation at the forefront of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, Moe Hein took sides with the dictatorship for personal interests. In return, he was handed property in Naypyitaw, a monthly allowance, and regular funding for his media house.
At junta press conferences, he calls for the crushing of the shadow government National Unity Government, its People’s Defense Force armed wing, and parliamentary Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the group of lawmakers elected in the 2020 general election.
He also spreads propaganda in his regular shows broadcast on junta mouthpiece Myawaddy TV and junta-controlled state broadcaster MRTV.
Another pro-junta media is Myanmar Hard Talk, whose chief editor Aung Min is a staunch supporter of the military and even more dogmatic than Moe Hein.
Neo Politics News Agency headed by Kyaw Myo Min, former editor-in-chief of Akone Thi media, is regime-friendly too.
The junta can also count on People Media and its chief editor Kyaw Soe Oo.
All four of these outlets have displayed support for the military regime in video clips posted on their Facebook pages.
The pro-junta Myanmar National Post is helmed by chief editor Naung Taw Lay and backed by ultranationalist group Ma Ba Tha.
NHP is led by Win Oo, who was jailed under the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government for vandalizing a new Yangon bus stop.
When US President Joe Biden called for democracy to be restored in Myanmar, Win Oo’s NHP twisted Biden’s words to claim the US was merely urging the regime to hold an election as soon as possible.
Another infamous pro-regime outlet is Bullet Journal, led by U Hla Swe. The former lawmaker from the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party and ex- lieutenant-colonel is notorious for badmouthing the ousted NLD and the anti-regime movement. He has openly admitted to helping secure arms for pro-junta militias that have joined regime troops in upper Myanmar to raid villages and loot civilian property.....Media with a military background.....Myanmar media is no stranger to military affiliations and financing. Some of these outlets still survive today.
Military involvement in today’s media dates back to 2000 and the previous junta, when then military spy chief Lt-General Khin Nyunt and his Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) masterminded the launch of the Myanmar Times. Khin Nyunt is responsible for the jailing, torturing and killing of political activists following the 1988 democracy uprising.
A pet project of the previous junta, the Myanmar Times served as the military leadership’s mouthpiece, promoting Khin Nyunt’s faction and also Myanmar as a business-friendly country that was not as bad as painted in exiled media outlets. The SASAKAWA foundation provided assistance to the Times and controversial Australian editor Ross Dunkley, who was later charged with drugs and prostitution, was hired to pump the propaganda. Certain western diplomats also backed the Times in the vain belief it could help push political change.
An influential OSS officer named Col. Thein Swe, the righthand man of Khin Nyunt, appeared to be actively involved in running the paper. When the Times was launched, Thein Swe told Asiaweek that it would be “different, more flexible” than other papers. Thein Swe’s son, Sonny Swe, who now runs Frontier Myanmar, held a 51-percent stake in the newspaper. While all other media outlets faced draconian censorship, Myanmar Times reports just went through the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI) and were approved overnight.
Col Thein Swe was later promoted to brigadier-general and headed the regime’s Military Intelligence international relations department. He was a military attaché to the Myanmar embassy in Bangkok in the 1990s, when he reportedly hired thugs and informants and pushed Thai authorities to crack down on Myanmar democracy activists and journalists sheltering in the kingdom.
Bertil Linter, who is based in Thailand and has covered Myanmar since the late 1980s, said he was once on Thein Swe’s hit list for his reporting on the then junta.
“I confronted him over it when we met at a diplomatic function in Bangkok, and he fled the scene,” the veteran Swedish journalist recalled.
After Khin Nyunt was purged in 2004 during Than Shwe’s crackdown on military intelligence to maintain power, Thein Swe and his son were thrown into prison. The then regime charged Sonny Swe for breaking censorship regulations. The Myanmar Times halted operations following the coup in February last year.
Another longstanding media outlet still running inside Myanmar is Popular News, which focuses on junta-related news and ignores the resistance movement.
Popular News is owned by Daw Nan Kalyar Win, daughter of former military dictator Than Shwe’s confidant General Win Myint. Thanks to her family background, she landed an interview with Min Aung Hlaing just before the 2020 general election. The military chief hinted he was doubtful of the integrity of the poll while alleging shortcomings in election preparations.
Another outlet still tolerated by the junta is Eleven, which makes sure it avoids upsetting the regime in reports. The Standard Time runs on a similar policy.....How long before Myanmar outlets can return?.....The Irrawaddy and other media agencies that went into exile after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising returned to Myanmar under U Thein Sein’s government in 2012.
Media played an important role in national reconciliation after democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi entered Parliament in 2012.
However, with advertising revenues switching to social media, media agencies were already struggling when they were hit by the COVID-19 pandemic.
After the coup last year, independent newsrooms that promote pillars of democracy like human rights and freedom of expression were unable to operate inside the country.
After the 1988 military takeover, it took two decades before exiled media could return to Myanmar.
No one knows how long media agencies will have to wait this time after being forced out by the 2021 coup. To answer that question, we would need to know when the military dictatorship will end in Myanmar. One thing is sure, however: the media will return home when there is a democratically elected government in power in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Military History, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the Swiss Government’s decision to disinvite the illegal Myanmar military junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit.
As host of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co-operation (GPEDC) Summit, the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) had sent an invite to Myanmar’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva, which is occupied by the illegal junta.
The junta's deputy minister of investment and foreign economic relations, Dr Wah Wah Maung, was set to attend the summit virtually, along with junta representatives in Geneva.
Justice For Myanmar and other civil society groups have urged the Swiss Government to disinvite the junta and to invite the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the UN, U Kyaw Moe Tun, who has the authority to represent the people of Myanmar within the UN system.
However, while disinviting the junta, the Swiss Government has decided to exclude all government representatives from Myanmar.
SDC stated on social media that “the Summit will be open to representatives of governments accredited by the UN General Assembly (UNGA), which is not yet the case for Myanmar.”
UN agencies, including the United Nations Development Programme which is part of GPEDC’s Joint Support Team, is required to comply with UNGA’s position on Myanmar’s State representation. The General Assembly does not recognise the illegal military junta as being the government of Myanmar, but continues to recognise the authority of detained State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint of the National Unity Government of Myanmar.
Therefore, members of the UN have continued to recognise U Kyaw Moe Tun as the Permanent Representative of Myanmar at the UNGA and he must be invited to represent the people of Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the Swiss Government's decision to disinvite the illegal junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit.
“The Myanmar junta is an illegal, terrorist organisation and should never have been invited in the first place.
“To truly stand for effective development cooperation, the Summit should invite Myanmar's Permanent Representative to the UN, Kyaw Moe Tun, and recognise and engage with the National Unity Government of Myanmar as an urgent priority.
“The international community needs to effectively cooperate with the NUG to support Myanmar’s future development in the face of its near-collapse due to the junta's illegal coup attempt and its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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138.13 KB
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Description:
"Switzerland has invited the illegal Myanmar military junta to the Effective Development Co-operation Summit, according to Justice For Myanmar sources and confirmed by the Swiss Government.
The Summit, scheduled for December 12-14, is an initiative of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co-operation (GPEDC), a multi-stakeholder network that includes representatives of development provider and recipient governments, UNDP, OECD, multilateral development banks, parliaments, business, and civil society.
The junta's deputy minister of investment and foreign economic relations, Dr Wah Wah Maung, is set to attend the summit virtually, along with junta representatives in Geneva.
Ambassador Thomas Gass, the Assistant Director General of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), invited the Myanmar military junta in his capacity as GPEDC co-chair, via Myanmar’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva, which is occupied by the illegal junta.
Earlier this week, Switzerland’s Ambassador to Myanmar, Tim Enderlin, also met with junta minister for international cooperation, Ko Ko Hlaing, providing further legitimacy to the junta and fodder for its propaganda. The junta featured the meeting in its TV and print media.
Switzerland’s engagement with the junta comes at a peak time when the junta, a terrorist organisation, is intensifying its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
Since the illegal coup attempt, the junta has murdered more than 2,500 people and arrested over 16,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Last week, the junta sentenced 7 student union activists to death, after executing four activists in July.
Across Myanmar, the junta has been carrying out indiscriminate air strikes and shelling, killing men, women and children, committing rape, razing whole communities and displacing more than 1.1 million people since the military’s coup attempt.
The Swiss invitation for the junta to participate in the Summit came despite the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) in Geneva having barred members of the Permanent Mission of Myanmar from participating in the Human Rights Council since 2021, as they are not legitimate representatives of the State of Myanmar.
In reply to a letter from Justice For Myanmar, Ambassador Gass responded, “Switzerland did not send an invitation to the de facto authorities of Myanmar. An invitation has, however, been sent to the Permanent Missions to the United Nations in Geneva. Heads of missions accredited to the United Nations Office in Geneva can participate in the Summit. An eventual online participation in the work of the Summit, as observer, does not imply any decision-making role.”
The junta is not the “de facto” authority of Myanmar. Far from gaining control, a recent study by former UN mandate holders found that the junta only has stable control of 17% of Myanmar territory. The junta is a terrorist organisationunder Myanmar law and definitions offered in international law.
Justice For Myanmar has appealed to Ambassador Gass to disinvite the junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit and invite the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the UN, U Kyaw Moe Tun. Ambassador Gass has yet to respond.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Switzerland is about to take its seat on the UN Security Council and must support the Myanmar people’s struggle for human rights and democracy.
“Instead of upholding international law and the values of democracy and human rights, the Swiss Government’s recent and impending engagement is lending legitimacy to the illegal junta, emboldening it to continue to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
“Switzerland’s bilateral and multilateral support for the junta must end now.
“If the GPEDC does not retract its invite to the junta and prevent junta representatives from participating in the Summit, GPEDC will undermine UN General Assembly Resolution 396(v), undermine the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva and breach internal UN policy on engagement with the illegal military junta.
“This would be an affront to the people of Myanmar who have resisted the junta’s brutal attempts to gain control and power for nearly two years, bravely defending their human rights and democracy.
“The Myanmar military junta must be tried in a court of law for the systematic and widespread atrocity crimes committed against the people of Myanmar, not welcomed as an observer or a participant of a reputable international forum that aims to foster multi-stakeholder development cooperation.
“We call upon the Swiss Government, GPEDC steering committee members and stakeholders to uphold decisions made by the UN General Assembly and respect the basic rights of the people of Myanmar to choose their own government by barring the junta from the Effective Development Co-operation Summit.
“GPEDC must send an invitation to the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the UN, U Kyaw Moe Tun, who has the authority to represent the people of Myanmar within the UN system.
“It is time for Switzerland to live up to its democratic values by recognising and supporting NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
115.84 KB
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Sub-title:
Despite the Tatmadaw’s increasing viciousness, it appears unable to suppress resistance
Description:
"In February 2021, Myanmar’s army ended its decade-long, grudging tolerance of limited democracy by launching a coup, detaining Aung San Suu Kyi and other elected civilian politicians. Since then, its ruthlessness has only increased. The number of political prisoners has soared to more than 13,000. The junta has resumed executions for the first time in decades. The UN human rights chief, Volker Türk, said last Friday that the regime was using the death penalty to crush political opposition, expressing shock that 130 people have been sentenced to death by military courts behind closed doors. Many of the 1,700 people who have stood trial have been denied access to lawyers or relatives. Not one has been acquitted.
The pandemic, war in Ukraine and uprisings elsewhere have meant that the world has largely stopped paying attention to events in Myanmar, where the military is literally pursuing a scorched earth policy. It has razed villages that it accuses of supporting the opposition and has bombed hospitals, schools and even a concert. An estimated 1.3 million people are displaced and living in horrific conditions. It continues to add to the raft of convictions and prison terms for Aung San Suu Kyi. Rights groups report extrajudicial killings by soldiers and militias.
The assumption at first was that the military, long expert in suppressing stirrings of dissent and democracy, would soon reassert control. Even when some protesters took up arms – and the pro-democracy national unity government backed a “defensive war” – it seemed a hopeless endeavour, given their lack of money, equipment and training. Yet the resistance has been not only remarkably protracted but – under the circumstances – surprisingly effective. Civilian militias, working alongside some of the ethnic armed groups that were already battling the state, are carrying out attacks on military bases and in previously untouchable central areas. Soldiers are said to be quitting or defecting. The junta has also relied on Russia for much of its weaponry – though it can still count on China, India and others.
Each fresh abuse by the regime gives opponents reason to fight on – no one believes it will compromise. Elections are promised next year, but the power seizure resulted from the military’s repeated failure to win at the ballot box, and opponents are all locked up. The regime made a vague attempt at PR by releasing 6,000 or more prisoners last month, including a former British ambassador, Vicky Bowman. But some were detained again on the same day, and the total number of those held soon rebounded. The junta remains grotesquely self-serving, with its chief, Min Aung Hlaing, spending a reported $33m on honours to keep its friends on side – in the process awarding himself two titles, one of which comes with an elaborate gold and ruby medal.
Sanctions should remain carefully targeted at those in the regime and their families. Though supporters of the democracy movement praise the UK for taking the lead internationally, they believe much more must be done. They make a strong case for cutting off the supply of aviation fuel – used by the military even when it has supposedly been destined for civil flights. The junta’s increasing brutality, however, is a sign of fear as well as further evidence of its viciousness. Some of those struggling for democracy now speak not of a coup, but an attempted coup; thanks to the resistance, they say, it has not yet succeeded. They need more support to ensure that it does not..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
Language:
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Sub-title:
Proscription of Terrorist Groups
Description:
"With the consent of the Union Government, and under the powers vested by section 6( c) and
section 72(b) of the Counter-terrorism Law (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Law 23/2014), the Central
Committee for Counter-Terrorism hereby issues this notification:
1. It has been ascertained that Myanma Economic Holdings Limited and Myanmar
Economic Corporation have been engaging in monopolistic business practices to generate
substantial annual revenue for the terrorist group headed by Min Aung Hlaing so as to
perpetuate their reign of terror.
2. It has also been further ascertained from financial statements of these entities that
revenues are being disbursed primarily for the benefit o f the top leadership of the terrorist
military organisation while denying ordinary rank and file soldiers their fair share of the
benefits.
3. Further, those revenues have enabled the terrorist military organisation to prosecute
their war of terror against the people, mounting attacks and committing murder daily
against innocent, defenceless civilians all over the country.
4. Myanma Economic Holdings Limited and Myanmar Economic Corporation are thus
designated and proscribed as terrorist groups.
5. All assets belonging to those entities are hereby designated as 'assets of terrorist
groups' under Section 3(d) and shall be seized and administered for public interest under
Section 6(1) of the Counter-Terrorism Law..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
40.66 KB
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