2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) released the final comprehensive report of its international election observation mission to the 2020 Myanmar general elections and said “it is its informed opinion that the results of the 2020 general elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar”. It also said despite the raging COVID-19 pandemic, 27.5 million people voted thanks to the hard work of polling staff and election or health officials, their voices cannot be silenced. ANFREL has identified the election postponement, disenfranchisement of the Rohingya community and the other ethnic minorities, legal framework outlined by the 2008 military drafted constitution as the shortcomings of the election that has to improve in future elections. International and local media reported the findings, and diplomatic missions of Canada, US, UK, New Zealand, Switzerland to Myanmar also quoted ANFREL in their social media accounts with its full report.
The junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) called for a meeting with the political parties on 21 May in Nay Pyi Taw and 59 political parties joined. The popular parties like National League for Democracy (NLD), Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Arakan National Party, Democratic Party for New Society did not attend the meeting while a representative of the People’s Party, known as a pro-democracy party attended. The party faced mass resignation over the decision that seven out of 20 central executive committee members resigned, including co-founder Ye Naing Aung. At the meeting, the junta-appointed election commission chair Thein Soe said they will dissolve the NLD due to “electoral fraud” and the regime will prosecute NLD leaders as “traitors”.
The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the crackdown by the junta. Tension between the junta forces and the civilian resistance fighters increased during the week that the situation in Mindat, Chin State further escalated after junta forces entered Mindat. The junta has blocked road access to the town and cut off its water supply, making life very difficult for those who stayed behind. Local media also reported the locals fled to the nearest forest due to the attacks on Mindat town and they desperately needed emergency support for food and medicine.
The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters also emerged in several places in Kayah state such as Loikaw, Hpasawng, Demoso, and Bawlake townships. Media reported that emergency support on food, shelter and medicine were needed in IDPs camps of Kayah.
Kachin Independent Army (KIA) forces also clashed with the Myanmar military forces over the week in Kachin state, Sagaing region and Shan state. Continued fighting with KNU forces and military has also left many to flee to Thailand. The civil society organizations based in Thailand and Thai-Myanmar border urged the Thai government to delay the repatriation of Myanmar refugees and allow war refugees and displaced persons at the Thailand-Myanmar border by the Salween to have access to humanitarian aid. According to Indian government officials, more than 15,000 had sought refuge since the Feb. 1 coup. A local official of the Union Election Commission (UEC) in Magway Region was also tortured to death by junta troops.
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 57 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 11 people died including a nine-year-old boy, and at least 40 were injured.
International Crisis Group reported that Myanmar’s junta is seeking to limit access to the internet to an internal network of only “whitelisted” sites to quash opposition. Reports said that military and intelligence agencies are conducting some tracing of SIM cards and interception of calls.
United Nations General Assembly vote on 18 May on a draft resolution calling for “an immediate suspension of the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and munitions” to Myanmar has been postponed. The US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated 16 individuals and one entity connected to Burma’s military regime including adult children of previously designated senior Burmese military officials and the UK extended its sanctions to Myanmar Gems Enterprise, a distributor of jade and other precious stones.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 23 May, 818 people were killed by the junta. 4,296 people are currently under detention and 95 are sentenced. 1,822 warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
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Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the crackdown by the junta. The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters or Ethnic Armed Organizations also emerged in several places in Myanmar, such as in Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Shan, Sagaing and Yangon States/Regions.
The Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN) said that airstrikes by the junta in Karen State’s Mutraw district have displaced 90% of the entire rural population in recent months and sparked a “humanitarian crisis”. Around 70,000 residents from around 150 villages in Kayah State’s Demoso and Loikaw and Shan State’s Pekon Township have been displaced in the five days of fighting since Friday.
Karen National Union (KNU) said that 128 junta’s troops died and 180 injured during clashes between junta’s troops and the KNU in May. There were around 193 clashes between them from 5 to 26 May. Several civilian resistance forces have alerted people not to go outside unless they have urgent reasons to do so, as of increased risks to civilians. At least 73 children were killed by regime forces across Myanmar from 15 February to 15 May, according to the Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government (NUG).
Aung San Suu Kyi attended a court hearing on Monday for the first time after arresting her on 1 February. Prior to the hearing, Suu Kyi had only been permitted to speak with lawyers via video conference.
Japan permits the visa extension for another six months for Myanmar nationals due to the current situation, while the US designated Myanmar nationals for Temporary Protected Status (TPS), allowing many in the US to be shielded from deportation and obtain work permits.
The economy is falling down into the depths due to the military coup as well as the COVID-19 crisis. Myanmar people lose their jobs and the banking system is not fully functioning, the Central Bank is not issuing the limited cash to the bank, therefore, many people are waiting infront of ATMs which is common seen in many mornings.
Millions in Myanmar are struggling to buy food as due to price hike and millions of farmers were pushed into destitution and debt as there are more expensive inputs, declining crop prices and a possible dearth of affordable credit. According to estimates by NetBlocks, a nongovernmental organization that tracks internet access, the cost to Burma’s economy exceeds $24 million per day due to the internet shutdown and restrictions. On the other hand, Myanmar’s junta could lose tens of millions of dollars after French oil giant Total announced that it has suspended dividend payments.
Southeast Asian nations lobbied to remove the arms embargo call from the UN on Myanmar Junta but the Phillippine foreign minister denied knowledge of ASEAN blocking calls to the UN.
School enrolling commenced on Monday across the country which was enforced by the junta but more than half of all teachers are on strike and some 90 percent of students have refused to enroll in Myanmar’s education system, according to the members of the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation (MTF).
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 101 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 7 people died and at least 20 were injured.
UN special envoy on Myanmar Christine Scharner Burgener called for member states to support Myanmar people and talk to NUG as its setup by the elected MPs during her press conference in Japan.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 30 May, 840 people were killed by the junta. 4,409 people are currently under detention and 108 are sentenced. 1,881 warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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"The National Unity Government (NUG) held its very first press conference on Friday 4 June. The junta shut down the internet between 5 p.m. and 6 p.m to disrupt that press conference being held by the parallel government. The NUG said that it will announce a national D-Day to fight the military junta when the time is ripe at its press conference.
The COVID-19 control collapsed after the coup as many health workers joined a civil disobedience movement to protest against the junta. COVID-19 infections have resurfaced in Myanmar amid post-coup turmoil with 767 new cases being found and seven deaths in the past seven days. The military junta has imposed stay-at-home orders on half of the Chin State’s townships as well as Kalay, Sagaing State.
On 1 June, the junta forced the start of the new school year across the country. No more than a quarter of Myanmar's 12 million pupils enrolled for the new school year amid a protest boycott against military rule and in the wake of a series of bombings, an official of Myanmar Teachers’ Federation said. Security forces stood guard at some schools and brought pupils under armed escort from their homes.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the chief of the coup, met with Brunei's Second Minister for Foreign Affairs Erywan Pehin Yusof and ASEAN Secretary General Lim Jock Hoi in Naypyitaw on Friday 4 June. He told ASEAN envoys elections will only come after the country returns to ‘normal’. The parallel government, National Unity Government (NUG) said it no longer has any expectation that ASEAN can help Myanmar as the regional bloc has only engaged with the junta while neglecting them.
The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar and its unsettled situation continued even in the fifth month after the coup. The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters or Ethnic Armed Organizations also emerged in several places in Myanmar, such as in Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Shan, Mandalay, Magway, Ayeyarwaddy, Sagaing and Yangon States/Regions. It was reported that the staff who are joining the CIvil Disobedience Movement are facing tough choices as there is no income, intimidation, legal threats and weakening financial support. More young people are joining the ethnic armed organisations for military training.
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 65 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 11 people died and at least 15 were injured.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 6 June, 849 people were killed by the junta. 4,674 people are currently under detention and 160 are sentenced. 1,936 warrants have been issued. 31 were sentenced to death, 14 people to three years, 39 people to 20 years, 5 people to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour. The journalists of Democratic Voice of Burma and Mizzima were sentenced to two-year jail in the past week..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the imposition of sanctions on state owned timber and gems enterprises, and on the Myanmar War Veterans Organisation (MWVO).
Timber and gems are significant revenue earners for the military, and the MWVO is part of the military and also has significant business interests, including in transport. Burma Campaign UK has been campaigning for the EU to sanction the timber and gems industry and the MWVO.
“These new sanctions from the EU are very welcome, not only cutting revenue to the military but also letting them know that economic pressure will keep increasing,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The EU must now also look at creative ways to stop oil and gas revenue reaching the military. It is vital to continue to systematically identify and cut sources of revenue to the military.”
Almost 900 people have been killed and more than 200,000 people have been forced to flee their homes since the military coup on 1st February.
The EU has also announced sanctions on 8 more individuals, bringing the total to 43..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Timber extraction, Burma's economic relations with the European Union, Gems, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new sanctions imposed by the British government on the Burmese military and its economic interests.
The British government has sanctioned two state-owned entities which now provide revenue for the military since the coup. They are Myanmar Timber Enterprise (MTE) and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise (MPE). They have also sanctioned the State Administration Council (SAC), the military appointed body attempting to run government institutions.
“This latest round of sanctions by the British government is very welcome and another step towards cutting the economic lifeline of the military,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government is following the right approach by continuing to identify and sanction more revenue sources for the military. There is still a lot more that can and must be done, identifying every possible economic pressure point, and working with the EU and USA to help cut oil and gas revenue.”
The British government is taking welcome steps sanctioning the economic interests of the military, and lobbying for more countries to impose arms embargoes. However, there has been no significant progress in British government support for justice and accountability, with Dominic Raab still refusing to support referring Burma to the International Criminal Court, and still refusing to join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Burma's economic relations with the United Kingdom, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"As of 22 June, (875) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Bahan Township in Yangon Region and Singu Township in Mandalay Region were killed in previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of June 22, a total of (5053) people are currently under detention; of them (198) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
On the night of June 20, Kyaw Kyaw Myo, a bridegroom from Lat Pan Hla Village Tract in Mandalay Region’s Singu Township, was shot dead on spot while delivering wedding invitations with his friend by riding a motorcycle. His friend was beaten and also arrested. In addition to this, on the night of June 19 in Bahan Township, Yangon Region, Phoe Thingyan a.k.a. Phoe Sein, a 13 year-old, was shot in the back and taken injured by terrorist junta soldiers when he ran away after seeing them, he had been playing. On June 21, his family was informed that he had died.
Ngwe Soe a.k.a San Chote, father of Upper House MP for Yebyu Township of Tanintharyi Region Kyaw Zay Yar Soe, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by Special Court in Dawei on June 21.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab announced new sanctions against the Myanmar Timber Enterprise, Myanmar Pearl Enterprise and the State Administration Council.
Description:
"measures announced will restrict the military junta’s ability to profit from timber and pearl, key sources of revenue for the regime
UK will maintain suspension on trade promotion in Myanmar and strengthen advice to British businesses following review of Myanmar trade
In the UK’s sixth tranche of Myanmar sanctions, measures announced today will target the Myanmar regime’s economic interest with new designations against the State Administration Council (SAC), the junta’s ruling body, who continue to undermine democracy and brutally suppress Myanmar’s civilians. These sanctions send a clear message to the junta the UK will not allow financial support that props up the military regime following the coup earlier this year.
Additional measures will now be imposed on the Myanmar Timber Enterprise and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise, 2 state owned entities in Myanmar’s extractive sector. These asset freezes will be enforced with immediate effect, and target the junta’s ability to profit from pearl and timber, 2 high-value natural commodities that generate millions in revenue for the military regime.
Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab said:
Alongside our allies, we are placing sanctions on companies linked to Myanmar’s military junta, targeting the finances of this illegitimate regime.
The military has continued its subversion of democracy and brutal killing of civilians. We will continue to hold the Junta to account and sanction those responsible, until democracy is restored.
Today the Foreign Secretary has also announced the conclusion of the UK’s Myanmar Trade Review. In a Written Ministerial Statement in Parliament, he confirmed that the UK will maintain its suspension on trade promotion in Myanmar first imposed following the coup earlier this year.
The UK will also strengthen our Overseas Business Risk guidance to reiterate the message that UK businesses must undertake enhanced supply chain due diligence and should not enter into trading relationships that benefit the Myanmar military.
The Myanmar Trade Review emphasised that UK businesses continue to have an important role to play in Myanmar in job creation and poverty alleviation, but should operate responsibly in order to avoid inadvertently supporting the military regime.
Today’s new sanctions announcement, alongside the similar announcement from the European Union on Myanmar Timber Enterprise, follows the recent G7 communiqué which called on partners and business to exercise due diligence in their trade and investment in Myanmar. Under the UK’s presidency the G7 continues to call for an end to the coup and the immediate adoption of the ASEAN 5-point consensus..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, ASEAN-Burma relations, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Burma's economic relations with the United Kingdom, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Council today imposed sanctions on 8 individuals, 3 economic entities and the War Veterans Organisation in relation to the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the ensuing repression against peaceful demonstrators. The EU's restrictive measures are largely aligned with those of major international partners.
The individuals targeted by sanctions include ministers and deputy ministers, as well as the attorney general, who are responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law and for serious human rights violations in the country. The four entities are either state-owned or controlled by the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), contributing directly or indirectly to the military's revenues or activities.
By targeting the gems and timber sectors, these measures are aimed at restricting the junta’s ability to profit from Myanmar’s natural resources, while being crafted so as to avoid undue harm to the people of Myanmar.
Restrictive measures, which now apply to a total of 43 individuals and 6 entities, include an asset freeze and a prohibition from making funds available to the listed individuals and entities. Additionally, a travel ban applicable to listed persons prevents them from entering or transiting through EU territory.
Pre-existing EU restrictive measures also remain in place. These comprise an embargo on arms and equipment that can be used for internal repression, an export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications that could be used for internal repression, and a prohibition on military training for and military cooperation with the Tatmadaw.
The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta.
The EU remains a steadfast supporter of Myanmar/Burma’s people and of the country’s democratic transition.
The European Union continues to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. In 2021, it allocated €20.5 million in humanitarian aid to address the immediate needs of displaced and conflict-affected communities in the country. It stands ready to cooperate with the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance in this respect. The EU stresses the importance for Myanmar/Burma to ensure that all refugees, displaced persons and people in need have rapid, safe and unhindered access to humanitarian aid..."
Source/publisher:
Council of the European Union
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, Sanctions, Burma's economic relations with the European Union, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Many Tell of Beatings, Ill-Treatment in Detention
Description:
" Myanmar’s security forces have arbitrarily detained thousands of people and, according to numerous credible sources, subjected many to torture, routine beatings, and other ill-treatment since the February 1, 2021 military coup, Human Rights Watch said today.
Myanmar’s military and police often hold detainees in custody for extended periods, in overcrowded and unhygienic interrogation centers and prisons. Those detained are frequently kept incommunicado, unable to contact relatives or legal counsel. The victims, among them a 17-year-old boy who spoke to Human Rights Watch, described beatings, burnings from lit cigarettes, prolonged stress positions, and gender-based violence.
“Since the coup on February 1, Myanmar’s authorities have been using torture without fear of repercussions,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The sheer brutality of the beatings and abuse shows the lengths to which Myanmar’s military authorities are going to silence anyone opposing the coup.”
The 17-year-old boy said he was beaten for days while blindfolded and was forced into a pit, then buried up to his neck in a mock burial. The military arrested him in early May during a night raid of his home and accused him of being the ringleader of a protest group. He said that he was beaten on his head with a rifle butt during the arrest, blindfolded, and then taken to an interrogation center at a location he couldn’t identify. Over the following four days, military interrogators repeatedly hit him with a bamboo stick filled with cement, as well as grinding the rod against his shins during questioning, he said.
“On the third day, they drove me to a forested area about an hour away from wherever the interrogation place was,” he said. “They forced me to lie down into a pit while I was blindfolded, and my hands tied. They also planned to hit my head with a mattock, and I thought I was going to be buried alive when they started covering me with the dirt.”
The boy said he and others arrested with him were denied food and water for four days, and drank toilet water to survive. Authorities held him at the interrogation facility for seven days total before transferring him to Insein prison. There, the authorities finally acknowledged that he is a child and sent him to a juvenile detention center. He was eventually released after he signed a false confession, he said. Human Rights Watch found his statement credible because of multiple similar accounts from other people arbitrarily detained by the military.
Other sources interviewed said security forces often transported detainees to police precincts or military interrogation facilities, where they would be beaten and forced to stand, kneel, or lie in stress positions for hours.
Han Thar Nyein and Nathan Maung, both journalists, were arrested on March 9, and taken to the Ye Kyi Ai interrogation center, near Insein township, where authorities tortured them for two weeks, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported. The journalists were severely beaten, burned with cigarettes on their belly, thighs, and buttocks, and forced to kneel on blocks of ice during interrogations. The authorities later transferred them to Insein prison, where both were charged under penal code article 505A for “spreading fake news.”
On June 14, the authorities dropped all charges against Nathan Maung, who has now left the country. However, Han Thar Nyein remains in custody and faces up to three years in prison under the charge. All charges against Han Thar Nyein and other journalists arrested in the wake of protests since the coup should be dropped, and they should be immediately released, Human Rights Watch said.
Police arrested Yuki Kitazumi, a Japanese journalist, on April 19, and held him at Insein prison. After his release and deportation to Japan on May 15, Kitazumi told Human Rights Watch that other prisoners he was incarcerated with told him they were brutally tortured at a military-run holding facility before being sent to Insein prison. Kitazumi said they described torture, including beatings during interrogations that continued for days, and not being permitted to sleep.
Kitazumi said the experience took a heavy toll on him mentally. “There were times when I became unstable, because there’s no one to stop you from thinking negatively, and no friends,” he said.
On April 17, the police arrested a woman they accused of involvement in a series of bomb attacks against security forces during raids of homes in Yangon. Local media reported that the woman was taken to a police station in Yankin township, where she was severely beaten during interrogation, including on her genitals, causing extensive injuries.
The woman was later taken to an interrogation center in Shwe Pyi Thar township, where she was again beaten. By the time she arrived at the Shwe Pyi Thar interrogation center, she had vaginal bleeding due to her injuries, and she could not easily eat or urinate, according to her cell mate – who also described to Human Rights Watch how she was molested, threatened with a gun, and slapped during her own interrogation at another police precinct in Sanchaung township.
Under international human rights law, the use of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment is prohibited under any circumstance. Articles 330 and 331 of Myanmar’s penal code expressly prohibits the use of torture during interrogations and states that anyone who “voluntarily causes grievous hurt for the purpose of extorting from the sufferer” shall be punished with imprisonment up to 10 years, and a fine.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), at least 870 people have died since the coup. Of those killed, at least 22 died from torture in custody. “The number of tortured to death while in custody is likely to be higher than confirmed,” the group said in a statement issued on June 11.
“Myanmar’s military authorities cannot be trusted to undertake serious investigations of allegations of torture, let alone to prosecute the police and military abusers,” Maung said. “The United Nations and concerned governments should publicly demand an end to torture and other abuse of detainees and make clear to the military that failure to comply will mean redoubled efforts to impose additional targeted sanctions on senior military and police officials, and military-owned enterprises.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"n February 1, the Burmese military thwarted
the will of the Burmese people and carried
out a coup. The coup dashed the Burmese
people’s hopes for a brighter, more democratic future
for the Southeast Asian nation.
In the months since the coup began, millions of Burmese citizens have taken to the streets to oppose the
military takeover.1
Protests have been augmented by
strikes in various areas of the Burmese economy, starting
in the health care sector and extending to parts of civilian
leadership. The apparatus for robust civilian resistance,
formed in response to previous attempts by the military
to thwart reform, remains in place. People are putting
both life and livelihood on the line in an effort to get
their country back on the path to democracy.
The Burmese military has already killed close to
1,000 demonstrators, including at least 40 children,2
and have imprisoned far more: As of May 31, according to the Assistance
Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 5,576 people had been arrested,
and 4,443 “were still detained.”3
From the first days of the coup, de facto
head of the country Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint have
been under house arrest.
That the response to demonstrations has been swift and often brutal is
no surprise. The leader of the coup, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing, is the
same Burmese military official who was responsible for carrying out what
the United Nations calls genocide and crimes against humanity against the
Muslim minority Rohingya.4
The likelihood of future atrocities is high and
should be closely monitored, especially as the Tatmadaw (Burma’s military)
exercises unbridled power and authority. Min Aung Hlaing says that the
military will rule Burma for only one year; the reality may be different.
The U.S. response to the coup has been relatively swift. The Biden Administration undertook a sanctions review and redirected aid away from the
Burmese government toward the people and civil society.5
Since then, the
Administration has issued additional sanctions against Burmese military
leaders and their affiliates.
As the coup stretches on, the U.S. Administration may look for additional
steps that it can take to strengthen the hand of the Burmese people while
holding the Burmese military accountable. To these ends, the Administration should:
l Finally issue an atrocity determination saying whether the Burmese
military carried out genocide and crimes against humanity against the
Rohingya;
l Broaden its application of preexisting sanctions tools, including by
designating Burma as a Primary Money Laundering Concern (PMLC)
or identifying specific entities that might qualify as PMLCs; and
l Press the Burmese regime to release all political prisoners.
The Global Response to the Coup
The Burmese People. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is the
latest incarnation of Burma’s pro-democracy movement, which has innovated and flourished as civil society has grown increasingly robust in spite
of various threats to its existence. The 2021 CDM started in the medical community where doctors and nurses refused to report to work and instead
set up roadside medical clinics to meet the people’s needs.6
This response
to the coup later spread to the transportation industries, banking sector,
legal profession, educators, and beyond. Many in the Burmese government’s
civilian leadership refuse to report to work and are playing a key role in
leading the movement.7
An opposition National Unity Government (NUG) has emerged. The
NUG represents a conglomeration of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers and operates in consultation with the CDM and
the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (comprised primarily
of NLD lawmakers elected in November 2020). While the NUG initially
faced criticism for not engaging the Rohingya, they have since sought
ways to include Rohingya voices in their movement. The NUG established
a Federal Charter,8
an interim document intended to provide order to a
movement that seeks to get the country back on the path toward reform
and establish the NUG as the legitimate government of Burma as opposed
to the military. Protests have extended beyond Burma’s borders and have
included Burmese diplomats in New York and Washington, D.C., as well as
staff on strike and otherwise declaring their allegiance to the CDM rather
than the ruling military junta.9
Protestors in Burma are sacrificing their livelihoods and even their lives
to stand in opposition to the coup and make their voices heard. Such bravery demands a strong response, especially when put in the context of the
existential threat posed by the military junta’s leadership.
The U.S. Government. The U.S. was among the first countries to condemn and take action in response to the coup. On the same day as the coup,
the Administration inaugurated a review of U.S. sanctions and assistance
programs directed toward Burma.10
The President declared a state of national emergency on February 11
when he issued Executive Order 14014 invoking the National Emergencies
Act11 and using his authority under the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act (IEEPA)12 to issue sanctions.13 Within 10 days of the coup, the
Administration issued sanctions against 10 individuals and three entities,
including the coup’s leader, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing (the second
time he has been sanctioned by the U.S.).14 This first tranche of sanctions
also targeted Burma’s jade and ruby industries15 and froze over $1 billion in
Burmese government foreign currency reserves in the U.S.16
Since that time, the U.S. has continued to issue piecemeal sanctions
against individuals and entities in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
The Heritage Foundation ( Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"As of 20 June, (871) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. from Kani Township in Sagaing Region was killed on June 19. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of June 20, a total of (5033) people are currently under detention; of them (196) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
In the evening of June 19 at Mi Kyaung Twin Village in Kani Township in Sagaing Region, junta forces shot to arrest a local villager called Sein Min. When Sein Min was lying down injured, they shot him dead and put a rifle beside his body, took the photo to conspire that Sein Min was an armed group member. A 15 year-old Kyaw Min Khant Maung, and a CDM staff at Myanma Economic Bank were arrested, as was a 12-year-old boy, who suffers from illness and was taken as hostage when his father and brother were not found in Kale Township, Sagaing Region on the night of June 19.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"As of 21 June, (873) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Chaungzon Township in Mon State were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of June 21, a total of (5045) people are currently under detention; of them (196) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
On the night of June 20, Moe Zaw Oo and Zaw Min Oo, two youths from Abaid Village in Chaungzon Township, Mon State, were shot dead by junta soldiers when they did not stop riding a motorbike at a checkpoint in Mawlamyine, Mon State.
In the morning of June 21, Nyein (Bago) a.k.a. Aung Ko, a writer from Bago and columnist at the Bago Weekly Journal, and his nephew Zaw Lin Htwe, a 16-year-old, were arrested at home in Bago. In addition to this, after a bomb blast near Pathein Hotel, Pathein Township in Ayeyarwady Region on the night of June 20, Tun Lin Aung, living in a nearby ward, was arrested on suspicion of involvement.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Myanmar has been embroiled in decades of internal warfare. It is a country, though vast in resources and diversity, has been oppressed by authoritarian leaders who have squandered political dissent in exchange for more power and profit. Victims of human rights violations across Myanmar’s 70-year civil war have not received reparations. Before and after the failed coup, junta soldiers continue to brutally crackdown on peaceful protesters. They are also responsible for arbitrarily arresting and detaining civilians, torturing them, killing them and committing acts of sexual violence against young women and girls. Moreover, shelling in ethnic areas is ongoing, which has resulted in widespread internal displacement. The coup by the military has only exacerbated brewing conflict in the borderlands as the junta’s quest for power and control has blinded them from justice and meaningful reforms. Moreover, the perpetrators must be brought to justice.
Displacement is rampant and widespread in Myanmar as intensified clashes between the Tatmadaw and armed groups force thousands to flee. The establishment of various People’s Defense Forces (PDF) in ethnic areas left civilians with no other choice but to take up arms in self-defense. Junta security forces have been relentless in their offensives, particularly in civilian areas. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has put internal displacement in Myanmar at over 330,000.[1] Yet, the junta continues to block aid and urgently needed supplies to displaced groups.
This short briefing paper will detail the impacts on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in ethnic areas of Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah and Shan States from 1 May to 15 June and make strong recommendations to the international community to put an end to decades of entrenched military impunity, which has contributed to prolonged conflict. It is based on accounts from local and international media, and from reports and briefing papers from ND-Burma members.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်နှင့်ချီသည့် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ပြဿနာနှင့် ငြိတွယ်ခဲ့ရသည်။ သယံဇာတ အမျိုး မျိုးထွက်ရှိသော်လည်း နိုင်ငံရေးအရ သဘောထားကွဲသူများအပေါ် ဖိနှိပ်ပြီး အာဏာနှင့် အကျိုးအမြတ် ကိုသာကြည့်သည့် ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်သော အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအောက် ကျရောက်ခဲ့ရသည်။ စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်း ထိန်းချုပ်စဥ်အတွင်း မတရားဖမ်းဆီး ထိန်းသိမ်းခံရသူ၊ ပျောက်ဆုံးသွားသူများ၊ ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသူများနှင့် အသတ်ခံရသူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှု တစုံတရာ မရှိဘဲ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆိုးရွားလာစေပြီး စစ်တပ်က လိုချင်တပ်မက်သည့် အာဏာနှင့် ချုပ်ကိုင်လိုမှုက တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသည့် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို ဖုံးအုပ်သွားစေသည်။
စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုနှင့် ကြီးစိုးလွှမ်းမိုးမှုအောက် ပြန်ရောက်သွားမည်ကို အထူးစိုး ရိမ်ကြသည်။ စစ်တပ်နှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များကြား ပြင်းထန်သည့် တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် အရပ်သား များ ထောင်နှင့်ချီ၍ ထွက်ပြေးရသည့် ပြောင်းရွှေ့မှုများ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဖြစ်ပွားလာသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (PDF) များ ဖွဲ့စည်းလာကြခြင်းက ပြည်သူလူထုသည် စစ်တပ်ကို မဖြစ်မနေ လက် နက်ကိုင်၍ ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန် အခြေအနေသို့ တွန်းပို့ခြင်းခံရ၍ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာရှင်တပ်များ၏ စစ်ဆင်မှုများတွင် အထူးသဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုနေထိုင်ရာ ရပ်ရွာများတွင် အညှာအတာကင်းမဲ့စွာ တိုက်ခိုက်ကြသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းရေးရုံး (OCHA) က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးနေရသူ ၃၃၀,၀၀၀[1] ကျော်ရှိသည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ သို့သော် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုက ထွက်ပြေးရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေရသူများအား အကူအညီနှင့် အရေးပေါ် လိုအပ်ချက်များ မပေးပို့နိုင်စေရန် ပိတ်ဆို့ထားသည်။
ယခုစာတန်းငယ်တွင် မေလ ၁ ရက်မှ ဇွန်လ ၁၅ ရက်အထိ ချင်း၊ ကချင်၊ ကရင်၊ ကယားနှင့် ရှမ်းပြည် နယ်တို့ရှိ စစ်ပြေးဒုက္ခသည်များ အပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် အခြေအနေများအား ဖော်ပြထားပြီး ခိုင်မာစွာ အမြစ်တွယ်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခြင်းမှ ကင်းမဲ့နေသည့် ဓလေ့အား အဆုံးသတ်စေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းအား အားကောင်းသည့် အကြံပြုချက်များ ပါဝင်သည်။ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခြင်း ကင်းမဲ့နေမှုကြောင့် ကြာရှည်နေသည့် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ဖြစ်ပေါ် စေပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအပေါ်လည်း စိန်ခေါ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ရှိနေသည်။ ယခုစာတန်းကို ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ သတင်းများနှင့် ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ အစီရင်ခံစာများ စာတန်းငယ်များအပေါ် အခြေခံ ရေးသားထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups
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"Around 13 civilians, including three social workers, were killed by Myanmar’s security forces in Mandalay, Sagaing and Magwe regions and Mon State during the weekend.
On Sunday night, two civilians on a motorbike were shot dead in Mawlamyine, Mon State, after they reportedly refused to stop at a checkpoint.
The security forces opened fire on two citizens near a school in Letpanhla village in Singu Township, Mandalay Region, on Sunday night.
Ko Kyaw Kyaw Myo, who was due to marry soon, was killed. The security forces retrieved his body and detained another man.
“He was inviting friends to his wedding. He was shot while passing a school where junta forces were deployed. His friend was beaten and taken away,” a friend of the victim said.
Last Thursday, the security forces opened fire on young people playing football in Minywar village in the township and detained a villager who was shot in the thigh.
On Saturday night, junta troops in three vehicles raided a house in Kale, Sagaing Region, and killed four residents without providing a reason, according to residents.
A witness told The Irrawaddy that he heard gunfire after about 10 troops entered the house.
U Win Zaw Oo, 50, Daw San San Maw, 48, Ko Thiha Aung, 23, and Ko Zaw Zaw, 35, were killed.
An injured female relative was reportedly detained.
Around 40 million kyats (US$24,300), a car and other possessions were reportedly seized.
The People’s Defense Force in Kale said on Sunday that the junta must take responsibility for killing the family.
On Saturday evening, three members of the Sanpya Social Organization based in Yesagyo Township, Magwe Region, were shot dead in Myaung Township, Sagaing Region, while returning home in an ambulance.
Myaung resistance groups accused the junta of killing the three volunteers.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners said at least 873 people have been killed by the junta since the February coup.
Junta torture
Nine civilians, including three villagers in their 70s, were allegedly tortured by junta forces during a raid on Kin village in Kani Township, Sagaing Region, on Saturday afternoon.
The three older villagers – U Aung Thaung, U Khin Maung Lin and U Kyaw Myint – were kicked by soldiers after being forced to kneel. A young female villager, Ma Khine Mon Htet, was also beaten, according to villagers.
Two villagers, Ko Aung Thet Min and Ko Lone Chon, were seriously injured after being tortured and stabbed with knives by soldiers.
Troops in three vehicles and several members of a Pyu-Saw-Htee vigilante group allegedly looted houses and destroyed Kin’s shops.
Pyu-Saw-Htee militias, named after a semi-legendary Bagan period king, have been formed and armed by the military to counter the anti-regime movement.
A villager told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the security forces appeared to mainly target the property of villagers who opposed the regime.
They also killed a village cow during the raid. Around 3,000 Kin Kin villagers have fled their homes since early May to avoid fighting and raids.
Troops killed an injured man and looted houses in nearby Michaungtwin village on Saturday evening, according to residents.
The junta-controlled media said the security forces were attacked by rioters near Michaungtwin on Saturday afternoon and a rioter’s body was found with a homemade hunting rifle.
Residents said there was no shooting that day and the junta forces killed a 50-year-old villager who returned to the village to collect water.
Leaked photos appear to show the villager was shot dead by junta forces after being injured.
One photo shows the man alive but with a leg missing. A bucket and medicine are near him.
The second photo shows him shot through the head beside a homemade rifle. The photographer’s arm in uniform is visible in the photo.
Michaungtwin was abandoned in early May after junta raids.
On Saturday, two resistance fighters were killed and five others detained during shootouts in Khin-U Township, Sagaing Region..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Local URL:
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Sub-title:
State hospitals are barely functioning as humanitarian crisis unfolds across the country
Description:
"Myanmar has reported what is believed to be its highest daily increase in Covid cases since the February coup, as concerns grow over the country’s collapsed health system and the junta’s continued crackdown on medics.
Myanmar’s Covid response was plunged into chaos when the military seized power on 1 February, detaining the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
State hospitals are barely functioning, and a growing humanitarian crisis is unfolding across areas such as Kayah state, where the UN estimates a total of 100,000 people have been displaced by conflict.
Fears of a further wave of Covid cases have mounted over recent months, as new, more transmissible variants have spread in neighbouring countries such as India and Thailand. More than 3,000 people in Myanmar died during a previous outbreak in the country.
On Monday, state media announced that 546 new Covid infections and seven fatalities had been registered on 19 June, which is thought to be the highest increase since 1 February. It is not clear how many tests are being carried out, or how many people have been vaccinated.
Joy Singhal, Myanmar head of delegation at the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, described the increase as deeply alarming. “It’s confirming our worries that the virus is spreading fast now that the more contagious and dangerous variants are being identified in various parts of the country,” Singhal said.
“Hospitals and the whole health system remain fractured and we need to urgently step up treatment, testing and prevention measures to avert a repeat of the tragedy experienced in other parts of South Asia,” he said.
The rise in cases comes as the junta continues its crackdown on healthcare workers. Last week, state media reported that the former head of the country’s Covid vaccination campaign, Dr Htar Htar Lin, had been arrested and faced several charges, including high treason, for working with pro-democracy politicians. Hundreds of medics are wanted for incitement.
Sandra Mon, a senior epidemiology researcher at the Center for Public Health and Human Rights at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore, said it remained unclear how the junta planned to address the outbreak.
She urged the UN to call for the establishment of a no-fly zone in areas affected by conflict, which have registered infections. “We’re also seeing cases in ethnic areas where there’s a double burden of conflict and an increasing humanitarian crisis. Attempts to deliver medical supplies and equipment to these areas have been blocked by state security forces, which further cripples the response capacity there,” she said.
The possibility of bringing in a third party to manage vaccinations also needed to be considered, she added. Many healthworkers and civilians have rejected vaccinations offered by the junta, due to the deep mistrust of the security forces, which have killed 870 people since February.
“[The] best possible way forward at this point is some sort of medical emergency-based ceasefire in which the junta-Ministry of Health and Sport and NUG-Minsitry of Health come to an agreement for an apolitical covid response strategy,” said Mon, referring to the national unity government which was formed by pro-democracy politicians.
Almost 5,000 people are currently being held in detention, or have been sentenced by the junta, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). This includes many health workers, who are no longer working in state hospitals, but are instead risking arrest to treat patients in secret, underground clinics, where supplies and equipment are limited. Doctors and nurses have also repeatedly warned they are being deliberately targeted by military violence.
Earlier this month, the health charity MSF said it had been ordered by authorities in Tanintharyi region to suspend activities in Dawei. The charity said the order “could be life-threatening for more than 2,000 HIV and tuberculosis patients” and that it was taking steps to minimise disruption..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"Widespread internal displacement is on the rise in conflict-torn Myanmar. Following the failed military coup on 1 February, civilians in rural and urban areas have been forced to abandon their homes as they flee junta violence. A new briefing paper by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma), ‘Destruction & Displacement: Civilian Safety and Security at Risk Post-Coup in Myanmar,’ condemns the failed military coup, which has exacerbated brewing conflict in the borderlands as the junta’s quest for power and control blinds them from justice and meaningful reforms. Since the coup, over a quarter of a million people have been forcibly displaced. Our members demand an end to military rule in Myanmar and for immediate consequences against the leaders of the regime who are responsible for crimes against humanity.
ND-Burma’s latest briefing paper concludes that civilians are not safe anywhere in Myanmar. Junta security forces are acting with lawlessness as they evoke a culture of fear throughout the country. Civilians are being arrested and detained under draconian policies. While in detention, they are subject to torture, which has resulted in the death of several senior level officials. Women and young girls are subject to sexual violence. Meanwhile, conflict is being waged in urban and rural areas resulting in growing numbers of internal displacement. The junta is acting without a shed of humanity, as those in remote parts of the country who are starving and without life-saving necessities are denied humanitarian aid.
The consequences of conflict have been carried by our communities for far too long. The current situation overall demands civilian security and livelihoods are preserved and protected, especially amid a raging pandemic. Victims deserve justice for the crimes that have been perpetrated against them prior to the coup, and after. Without such steps forward, the people in Myanmar will be forced to reconcile with a future that they do not deserve. They are entitled to prosperous futures which grant them security and safety.
Further, the international community must hold the junta to account to ensure peace and democratic stability for all. Humanitarian aid organizations must be supported with the funding and resources needed to provide aid to their communities directly. Any facilitation of aid through the junta assumes recognition of the regime, which should not be legitimized. The preservation of basic human rights and freedoms must be upheld in Myanmar for the present and for the generations to come.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် ပြည်တွင်း ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရမှုများ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ရှိနေသည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ရက် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုမှ လွတ်မြောက်စေရန် တောရော မြို့ပါမကျန် ပြည်သူများသည် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးကြရ သည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) ND-Burma မှ ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် “ဖျက်ဆီးခံရ ခြင်းနှင့် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် လူထုဘဝလုံခြုံရေး အတွက် အာမခံမှုမရှိသည့် အန္တရာယ် အနေအထားတွင် ရောက်ရှိနေခြင်း” စာတန်းငယ်တွင် နယ်စပ်ဒေ သတလျှောက် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆိုးရွားလာစေပြီး စစ်တပ်က လိုချင်တပ်မက်သည့် အာဏာနှင့် ချုပ်ကိုင်လိုမှုက တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသည့် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို မမြင်တွေ့နိုင်တော့လောက် အောင် ၄င်းတို့အား ဖုံးကွယ်သွားစေသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ပြစ်တင်ရှုံ့ချထားသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ချိန်မှစ၍ တသန်း၏ လေးပုံတပုံကျော်သော လူဦးရမှာ အတင်းအကြပ် ထွက်ပြေး ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေရ သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှု ရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ပြစ်မှု ကျူးလွန်သူ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ခေါင်းဆောင်မျာအား ချက်ခြင်းအရေးယူရန် ကွန်ရက် အဖွဲ့ဝင် များက တောင်းဆိုထားသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ပြည်သူများ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် နေထိုင်စေကာမူ လုံခြုံမှုမရှိကြောင်း စာတန်း တွင် နိဂုံးချုပ်ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တပ်များက လူထုအတွင်း အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းမိုးစေရန် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ကြမ်းတမ်းစွာ ဖြိုခွင်းပြကြသည်။ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားစဥ် ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းကြောင့် ထိပ်ပိုင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်တချို့ သေဆုံးကြရသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် မိန်းမပျိုလေးများမှာလည်း လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ခံရသည်။ တိုက်ပွဲများက ကျေးလက်တောရွာနှင့် မြို့ကြီး ပြကြီး မကျန် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အတွက် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးရမှုများ အမြောက်အများ ဖြစ်နေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုမရှိစွာ ပြုကျင့်ကြသဖြင့် ဝေးလံခေါင်သီသည့် ဒေသများရှိ ပြည်သူများမှာ ငတ်မွတ်မှုနှင့် လိုအပ်သည့် အသက်ရှင် ရပ်တည် ရေး အကူအညီများမှာ ငြင်းပယ်ခံနေရသည်။
ပဋိပက္ခများ၏ အကျိုးဆက်များကို ရပ်ရွာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းက အချိန်ကြာမြင့်စွာ ထမ်းပိုးထားရသည်။ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေအရ ပြည်သူများ၏ဘ၀ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းလုပ်ငန်းများကို အထူးသဖြင့် ယခုလို ကမ္ဘာ့ကပ်ရောဂါ ကာလအတွင်း ထိန်းသိမ်းစောင့်ရှောက် ကာကွယ်ပေးရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာမသိမ်းမီနှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသည့် နစ်နာသူများသည် ၄င်းတို့အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမရှိ ပါက မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ၄င်းတို့ မလိုလားသည့် အနာဂတ်နှင့် အတင်းအကြပ် ပေါင်းစပ်ပေး ခြင်း ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူများ၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံ စိတ်ချမှုကို အာမခံသည့် စည်ပင်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးသော အနာဂတ်ကို ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။
ထို့အပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ယန္တရားများမှ တဆင့် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝန်းမှ ဖိအားပေး ရမည်ဖြစ် သည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများပေးနေသော အဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ လူမှုအသိုင်းအ ဝိုင်းသို့ အကူအညီ အထောက်အပံ့များ တိုက်ရိုက် ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အကူအညီများပေးရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ၄င်းတို့အား တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရာရောက်သည့် လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများ မပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် လက်ရှိနှင့် အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်များကို ထိန်းသိမ်းမြှင့်တင်ပေးရမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma, Women's rights
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The woman was one of more than 40 people arrested following an arson attack on a village primary school
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"A woman from Yangon Region’s Hmawbi Township who was beaten by soldiers after they found protest photos on her phone has had a miscarriage, according to local residents.
The woman, who was two months pregnant, was one of more than 40 people arrested in connection with a fire that broke out at a primary school in the village of Sein Shwe Kone on June 14.
She was arrested and beaten later the same day when a photo of her at a protest was discovered on her mobile phone.
“They found that picture and took her away. They used a device to check her phone, so that even deleted pictures were recovered,” a resident of the village said.
“She took photos during protest rallies. The authorities asked for the home addresses of those in the pictures. They used the phone to hunt the protesters,” the villager added.
The woman was released on June 16 and is currently receiving medical treatment, residents said. Myanmar Now was unable to contact her directly at the time of reporting.
A female resident said that the soldiers arrived a few hours after the fire broke out and demanded to know who in the village had ties to the National League for Democracy (NLD).
“The soldiers came and rounded everyone up. They asked a few people about the arson attack. When the villagers said they didn’t know anything about it, the soldiers wanted to know who in the village was associated with the NLD and who participated in protests. The soldiers beat the villagers until they got the answer,” the woman said.
Residents said that 10 people were arrested on the day of the fire and more than 30 others were taken into custody two days later. Anyone who was found to have liked posts about the NLD on Facebook was arrested, according to residents.
Many others in the village of roughly 1,000 people were also subjected to questioning.
“They said they would interrogate everyone until they found out who the arsonist was,” said one young resident who was among those who were temporarily detained.
“They said that if we tried to evade arrest, they would give our parents trouble. At night, I just had to sit at home and wait for my turn,” she said.
Another resident said that soldiers also examined the list of households in the village to see which ones had children who were not enrolled in school.
“Whenever they found a child who was not enrolled in the school, they beat the child’s parents,” said the villager.
Most of those who were detained were also subjected to beatings, residents said.
“First they hit them five times with a bamboo stick and asked them who the arsonist was. If they said they didn’t know, they were beaten 10 times with the stick. Then 15 and 20 times if they still said they didn’t know,” said one villager.
An activist in Hmawbi said that he could not confirm how many people had been released because some were reluctant to share information out of fear of re-arrest.
A state-run newspaper reported on June 18 that 56 textbooks, three dozen notebooks, and several pieces of furniture were destroyed in the fire.
Junta-controlled media has accused alleged terrorists with links to the NLD of bombing schools and carrying out attacks against teachers and students.
Local People’s Defence Forces loyal to the ousted NLD government have denied targeting civilians in their campaign to pressure the regime to give up power..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Women's rights, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group
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"A year after the National League for Democracy’s 2015 election victory, as I was wandering about the massive Tatmadaw Museum in Naypyitaw, I could not help but be awed by the scale of the Myanmar military’s gratuitous ode to itself. It sprawls across numerous caverns covering the minutiae of its history. Hiding in its bulk is one room dedicated to the Tatmadaw’s “victories”. What it claims as historic triumphs are battles to control hilltops. While important in terms of individual counterinsurgency campaigns, this presentation masks a reality.
The Tatmadaw does not win wars. It may win some battles but ultimately it draws and seeks ceasefires.
It has been argued in some recent analyses that resistance to junta rule is difficult, nay nearly impossible, because the Tatmadaw has approximately 350,000 troops. Using this number is a gross oversimplification and gives a false impression that the Tatmadaw is in an inherently strong position. This could not be further from the truth, for one reason: The generals managed to provoke a nationwide uprising against the Tatmadaw. There are few comparable examples of such an event since World War II and the period of anti-colonial wars. There is nothing pre-determined about what will happen in Myanmar, certainly not the Tatmadaw’s survival. The coup was a historic shift in the country and a strategic blunder of existential proportions by the generals.
A more apt number to focus on is that Myanmar has a population of over 52 million, nearly all of whom viscerally hate the Tatmadaw. It is this context that confronts the generals. They have reduced their military to essentially being a foreign occupying force desperately trying to suppress nearly the entire Myanmar population. Wherever their soldiers look, they see hostility. Other than its immediate proxies, notably the police and the Union Solidarity and Development Party, there are no significant chunks of the public that are supportive.
The Tatmadaw’s response to this uprising has been predictable. Its tactics of violence, deprivation and cooption have been honed over decades of dictatorship. There is a calculus within the Tatmadaw that it can outlast the public’s anger, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and a collapsing economy, while isolating whatever revolts emerge. The Tatmadaw believes it has a longer window of perseverance than that of the resistance. The generals will attempt to split the public from the National Unity Government (NUG), the CDM and the country’s most ardent democracy activists. They will endeavor to sow discord between ethnic groups, keep ceasefires with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and prevent the defection of proxy militias. They will sell the country cheaply to China.
Whatever successes the Tatmadaw might claim are achieved at high cost in terms of soldiers and resources. That it has not been able to dislodge the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) from strategic gains made in March or decisively quell escalating revolts in Sagaing, Chin and Kayah are signs of weakness. Isolated in its purpose-built capital, hiding in schools in the cities, and having to move in large convoys through the Bamar heartland, the Tatmadaw would be foolish to feel it is presently in a good position. Its troops are harried to quell revolts before they spread, all the while fearing its lacky militias will desert and its ceasefires will collapse when the time is ripe.
Essentially a light infantry force, the Tatmadaw is dispersed across the country in numerous small bases. In the context of a national uprising, this could arguably be a strength if the Tatmadaw was well resourced with good logistics chains and strong mobile units. Poor and under-equipped, it has neither of these. Individual units are increasingly feeling pressure as their resupply is stretched and local populations harass them. Logistics will be further pressed over the rainy season and Tatmadaw rank-and-file will be demoralized as millions openly cheer their battlefield losses on social media.
Having long espoused a “people’s war” doctrine of relying on the population to help repel foreign invasion, it is the Tatmadaw that now faces numerous local self-defense militias. Many of these are the People’s Defense Force (PDF) militias instigated by the NUG, but there are others, such as the Chinland Defense Force, that are local collectives formed to provide security for threatened communities. This trend will escalate.
To accurately assess the prospects of the resistance, it is most pertinent to focus on the military balance in terms of its trajectory. The anti-junta movement should not be judged on its composition at any snapshot in time, but rather on the speed at which it is advancing.
Revolutions never start with a resistance that is well armed, fully staffed and professionally competent. Successful ones have a steep learning curve in terms of effective leadership, developing tactics and making all due haste in acquiring weapons. From this perspective, events are not moving in the junta’s favor. It is facing pressure across the country, including in areas that have not produced sustained revolt in living memory, such as southern Sagaing, but increasingly in other regions all the way down to Ayeyarwady as new PDFs emerge.
The Tatmadaw must increasingly feel like it is a foreign occupying force amongst a hostile population. Its soldiers must fear envelopment across a range of threats—local attack, constricted resupply and suffocating social ostracization. They must be forced to spread themselves even thinner. Increasingly fatigued, they can be harassed and fragmented through countless small attacks.
The Tatmadaw can always win the tactical firefights it chooses to prioritize but will struggle to design a viable strategy against a national uprising. This would be hard for any military facing near universal revolt. Key to the resistance’s success is unity. Battlefield successes against the Tatmadaw will do more to catalyze national solidarity than anything else. Kani, Mindat and Demoso must be precedents for wider collective action, while the whole country owes gratitude to the KIA for its undaunted assaults on State Administration Council forces and to the Karen National Union for providing safe havens.
If the nature of the conflict can be maintained as a national uprising, the military balance favors revolution by sheer force of numbers and willpower. Many analysts have noted the durability of military rule in Myanmar. Such defeatist attitudes serve the status quo of domestic vested interests seeking to wait for others to bear the costs of ousting the Tatmadaw or cynical foreign observers who fail to see how much the Tatmadaw is loathed. Many have also subtly upheld the Tatmadaw’s claim that it is holding the country together, despite years of the military having divided local-level armed groups into competing factions and a complete refusal to meaningfully include leaders from outside its circle in political decision-making, stoking resistance generation after generation.
Lessons are also clearly being learned from the country’s experience during 1988 and afterwards. The NUG sees itself as a revolutionary movement rather than a “government in exile” and has made clear efforts to build a national coalition based on federal democracy. These efforts are still nascent and must be furthered.
Moreover, it is vital that armed resistance is not borne only by ethnic minorities but fundamentally includes the Bamar majority. It is critical that resistance includes the regions and cities. Resistance here greatly threatens the Tatmadaw’s viability. The generals would love to return to the “normalcy” of only fighting EAOs. Nascent “tag teams” between EAOs and PDFs in Chin, Sagaing and Kayah show how potent they could be. The NUG’s ominous warnings of a looming “D-Day” of national action should scare the military more than anything else.
When walking out of the Tatmadaw Museum, one is left with the sense that such a massive complex is intended to hide what is actually an inferiority complex. This is a military desperately trying to show it is central to keeping the country together, ever the benevolent guardian. Any notions of this being accepted by the public are long gone, as the country has risen in revolt. The Tatmadaw is now widely recognized as the barbaric national disgrace it is. Fundamentally this is a crisis that only Myanmar can solve. International action will be distinctly secondary. The Myanmar people should take solace knowing that they have the means and moral right to overthrow a military that has for too long destroyed the country..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Since the military coup on February 1, universal security in Burma has completely disappeared. Across the country, junta troops and so-called police continually threaten civilians with weapons and unprovoked shooting. Many innocent civilians, including children and the elderly have lost their lives as a result of this brutality. This arbitrary violence occurs even more frequently in remote ethnic areas, where access to transportation and information are restricted.
Records and reports on these senseless crimes reveal that areas such as Kachin, Karen, Karenni, northern Shan State, Tanintharyi and Sagaing Region, are the most affected. Similar violations have been seen in areas of Yangon, Mandalay and other places.
In Karenni State, the junta is using military planes, armed vehicles and heavy artillery to carry out unprovoked shelling upon civilians. Many innocent people have died as a result. According to a Progressive Karenni People Force’s (PKPF) report, out of the 55 civilians killed by junta forces and so-called police on 13 June, 21 were killed as a result of arbitrary and unprovoked shooting. One of these civilians was killed after being tortured in detention.
On 24 May, the junta opened fire on a Catholic church, completely destroying the building and killing four civilians. One civilian was shot dead inside a religious building and a further two were killed in their home by artillery shelling. The junta has also been murdering people in the street. Four civilians were shot dead while they were helping to deliver food to internally displaced persons (IDPs). One of these individuals died on the spot, and another died whilst in detention.
For 5 days, from 20 May, there were constant clashes between local forces and the junta. This led to a high number of casualties on both sides. Junta forces raided homes across the town, occupying the area so that nearly 10,000 local civilians were forced to flee their homes. These people are now hiding in the jungle and in IDPs camps.
The junta has also been carrying out unprovoked attacks on areas in Karen State. Free Burma Rangers (FBR) reported on 5 April, that in the first week of April in northern Karen State was viciously attacked by airstrikes, alongside ground operations. These occurred despite the junta announcing a one month ceasefire on 1 April. The FBR reported that on the very same day, in Karen National Union (KNU) brigade area, Mudaw (5) District, in Doilo Township was attacked by a series of airstrikes. They also reported that Luthaw Township was targeted by the junta’s ground operations, where artillery shells were fired into villages.
The junta’s artillery shelling resulted in the death of a 35 years old woman, and injury to the left shoulder of her husband, Saw Mya Aung, after their house was hit. Large numbers of forces were sent to the area to partake in relentless airstrikes and shootings. Many civilians were killed and thousands were forced to flee from their homes into hiding.
On 3 May, in Bhamouk, in Kachin State, junta forces carried out a series of unprovoked shooting and airstrikes, killing a monk and 3 local civilians, including one child. As a result of these plane and helicopter attacks, many civilians fled their homes.
Due to recent clashes between junta troops and local forces in Mindat, Chin State, military forces have occupied the main areas in the town, setting up camps. On the night of 17 May, the junta’s artillery shelling on houses resulted in a nine year old boy being hit in his home. Continuous junta shooting meant he was unable to receive medical treatment. Thousands of local were fleeing the city and hiding. There are only three IDPs camps in the city, meaning tens of thousands of local civilians have been forced into the jungle. These civilians face huge instability and are forced to move from one area to another. They face health problems and worsening food shortages.
On 27 March, in Dawei, Tanintharyi Division, in front of No 3 High School, the military shot at three young people who were on a motorbike on the opposite side of the road. 17 year old Mg Kyaw Min Latt, was shot and arrested. He later died in the military hospital.
On 23 March, in Aung Pin Lal Ward, Mandalay City, a seven year old girl was killed when her house was raided by junta troops. The 7 year old girl, Ma Khin Myo Chit, died from the gunshot wound as she held her father’s hand.
On 5 June, near Hlay Swe Village, Kyonpyaw Township, in Irrawaddy Division, the junta shot and killed a young man simply for refusing to stop his motorbike. The same day, at around 3am, a group of 50 junta soldiers carried out arbitrary shootings across Ban Bwe Village, Yinmabin Township, in Sagaing Division. Thousands of villages fled into the jungle.
Following a clash between junta troops and local forces in Kinma Village, Pauk Township, in Magway Division, on the evening of June 15, junta forces set fire to the entire village. Some elderly people were unable to escape the village in time, and died in the blaze. Among these were 88-year-old U Mya Maung and his wife, 82-year-old Daw Gyi May. Both suffered pre-existing health conditions and were unable to flee the village in time. The whole village was destroyed, devastating livestock and food supplies.
The above incidents are just some examples of the inhumane, unprovoked armed force which junta troops use against civilians every day. Such unprovoked killings are not only human rights violations, but are clearly also international crimes. The examples above show clear evidence of the junta committing genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, all of which all classified as international crimes.
The junta’s targeted attacks on regional and ethnic groups are clear evidence of their ingrained practices of genocide. Their arbitrary arrests, torture, murders and forced violent movement of large populations are all crimes against humanity. Targeted attacks on civilian and welfare workers, and attacks on religious and cultural buildings are both war crimes. The junta regime targets these groups, and commits these acts with intent.
These severe crimes require an urgent and effective response from the international community. Inaction puts the lives and livelihoods of thousands more innocent civilians in Burma at risk.
In Solidarity,
AAPP..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
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Description:
"The short-lived era of democratic reform in Burma
came to an alarming halt on 1 February 2021, when
the leaders of the Burmese military seized power in
a well-orchestrated coup. The democratically elected
National League for Democracy (NLD) government
was overthrown and key members of parliament
arrested. The military generals who staged the power
grab said that the November 2020 election was
fraudulent. But despite their claims, there has been
no evidence of this at all.
Not long after the military took control, laws were
amended to make it easier to prosecute anyone who
challenged their authority. The most widely used law
has been Section 505 of the Penal Code, used by the
authorities to stifle dissent. The law stipulates that
it is illegal for anyone to make, publish or circulate
any statement, rumor or report with intent to cause,
or likelihood to cause fear or alarm to the public.
The free press specifically has been targeted for
reporting on the military’s violence and like many
others, have faced charges under botched trials by
the junta-controlled courts inside detention centers
and prisons. The moral landscape of human rights in
Burma has been eroded and deliberately derailed by
the Burmese military.
But civilians have responded with state-wide
protests. The demonstrations went on for months,
and drew thousands condemning the actions of
the military. The junta in turn, at the direction of
the so-called State Administrative Council (SAC),
has continued on a spree of mass human rights
violations across the country. Despite bloodshed,
warrantless arrests and impositions of Martial Law
in several townships, the people of Burma remain
defiant. General strikes led to the establishment
of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), and a
shadow government, the National Unity Government
of Myanmar (NUG) was formed.
Resistance to the military continues to take on
different forms. The military’s attacks on all
people of various ages, genders, socio-economic
backgrounds and ethnicities have triggered
growing calls for more unity and collective action
to overthrow the junta. These efforts are a growing
force in the rallying calls for long-needed change in
Burma, including for a democratic, federal union.
In areas which the Human Rights Foundation of
Monland (HURFOM) works in, including Mon State,
Karen State and Tanintharyi region, the assault of
fundamental freedoms against innocent civilians has
been widespread. This is especially true for those
associated with the Civil Disobedience Movement
(CDM), an active movement of resistance taking
place across multiple fronts, from striking doctors
to armed protesters in the street. Those arrested
have been forced to endure torture in detention.
According to HURFOM data, at least 41 have been
killed across the target area states. Another 222 have
been injured, while 1,372 have been arrested and
detained since the coup. But the nationwide death
count has soared to almost 900, with over 6,000
arrested. HURFOM has also observed an increase in
the confiscation of mobile devices and destruction of
private property, including people’s homes.
The sense of hope and freedom brought on from
Myanmar’s democracy era is now totally lost.
Survival has become the main focus as rallying forces
continue to be fueled by wide-spread rejection of a
military-government. The only way to beat the junta
is to stay alive and to find new ways of delegitimizing
their rule. Human rights defenders are regularly
on the run, forced to meet in secret with other
dissidents to overcome the harsh realities of the
present moment which people are being strained to
contend with.
The chaos and instability of the security forces
brazen attacks have affected thousands of civilians
who have fled their homes to seek safety. HURFOM
has categorized the mass internal displacement into
three groups of people fleeing: political dissidents
escaping persecution, civilians fearing the junta in
their villages, townships and those who have been
economically impacted seeking better opportunities.
Further, this short briefing paper outlines the
impacts of militarization on displaced communities
since the coup and the underlying consequences.
In addition, this briefer also makes direct calls
for action regarding the humanitarian situation in
Burma, where for the most vulnerable demands an
immediate response..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
HURFOM and other human rights material about the Mon, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
250.32 KB
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Description:
"Today, World Refugee Day, KHRG is calling on the international community and relevant stakeholders to stand for the protection and survival of the 71.7 million refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) around the world who have been uprooted from their homes and ancestral lands. Since the military coup on February 1, 2021, there has been a sharp increase of political instability and civil war resulting in the forcible displacement of local ethnic
communities and they are in the emergency need of humanitarian support. However, the State Administration Council (SAC) has been ignoring requests for needed humanitarian support for
the local ethnic communities who are fleeing from armed conflict. In addition, we have seen that the SAC is blocking access to humanitarian support and destroying humanitarian aid meant for
the displaced communities. This is a violation of international humanitarian law.
Due to the increase in political instability and the intensification of hostilities, IDPs and refugees are unable to return to their places of origin in southeast Myanmar. They fear that if they return
to their homes their safety would be threatened by the ongoing hostilities in southeast Myanmar; the Tatmadaw' s indiscriminate shelling and bombings of villages; landmine contamination;
ongoing militarization; political instability; and the risk of abuse by the Tatmadaw, Border Guard Forces (BGFs) and some Ethnic Armed Organizations. Their main concerns are safety, access to
land, and loss of livelihood. In addition to the political instability and civil war in Myanmar, the COVID-19 pandemic has added another layer of insecurity in the already deteriorating human rights and humanitarian crisis. In our recent report Left Behind we found that the country’s COVID-19 response and support infrastructure collapsed after the military coup.
In order to ensure the safe, voluntary and dignified return of refugees and IDPs to their places of origin, KHRG recommends the following:
• The international community, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, and ASEAN must strongly pressure the SAC to stop attacking civilian areas, and unarmed civilians.
• Neighboring countries of Myanmar must protect the people fleeing from Myanmar and provide them with security and humanitarian aid.
• SAC must stop the interruption and blockade of humanitarian aid to IDPs and others affected by the conflict.
• SAC must allow stakeholders supporting communities affected the COVID-19 pandemic to operate freely. SAC must also resume the COVID-19 response and support operations.
• The international community must recognize the actors providing humanitarian aid in ethnic areas and must collaborate with and support them..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burmese refugees: discussion groups, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Size:
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Sub-title:
Troops raid homes in Hpa Do in search of alleged suspects, arresting family members and neighbours when the individuals in question could not be located
Description:
"More than 20 locals were arrested over two days following an explosion outside the military council’s ward administration office in Hpa Do, Bago Region this week.
Soon after the explosion occurred on Tuesday morning, police and soldiers arrived at the scene. A second explosion then took place, damaging the armed forces’ vehicles.
“Not long after the bomb went off, police cars showed up. They were shooting. Usually it would take about 10 minutes to get to the administrator’s office from the police station, but they showed up really quick,” a local told Myanmar Now.
“In the evening, they started arresting people they suspected [of being behind the explosion],” he added.
The military raided a home in Ward 5 at 2am on Wednesday. When they could not find the individual they were looking for, they reportedly arrested his brother and sister.
In the afternoon, former Hpa Do administrator Hla Aye and a local volunteer were also arrested.
The military raided Ward 1 in search of another man and detained his neighbours when he could not be located, the local source explained.
“They surrounded the house, carrying guns. When there was no one there, they took people from the house next door—for no reason,” he said.
Locals say the military raided several houses in Hpa Do again on Friday.
Family members of those detained say that they have had no contact with their relatives in junta custody.
“Why they were arrested, where they are now, we don’t know anything. Absolutely nothing,” a family member told Myanmar Now.
The military council has not made any statements regarding the arrests.
The military council’s armed forces crushed a protest held in Hpa Do on March 27, now known as Anti-Fascist Revolution Day. At least one civilian was killed and many more injured. The momentum of the town’s anti-dictatorship movement decreased after the crackdown.
At least 10 young people were arrested by the regime’s forces after another explosion occurred on the Yangon-Mandalay railway in Bago’s Kanyutkwin Town on June 10.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has reported that 4,999 civilians have been arrested and 196 sentenced as of June 19 since the coup..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"It has been four months since the Myanmar military seized power from the elected National League
for Democracy (NLD) and arrested most of the NLD leaders including State Counsellor Aung San
Suu Kyi. The reason originally given was irregularities in the voting process and lack of redress by
the Union Election Commission, which was controlled by the NLD, although such reasoning,
especially amidst new accusation of corruption amongst other things remains suspect.
Soon after the coup, the military formed a body, the State Administration Council (SAC), under the
control of the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces Min Aung Hlaing. Not unsurprisingly the
return to military rule was met with widespread protests in the country and condemnation from the
international community while Myanmar security forces took to the streets to brutally suppress the
protestors, known as the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Security forces used not only riot
control techniques but live-fire resulting in the deaths at the time of writing over 860 civilians had
been killed, including children, and more than 4,840 civilians convicted or arrested.
1
Protests have taken place throughout the country including areas under the control of Ethnic Armed
Organisations (EAOs). The EAOs, before the coup, had been involved in an NLD led and ostensibly
military supported, peace process – the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. While the peace process
had been flawed and at one point stalled for two years it was expected that 2021 could see some
progress made in addressing many of the problems that had occurred.
The EAOs largely came out in favour of the protestors and the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST)
an alliance of the 10 NCA-signatories2 immediately issued the following statement
1). We condemn the Myanmar military’s way of addressing the current political crisis by
carrying out a coup d’état.
2).We demand the immediate and unconditional release of all leaders who are detained and
arrested.
3).We urge the resolution of political problems by peaceful means and negotiation, rather than
by force of arms.
4.) We stand firm on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and act accordingly regarding
the peace process.
5.) We call for the unconditional declaration of a nationwide ceasefire.
6.) We will collaborate with the public in seeking solutions, as we are aware of the difficulties
faced by the people by the coup as well as the global pandemic (COVID-19).
7.) We call on the support of the international community including the UN in resolving the
current crisis.3
That said, however, at least one ethnic political party the Arakan National Party (ANP), the biggest
Arakanese political party in Arakan State, released a statement signalling that it would cooperate
with Myanmar’s military.
In its statement, the ANP said it will work together with the Tatmadaw to resolve specific
Arakanese crises including the removal of the terrorist label for the United League of
Arakan/Arakan Army, which the SAC later did.
On March 11, the PPST, which had already suspended all political dialogue with the military on
February 20, held a meeting to discuss strategies to stop the Myanmar military’s ongoing violent
crackdown on anti-coup protesters and also future dialogue with the Committee Representing the
Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a shadow NLD government.4
According to reporting there had been concerns among some EAOs that it could be dangerous for the
PPST to prioritize coordination with the CRPH. One leader was quoted as saying,
We were a dialogue partner of the military. We were a dialogue partner of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi. Now we cannot stand the people’s suffering. The main discussion is how to calm the
situation down. We are thinking of the plight of the citizens,5
Despite several concerns, the Karen National Union, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the
Chin National Front still held separate talks with the CRPH. In addition, the Karen National
Union’s Chairman Mutu Say Po wrote a letter on 22 March 2021, after Min Aung Hlaing had sent a
letter requesting a meeting. The reply from Mutu Say Po stated,
The KNU finds it completely unacceptable that police and Tatmadaw personnel, whose
responsibilities are to protect and defend its own people, have killed, attacked, and
threatened peaceful protesters. Such events have damaged our country's reputation and
caused great pain and suffering of our people.
These included a number of requirements the military had to meet before further discussions could
take place these were,
1. Withdraw all riot squads and Tatmadaw troops which have been deployed against
protesters and withdrawal of all Tatmadaw troops which have been deployed in ceasefire
areas and send them back to their outposts and bases; Declare and implement a nationwide
ceasefire.
2. Release and remove charges against those detained since Tatmadaw took over power on
the 1" February 2021.
3. Fully allow access for medical assistance and healthcare to support the people's protest
movement.
4. Issue orders to police and Tatmadaw troops to comply with all NCA provisions — and
urgently release the following provisions regarding proper treatment of civilians:
A. Stop acts violating a person's dignity, violence, extrajudicial detention, kidnapping,
torture, inhumane treatment, imprisonment, killing or causing the disappearance of
individuals
B. Stop forcibly taking money, property, food, labour or services from civilians; in addition,
halt unlawful and arbitrary arrest, entrapment, forced confession, lawsuits and prosecution
against civilians;
C. Stop denying individuals' right to healthcare and restriction of public health resources;
and halt blocking the legal transportation of medicines for public use;
D. Stop the destruction or actions that would lead to the destruction of schools, hospitals,
clinics, religious buildings and their premises and the use of such places as military bases or
outposts;
E. Immediately stop any form of sexual attack on women, including sexual molestation,
sexual assault or violence, rape and sex slavery; End all killing or maiming, forced
conscription, rape or other forms of sexual assault or violence, or abduction of children.
5. Abolish laws issued by Tatmadaw since Feb 1" that violate human rights.
6. Agree to address the root causes of internal conflict of over 70 years through negotiations.
7. Agree to accept international mediation to support negotiations to end the current military
administration and transfer power to a National Unity Government.
8. The Tatmadaw should publicly declare its commitment to democracy and federalism and
withdraw from active engagement in politics..."
Source/publisher:
Euro Burma Office
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Euro Burma Office, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Size:
144.55 KB
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Description:
"Mr President,
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Members States.
The Candidate Countries Turkey, the Republic of North Macedonia*, Montenegro* and Albania*, the country of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidate Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia, align themselves with this statement.
We welcome the successful adoption of the resolution today to which the EU has actively contributed. The General Assembly has spoken out clearly against the military of Myanmar and condemned its abuses of the Myanmar people and their country. They have no support. The General Assembly has also backed the efforts of ASEAN and underlined the complementarity with the work of the UN.
This is a rare and significant expression of the General Assembly condemnation in the face of a gross violation of fundamental democratic norms and neglecting the clearly expressed wish of a people. The international community does not accept the coup, and it does not recognize any legitimacy to the regime that emerged from it.
We thank ASEAN as well as the other members of the core group for their collaboration to make today’s adoption possible. We are proud to co-sponsor today’s resolution.
The European Union continues to condemn the military coup in Myanmar in the strongest terms and calls on the junta to halt its violent repression and intimidation immediately. The will of the people of Myanmar which was clearly expressed in the November 2020 election must be respected. We once again call on the junta to restore power to the elected civilian government, to allow the country to return to its democratic transition and to immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily detained, arrested or charged in connection with the coup, including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other government officials, as well as other civilian and political leaders, journalists, human rights defenders and other members of civil society. We continue to condemn all forms of violence and call for maximum restraint. We also condemn the intimidation of journalists and call for restrictions on access to information and freedom of expression to be lifted.
Accountability is crucial. The culture of impunity that reigns within the Myanmar military and security forces must end. The EU reiterates its support for the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and the International Criminal Court in this regard. We call on the Myanmar authorities to fully implement the provisional measures of the International Court of Justice.
The European Union remains very concerned about the ongoing discrimination against people belonging to ethnic minorities in Myanmar, including the Rohingya. We recall that Myanmar must address the root causes of conflict and displacement in ethnic areas, including in Rakhine State, and create conditions necessary for the safe, voluntary, sustainable and dignified return of refugees and displaced persons. Recent statements from the National Unity Government regarding the review of the citizenship law are a positive step. We acknowledge the generosity of Bangladesh in hosting Rohingya refugees.
We will continue to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need and call for full and unhindered humanitarian access. All parties to conflict have a responsibility to protect civilians.
Mr. President,
Today’s resolution is the first step. The EU will continue to support democracy, human rights and prosperity in Myanmar. We support all initiatives aimed at facilitating dialogue and call on the international community to mobilize for democracy in Myanmar. We recognize the important role of ASEAN in this regard and look forward to the swift implementation of the five-point consensus agreed almost two months ago. We reiterate our support for the efforts of the UN, including Special Envoy Schraner Burgener who has worked tirelessly to facilitate dialogue and de-escalation and we thank for today’s briefing. We welcome an active role for the UN Security Council. We call on all Member States to exercise caution and avoid providing recognition to the military junta. There can be no business as usual.
At a national level the EU welcomes the efforts of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) as well as the National Unity Government (NUG) and other pro-democracy forces working towards a peaceful resolution of the current crisis.
Mr. President,
We will not let this coup stand. Together with our international partners we have adopted targeted sanctions against those responsible. These measures avoid adverse impact on the people of Myanmar. Our sanctions regime also includes an embargo on arms and equipment that can be used for internal repression. We call on all members of the international community to follow suit in line with today’s resolution.
We will continue to keep other policy options under review with a view to ensuring the restoration of Myanmar’s path towards democracy.
The people of Myanmar must know that the EU is on their side. We hear you and we are with you.
I thank you..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations - New York
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Supporters of Myanmar’s detained leader Aung San Suu Kyi wore flowers in their hair and paraded with them at street demonstrations on Saturday as she marked her 76th birthday locked up by the generals who overthrew her.
Protests have been held almost daily in Myanmar since Suu Kyi was ousted in a Feb. 1 coup that cut short a decade of democratic reforms and also sparked paralysing strikes and renewed conflict in the Southeast Asian country.
The United Nations General Assembly on Friday called for a stop to the flow of arms to Myanmar and urged the military to respect November election results and release political detainees, including Suu Kyi.
For decades a symbol of the fight for democracy under previous juntas, she often wore flowers in her hair.
Among those wearing flowers on Saturday was activist Thet Swe Win, who had been at odds with Suu Kyi over human rights violations during her own time in office.
"I demand freedom for all the people including Aung San Suu Kyi," he said "Her individual rights and political rights are being violated."
A junta spokesman did not answer calls to seek comment.
Suu Kyi is among nearly 5,000 people currently detained by the junta for opposing the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group. It also says 870 people have been killed - a figure challenged by the junta.
The army overthrew Suu Kyi after her administration dismissed its allegations of fraud over her party's landslide election victory last November. International monitors had said the vote was fair.
She now faces charges from illegally possessing walkie-talkie radios and breaking coronavirus protocols to inciting discontent, corruption and breaking the Official Secrets Act - which can carry a 14-year jail term.
Suu Kyi's lawyers say the charges are absurd and her supporters say they are aimed at eliminating her from politics.
The next hearing is set for Monday.
Suu Kyi won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, but her standing in Western countries collapsed in 2017 over her defence of the army after the exodus of 700,000 minority Rohnigya Muslims in the face of an offensive.
But the episode did nothing to dent her popularity in Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist country.
The General Assembly resolution calling for a halt of arms supplies to Myanmar was adopted with the support of 119 countries. Belarus was the only country to oppose it, while 36 abstained, including China and Russia.
"The risk of a large-scale civil war is real," U.N. special envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener told the General Assembly after the vote. "Time is of the essence. The opportunity to reverse the military takeover is narrowing."..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Anti-coup protesters, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Today is International Day for Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict. The term “conflict-related sexual violence” refers to rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion,
enforced sterilization, forced marriage and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men, girls or boys that is directly or indirectly linked to a conflict. The term also encompasses trafficking in persons when committed in situations of conflict for the purpose of sexual violence or exploitation.
Sexual violence is often used deliberately as a weapon in armed conflicts; this holds true for the conflict in Myanmar. In the decades-long conflict with the Karen National Union, the Tatmadaw has
allowed its soldiers to commit sexual violence on civilians with impunity. Between January 2012 and November 2018, KHRG received 52 reports covering 27 cases of sexual violence, including seven
cases in 2018 alone.1 KHRG still receives reports of sexual violence cases as recent as 2019.2 Since the military coup on February 1, women and girls throughout the country are even more
vulnerable to sexual violence. Women and girls have been subjected to sexual violence and other forms of gendered harassment while being held in detention facilities. In particular, sexual violence
has been used by security forces, including members of the military, police and prison guard, when interrogating women and girls.3
The practice of impunity by the Tatmadaw is what has allowed such widespread sexual violence to occur. Perpetrators are rarely, if ever, held accountable for their crimes which encourages further
violations in the future. Most victims of conflict-related sexual violence still have not received justice and, in many cases, have not even had the chance to report on, or speak about what happened to
them. Sexual violence survivors should be given the opportunity to speak out, to receive remedy which includes physical and mental health support, and the means to reintegrate into society without any prejudice or discrimination. KHRG urges ethnic organizations to help the survivors receive the kind of support listed above.
The international community, including organizations with a mandate to investigate and/or to prosecute international crimes, must ensure that perpetrators in the past, present and future, are held
accountable for their crimes without any excuses. States must also place pressure on the Tatmadaw to stop the perpetration of sexual violence and ensure accountability within their ranks. Failing to
address and investigate abuses will only prove that the military and other security forces can continue to commit sexual violence with impunity..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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The UN has issued a rare call to halt to arms sales to Myanmar in response to this year's violent military coup.
Description:
"The General Assembly adopted a resolution condemning the military junta, which overthrew the country's elected government in February.
The UN also called for the release of political detainees, such as elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and an end to violence against peaceful protesters.
While not legally binding, the resolution is politically significant.
"The risk of a large-scale civil war is real," UN special envoy on Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, told the General Assembly. "Time is of the essence. The opportunity to reverse the military takeover is narrowing."
It was supported by 119 countries, with Belarus the only one to vote against it.
Another 36 countries abstained, including Russia and China - Myanmar military's two biggest arms suppliers.
Some of the abstainers said the crisis was an internal issue for Myanmar, while others said the resolution did not address a brutal military crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim population four years ago, which forced almost a million people to flee the country.
The EU's UN ambassador, Olof Skoog, said the resolution "delegitimises the military junta, condemns its abuse and violence against its own people, and demonstrates its isolation in the eyes of the world".
But Myanmar's UN ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, who represents the country's elected civilian government, said he was disappointed by how long it took for the General Assembly to pass what he called a "watered down" resolution.
Ms Suu Kyi, 75, has been held under house arrest since the coup, and little has been seen or heard of her, with the exception of brief court appearances.
The military has justified seizing power in February, alleging voter fraud in general elections held last November.
But independent election monitors say the election was largely free and fair, and the charges against Ms Suu Kyi have been widely criticised as politically motivated.
The coup triggered widespread demonstrations, and Myanmar's military has brutally cracked down on pro-democracy protesters, activists and journalists.
Security forces have killed more than 860 people and detained nearly 5,000 to date, according to the monitoring group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
Last month, Human Rights Watch had urged the UN General Assembly to pass a resolution calling for an arms embargo, saying that "while not legally binding on states, such a resolution would carry significant political weight".
"Governments should recognise that arms sold to Myanmar's military will likely be used to commit abuses against the population," the organisation added. "Arms embargoes can help prevent such crimes."..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"Thank you, Mr. President, for convening this informal meeting, and thank you, Madam Special Envoy, for your sobering briefing. We hope you are able to visit Myanmar soonest.
Since we last met in this hall to discuss the situation in Myanmar, the courageous Myanmar people have continued to make clear that they reject the military coup and do not want to live one more day under the military’s thumb. The United States joins them in condemning the military’s extreme violence and its moves to overturn the will of the people as expressed by the results of the general election in November 2020. We remain steadfast in our support for the people of Myanmar in their aspirations for democracy, peace, development, and respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law.
We unequivocally condemn the security forces’ ongoing attacks on the people of Myanmar. The military must cease all violence, release those unjustly detained, and restore power to the democratically-elected government now. We call on all members of the international community to echo, to amplify this message and to hold the military accountable to ASEAN’s agreed-upon five-point consensus. Immediate, comprehensive implementation of the consensus is sorely needed: every day we allow the military to delay is another day the people of Myanmar suffer.
Every member of this body should also immediately end any material or other support for the military and its campaign of oppression. We urge all countries to prohibit sales of all arms and related security assistance to Myanmar. To do otherwise is to enable the Myanmar security forces’ brutal violence against innocent men, women, and children. We cannot supply the military with instruments of violence and repression.
As part of our strong support for the people of Myanmar, the United States continues to engage with the full range of civil society and pro-democracy groups from Myanmar that seek to restore democratic governance and protect the human rights of all the people of Myanmar – including the National Unity Government. We encourage other members of this body to do so, as well. The United States will continue to work with a broad coalition of international partners to promote accountability for the military’s violence against the people of Myanmar, including for acts of violence following the military coup and previous atrocities and abuses, including against the Rohingya. We call on all members of the international community to join us in this effort.
Finally, Mr. President, we were disappointed that a vote was called on the resolution on which we took action today in our earlier meeting. The international community has demonstrated its unanimous concern towards the military’s actions and its condemnation of the military’s violence through bodies like the UN Security Council and the Human Rights Council. We are proud that the international community has come together repeatedly with one voice on this issue, just as we are proud that this body has spoken today with such strength and clarity.
I thank you..."
Source/publisher:
United States Mission to the United Nations
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"All countries must stop selling arms to Myanmar following the adoption of a resolution by the UN General Assembly condemning the use of lethal force and violence in the country, Amnesty International said today.
The resolution, passed by an overwhelming vote of 119 to 1 with 36 abstentions, calls on member states to prevent the flow of arms into the country. It strongly condemns the worsening crackdown on peaceful protesters and civil society, calling for the immediate and unconditional release of arbitrary detainees and an end to restrictions on freedom of expression.
“Today the General Assembly, as the voice of the entire international community, joins the Human Rights Council and the UN Security Council in condemning the Myanmar military’s killing spree against its own people,” said Lawrence Moss, Senior UN Advocate for Amnesty International.
“The Myanmar military must immediately meet these calls, and the UN Security Council must act to enforce them.
“All countries should heed the resolution’s call to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar, and the Security Council should immediately make this mandatory by imposing a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar.
“It is a helpful sign that 11 of the 15 members of the Security Council voted in support of this resolution. China and Russia, having abstained on the vote to adopt this resolution, should also now refrain from obstructing the will of the international community by vetoing a Security Council resolution to impose a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar.
“All states should urge China and Russia to heed the General Assembly’s call to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar, and to cooperate in making this mandatory for all states by a Security Council resolution,” said Moss.
Since the 1 February military coup overthrew the elected civilian government, 870 protesters, bystanders and other civilians have reportedly been killed, over 4983 arrested, and the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly drastically curtailed, including shutdowns of media outlets, the internet and social media. The UN resolution calls for the Myanmar armed forces to “immediately and unconditionally” release the elected civilian political leaders and all others who have been arbitrarily detained, charged or arrested, and to “end restrictions on medical personnel, civil society, labour union members, journalists and media workers and restrictions on the internet and social media.”
The UN resolution also notes the ongoing International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged atrocity crimes in Bangladesh and Myanmar. Amnesty International further calls for the Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar as a whole to the ICC, and to impose targeted sanctions against the military officials responsible for crimes under international law, including the serious violations relating to repression of dissent following the 1 February coup.
The text of the resolution was negotiated between nine member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and a core group from amongst over 50 states sponsoring the resolution.
“After negotiating this text, the failure of four ASEAN states – Brunei, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand – to support it when a vote was called does not augur well for the success of the dialogue and mediation process the ASEAN claims to lead,” said Moss.
“For eight weeks, the ASEAN has failed to implement its own 24 April consensus statement or even name its special envoy. The ASEAN has now failed to take a united stand for the release of arbitrary detainees and against the flow of arms to Myanmar.
“ASEAN states must use all their bilateral and regional leverage to ensure Myanmar complies with these demands, but the international community cannot wait any longer on ASEAN alone. The UN Security Council must act to enforce the General Assembly’s calls upon Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, International Criminal Court, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Civil Disobedience Movement: In early March, we learned that people involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[2] were fleeing to Dooplaya District to escape from the SAC military’s[3] torture and killing. Many people who joined the CDM came to these townships. They are teachers and doctors. They have to flee because SAC soldiers are trying to arrest them and kill them. They fled to the Karen revolutionary areas [to the areas controlled by the Karen National Union - KNU].[4] More and more people involved in the CDM are coming every day.
As of March 7th 2021, 1,310 government staff involved in the CDM had sought refuge in the KNU areas of Dooplaya District. They are from Ayeyarwady Region, Kawkareik, Mawlamyine and Hpa-an. They used to work for the following agencies: Ministry of Health and Sports, Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation, Ministry of Internal Affairs (Myanmar Police Force, Fire Service Department), Ministry of Education, Ministry of Construction, Ministry of Electricity and Energy, Ministry of Transport and Communications, Ministry of Social Welfare and Resettlement, Ministry of Defence (SAC military), Ministry of Justice, and Myanmar Economic Bank. There are also municipal employees, Township-level staff and village administrators [General Administration Department].
[There could be even more people involved in the CDM in KNU areas]. Some name lists have not been sent [by local administrators] to the [KNU] Township and District [authorities] yet [local authorities must report new arrivals of people involved in the CDM to the KNU]. Some of them [people involved in the CDM] are hiding in villages and the village heads have not sent their names yet [to the KNU authorities]. We are not sure whether more people involved in the CDM will come to our areas.....Military activity: The SAC military cut down bamboo in A--- village, Pone Yay village tract,[5] Kaw T’Ree Township to strengthen their army camp [KHRG was not able to establish the exact date]. The local villagers told them that SAC soldiers were not allowed to trespass into the restricted areas.[6] [The soldiers did not threaten or do anything to the local villagers but they did not listen to them and trespassed anyway]. Their commanding officer was Aung Zaw Lin, a deputy company commander from Infantry Battalion (IB)[7] #13, Column #1.
The SAC military is stepping up its activities in the local areas. Since the military coup,[8] the local villagers have been seeing more SAC soldiers in the jungle or bushes around the villages, including in Kheh Hkoh [a place where villagers go to collect T’La Aw leaves], between B--- and C--- villages, Kyauk Hkee village tract, Kawkareik Township. Therefore, the local villagers are now afraid to go and collect Ta La Aw leaves.
Since the protests against the military coup started, it has not been easy for patients to go to the hospital [because healthcare staff is participating in the CDM]. They have to buy medicine from outside [at the pharmacy]. One of the children from D--- village, Waw Loo village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township had a motorbike accident. He was sent to the hospital, but there was no one to look after him, give him medicine and clean his wounds. [KHRG was not able to establish the exact date of this incident].
The students who attend Myanmar government schools could not go to school this year. Since the first wave of Covid-19, they have to work instead. However, Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD)[9] schools are still open. Local villagers/civilians are concerned that fighting [between the SAC military and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[10]] might break out. They have to live in fear now. Some of them are getting ready and storing food such as rice because they worry the situation might go back to what it was the past [before the 2012 preliminary ceasefire].[11]
We realised that the SAC military had been stepping up its activities since March 7th 2021. They patrol at night, but we are not sure whether they are trying to find and arrest people who joined the protests; or if they are trying to find KNLA soldiers and shoot them. It creates concerns among local villagers. The SAC military also sent drones to KNU-controlled areas. SAC soldiers are now checking people on the main roads. They check people who go to Seikkyi Town, and sometimes they even check their phones. This is not happening every day, but they conduct surprise checks.
On March 19th 2021 at midnight, SAC soldiers from IB #32 shot at a group of Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA)[12] soldiers in Kyainseikgyi Town. The DKBA soldiers were in the streets after 9 pm despite the curfew. They [SAC soldiers] could not kill any of them but they arrested one of them. We do not know what they did to him. The SAC military declared a curfew. No one can go out after 9 pm since March [but not everyone knows about the curfew]. These are just some of the SAC military activities this month [in March].....Anti-coup protests : In reaction to the military coup, protests were organised and held in every township of Dooplaya District. The demands of the protesters are: 1) Restore democracy; 2) Abolish the military dictatorship; 3) Free the detained people; 4) Abolish the 2008 constitution; 5) Establish a federal Union; 6) We do not want influential nationalism [Burmanisation]; and 7) All ethnic groups should be united.
On March 9th 2021, around 500 villagers from Thay Baw Boe, Maw Hkee and Su Klee village tracts, Kawkareik Township planned to hold a protest against the military coup in Myawaddy. However, they were stopped by DKBA and SAC soldiers on their way [to the city], so they could not hold the protest in Myawaddy. On the same day, local villagers from Aw Hpa Hpa Doh village tract, Kawkareik Township held a protest against the military on the Asia highway.
The local villagers from Kawkareik Township and Kruh Tuh Township held a protest on March 22nd 2021, and they plan to hold more protests in the future. They are going to hold protests in each of those townships on March 25th 2021. We heard that the SAC soldiers do not want the local villagers to hold protests. Therefore, we do not know what the situation will be on the days of the protests and we will have to monitor it. There are ongoing protests against the military because the local villagers are against military rule..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
"We understand why people hated the military so much and that’s why we are joining them," says Capt. Lin Htet Aung.
Description:
"Capt. Lin Htet Aung left the Myanmar Army’s Light Infantry Battalion #528 to join pro-democracy forces resisting the military coup that seized power from the elected government on Feb. 1, citing voting fraud in the November 2020 elections. He told Khin Maung Soe of RFA’s Myanmar Service in a telephone interview from an area outside military regime control that about 800 officers and soldiers – roughly five battalions -- have defected since the coup. RFA could not independently verify that number. The following Q&A has been edited for clarity.
RFA: Can you tell us how many members of the Armed Forces have defected to the people’s side?
Lin Htet Aung: There are around 800. That's about the size of five battalions in Myanmar’s military structure. Some of them were from the army and many are from the Navy, the Air Force, artillery units, the Defense Service factories, etc.
RFA: How do you get these numbers?
Lin Htet Aung: We have contacts with one another and also from other sources.
RFA: What is the security situation of these people?
Lin Htet Aung: Those who have arrived in the liberated areas and territories held by ethnic armed groups have security. For those who have joined ordinary citizens, we are a bit worried for their security. People are trying to give them some protection, though, and some have contacted us for help.
RFA: What about the welfare of these former soldiers?
Lin Htet Aung: Most of them left their units without much money in hand. Those who have arrived in territories held by ethnic groups do not have to worry about food and lodging.
RFA: What about their families left behind?
Lin Htet Aung: Most of them are single. Those with families who arrived in territories held by ethnic groups do not have any problems. But some of them had left their families in their mother units and we are a bit worried for them.
RFA: How many officers have defected from their units?
Lin Htet Aung: There are about 100 among the officers but the majority are from lower ranks.
RFA: What are you doing now?
Lin Htet Aung: Most of us have decided to join the armed revolution. Those who do not want to join the armed revolution are seeking ways to help the people in whatever capacity they can.
RFA: There are some people who are suspicious of people like you who have defected. Some people think you could be spies. How do you feel about these doubts and suspicions?
Lin Htet Aung: Yes we have faced such situations. But I believe we will gradually win their trust. We will need time but I hope they will soon realize we genuinely want to oppose military dictatorship.
RFA: Do you think we could say there might be military agents among those who have crossed over?
Lin Htet Aung: Of course it is possible. We cannot trust everyone. We systematically checked everyone who contacted us directly. We have to be very careful because they have very qualified people gathering intelligence. We understand why people hated the military so much and that’s why we are joining them. We also hate military dictatorship as much as the people do. Our main objective is to join hands with the people and bring down the military dictatorship.
RFA: Do you face any other difficulties?
Lin Htet Aung: Though we can say we are now in liberated areas we don’t actually know what we should be doing or what role we should take. Most of us who defected have pure goodwill in our hearts towards the people.
RFA: Do you think there will be more members of the Armed Forces coming over to the side of the public?
Lin Htet Aung: Changing sides is an important tactic for this revolution. At first, we had hoped about 4,000 of the 400,000-strong military would change sides. But now we are expecting more than 4,000 will come to the aid of the people.
RFA: The present revolution relies a lot on the ethnic armed groups and they have been staging a revolution fighting for their rights for many years. How do you think the two revolutions can be combined?
Lin Htet Aung: We cannot just ask for assistance from them and leave but we will have to help them achieve their goals, too. If we leave them after seeking help from them, then it will be like we are fighting for Burma proper only. If we are to fight for the entire country, we will have to complement each other to achieve better results.
RFA: Do you have any progress in working together with the National Unity Government (NUG)?
Lin Htet Aung: The NUG is working very hard through a lot of difficulties and we have found some cooperation between them and us. We are very encouraged..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Excellency,
i am writ ing to you to draw your urgent attention to the recent serious situation in
Myanmar. On 15 June, Myanmar military forces burned an en tire village called Kinma , in
Pauk Township, Magway Region to the ground and those who could not run for their lives
burned to death. Elderlies and sick people were left in the villages when the others had to
flee from their homes d u e to the threatening entering o f the military men.
For y our kind reference. I enclose herewith the Announcement o f the National Unity
Government o f Myanmar dated 17 June 2021 condemning it in the strongest possible
terms.
These horrific acts committed by the military continue amounting to crimes against
humanity. It clearly constitutes the violation o f Article 3 o f the Fourth Geneva Convention
on the Protection o f Civilian Persons in Time o f War o f 12 August 1949. Protecting
civilians must always be a top priority under every circumstance, not only in armed
conflicts. But in total disregarding international laws and principles. Myanmar military has
been terrorizing the civilians since the illegal coup on I February 2021. It is no doubt that
the military will continue to show a total disregard for human life, with no humanity.
The United Na tio n s' call to " spare civilians and civilian infrastructure and ensure
safe and unhindered humanitarian access" has been completely ignored by the military.
There have been on the dire need for medical aid in vulnerable areas o f the country, and
the military has been arresting the healthcare workers who volunteered to provide medical
assistance to the injured. These are clear violations o f international humanitarian law and
international human rights law.
In the aft ermath o f the military coup, collapsing economy, unrest, breakdown o f
public health system, g rowing internal displacement, and difficulty to access aid in need
are leading to a humanitarian c risis in Myanmar. The World Food Program suggests that
some 6.2 million people in Myanmar will face a severe hunger c risis in the coming
months. Despite all the real situations, the military continues blocking and destroying
humanitarian assistance. On 13 June, an ambulance, food, medical supplies, and basic
needs for the civilians were destroyed and set fire. Those supplies were contributed by
well-wishers a cross the country for internally displaced persons.
We are still amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, and the military evidently fails to
manage the pandemic. The National Unity Government o f Myanmar has been taking
necessary measures to contain the spread o f the virus and engaging with the people.
The people o f Myanmar do not accept any form o f military rule, and the people have
made their voices loud and clear. Continued military brutal crackdown on the civilians and
pro-democracy movements are being conducted in a systematic and targeted manner. The
National Unity Government together with the people o f Myanmar have been calling on the
United Nations and the international community to take timely collective and decisive
actions on the military to ease violence, to stop killing its own people and to restore
democracy in Myanmar.
Please accept, Excellency, the assurances o f my highest consideration..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
CDM အောင်မြင်ရေးကော်မတီ
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၈ ရက်
အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ CDM အောင်မြင်ရေးကော်မတီ အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုပြုလုပ်နေကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုုးများရေးရာ ဝန်ကြီး ဌာနမှ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးအတွက် အထူးအလေးထားဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှု လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဝန်ထမ်းများအား တရားမဝင် ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်းနှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာမှ အတင်းဖယ်ရှားခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသော အောက် ဖော်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်းများကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ ရာထူးတည်ရှိမှု အပါ အဝင် ကိစ္စအဝဝကို ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရမှ လုံးဝ(လုံးဝ)အသိအမှတ်ပြုတော့မည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၊ ဇွန်လ (၁၈) ရက်
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human rights and education, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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" South Korea has provided $900,000 to a U.N.-led humanitarian aid initiative for Myanmar, U.N. data showed on Thursday.
A spokesman for the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said earlier data on its financial tracking service showing a contribution of $300,000 by North Korea was wrong and it has since been corrected.
The contribution on May 24 to the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund came from South Korea in addition to a separate contribution of $600,000, Asia Pacific head of communications for the Office Pierre Peron said.
The fund calls for some $276 million to help Myanmar, where hundreds of people have died since the military ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi in February and began a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protests, adding to the country's struggle with the coronavirus pandemic.
While continuing to provide aid, South Korea has suspended defence exchanges and banned exports of arms and other strategic items to the Southeast Asian country. read more
(Corrects story throughout to show South Korea, not North Korea, made the donation.)..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
South Korea-Burma relations, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime is using threats, dismissals and arrests to try and force striking school staff in Tanintharyi Region to return to work, after the junta’s reopening of public schools on June 1 flopped due to a lack of teachers.
Seven teachers in the region have been arrested for joining the civil disobedience movement (CDM) and refusing to work under the regime. On Monday, the junta sentenced three detained teachers to three years in prison each for incitement.
Less than a quarter of schools in Tanintharyi Region, southern Myanmar, opened on June 1 because so many teachers and education staff are on strike in protest at military rule. Those schools that have reopened are reporting a very low attendance of pupils, with parents and students choosing to boycott school enrolment under the regime.
A member of the Basic Education Teachers Union in Tanintharyi who requested anonymity said that several striking teachers and education staff have been told to return to work, or else the regime will arrest their family members and seize their possessions.
One township education administrator who was on strike for two months was forced back to work after her family were threatened, the teachers’ union member said.
Hundreds of teachers who have joined the CDM are now in hiding to avoid arrest.
Some 7,236 teachers and education staff in Taninitharyi Region were recently removed from their duties.
In Kin Maw Village in Tanintharyi, where just four out of 180 pupils at the local primary school are attending classes, parents were threatened alongside teachers in an effort to get children back in school.
In a video file shared by Khit Thit media, a military colonel told the Kin Maw teachers and village elders that he wants at least 90 students to show up by June 21, and threatened to seize their children if that fails to happen.
An official with the Myanmar Teachers Federation, who was recently suspended from one of Yangon’s universities for joining the CDM, said that despite the junta’s threats many of the striking teachers and education staff are determined to continue to fight until the fall of the dictatorship and the return of a civilian government elected by the people..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The UN in Myanmar is alarmed at recent acts of violence that illustrate a sharp deterioration of the human rights environment across Myanmar.
One such case is the discovery of two mass graves in Myawaddy Township (Kayin State), containing the human remains of twenty-five people who had reportedly been detained on 31 May by the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO). Another case is the reported burning by security forces of more than 150 homes in Kin Ma Village in Pauk Township (Magway Region) on 15 June, leaving two dead and approximately 1,000 people homeless.
The United Nations in Myanmar reiterates its call on all actors in the current crisis to ensure that international human rights norms and standards are respected. This includes upholding the obligation to minimize collateral harm to civilians and to civilian infrastructure, and prohibiting the application of collective punishments against communities, families or individuals.
The United Nations in Myanmar calls for those responsible for human rights violations to be held accountable, including the perpetrators and their chain of command.
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်းကျင်အခြေအနေ လျင်မြန်စွာ ယိုယွင်းကျဆင်းလာမှုအပေါ် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ စိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့်
(ရန်ကုန်) – မကြာသေးမီက ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်းကျင်အခြေအနေ လျင်မြန်စွာ ယိုယွင်း ကျဆင်းလာမှုကို ဖော်ကျူးနေသည့်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အထိတ် တလန့်ဖြင့် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုမှာ မြဝတီမြို့နယ် (ကရင်ပြည်နယ်) တွင် လူ (၂၅) ဦး၏ ရုပ်ကြွင်းများကို မြှုပ်နှံထား သည့် နေရာနှစ်ခုအား တွေ့ရှိရခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုသူများသည် ကရင်အမျိုးသားကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (KNDO) မှ မေလ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသူများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟုဆိုပါသည်။ နောက်ဖြစ်ရပ် တစ်ခုတွင် ရရှိသည့် သတင်းများအရ ဇွန်လ (၁၅) ရက်နေ့က လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် ပေါက်မြို့နယ် (မကွေး တိုင်းဒေသကြီး) ရှိ ကင်းမရွာတွင် လူနေအိမ်ခြေပေါင်း ၁၅၀ ကျော်ကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့မှုကြောင့် လူ နှစ်ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း ၁,၀၀၀ ခန့် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ ဖြစ်ခဲ့ရခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် လက်ရှိအကျပ်အတည်းတွင် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက် နေသူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံများနှင့် စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများကို လေးစားလိုက်ကြရန် ထပ်လောင်းတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံနှုန်းများကို လိုက်နာမှုဟု ဆိုရာတွင် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများအတွင်း အရပ်သားများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံအဆောက် အအုံများကို ထိခိုက်မှုများ နည်းနိုင်သမျှအနည်းဆုံးဖြစ်အောင် လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည့် တာဝန်နှင့် ရပ်ရွာလူထုများ၊ မိသားစုများ သို့မဟုတ် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအပေါ် သိမ်းကျုံးရောနှော၍ အပြစ်ပေးခြင်းကို တားမြစ်ရန် တာဝန်တို့အား စောင့်ထိန်းခြင်းလည်း ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများအတွက် ကိုယ်တိုင်ကျူးလွန်သူများ နှင့် အမိန့်ပေးစေခိုင်းသူများအပါ အဝင် တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့များမှ တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, UN System humanitarian assistance, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Monk Kaythara goes from preaching not to kill to learning how to kill.
Description:
"A Buddhist monk has undergone armed training to fight with the popular resistance against the military junta in Myanmar, giving up his vows against killing in response to the deaths of peaceful protesters.
Former monk Kaythara, who now goes by the name George Michael, left the monkhood and took up arms in response to the arrests and killings of fellow monks who joined protests against the military regime that overthrew the elected government in February.
Kaythara, 33, became a monk when he was 20 years old and had been involved in humanitarian work. He served as head monk of the Dhamma Darna monastery in Hlaingthaya township, an area dominated by garment factories on the outskirts of Yangon, where he oversaw an orphanage.
In the early days of the military coup, Kaythara said he had actively participated in peaceful protest marches.
“We’ve been organizing the protests in Hlaingthaya since Feb. 6,” he told RFA in an interview. “Since then, we marched on the streets to protest every day until Feb. 14 when the authorities begin to crack down on the protests.”
A violent suppression of protesters by security forces that day left more than 60 people dead. Many residents, including thousands of factory workers, fled the area, which authorities placed under martial law.
Kaythara was not among the protestors that day because he went into hiding after authorities issued an arrest warrant for him. During his time in hiding, his mother died, but he wasn’t able to attend her funeral.
Kaythara said he later learned that many fellow protestors had been killed during the crackdown, the event that prompted him to join the popular armed rebellion against the military junta.
“We had resisted the military council’s rule peacefully, without even bearing a single needle, but after I learned about the forces shooting down fellow protestors, I changed my mind,” he said. “I decided to join the armed training when I arrived in this ‘liberated area.’”
Liberated area is a general term used in Myanmar to refer to territory unpenetrated by the Myanmar junta’s rule, including rebel-controlled ethnic areas along the borders of Thailand, India, and China.
“We were required to refrain from killing when we were Buddhist monks, but now we are in training to kill,” he said.
Buddhist monk Kaythara participates in a peaceful protest against Myanmar's military junta in Yangon in an undated photo. Photo courtesy of Kaythara
Authorities in the liberated area where Kaythara went for military training argued against his participation because he was a veteran monk. But they eventually relented, and he began training with an ethnic armed group in a location he declined to disclose for fear of endangering other soldiers.
“I remained a monk for 13 years,” Kaythara said. “I am still using the pronouns designated for monks. I remind myself I am no longer a monk and that I am a soldier now, so I try to eat and live like other soldiers do.”
Now that he has completed his military training, Kaythara is a ranking officer, though he said he is reluctant to confront Myanmar soldiers in battle because of his previous religious vow not to kill.
“I wonder if I am really capable of killing someone in battle,” he said. “I used to preventing others from killing, let alone killing someone myself, but now I am required to eliminate them as a soldier.”
Kaythara said he would have remained a monk had the military coup not occurred.
“I had an ambition to establish a Buddhist university,” he said. “I wanted to build a three-story facility. I aimed to build something as big as a landmark for Buddhists. This was my dream, but now it’s been destroyed.”
Other monks contacted Kaythara after they saw online photos of him in his military uniform, he said, but added that he doesn’t want them to follow in his footsteps.
“Although the armed rebellion is essential for this revolution, there are many things we can do as Buddhist monks,” he said. “I want to appeal to other Buddhist monks not to give up the monkhood to join the armed forces. There are many other ways you can help by remaining as a monk inside the country.”
At least 18 monks have been arrested by security forces for participating in protests since the Feb. 1 coup, according to the Dhamma and Peace Foundation, an online group set up in 2019 by prominent domestic and international Buddhist monks.
More than 860 people have been killed by the junta, and 4,480 remain in detention since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a Thailand-based monitoring group and NGO..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese political culture - general, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"As of 17 June, (865) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 17 June, a total of (4962) people are currently under detention; of them (183) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
On June 15, Yamin Htike a.k.a. Htike Htike, a middle school teacher at the Basic Education High School in Mi Kyaung Ye Town, Magway Region, who was involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested in Magway. A protest strike in Thayet Hna Khwa Village, Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, was cracked down by a private car. Six policemen sped by and opened fire into the air on the evening of June 14. During this crackdown, Thi Thi Mar, a local villager was arrested.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.18 MB 4.4 MB 985.47 KB
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Description:
"Kaythara took up arms against the military regime in response to the arrests and killings of fellow monks who joined anti-coup protests..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
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Sub-title:
Residents say 200 homes in Kin Ma burned to ground after opponents of junta fought with regime’s forces
Description:
"A village in central Myanmar has been torched by the military junta, killing at least two people and reducing about 200 homes to piles of ash and rubble, residents have told local media.
Security forces set fire to the Kin Ma village, in Magway region, on Tuesday afternoon after fighting with opponents of the junta, according to residents. More than 1,000 people are sheltering in the forest and nearby villages, while at least two elderly people, who had been unable to flee, were burned to death, villagers told the Irrawaddy news site.
MRTV state television blamed “terrorists” for the fire, and said that media who reported otherwise were “deliberately plotting to discredit the military”. MRTV said 40 “terrorists” set fire to a house in Kin Ma, starting a fire that spread to 100 of the village’s 225 homes.
However, residents told Reuters that only 30 houses in the village remained, while some 200 homes had been burned to the ground. The blaze was large enough to be recorded by Nasa’s satellite fire-tracking system at 9.52pm on Tuesday, the news agency reported.
Photographs of the village showed a haze of smoke above piles of rubble, where homes once stood. Burnt planks of wood, sheet metal, bricks and cooking pots were scattered around, with only a few trees left standing. Some images showed animal carcasses.
Dan Chugg, the UK ambassador to Myanmar said in a statement: “Reports that the junta has burned down an entire village in Magway, killing elderly residents, demonstrate once again that the military continues to commit terrible crimes and has no regard for the people of Myanmar.”
Myanmar’s military is already accused of burning hundreds of villages in 2017, during a brutal crackdown that that drove about 700,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh, and which has since led to a genocide case in the Hague. Security forces denied setting fires, and even blamed Rohingya for doing so in some instances.
According to interviews given to the outlet Myanmar Now, security forces arrived at Kin Ma on Tuesday, searching for a man who was suspected of shooting at the house of a junta-allied official in another village. After fighting with opponents of the coup outside the village, and apparently losing 15 soldiers, the junta forces set fire to the village, local people told the outlet. The Guardian was unable to verify the claims.
The military’s seizure of power initially prompted huge protests, where millions took to the streets to call for the return of democracy. However, security forces unleashed brutal forces on protesters, repeatedly opening fire on peaceful marches and rounding up activists during night time raids. As street demonstrations have waned, some have taken up arms to protect their communities and oppose the junta.
UN special rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, warned earlier this month of a rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in parts of the country, where he said junta bombs had displaced more than 100,000 people. People who had been forced to flee their homes were at risk of mass deaths from starvation and disease, he said in a grim warning.
The military has killed more than 860 civilians since seizing power in a coup on 1 February, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a rights group that tracks casualties and arrests..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Myanmar: State of Fear - 101 East exposes a secret interrogation centre and claims of torture
Description:
"Since a military coup in February, a climate of terror has engulfed Myanmar.
Disappearances, detention without charge, alleged torture and mysterious deaths are just some of the actions under the spotlight following widespread protests against the military takeover.
101 East uses witness testimony and forensic analysis to expose a secret interrogation centre in the country's biggest city, Yangon. This investigation also reveals how Western tech firms have sold surveillance software and data extraction tools to the country.
In a special collaboration with Lighthouse Reports and Forensic Architecture, we reveal how the military is creating a state of fear..."
Source/publisher:
"Al Jazeera English" (Qatar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"“ကင်းမရွာ ဖြစ်စဉ်နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်”
မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ပေါက်မြို့နယ် ကင်းမရွာနေ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့ညတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ် နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များက တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ရွာလုံးကျွတ် မီးရှို့ခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံး ရှုတ်ချလိုက်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ ဒီးဒုတ်ကွင်း ကျေးရွာအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှူး၏ နေအိမ်အနီး ပစ်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်စဉ်အတွင်း သံသယရှိခံရသူ၏ မော်တော်ဆိုင်ကယ်နံပါတ်သည် ကင်းမရွာသို့ ခြေရာခံမိသည်မှအစပြု၍ ကင်းမရွာရှိ ပြည်သူများသည် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာနိုင်သည့် စစ်တပ်၏ စီးနင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုမှ ရှောင်တိမ်းနိုင်ရန် အိုးအိမ်များကို စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးခဲ့ကြရသည်။ ဒေသခံမျက်မြင်သက်သေများ၏ ထွက်ဆိုချက်များအရ အကြမ်းဖက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များ နှင့် အရပ်ဝတ်စစ်သားများသည် ကျေးရွာသို့ ရောက်ရှိလာပြီး ကျေးရွာနေပြည်သူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ ကင်းမရွာနေ ပြည်သူများ၏ ပြောပြချက်အရ ကင်းမရွာ၏ ၈၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းသော လူနေအိမ်များ ပျက်ဆီးခဲ့ရသည်။ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အို နှစ်ဦးမှာလည်း ပျောက်ဆုံးလျက်ရှိသည်။
နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ မလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲ တိုက်တွန်းနေသော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏တပ်များသည် ယင်းတိုက်တွန်းချက်များအား လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လုံးဝဆန္ဒမရှိကြောင်းကို ကင်းမရွာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံတပ်ဖွဲ့များက ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများက ပြဆိုနေသည်။ ဆယ်စုနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာအတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်သူမှာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ပင် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကင်းမရွာတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများက ခိုင်မာသော သက်သေပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်လက်ပါးစေတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှုကို ထပ်ခါတလဲလဲ မျက်ကွယ်ပြုကာ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို ချိုးဖောက်လျက် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှု များကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ရရှိသော စာရင်းများအရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူ ၈၆၄ ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပြိး ၄၈၉၃ ဦးမှာ တရားဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ အရေးယူခြင်း ခံနေကြရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးသည့်နောက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ အာဏာစက်သက်ရောက်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော်လည်း ယင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုမှာ ကျရှုံးခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ဒေသခံအဆင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်အဆင့် နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့် များရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက်မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ၎င်းကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် သက်သေများကို စုဆောင်းထားရှိခြင်းသည် အခြေခံကျကျ အရေးပါလျက်ရှိသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိသည့် တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်များအားလုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလက်တွဲကာ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိဉာဉ်ပါ ရည်မှန်းချက်များ အောင်မြင်သည်အထိ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အောင်နိုင်၍ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် တည်ငြိမ်ပြီး လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို အပြည့်အဝ အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ထွန်းလာသည်အထိ အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိပြု အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၀/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ(၁၆) ရက်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပညာရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကြားကာလပညာရေးအစီအစဉ်အား ကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
740.58 KB
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"1 . The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar announced the announcement NO:5/20211 on 13 June 2021 that the security forces of the military set fire to
and destroyed both an ambulance and a supply of humanitarian aid near the base of Lwe Yin Mingalar hill in Western Moe Byae township, between Southern Shan and Karenni States.
Eighty rice bags and medicines, and medical supplies were among the destroyed donations. These had been donated by people from all over the country for internally displaced people.
The military forces have been terrorising and arresting community organisations and individuals who have been providing aid and support to IDPs and those affected by the conflict. In addition to such violence and to arbitrary arrests, the military have plundered
humanitarian aid and destroyed what they could not steal. They have also blocked transport routes. These unlawful acts of the military constitute a clear violation of Article 3 of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, dated 12 August 1949. These acts also violate the provisions of the Defence Services Act 1959 of Myanmar. The military completely ignores the United Nations call to ' spare civilians and civilian infrastructure' and ensure ' safe and unhindered humanitarian access’, a demand laid
out in the statement made on 21 May 2021. We condemn in the strongest terms the egregious and savage acts of the military, blocking
and destroying humanitarian assistance as well as harassing and capturing those who are working hard to help people in need.
We call on the United Nations and the international community to continue exerting pressure on the military to stop such atrocities without delay. The world must not look away while people in need are being treated with such contempt. 2. On 14 June 2021, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) approved the Law2 Amending
the Public Debt Management Law (Third Amendment) proposed by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment of the National Unity Government. Section 2(b) of the law is substituted with the following "Government means the National Unity Government of the
Republic o f the Union o f Myanmar, and any successor government thereof". For other amendments and additions, please follow the link below. 3. The National Unity Government welcomes the discussion on the Myanmar crisis at the 47th G7 Summit held in the United Kingdom, and the 2021 G7 Leaders’ Communique. The G7 has condemned the military coup in Myanmar and has called for the immediate release of
those detained arbitrarily. We urge G7 leaders to build their support by more effective means. The people of Myanmar are waiting for fine words to become meaningful action. 4. NUG issued an announcement No:6/20213 on 16th June 2021. The announcement stated that
the terrorizing military is not a legitimate government. It seized power by force. Thus the courts under the military are not lawful institutions. The unlawful detentions of President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and other leaders and their show trials
constitute grave miscarriages of justice. We strongly condemn these trials. They are a disgrace to the country and a scandal to acceptable standards of international justice. 5. NUG issued an announcement No:7/20214 on 17th June 2021. In the aforementioned
announcement NUG denounced in strongest possible terms the burning down of Kinma village by the terrorist military council’s troops and terrorist police forces. And that NUG urged local, national and international stakeholders to continue recording these atrocities by
the security forces as evidence of their crimes which is fundamental for charges to be made in future. That NUG, hand in hand with those taking part in the Spring Revolution will continue work towards achieving the goals set out in the 2021 Federal Charter by defeating the terrorist military council and building a new Federal Democratic Union under civilian rule where human rights and everlasting will prevail. NUG also vowed to do its best to achieve those goals.
6. The web pages for the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and the Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs were launched on 14 June 2021. They are accessible on https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org and https://mowyca.nugmyanmar.org respectively. 5 7. Covid-19 situation in Myanmar is immensely concerning that the public must do all they can to prevent its further spread. The military council will fail to manage the pandemic with the lack of human resources, expertise, financial and moral capacity and the public support. The Union Minister Professor Zaw Wai Soe calls everyone from all walks of life in Myanmar to lead the prevention of the Covid-19 by stringently following the advice on preventative measures and isolation protocol of suspected cases published on the Ministry of Health
Facebook page6 and the ministry’s website7. No matter what the different strains of Covid-19, prevention is the most effective measure to conquer the disease. 8. The Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs urges the public to participate in the campaign, 14-19 June, to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence
in Conflict (19 June)..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
75.43 KB
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
www.nugmyanmar.org
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၁၇ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)၁ ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြားမှ စေတနာရှင်များက စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများအတွက် ပြည်သူမှ ပြည်သူသို့ ပေးပို့လှူဒါန်းထားသော စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ ဆန်အိတ် ၈၀ ခန့်အပါအဝင် ဆေးဝါးပစ္စည်းများနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးထောက်ပံ့ရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုနေသည့် လူနာတင်ကားတစ်စီးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးမှ စစ်ဘေး ရှောင်ပြည်သူများနှင့် အတိဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြသည့် ဘေးသင့်ပြည်သူများအား နည်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးနေသော လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ ကိုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးအရေးယူခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း၊ ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေးပစ္စည်း များကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများကို ပိတ်ဆို့တားဆီးခြင်းတို့ကို အစဉ်တစိုက် ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက လက်မှတ် ရေးထိုးထားသော The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 ၏ Article 3 ကို တိုက်ရိုက်ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာ့ကာကွယ်ရေး အက်ဥပဒေ ၁၉၅၉ ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ကြောင်း၊ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီးက ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် ကြေညာချက်အရ အရပ်သားများနှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အဦများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် ဘေးကင်းပြီး တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့မှု မရှိသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို သွားလာခွင့်ပေးရန်ဆိုသည့် တိုက်တွန်းချက်ကိုလည်း လုံးဝ လျစ်လျူရှု၍ ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု ကိုပြသရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးနှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်း အစရှိသည့် ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျုးလွန်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် အတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း တိုက်တွန်းမှုများပါဝင်သည်။
၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ရေးဆွဲတင်သွင်းသော ''ပြည်သူ့ကြွေးမြီ စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှု ဥပဒေကို တတိယအကြိမ် ပြင်ဆင်သည့် ဥပဒေ''၂ အား ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။
၃။ ဗြိတိန်နိုင်ငံတွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော ၄၇ ကြိမ်မြောက် G7 ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အရေးကိစ္စနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အလေးထားဆွေးနွေးကာ အစည်းအဝေးအပြီး ထုတ်ပြန်သော ကြေညာချက်တွင် စစ်တပ်၏အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ရှုံချပြီး ဖမ်းဆီးထားသူများကို ချွင်းချက်မရှိပြန်လွှတ်ရန် ထည့်သွင်းတောင်းဆို ထားခြင်းကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြိုဆိုပြီး ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော နည်းလမ်းများ ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)၃ ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဥပဒေနှင့်ညီညွတ်ခြင်းမရှိပဲ အကြောင်း အမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ မတရားသော ဥပဒေပုဒ်မများဖြင့် အမှုဆင်အရေးယူခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတမှုမဲ့စွာ စီရင်ဆုံးဖြတ်ပြီး ထောင်သွင်းအကျဉ်းချခြင်းများကို ဆိုးရွားစွာ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးများ ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းသာမက ရာဇဝတ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ထိုက်သော ပြစ်မှုကြီးများကို စနစ်တကျ ဂိုဏ်းဖွဲ့၍ ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုက အာဏာအပ်နှင်းထားသော ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရထံမှ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကို လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် သိမ်းယူထားခြင်းဖြစ်၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှာ တရားဝင်အစိုးရမဟုတ် သကဲ့သို့ ၎င်းတို့က ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော တရားရုံးများသည်လည်း တရားဝင်တရားရုံးများ မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ သို့ဖြစ်၍ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီး မတရားသော ဥပဒေများဖြင့် စွဲဆိုရုံးထုတ်နေသည့် လုပ်ရပ်သည်လည်း ဥပဒေကို အလွဲသုံးစား လုပ်သည်သာမက နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ကျဆင်းထိခိုက်စေပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် ရှက်ဖွယ်ဖြစ်စေသည့် လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတိအလင်းထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာကြောင်းတို့ပါရှိပါသည်။
၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၇/၂၀၂၁)၄ ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့ညတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ် နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များက တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ရွာလုံးကျွတ် မီးရှို့ခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံး ရှုတ်ချကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ဒေသခံအဆင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်အဆင့် နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်များရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက်မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ၎င်းကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် သက်သေများကို စုဆောင်းထားရှိခြင်းသည် အခြေခံကျကျ အရေးပါလျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိသည့် တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်များအားလုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလက်တွဲကာ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိဉာဉ်ပါ ရည်မှန်းချက်များ အောင်မြင်သည်အထိ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အောင်နိုင်၍ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် တည်ငြိမ်ပြီး လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို အပြည့်အဝ အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ထွန်းလာသည်အထိ အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိပြုကြောင်းတို့ပါဝင်ပါသည်။
၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ (Website) များဖြစ်သော https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org နှင့် https://mowyca.nugmyanmar.org တို့ကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် စတင်၍ ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်သည်။ ၅
၇။ ယခုအခါ ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အလွန်စိုးရိမ်ဖွယ် အနေအထား ဖြစ်နေ ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူများ အထူးဂရုပြု ကာကွယ်ရမည့် အခြေအနေဖြစ်ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကိုဗစ်ကို ထိရောက်စွာ ကာကွယ်ကုသပေးနိုင်ရန် ငွေအား၊ လူအား၊ အတတ်ပညာအား၊ စေတနာအား၊ ပြည်သူ့အား မရှိ၍ ဤကပ်ရောဂါဆိုးကို ပြည်သူ လူထုမှ ဦးဆောင်ပြီး ကာကွယ်ဟန့်တားရန်၊လှည်းနေလှေအောင်း မြင်းဇောင်းမကျန် တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်မကျန် ကာကွယ်ဟန့်တားရန် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုးမှ တိုက်တွန်းပန်ကြားပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရန် နည်းလမ်းများနှင့် သံသယလူနာများ လိုက်နာရမည့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်များကို ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာ၆ နှင့် အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ၇ တို့တွင် ဖတ်ရှုလမ်းညွှန်မှုရယူနိုင်ပါသည်။ COVID 19 ရောဂါ မည်သည့်မျိုးကွဲမဆို ကာကွယ်ရေး နည်းလမ်းများကို ကြတ်မတ်စွာလိုက်နာခြင်းအားဖြင့် ကာကွယ်ခြင်းဖြင့် ရောဂါကွင်းဆက်ဖြတ်ပါရန် တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်အပ်ပါသည်။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက လာမည့် ဇွန်လ ၁၉ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်မည့် ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်းလိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုပပျောက်ရေး နိုင်ငံတကာနေ့ အထိမ်းအမှတ်အဖြစ် ဇွန်လ ၁၄ရက်မှ ၁၉ရက်နေ့ထိ ပြုလုပ်မည့် ကမ်ပိန်းတွင် အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်ကြရေးကို တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်ထားသည်။
အသေးစိတ်သိရှိလိုပါက လေ့လာရန် လင့်ခ်များ
၁။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/127859682768005
၂။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/128550949365545
၃။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/129758909244749
၄။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/130267515860555
၅။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/128314696055837
၆။ https://www.facebook.com/MoHNUGMyanmar
၇။ https://moh.nugmyanmar.org/..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
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"Shan Human Rights Day marks the day in 1997 when the Burma Army massacred 56 villagers in Kunhing, during a brutal scorched earth campaign in which hundreds were killed, and over 400,000 uprooted in central and southern Shan State. We reiterate our calls for justice for those killed then, and all killed since by the military now terrorizing the entire country.
The regime’s scorched earth operations in Shan State over two decades ago were aimed to crush the Shan resistance and seize control of the area’s rich natural resources. Since then, the Burma Army has continuously expanded into Shan State, selling off our lands, forests and rivers to the highest bidder. This process has accelerated since the February 1 coup, and now the generals are pushing through long-held plans to sell off the mighty Salween River, the lifeblood of millions in eastern Burma, to hydropower investors. In May, the regime gave the go-ahead for China’s Hanergy to build the first dam on the Salween, at Kunlong in northern Shan State. 90% of the 1,400 megawatts produced will go to China.
Damming the Salween will be a death knell for our beloved river, its fragile ecosystem and the livelihoods of millions relying on it. We urge all foreign investors to immediately cancel their dam plans, or be complicit not only in the regime’s past and present atrocities to secure the dams, but also in the ecocide they will unleash on eastern Burma. .."
Source/publisher:
Shan Human Rights Foundation
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Shan Human Rights Foundation Monthly Reports, Discrimination against the Shan, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Dams and other projects on the Salween and its tributories, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"On 31 May at 1700hrs, the Burma Army attacked Demoso Town in Karenni State; they shot on and off for two hours, with two different helicopters. One was a Russian attack helicopter Mi 35. One person was killed in the attacks and six were wounded. Almost every villager in Demoso and Hpru So have evacuated and are now displaced in the jungle. The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) estimates that there are nearly 100,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) now in Karenni State since these attacks.
KNPP estimates of IDPS:
Eastern Loikaw – over 10,000
Western Loikaw – over 10,500
Demoso – over 65,000
Hpru Soh – over 11,000
The Burma Army has sent reinforcements into Demoso area. They have started to burn the houses of suspected sympathizers believed to be involved with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) or People’s Defense Force (PDF).
IDPs are in need of food, shelter and medicine as the rainy season has begun.
We are also sad to inform you all that we lost one of our Karenni Rangers. All Lo Sein was killed by the Burma Army on 27 May as he was rescuing civilians trapped under fire by the Burma Army in Demoso Town.
All Lo Sein joined FBR in 2017 when he was 19 years old and told us that he wanted to learn how to help his people more. He was the second son and had nine brothers and sisters. He conducted relief missions after his initial training and also helped organize community support efforts. He was a kind, intense, dedicated and brave man who loved others more than his own life. He was gunned down by Burma Army troops when he placed himself between the troops and the townspeople they were attacking. Read more about him in the following FBR field report..."
Source/publisher:
Free Burma Rangers
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Anti-coup protesters, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"The security situation in certain parts of Chin State remains tense, with hostilities between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Chinland Defence Force (CDF) reported regularly in Hakha, Kanpetlet, Mindat, Matupi and Thantlang townships, as well as in neighboring townships in Magway Region. According to local partners, an estimated 820 people in Thantlang Township fled to nearby jungles on 11 June due to the hostilities and are in need of immediate humanitarian assistance. Over 18,000 people are currently hosted in 74 displacement sites in Mindat, Kanpetlet, Hakha, Matupi and Thantlang townships in Chin state since 12 May and in Saw Township in Magway Region since 6 June. This is in addition to reports of people, believed to be in the thousands, who fled violence to forests and mountainous areas since 12 May. Humanitarian partners are making every effort to respond to the needs of people who fled and those who remain in affected areas; however, access restrictions are complicating these efforts. Chin State is already hosting 9,850 people across 27 displacement sites in Paletwa due to the MAF and the Arakan Army conflict between January 2019 and November 2020..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Format :
pdf
Size:
1.78 MB
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Description:
"As of 16 June, (865) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region was killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 16 June, a total of (4911) people are currently under detention; of them (182) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
On the night of June 14, Su Paing Htwe a.k.a Paing Paing, died from severe bleeding when he did not receive adequate medical treatment after being shot in the stomach by junta’s forces while riding a motorcycle at Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region.
After junta forces set fire to homes in Kingma Village in Magway Region’s Pauk Township on the evening of June 15, Some elderly and a disabled villager were killed, and buffalos and cattles died. In addition to this, a villager was shot in the thigh and some villagers arrested.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.18 MB 4.26 MB 981.72 KB
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Sub-title:
The remains of two bodies believed to belong to an elderly husband and wife are discovered after regime troops burn down the village of Kinma, house by house
Description:
"The remains of two burned bodies believed to belong to an elderly husband and wife—Mya Maung, 85, and Kyi Hmein, 83—were discovered by the villagers on Wednesday. While other residents—including their eight children—fled, the couple had stayed behind and hid in their home.
“The old man was in really poor health. He couldn’t even walk anymore. All of his children were fleeing so none of them could save him from the fire. I think the old woman chose not to run and to die with her husband,” a neighbour of the couple told Myanmar Now.
Kinma’s residents left their homes on Tuesday in anticipation of the raid by regime soldiers, leaving food and water for five elderly people who were unable to run with them, a Pauk Township local said. They had planned to return to check on them the following day.
Once the fire started to engulf the village, residents hiding nearby were able to return and save three of the elders, but not Mya Maung and Kyi Hmein, a local said.
Kinma is home to some 1,000 residents and is 18 miles from Pauk, a town in central Magwe Region bordering Chin State. By Wednesday morning, images posted on social media by Pauk locals indicated that much of the village had been burnt down.
One of the residents who returned to the village on Wednesday told Myanmar Now that he had witnessed Mya Maung and Kyi Hmein’s son crying amidst the ashes of his parents’ home.
He added that only around 50 houses—out of some 230—were still intact.
Conflict in the area intensified after June 12, when gunmen on motorbikes shot at the house of the junta-allied administrator of Deedotekwin village, more than 12 miles from Kinma.
One of the motorcycles broke down and was left behind in Deedotekwin by the gunmen. The regime authorities traced the bike’s licence plate to Kinma, according to a local. Policemen and plainclothes soldiers then went to the village in search of the suspect.
Kinma’s villagers fled when they got word of the junta’s armed forces’ arrival. Seeing no one in the village, the troops then set fire to the village, said the Pauk resident.
Be Tu, a man from Pauk who had contact with the civilian resistance in Kinma, said that gunfire was exchanged between local fighters and the regime troops outside of the village as they arrived in the area on Tuesday.
He said that the shootout ended at around 4pm, and estimated that up to 15 junta soldiers were killed and one local was injured. Myanmar Now was not able to independently verify the number of casualties.
After the clash, around five policemen set fire to Kinma, starting with a house near the village school. Dozens more policemen then set fire to the other residences, according to a resident in hiding who witnessed the community burning.
“The fire did not spread from the first house. They set nearly every house on fire—in the middle, west and north of the village,” U Kin, another Kinma resident, explained on Wednesday. “What I saw at the village today were just mounds of ashes.”
Editor’s Note: This article was updated on the evening of June 16 to include further details concerning the fire and the two victims killed in the attack..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Sub-title:
The move was announced on Tuesday following talks with military officials and religious leaders
Description:
"Karenni resistance forces announced the suspension of attacks on regime troops in northern Kayah (Karenni) and southern Shan states on Tuesday amid a growing crisis facing displaced civilians in the region.
The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a coalition of anti-junta forces formed on May 31, made the decision following talks with military and religious leaders late last week.
The move comes as the number of civilians displaced by the nearly month-old conflict has surpassed 100,000, according to the United Nations human rights agency OHCHR.
The KNDF consists of civilians from Loikaw, Demoso, and Nan Mei Khon in Kayah State and Moebye and Pekhon in southern Shan State, as well as ethnic armed forces based in the region.
The KNDF did not specify how long its ceasefire would last, but said it would continue to oppose the military junta in various ways. It also urged people to be united, prepared and cautious.
On June 11, representatives of three Karenni armed groups involved in the KNDP met with army personnel from the Eastern Command and Christian religious leaders in Taunggyi, Shan State, to discuss the ongoing situation.
The armed groups that attended the meeting were reportedly the Kayan New Land Party, the Karenni National People's Liberation Front, and the Karenni National Peace and Development Party.
“The armed groups talked to the military council about the armed conflict. Our religious groups mainly discussed allowing humanitarian channels for displaced people,” a Catholic priest from Loikaw told Myanmar Now.
The church, which has taken a leading role in efforts to mitigate harm to civilians caught in the conflict, has also been a target of attacks, with at least eight churches damaged or destroyed by the military since fighting began.
Religious leaders demanded that relief workers be allowed to transport food and other supplies safely and without hindrance.
“The commander said he would consider measures for the displaced people. The people are in real trouble. Living in the jungle during the rainy season is very difficult. The elderly and children are especially vulnerable,” the priest said.
During the meeting, no agreement was reached to guarantee the security of displaced locals, but the situation is likely to be more stable than before, he added.
“I haven’t heard any gunfire for a day or two since the meeting,” he said, noting that some civilians have also returned to their homes in recent days.
“But people are still very worried. There’s a ceasefire, but they don’t know how long it will last. They’re worried that troops will come and arrest them at night if they return. They are still in so much fear.”
Some residents who returned to Demoso on Tuesday discovered that their homes had been destroyed during the clashes, according to local sources.
The military has used heavy artillery and airstrikes against local anti-regime resistance forces since clashes began in the area in late May.
In addition to killing numerous civilians in these attacks, the military has also imposed restrictions on the transport of food, fuel and other essential commodities into Kayah State since May 28, creating widespread shortages of basic necessities.
On June 11, the day that a six-day-old boy died of a cold while his family was fleeing from clashes in Pekhon Township, the military set fire to an ambulance and vehicles carrying food and medical supplies for displaced people in the township.
In an article published by a state-run newspaper, the regime claimed that it had merely seized supplies from “terrorists”..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Mindat, a small town in a remote and mountainous region of southern Chin State, is more isolated than ever these days.
A full month has passed since martial law was imposed on the town and the surrounding area, and it now lies virtually empty, according to some of its few remaining residents.
“There are no open shops, no hawkers—just dogs and pigs on the streets,” said one person who spoke to Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity.
“People even left their pets behind when they fled. The pigs broke their fences and now they’re roaming the streets looking for food,” he added.
Martial law was imposed on Mindat a day after talks between the military and local resistance forces collapsed on May 12.
Since then, more than 90% of the town’s roughly 11,000 inhabitants have fled as the military continues to tighten its grip, according to residents.
At least 10,000 people have been displaced, with most seeking shelter in neighbouring villages or in the forest, according to the Mindat People’s Administration Team, which negotiated with the military to end the fighting.
A town in terror
Mindat’s resistance movement was among the first in the country to take up arms against regime forces cracking down on anti-coup protesters.
The Chinland Defence Force (CDF), formed in early April, claimed multiple casualties in its clashes with junta troops, but suspended fighting later in the month as it called for the release of detained protesters.
However, it wasn’t until the military suffered even greater losses after fighting resumed a few days later that it agreed to negotiate.
This led to 10 days of relative peace that ended abruptly on May 12. The resistance forces initially defied the imposition of martial law, but were forced to retreat when the military sent reinforcements to occupy the town two days later.
Anyone who was still in Mindat after troops took control of the town on May 15 has been forced to stay there due to the heavy military presence, according to residents.
Soldiers have taken over all major roads and public areas, making most fearful of encounters that could end in arrest or worse, they said.
“They interrogate everyone very strictly, so no one dares to go out. They’re suspicious of young people, so it’s even worse for them. They want to know if you’re a local and tell you to show them your ID and phones,” said one man still living in Mindat.
Another danger is stray artillery shells, which sometimes hit residential neighbourhoods. The junta has blamed such incidents on local resistance forces, despite the fact that they are not believed to possess any heavy weaponry.
On May 26, the regime released a statement claiming that its troops were under orders to act only in self-defence. However, with soldiers taking over houses and public buildings, including churches and other places of worship, few believe that they are in the town simply to keep the peace.
Meanwhile, the regime has portrayed the resistance forces variously as “rioters” and “terrorists”, citing ambushes targeting military columns and other guerrilla tactics.
Armed only with hunting rifles and improvised weapons, the CDF has been accused by the military of “terrorising” its heavily armed troops.
The regime has made no mention, however, of the thousands of civilians who have fled in terror of the troops that have taken over their town.
Targeting IDPs
While there has been no fighting in the town since it was placed under martial law, the surrounding area continues to see clashes.
Since the third week of May, villages housing internally displaced persons (IDPs) have increasingly come under fire, according to relief workers.
On May 21, the CDF attacked some soldiers in plain clothes who had entered the village of Pukun, where a number of IDPs had been hiding, amid fears that regime forces were trying to infiltrate camps for the displaced.
In another incident that took place on May 30, troops opened fire on an IDP camp in the village of Asakan, despite the fact that a white flag had been raised at the site to indicate that its inhabitants were not engaged in the conflict.
“The moment they hear that IDPs are arriving in a village, it becomes a target. It’s pretty obvious. They are clearly intent on cracking down on civilians, even when the CDF hasn’t made the first move,” an IDP camp administrator told Myanmar Now.
The IDPs live in a constant state of insecurity, as the military steadily widens its area of control to include more and more villages in the area.
“They always have to be ready to run. The moment they hear the word ‘Tatmadaw’, they start getting nervous,” said the secretary of one IDP camp committee, referring to the Myanmar military.
In addition to direct attacks, the military has also moved to block shipments of food and other supplies to the IDPs.
Since June 7, when clashes broke out along the main road from Kyaukhtu, the town in Magway Region that has been the chief source of supplies, most villages located near the road have come under military control, according to relief workers.
“The rations mostly come from Kyaukhtu. Since the military is blocking the road from there, there’s no other way to transport rations. It’s the only route,” said one IDP camp official.
Besides food and clothing, many of the IDPs, including children, pregnant women, and the elderly, are in need of medicine support, he added.
White flags
On May 29, military officials announced that Mindat residents who registered with the authorities would be free to return to their homes or stay in one of eight churches or two monasteries designated as shelters.
Few, however, have taken them up on their offer.
“Some who can’t stay in the forests have gone back, but the vast majority haven’t. They just don’t trust the military,” said a member of the Mindat People’s Administration Team.
Some who were unable to leave in the first place have entered the military-sanctioned shelters, but only because the alternative seemed too dangerous.
“We stayed at home before, but we kept hearing all these shots, so we didn’t dare go outside. [Soldiers] would just start shooting if they heard a sound or saw someone, so we moved here because we were told it would be safe,” said a member of one family now living in an official shelter.
“We can go around town now, but only if we’re holding a white flag,” he added, noting that, to avoid taking unnecessary risks, he only goes to his home once a week.
Other residents also expressed similar concerns about the efficacy of white flags as a form of protection.
“Even when we’re just going out to get vegetables, we need to carry a white flag. That’s still no guarantee, but we have to take our chances so we don’t just starve to death,” said one local.
To make matters worse, the town’s mains water supply has been cut off since May, making trips to collect water a daily necessity.
“There’s no water, so we have to go to the streams to get it. We don’t even have enough water to maintain hygiene,” said another resident.
A member of the Mindat People’s Administration Team said it was difficult to know how many people were still living in the town.
Among them, however, are elderly people who were too frail to flee before the military arrived. In some cases, it is almost certain that they haven’t survived the challenges of meeting their basic needs on their own in a town under siege.
Meanwhile, as fighting spreads to other villages in the area, many are worried that Mindat could once again become a battle zone.
But for some, the greater fear is what will happen to the town if the military ultimately prevails in the ongoing struggle.
“This is the poorest town in the poorest state. Even if our revolution succeeds, it will be difficult for us to get back on our feet. So I want to urge everyone to please be active before the entire population gets wiped out,” said one defiant resident..."
Source/publisher:
A month after coming under martial law, the town in southern Chin State has been all but emptied of its inhabitants
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Chin (Zo) discussion groups, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"The beginning of 2021 has been a devastating moment for civilians living in Myanmar. The military (led by Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing) forcibly seized power from the National League for Democracy (NLD) vice-president U Myint Swe on February 1st 2021.[2] Since the coup,[3] NLD government officials and [anti-coup] protestors have been detained [by security forces].
Since the military coup, civilians living in Myanmar who do not want the dictatorship have protested against the military coup. People living all throughout Myanmar have participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[4] by banging metal boxes and metal barrels to express their disapproval. The [CDM] protests were started by healthcare workers and have gradually been growing with protests occurring in both Hpapun and K’Ma Maung towns. On February 5th 2021, healthcare workers from the public hospital in K’Ma Maung Town participated [began participating] in the CDM. On February 6th 2021, healthcare workers from the hospital in Hpapun Town (a 100-bed-hospital) also participated [began participating] in the CDM.
On February 8th 2021, local people who live in Hpapun Town and K’Ma Maung Town protested against the military coup because they do not accept the dictatorship. On February 9th 2021, they held another protest which included around 200 people, starting from [the area between] the Hpapun Basic Education High School and the (100-bed) hospital in Hpapun Town. From there, they marched to Section (1) of Hpapun Town. People who took part in the protest in Hpapun Town circled twice around Hpapun Town, before returning to the Hpapun Government Basic Education High School at 10:30 am. The protest was successfully finished [ended without incident].
Likewise, on February 9th 2021, there were around 600 people from K’Ma Maung Town who held a protest starting from the government kindergarten school and marching to the public hospital. The protest finished at 11:30 am. The slogans used in the protest were: 1. Release the detained NLD government officials and protesters; 2. May Aung San Suu Kyi be healthy. The protests were held by different ethnic groups and staff from different [government] departments.
On February 13th 2021, another protest was held in K’Ma Maung Town. The protest started at 9:00 am and ended at 11:00 am. Around 200 people, of different ethnic groups, participated in the protest. The protesters started marching from the football [soccer] field at K’Ma Maung Basic Education High School and circled once around the town. Then they returned and gathered at the school. No protests were held in K’Ma Maung on February 15th 2021.
Similarly, on February 13th and February 15th 2021, there were no protests in Hpapun Town.
Civilians protested in Hpapun Town on March 5th 2021. The protest was held in the western part of Hpapun Town located in K’law Hta village tract,[5] Lu Thaw Township, Mu Traw District. The protest was held with the people from the eastern and western parts of town, who gathered to protest against the military coup.
Village heads and elders took part as organisers and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[6] soldiers stood guard as security during the protest. Villages such as Nah Khoh Hkee, Nah Khoh Hta, Maw Taw Hta, Ta Ghaw Kyoh, Day Baw Khaw, Dwe Lo, Baw Thay Hkee, Ta Hkoo Doe and K’Law Day, Htee Boh Kah Hta, Day Law, Baw Hta, Hpa Hee Kaung, Pyin Ma, Nga Ein Su, Ma Htaw and many more took part. There were villagers from 100 villages in total that took part in the protest.
As for the village tracts: Meh K’Law, Meh Nyoo, Meh Hkoo, Meh Mawe, Meh P’Lee, Day Wah, Htee Th’Daw Hta, Ma Htaw, Htee Th’Blut Hta, Lay Boe Hta, and K’Taing Tee village tracts were included. [With such large numbers] the protesters split into two groups to hold the protest. One group held a protest in Hpapun Town and the other group held a protest in Way Mone village.
In Hpapun, the villagers held the protest in front of the army camp of Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[7] #642 and then they circled twice around Hpapun. The protest, which was held on March 5th 2021, [started] at 8:00 am and finished at 12:00 pm. The protesters gathered at the football [soccer] field at Hpapun High School [prior to going to the army camp]; they chanted slogans and sang their national hymn. The protest ended without incident.
The slogans used in the protest were: 1. Release the detained NLD government officials and protestors; 2. The Burma Army must withdraw their army camps from our territory; 3. Burmanisation and military dictatorship must end; 4. Abolish the 2008 Constitution; 5. Establish a federal democratic state; 6. Give us equality and self-determination; 7. The United Nations and the international community must not work with the Burma Army. Local people living in Hpapun Town provided food, water and juice for the protesters.
Even though there were no blockades to stop the villagers from protesting in Hpapun Town, villagers who participated in the protest in Way Mone were stopped for about one hour by Tatmadaw[8] LIB #434 at their gate near the southern part of their army camp. The protest organisers and officials from LIB #434 negotiated and the gate was later opened, so villagers were able to continue their protest in Hpapun Town.
Even though the protesters were confronted with obstacles, there were no casualties as a result of the protest. They were able to finish the protest at 12:00 pm without incident. No one was apprehended [by security forces] after the protest..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Format :
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498.28 KB
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"KACHIN STATE: Armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Kachin Independence Army continue unabated in Kachin State. Over 600 people were newly displaced in 10 different locations in Bhamo and Momauk townships over the course of May.
A total of 11,654 people have been internally displaced since the resurgence of hostilities in mid-March 2021. About 10,217 of them remain displaced in seven townships, unable to return home due to insecurity.
9 June 2021 marked 10 years since armed conflict resumed following a 17-year ceasefire in Kachin State. Around 95,500 people remain displaced across the state in protracted IDP camps or in host communities since 2011.....SHAN STATE: Armed clashes between the MAF and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) or among the EAOs have been reported for the first time this year in Mongkaing and Kyethi townships in the southern parts of Shan State. Around 1,800 people were displaced due to these clashes, mainly in Kyethi Township.
In northern Shan, over 3,000 people were displaced in May, particularly in Hsipaw Township. Meanwhile, around 3,400 people who were displaced earlier this year in the same township were able to return home once the hostilities in the area subsided.
In total, around 15,271 people have been internally displaced in northern Shan since the start of 2021. Another 1,900 were displaced in southern Shan. More than 5,000 people remain in 21 displacement sites in several townships.....KAYIN, KAYAH, MON STATES AND BAGO REGION: A total of 160,400 people have fled violence, insecurity and clashes in southeastern Myanmar since 1 February, according to UNHCR.
In Kayah State, around 108,800 people were internally displaced following an escalation of hostilities between the MAF and the Karenni People’s Defense Force. Of this figure, around 11,700 have fled to southern parts of neighboring Shan State. Additionally, some 47,600 people remain displaced in Kayin State and 4,000 people are displaced in parts of Mon State and Bago Region.
National and international humanitarian actors are complementing the local response efforts led by communities, which has been immediate, but not sufficient to address all needs. Efforts have been met with access challenges due to insecurity and roadblocks.....CHIN AND RAKHINE STATES: The security situation remains tense in Chin State with clashes between the MAF and Chinland Defence Force reported in Hakha, Kanpetlet, Mindat and Thantlang townships, as well as neighboring Gangaw Township in Magway Region.
Around 19,500 people are currently hosted in over 70 displacement sites in four townships in Chin State since 12 May and in Saw Township in Magway Region since 6 June. Chin State is already hosting almost 9,850 people in Paletwa Township due to the MAF and the Arakan Army (AA) conflict.
In Rakhine, no new displacement has been reported and despite a lull in hostilities between the MAF and the AA since November 2020, casualties due to landmines and explosive hazards continue to be reported. Four people were reportedly killed by a landmine in Ponnagyun Township on 4 June. A total of 31 civilians were killed or injured due to landmines in Rakhine in the first quarter of 2021, according to UNICEF...."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., UN System humanitarian assistance, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
291.36 KB
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Description:
"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
၁၆ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဥပဒေနှင့်ညီညွတ်ခြင်းမရှိပဲအကြောင်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ မတရားသော ဥပဒေပုဒ်မများဖြင့် အမှုဆင်အရေးယူခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတမှုမဲ့စွာ စီရင်ဆုံးဖြတ်ပြီး ထောင်သွင်းအကျဉ်းချခြင်းများကို ဆိုးရွားစွာ ဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးများ ကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းသာမက ရာဇဝတ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ထိုက်သော ပြစ်မှုကြီးများကို စနစ်တကျ ဂိုဏ်းဖွဲ့၍ ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အပါအဝင် အခြားခေါင်းဆောင်များ အပေါ် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၉ ရက်နေ့၌ အဂတိလိုက်စားမှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၅၅ နှင့် ပုဒ်မ ၅၅ ⁄ ၆၃ တို့အရ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ရဲစခန်းအသီးသီးတွင် တိုင်ချက်ဖွင့်၍ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်း၊ အရေးယူရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အပါအဝင် ပြည်သူတို့၏ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်မှုဖြင့် တာဝန်ယူခဲ့ကြသော ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့်အတူ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားပြီး အမျိုးမျိုးသော ပြစ်မှု ပုဒ်မများဖြင့် အမှုဆင် လုပ်ကြံစွပ်စွဲခြင်းများအနက်မှ တစ်ခုဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထင်ရှားလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် မိမိတို့၏ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များကို ဤကဲ့သို့သော မသမာသည့် နည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ခေါင်းဆောင်ကြီးများ၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကိုထိပါးစေအောင် အာဃာတကြီးစွာ ကြံစည်ပုံဖျက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ထွက်ပေါက်ရမည်ဟု ယူဆပြီး မိုက်မဲစွာ လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းသာဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုက အာဏာအပ်နှင်းထားသော ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရထံမှ နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကို လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် သိမ်းယူထားခြင်းကြောင့် တရားဝင်အစိုးရမဟုတ်သကဲ့သို့ ၎င်းတို့က ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော တရားရုံးများသည်လည်း တရားဝင်တရားရုံးများမဟုတ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အထက်ဖော်ပြပါဆောင်ရွက်ချက်သည် ဥပဒေကို အလွဲသုံးစား လုပ်သည်သာမက နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ကျဆင်းထိခိုက်စေပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် ရှက်ဖွယ်လိလိ ဖြစ်စေသည့် တရားစီရင်ရေး ဆိုင်ရာ ယုတ်မာကောက်ကျစ်သည့် လုပ်ဆောင်ချက် သာလျှင်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတိအလင်းထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာ လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Relatives of seven young detainees say they are at risk since being separated and placed in cells with hardened criminals
Description:
"Family members of seven detainees in Yangon’s notorious Insein Prison say that they are being mistreated by prison authorities for not complying with orders.
The seven prisoners—five student activists and two freelance journalists—had been locked up together since their arrest in late February and March, but were separated on April 22 for refusing to read out the prison rules.
They spent the next week in solitary confinement, and have since been placed in different cells with criminal prisoners, the family members said.
“They each have to share a cell with more than a hundred criminals who are facing long years of imprisonment. They have been separated and can’t see each other,” said a relative of detained activist Hpone Htet Naung.
Student activists Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Aung Hpone Maw, Lay Pyay Soe Moe, Thuta Soe, and Hpone Htet Naung are facing charges of incitement under Section 505a for taking part in anti-coup protests.
Freelance journalists Soe Yarzar Tun and Banyar Oo were arrested while covering the protests. They have also been charged with incitement, which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison.
All seven are being tried by a special court inside Insein Prison, according to relatives, who say that they have denied access to the prisoners.
The family members said that the young detainees have received threats from criminal prisoners and are completely at the mercy of prison officials to resolve conflicts.
“They aren’t being treated like political prisoners. They’re being treated like criminals. This is not right. They’re drained mentally and physically,” said a relative of one of the prisoners.
Thet Naung, a lawyer representing Wai Yan Phyo Moe and Hpone Htet Naung, said his clients have also expressed concern about their current situation.
“They told me at a hearing that they’ve been worried about their safety since they were placed with criminals,” he told Myanmar Now.
One of the relatives said that the prisoners were being mistreated because of their strong political stance.
“They were fighting for the truth. Student leaders like them are being oppressed so that they can no longer defy the military. It’s like a warning. It’s political persecution,” he said.
However, the family members said they were confident that the detainees would not give in to pressure.
“The military puts dissidents in prison, barely keeping them alive. It is killing their futures. But I believe my son will keep fighting until his last breath. He is strong-willed and has a strong stance,” said Wai Yan Phyo Moe’s mother..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"After the military invited civilians displaced by fighting to return to their villages in Demawso Township, many were horrified after discovering that armed forces had completely looted and destroyed their homes.
“My house was hit by shells and riddled with bullet holes…They (soldiers) destroyed everything inside it. There is nothing left,” The man explained the Army destroyed his TV, refrigerator, cabinet and ruined all of his clothing. He said soldiers even took his new cooking pots, pans and plates.
The military stayed in people’s homes during the conflict against the People’s Defence Force (PDF).
Civilians also found live shells and ammunition around their dwellings. Burma Army artillery fire destroyed many homes during weeks of indiscriminate attacks on the villages in the township.
The Army made villagers who had secretly returned to their homes in western Demawso Township work for them.
“Soldiers forced some to carry their food ration and military equipment,” a villager from western Demawso Township told Kantarawaddy Times. Soldiers ordered residents on their knees before beating them, the person explained. After seizing their phones, they put them to work.
A military column shot at residents keeping guard of Patan Kho village in Myalae village tract on June 11.
Local groups appealed to military leaders not to fight in western Demawso Township. PDF listened but Burma Army sent soldiers to patrol the area. They looted homes and killed and ate people’s chickens and pigs.
No one dared to stay in their villages with the soldiers. According to recent reports on social media, the military arrested some civilians who returned home after hiding out in the jungle camps..."
Source/publisher:
Kantarawaddy Times (Deemawso Township)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"As of 15 June, (864) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Depayin Township in Sagaing Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 15 June, a total of (4893) people are currently under detention; of them (182) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
In the evening of June 14, Aung San from Boke Village in Sagaing Region’s Depayin Township was shot dead in the chest when the junta troops opened fire on villages after two daughters of a coup council-appointed village administrator in Kyi Village, Depayin Township were stabbed to death.
The terrorist forces searched for youth protestors to arrest in Patheingyi Township after two police were shot dead in Mandalay Region’s Patheingyi Township. A mother, who is not in good health, elder sister and brother were taken as hostages on June 11 when the junta forces did not find the two brothers who are pro-democracy demonstrators in Patheingyi Township. Lwin Maung Maung, Regional Hluttaw MP for Meiktila Constituency No.1, currently detained in Meiktila Prison, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on May 12 without trial.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.18 MB 4.32 MB 982.07 KB
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Description:
"As of 14 June, (863) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 14 June, a total of (4880) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
Doctor Maung Maung Nyein Tun, lecturer of surgery at the University of Medicine in Mandalay, and Swe Zin Oo, a specialist doctor at Mandalay Public Hospital, were arrested on June 13 in Mandalay City.
Mar Mar Khaing, MP for No.2 constituency in Thaton Township, Mon State and her husband Nyan Tun, Executive Committee member of NLD of Kyaikmaraw Township, under detention in Kyaikmaraw Prison, were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on June 11 by the Thaton Township Court.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.19 MB 4.48 MB 974.1 KB
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Sub-title:
Church leaders say the military’s shelling of places of worship, despite repeated appeals to respect their sanctity, is no accident
Description:
"Less than a month into its campaign to crush Karenni resistance forces in eastern Myanmar, the military has hit at least eight churches in what some are calling deliberate attacks.
Church leaders have appealed to the military to end its shelling of places of worship, which they say has greatly increased the hardships of civilians seeking refuge from the fighting.
“We told them there are no armed groups hiding in our churches, just people taking shelter,” said a Catholic priest who took part in talks with military officials during the early stages of the conflict.
“They know that we’re housing the elderly, children and women. Sometimes I don’t even know what to say about them. This is just a planned, deliberate action,” he added.
Local resistance forces, armed with hunting rifles and other simple weapons, began clashing with regime troops late last month.
Since then, eight churches have been damaged or destroyed by artillery shells in Kayah State’s Loikaw and Demoso townships and Moebye and Pekhon townships in southern Shan State.
According to local residents, junta troops have also set up camp in church compounds, further violating their role as sanctuaries for people in need.
Ignoring appeals
Father Celso Ba Shwe, the apostolic administrator of Christ the King Cathedral in Loikaw, said that church officials met with senior military officers several times to discuss their concerns.
“We let them know from the beginning. We’ve had a couple of meetings, both with the chief of the interrogation centre in Loikaw and at the Eastern Command,” he said.
However, as the situation continued to deteriorate, the church was forced to make a more public appeal.
On May 25, a day after an artillery shell killed four people and injured eight at the Sacred Heart Church in Kayan Tharyar, a village near Loikaw, Cardinal Charles Bo, the Archbishop of Yangon, released a statement calling on the junta to refrain from targeting churches.
“Let us remember the blood that is spilled is not some enemy’s blood; those who died and those who were wounded are the citizens of this country. They were not armed; they were inside the church to protect their families,” said the cardinal.
While the military has denied targeting churches, few who are familiar with the situation on the ground believe that such incidents are accidental.
“There’s no way they shot these churches by mistake. For one thing, they’re on big compounds that are very easy to identify by their buildings. And we’ve set up white flags at every church,” said one priest who spoke to Myanmar Now.
On the night of May 26, just one day after Cardinal Bo issued his appeal, junta troops opened fire on the St. Joseph Catholic Church in Demoso, destroying walls and windows.
Civilians sheltering at the church were forced to relocate after the incident, according to a local priest who asked to remain anonymous.
“There were about a thousand people staying there at the time. Most were very old, or women with young children. Some were in bad health, and there were pregnant women as well. They came to the church because they couldn’t run far,” he said.
According to a local resistance fighter, the church is now being used by the military as a temporary base.
Three days later, St. Peter’s Intermedia Seminary in Loikaw’s Narnattaw ward came under attack. One 50-year-old man was killed instantly when junta troops raided the church, which was housing around 1,300 displaced people.
According to church officials, the soldiers also stole around 2 million kyat ($1,200) in cash that had been collected for charity purposes.
Ongoing attacks
Despite the military’s denials, attacks on churches continue unabated as the regime moves to bring the conflict zone firmly under its control.
On the evening of June 3, after clashing with resistance forces in San Pya 6 Mile, a village in Demoso Township, the military took over the village’s Our Lady of Lourdes Church.
The next day, junta forces broke into a church in Moebye Township’s Pwe Kone ward 3 and abducted three men and a 17-year-old boy who were there on security duty.
All four were used as human shields when fighting broke out later that day, according to local sources. The boy was also reportedly forced to carry a bomb.
“No one will go anywhere near the church now, because they’re afraid they’ll be kidnapped or shot by the soldiers deployed there,” said one Moebye resident.
On June 6, two churches—Our Lady of Lourdes in Pekhon and Our Lady, Queen of Peace in Demoso’s Dawngankhar ward—were badly damaged by artillery shells.
No longer able to claim that these attacks are accidental, the regime has begun trying to justify them by saying that local “terrorists” are using the churches to launch attacks on regime forces.
Resistance fighters dismissed these allegations as ridiculous.
“We would never use churches for cover,” said one. “We value religious buildings. Why would we use them to kill people?”
Meanwhile, even priests are no longer able to stay in churches, according to Father Celso Ba Shwe.
“Churches in these conflict areas aren’t safe for the displaced anymore. But we still have to make sure that they’re OK, so the priests of Demoso can’t stay there, either,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Inter-Communal violence and discrimination - Myanmar - General articles and analysis, Discrimination against the Karenni (Kayah), Christianity, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Mandalay regional parliamentarian Lwin Maung Maung is the brother of Saffron Revolution leader and former political prisoner U Gambira
Description:
"A detained Mandalay regional parliamentarian with the National League for Democracy (NLD) has been sentenced to three years in prison by the military council without a trial, his family members said.
Lwin Maung Maung, who would have represented Meiktila Constituency 1 if not for the February 1 military coup, was arrested on the night of April 28 after briefly returning to his home following a period in hiding. The 38-year-old lived in Meiktila’s industrial zone, 10 miles from the town.
His family was barred from visiting him in Meiktila Prison, and were only permitted to deliver supplies to him on May 12. On that day, they learned of his prison sentence, but said that the charges against him are still unknown.
Yay, Lwin Maung Maung’s mother and a former school teacher, told Myanmar Now that 12 military vehicles and police cars were used in her son’s arrest.
“They arrested him because they wanted to—they sentenced him to prison time because they can, even though there is no legal basis for it,” she said. “They arrested him because he is an NLD member. Actually he had enough time to evade arrest, but he didn’t. I think he worried that if he tried to escape, the junta would arrest me as his mother.”
Lwin Maung Maung was known for assisting Mandalay Region farmers in issues related to the confiscation of their land by the military, Yay explained. She said that she discouraged him from running in Myanmar’s 2020 election, but he told her that he wanted to advance land rights in parliament.
The MP is the younger brother of Nyi Nyi Lwin, also known by his monastic name U Gambira, a leader of the 2007 Saffron Revolution. U Gambira was arrested in 2007, interrogated and tortured for his involvement in the anti-military protests. He was handed a prison sentence of 68 years, but released in a general amnesty in 2012.
“There is no one in our house who has not been imprisoned for politics,” Yay said. “Our family members were imprisoned in 1988, 2007 and 2021. It’s like they have a license to be imprisoned.”
Myanmar Now tried to contact the military council’s information department for comment on Lwin Maung Maung’s sentencing, but received no response.
Meiktila District is home to a large number of military bases, and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won the area’s seats in the 2015 general election. However, in 2020, the NLD won the majority of votes in the area.
In addition to Lwin Maung Maung in the regional parliament, Lower House NLD candidate Dr Sint Soe won a seat, as did Upper House NLD candidate Phone Kyaw. Maung Maung Gyi, also from the NLD, won the second regional parliamentary seat.
After the military coup, which was staged on the pretext of voter fraud, NLD lawmakers and prominent party supporters in Meiktila Township were forced to flee the junta’s arrests.
The military council has repeatedly prosecuted dissidents, including NLD members, under Section 505a of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shielding the Myanmar military from international pressure and accountability, Amnesty International said today as the country's human rights crisis continues to worsen dramatically.
With the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi having started on 14 June, the organization further urges all ASEAN member states to finally get behind calls for the release of all those arbitrarily detained in the country and support measures to stop the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military.
“ASEAN’s usual commitment to non-interference is enabling the military’s deadly rampage, fuelling a human rights and humanitarian crisis that will sink both ASEAN’s credibility and the very stability it seeks to uphold,” said Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research.
“Millions of people in Myanmar are losing faith in ASEAN. The regional bloc must change course and offer a lifeline to people in Myanmar by getting behind international efforts to protect civilians and urge the release of all those arbitrarily detained, including Aung San Suu Kyi.”
Aung San Suu Kyi is currently facing a total of seven charges. If found guilty, she can face decades in prison and will effectively be barred from holding office again. Her charges include violating Section 55 of the Anti-Corruption Law, the Official Secrets Act, Section 67 of the Telecommunications Law and the Export and Import Law (possessing walkie talkies in her home). She also faces two charges under Section 25 of the Natural Disaster Management Law and “incitement” under Section 505 (b) of the Penal Code.
“The military is digging deep into its arsenal of repressive laws, including those from the colonial-era, in a desperate attempt to silence Aung San Suu Kyi, opposition leaders and many other vocal critics who have been arbitrarily detained,” said Emerlynne Gil.
The Myanmar security forces continue to kill, injure and arrest civilians. Since the 1 February coup, an estimated 863 civilians, including 58 children, have been killed and a countless number of people have been injured, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPPB). Reports of torture and deaths in custody keep emerging. Internet restrictions remain in place, and media freedom is severely restricted.
Meanwhile, fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and groups of protesters taking up arms is escalating and spreading across the country, killing or injuring civilians, damaging civilian properties, and displacing hundreds of thousands of women, men and children. Recent clashes, including air raids, in Karenni or Kayah State alone has displaced estimated 100,000 civilians who are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Approximately 200,000 civilians have been displaced so far this year, adding to over 300,000 existing displaced persons reliant on humanitarian aid.
High-level meeting exposes faltering ASEAN diplomacy
On 4 June, a high-level delegation comprised of ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Pehin Yusof, the second minister for foreign affairs for Brunei, the current chair of ASEAN, met with coup leader and head of the Myanmar military authorities, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar’s capital.
The high-level meeting in Nay Pyi Taw reported little tangible progress on ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus” on the Myanmar crisis, including calls for the cessation of violence, humanitarian access and the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar.
ASEAN must implement a call for Myanmar to release arbitrary detainees
In one welcome advance, in a statement after the meeting, the Chairman of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, Erywan Pehin Yusof, called for the release of political detainees in Myanmar.
According to AAPPB, as of 13 June, 4,863 people are currently detained or have been sentenced in in the wake of the 1 February coup, including the country’s elected civilian leadership.
“The belated commitment of a senior ASEAN official to the release of the political opposition is welcome and essential and we hope that this view is adopted as consensus by ASEAN,” said Emerlynne Gil. “It should also be clear that ASEAN’s mediation efforts would be all but impossible if key stakeholders are all behind bars.”
“ASEAN should place top priority on demanding that the Myanmar military immediately release not only prominent political detainees, but all of the thousands of people arbitrarily detained, and call for their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly,” said Emerlynne Gil.
Shocking lack of progress since ASEAN emergency summit
The Five-Point Consensus was agreed at an emergency summit in Jakarta attended by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on 24 April, but the Myanmar military authorities have since repeatedly stated that it would not act upon the plan until the country had reached “stability.” Between the ASEAN summit and 13 June, 115 more people have been killed and 1,474 more people are arbitrarily detained or sentenced.
"Myanmar's generals are making a mockery of ASEAN's meek efforts to lead the international response - continuing to kill, jail, and drive the country into the ground before the ink had dried on ASEAN's 'Five Point Consensus'," said Emerlynne Gil.
“The regional bloc must get behind efforts at the UN to protect civilians, ensure their humanitarian needs are adequately met, urgently stop the flow of weapons to the military and secure the release of all those arbitrarily detained.”
Growing calls at the UN for a global arms embargo on Myanmar
ASEAN states continue to negotiate with the states sponsoring a UN General Assembly resolution to address the human rights crisis in Myanmar, of which only some of the ASEAN members are supportive of a comprehensive arms embargo.
“ASEAN must support the passing of a UN General Assembly resolution calling for a halt of weapons transfers to the Myanmar military. Anything less is an abdication of ASEAN’s leadership role on the Myanmar crisis, and shows ASEAN is siding with a military that is continuing to kill and imprison unarmed protesters and other civilians.
Even if adopted, a call for halting transfers by the UNGA has only moral force and may not deter the major arms suppliers to the military – including China, Russia and India. The UN Security Council must urgently then make a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar mandatory for all states to stop the military's killing spree against its own people.
“Whether through willful obstruction or internal disagreement, ASEAN has become the Myanmar military's shield at the highest levels of global diplomacy. Instead, ASEAN states must stand together against rampant military atrocities and urgently get behind the calls for a global and comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
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Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Despite the dangers, protesters in the Sagaing Region capital say they will keep hitting the streets – to send a strong message to the people, the junta and the world, and to honour fallen comrades.
Description:
"The 36-year-old private school teacher grimaced as she lowered herself to the floor of the safe house. It was one of many she had called home in recent months, since the security forces put out a warrant for her arrest.
The brace enclosing her waist hinted at her bruising escape from a crackdown in early April, when the security forces pummeled her with batons. If the teacher went to hospital, she risked arrest, so instead she met her family doctor in secret. Still, she considers herself lucky. “Some others weren’t able to get away that day,” said the teacher, who asked not to be named for security reasons.
Despite the near-constant pain, the teacher spoke with steely determination about the protest movement in her hometown of Monywa, the Sagaing Region capital, where teachers and students have led opposition to the Tatmadaw’s February 1 coup.
She insisted that the violent crackdowns since late February, including the shooting of unarmed protesters, have failed to subdue opposition to military rule.
“Some people think Monywa is getting quiet now, but they’re the ones who are doing nothing for the revolution – the ones who are at home, scrolling through their phones and reading news,” said the teacher, a mother of two children. “We keep doing as much as we can. There are now a lot of restrictions in Monywa that make it very hard for us to protest. But we understand that every part of this revolution needs to stay strong.”
Even as resistance has shifted to armed struggle, including in the Dry Zone countryside around Monywa, residents still organise near-daily protests against the regime. Today it one of the few major towns where demonstrations continue on a regular basis.
During a visit to Monywa in May, resistance leaders emphasised to Frontier the importance of maintaining street protests in tandem with the public sector strikes under the Civil Disobedience Movement, and alongside the work of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a body formed by ousted lawmakers in February that has since appointed a parallel National Unity Government.
Because its protest movement has endured in the face of extreme violence, young resistance leaders proudly refer to their town as “sauk kyaw tin Monywa” (fucking stubborn Monywa).
On May 4, Frontier observed a flash protest in which more than 100 people converged from different areas onto a ward where the security presence was light. Scouts first observed the ward, including major roads, for signs of police or soldiers, and once they gave the all-clear the participants marched quickly through the streets, chanting slogans loudly to catch the attention of nearby residents. Many people emerged from their homes to clap or join the chanting, sometimes presenting energy drinks and water bottles to the marchers. The protest lasted less than 20 minutes, and afterwards the participants gathered briefly in a narrow residential street to listen to protest leaders.
“The street protests that triggered this Spring Revolution … have not disappeared yet,” Ko Than Kyaw Oo, the chair of Monywa University Students’ Union, told them.
“These protests are like a fist punch to the vulnerable sternum of the military council. It causes them a lot of trouble. However much they want to, they can’t control the town,” he said. “We will keep on protesting and our town will still be known as ‘fucking stubborn Monywa’.”.....Everything ‘gone to waste’:
On the day of the coup, teacher Daw Mya San Kywe was in Monywa helping to mark exam papers.
“I cried that day,” the 42-year-old mother of three told Frontier. “But I was also angry – so were many other people here in Monywa.”
She resolved to do whatever she could to oppose the military. On February 6, she and other teachers from her school, Basic Education High School Nyaung Phyu Pin, launched a photo campaign, posing in their green and white uniforms and giving the three-finger salute that quickly became a symbol of opposition to the regime. Two days later, 31 of the 45 teachers from the school took part in a protest.
Sources in Monywa estimate that around two-thirds of all teachers in the district, which includes three other townships besides Monywa, have gone on strike and joined the CDM, a relatively high rate.
NLD lawmaker U Myint Htwe, who won the Sagaing Region Hluttaw seat of Ye-U 2 in the November election, said local teachers had been invaluable in resisting military rule.
“We are all grateful and thankful for their efforts in this revolution,” he said.
Although Mya San Kywe no longer takes part in demonstrations, she remains active in the resistance movement, helping to raise and distribute donations for striking workers who have joined the CDM.
Mya San Kywe’s younger sister, Daw San San Lin, also teaches at a school in Monywa. They had both been optimistic about the future of education in Myanmar, particularly the prospects for further reform during the National League for Democracy’s second term, which was meant to start this year. They said they knew straight away that the military’s power grab had put paid to any chance of that. “It felt like everything we had been trying to achieve had gone to waste,” said Mya San Kywe.
When she got news of the coup, San San Lin was waiting for her husband-to-be to arrive in Monywa for their wedding, due two days later on February 3. The communications shutdown meant that she was unable to reach him for most of the day, and she wondered whether the ceremony would still go ahead.
Although they were able to marry as planned, the couple were in no mood to celebrate. From the following day, they dedicated themselves to the Spring Revolution, joining the CDM and participating in protests.
She said teacher strikes had helped to sustain opposition to the coup in multiple ways.
“The number of teachers in Myanmar is higher than the number of military personnel. That’s why I feel our CDM is as important as the others,” San San Lin said, referring to other public sector walkouts.
“Other government employees also don’t have contact with students like we do. So if teachers participate in the revolution then youths get more involved too. If a teacher is in danger or threatened with arrest, the students will stand by them.”
Despite their determination, San San Lwin and Mya San Kywe have both been shocked at the regime’s brutality, particularly towards young protesters. Figures from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners show that security forces have killed 27 people and arrested 80 in Monywa from April 3 to June 7.
Mya San Kywe said she’s tired of the loss of life and hopes the Spring Revolution will succeed soon, so that fewer people have to die. “When I saw young people dead on the road, even though I didn’t know them personally, my heart was broken,” Mya San Kywe said, before adding with grim humour: “Even when my ex-husband left me to marry another woman, I wasn’t that sad.”.....Fallen heroes:
After several weeks of swelling protests in which tens of thousands of people marched through the streets of Monywa, the security forces launched their first major crackdown on February 27. About 200 people, mostly teachers and students, were surrounded by security forces near Zaung Kyan Bin monastery, in the middle of town.
At first security forces started shooting with teargas and stun grenades, but around 11am opened fire with live rounds. A restaurant owner was shot in his thigh and a teacher was shot in her abdomen but both survived, said U Myo Min Oo, a member of the Thumaydar volunteer organisation that has helped transport and treat those injured in the protests.
He said he was shocked at the violence, but it would soon get much worse. Just seven days later, he watched as police and soldiers opened fire on a protest organised by the town’s General Strike Committee.
“The protest group was taking a break in the afternoon at the corner of Aung Mahar and Pyidaungsu roads, near Hpayani Pagoda. The protesters had some food and then when they started moving to resume their march the security forces emerged and shot them immediately with live rounds,” said Myo Min Oo.
The nine fallen heroes that day included poet and educator Ma Myint Myint Zin, 34.
Better known to many by her penname, Kyi Lin Aye, she started writing poems and novellas in high school. After graduating with a degree in mathematics, she dedicated herself to education, volunteering as a teacher at monastic schools in the area.
She and her younger brother, Ko Win Min Latt, also co-founded a social welfare association, Myitta Dika, that funded teachers, books and meals for orphans and other children whose parents could not afford to send them to school.
Win Min Latt said that immediately after the coup, his sister began organising small protests in their neighbourhood, during which residents banged pots and pans, sung revolutionary songs and chanted slogans condemning the coup. “Even though she had never been involved with political parties or political movements before, she knew this the coup would be bad for the country,” he said.
From February 6, Myint Myint Zin began organising larger demonstrations, encouraging her friends and students to take part. “From that day until the day she died, she was involved [in the revolution],” Win Min Latt said.
Like many protesters, she knew the risks she was taking. On the day she was shot dead, she had written her blood type and her mother’s phone number on her arm with a marker, along with a message that her body was to be donated to Mandalay General Hospital.
Win Min Latt got the news about his sister just a few minutes after she was shot. Not long after, he learned she’d died in the ambulance on the way to the hospital.
“My heart felt totally empty,” he said. “She was such an amazing person, I just felt it was such a waste. We weren’t just siblings; we were great friends. So, I’ve lost not only a sister but also a friend.”
The next day, Monywa residents renamed Aung Mahar Road, where Myint Myint Zin and eight others had died, as Arzani (martyrs) Road..... Honouring sacrifice:
Students have also been integral to Monywa’s resistance movement; and as the security forces have grown more violent, they’ve also borne the brunt of the casualties.
“Some of our comrades have died in our arms,” said Ko Khant Wai Phyo, a student activist and leading member of the Monywa General Strike Committee. “We feel we’re responsible for sustaining the movement and making sure their hopes are fulfilled.”
Ko Aung Kyaw, another student activist who is also part of the strike committee, echoed his words. “Every revolution requires sacrifice, but we don’t want these sacrifices to be in vain,” he said. “We will keep on fighting until we achieve the goal these fallen heroes were striving for.”
Like the teachers, the students are committed to ensuring that protests continue in Monywa, despite the risks. They and other activists said this was important for a number of reasons: to show that the people still reject military rule, to maintain hope that the revolution will succeed, and to remind the world that the people of Myanmar are still under dictatorship.
To maintain the momentum, activists try to organise at least one protest a day. This can take the form of motorcycle rallies in areas of Monywa town with a light security presence, but when there are too many soldiers or police in the town, they demonstrate in nearby villages instead.
Teacher Ma Soe Myint Htwe, who had to flee with her family into a forest when clashes erupted between a civilian militia and the Tatmadaw, said she would “stay with the CDM until the dictators fall”.
“There’s no way I can work under them,” said the 24-year-old, who had shelved plans to pursue a master’s degree in order to join local protests. “I want them to be annihilated as soon as possible – the longer they’re in power, the more likely we are to return to the dark days of the past...”
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Three striking teachers in Myeik Township, Tanintharyi Region, were each sentenced on Monday to three years in prison for incitement for participating in the civil disobedience movement (CDM) against the regime.
Daw Nay Chi Htwe and Daw Chit Myat Thu were detained together at their home on March 31 and charged with Article 505(a) of the Penal Code for allegedly lobbying other staff on social media to join the CDM. The teachers, who are related, were beaten during the arrest.
U Nyein Chan Oo, a high-school teacher, was detained in early April in Myeik, on the same charge.
The three were held in Myeik Prison and sentenced on Monday, a member of the basic education teachers’ union in Tanintharyi Region said.
“They were sentenced for expressing their views peacefully by joining the CDM,” the member said.
Many civil servants have been on strike since the Feb. 1 coup, refusing to work under military rule.
Striking teachers have been jailed across the country and many have been officially suspended.
In Tanintharyi Region, 7,236 striking educators and administrative staff were removed from their duties, according to the regional teachers’ union.
Seven arrests have been made.
Hundreds of striking Tanintharyi teachers went into hiding to evade arrest in May when the regime threatened them with arrest if they failed to return to work when the schools reopened.
“Several schools can’t open as a majority of teachers went on strike. Only very few schools could open and less than a quarter of pupils have returned,” a Tanintharyi teacher said.
The junta opened public schools on June 1 amid efforts to normalize the country but attendances have been very low nationwide..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"59. We condemn in the strongest terms the military coup in Myanmar, and the violence committed by Myanmar’s security forces, and we call for the immediate release of those detained arbitrarily. We pledge our support to those advocating peacefully for a stable and inclusive democracy. Recalling ASEAN’s central role, we welcome its Five Point Consensus and urge swift implementation. We reiterate our commitment to ensuring that neither development assistance nor the sale of arms will benefit the military, and urge businesses to exercise due diligence in their trade and investment in the same vein. We reaffirm G7 unity on pursuing additional measures should they prove necessary. We are also deeply concerned by the humanitarian situation, call for unfettered humanitarian access to vulnerable and displaced populations, support the Humanitarian Response Plan, and encourage others to contribute..."
Source/publisher:
The White House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
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Type:
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Category:
International Relations, ASEAN-Burma relations, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"I would like to draw your urgent attention to the horrible situation in Myanmar, in particular in Mindat, Chin State. After the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) staged the coup d’état on 1 February 2021, it killed over 800 people and arrested over 4,000 people. The murderous military and security forces have persistently committed irresponsible, irrational and disproportionate actions against the civilians.
Despite the continued calls by all relevant stakeholders, including the international community, the military has failed to end all forms of violence against the innocent people. It instead has accelerated acts of terrorism in many places acr oss Myanmar.
In this regard, I wish to enclose herewith an announcement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government of Myanmar dated 15 May 2021 calling for immediate attention on Mindat (see annex). Owing to the Tatmadaw’s terrorist actions against the innocent people of Mindat, Chin State, the Chinland Defense Force, by exercising the right to self-defence, has been defending the defenceless people of Mindat. Since 14 May 2021, the Tatmadaw has been sending more forces to the areas near Mindat, while attack helicopters are hovering about the houses of the people in Mindat. The military is shooting inside the town using heavy artillery. Within the next 48 hours, Mindat could potentially become a battleground and thousands of people are facing the danger of being displaced. There have been 5 innocent people killed by the military actions against the civilian population and 10 people injured. Many more are potentially under the threat of fatalities and serious injuries. The military has arrested the health workers who were volunteering to provide health-care assistance to the injured people. Therefore, we would like to urge the international community to take immediate action to end all violence of the Tatmadaw and protect the defenceless people of Mindat, Chin State.
I would like to echo the announcement by calling for your urgent attention to the situation in Mindat and for immediate and decisive action from the United Nations and the international community to save the lives of civilians in Mindat and to protect the people of Myanmar.
I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda items 34 and 72 (c).
(Signed)
Kyaw Moe Tun
Permanent Representative..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
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Type:
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Statements and documents submitted to the GA by Myanmar
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Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
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Sub-title:
What Will Emerge From Collapse?
Description:
"Myanmar is at a point of no return. The army’s February coup, meant to surgically shift power within the existing constitutional framework, has instead unleashed a revolutionary energy that will be nearly impossible to contain.
Over the past four months, protests and strikes have continued despite the killing of more than 800 people and the arrest of nearly 5,000 more. On April 1, elected members of parliament from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), together with leaders from other political parties and organizations, declared a “national unity government” to challenge the authority of the recently established military junta. And through April and May, as fighting flared between the junta and ethnic minority armies, a new generation of pro-democracy fighters attacked military positions and administrative offices across the country.
The junta could partially consolidate its rule over the coming year, but that would not lead to stability. Myanmar’s pressing economic and social challenges are too complex, and the depth of animosity toward the military too great, for an isolated and anachronistic institution to manage. At the same time, the revolutionaries will not be able to deal a knockout blow anytime soon.
As the stalemate continues, the economy will crumble, extreme poverty will skyrocket, the health-care system will collapse, and armed violence will intensify, sending waves of refugees into neighboring China, India, and Thailand. Myanmar will become a failed state, and new forces will appear to take advantage of that failure: to grow the country’s multibillion-dollar-a-year methamphetamine business, to cut down the forests that are home to some of the world’s most precious zones of biodiversity, and to expand wildlife-trafficking networks, including the very ones possibly responsible for the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in neighboring China. The pandemic itself will fester unabated.
The task now is to shorten this period of state failure, protect the poorest and most vulnerable, and begin building a new state and a freer, fairer, and more prosperous society. A future peaceful Myanmar can only be based on both an entirely different conception of its national identity, free of the ethnonationalist narratives of the past, and a transformed political economy. The weight of history makes this the only acceptable outcome but also a herculean task to achieve. The alternative, however, is not dictatorship, which can no longer achieve stability, but rather ever-deepening state failure and the prospect of a violent, anarchic Myanmar at the heart of Asia for decades to come.....A COLONIAL INHERITANCE: Myanmar is a colonial creation. Over the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the United Kingdom conquered the coastline from Bengal to the Malay Peninsula, the valley of the Irrawaddy River (home for a millennium to Burmese-speaking Buddhist kingdoms), and then the surrounding uplands (regions that had never before come under external control). Myanmar—then called Burma—was forged through a military occupation and governed as a racial hierarchy. Imperial census administrators complained that the many and varied identities of its inhabitants were too fluid and contingent and that the country was “a zone of racial instability.” They nonetheless divided everyone into neat racial categories, with some races deemed “indigenous” and others “alien.” The British also established an incredibly unequal and exploitative colonial political economy, based on the large-scale immigration of Indian labor and the export of primary commodities—mainly rice, oil, and timber—to global markets.
Modern Burmese politics emerged a century ago, and at its core was an ethnonationalism rooted in the notion of a Burmese-speaking Buddhist racial identity. In 1937, ten years before Pakistan was partitioned from India along religious lines, the British partitioned Burma from India on the basis of perceived racial difference. After winning independence in 1948, the new Burmese state tried to incorporate those non-Burmese peoples of the country also deemed indigenous, such as the Karens and the Shans, but within a framework of Burmese racial and cultural supremacy. Those peoples categorized as “aliens,” such as the more than 700,000 people from the Rohingya Muslim community viciously expelled to Bangladesh in 2016 and 2017, have fared worse. Myanmar’s nation-building project has failed for decades, leaving behind a landscape of endemic armed conflict and a country that has never truly been whole.
The Burmese army has been the self-appointed guardian of this ethnonationalism. It is the only army in the world that has been fighting nonstop since World War II: against the British and then the Japanese, and, after independence, against an extraordinary array of opponents, including Washington-backed Chinese nationalist armies in the 1950s, Beijing-backed communist forces in the 1960s, drug lords, and ethnic armed forces struggling for self-determination, all the while taking as well as inflicting enormous casualties. Since the 1970s, most of the fighting has been confined to the uplands, where the army became an occupation force imposing central rule on ethnic minority populations. But every now and then, the army would descend into the cities of the Irrawaddy River valley to crush dissent. The ranks of the armed forces have grown to over 300,000 personnel. In recent years, the military has acquired new Chinese and Russian combat aircraft, drones, and rocket artillery. It is led by an officer corps that cannot imagine a Myanmar in which the military is not ultimately in control..."
Source/publisher:
Foreign Affairs
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Sanctions - general, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Statement by Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, Permanent Representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations at the Special Session of the UN General Assembly Plenary on Challenges and Measures to Prevent and Combat Corruption and Strengthen International Cooperation
(New York, 2-4 June 2021)
Mr. President,
It is my pleasure and honour to address this special session on challenges and measures to prevent and combat corruption and strengthen international cooperation. This special session highlights the fact that despite the unprecedented socio-economic challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, the world cannot afford to ignore one of the pre-existing plagues that threatens the stability and security of societies:
CORRUPTION.
Corruption is a source of injustice and creates negative consequences to our societies. It erodes public trust in governance institutions and undermines the rule of law and democracy, posing a grave threat to peace, human rights and sustainable development of societies, especially in the developing world.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic exacerbates the existing challenges we face and significantly hinders the measures to prevent and combat corruption and strengthen international cooperation. Corruption is an international problem that needs an international solution and cooperation. While the corruption reduces access to health care, education and social protection services, corruption disproportionately affects the most vulnerable and marginalized people.
With the adoption of UN Convention against Corruption in 2003, the world has the most comprehensive instrument to prevent and combat corruption at the national and global levels. While it provides a key framework for stronger cooperation between states in fighting corruption, national-level implementation of the Convention remains a higher priority. In this regard, Myanmar welcomes the adoption of political declaration of “our common commitment to effectively addressing challenges and implementing measures to prevent and combat corruption and strengthen international cooperation”.
Mr. President,
My country, Myanmar, has experienced decades of military dictatorship where fear and corruption dominate everyday life of the people. The military dictators misused the military institution for political and economic power. Our vast natural resources were exploited for their own benefits at the expense of ordinary people’s welfare, creating inequality and injustice. Their culture of corrupt practices and lack of any accountability directly undermined the rule of law, subsequently leading to the erosion of trust in public institutions, especially in the security sector.
Eradication of corruption has become a national priority of the elected civilian government. Since taking office, the democratically elected government led by State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has relentlessly worked to prevent and combat corruption across sections and institutions as well as to address its root causes. Accordingly, the government improved the legal framework including the 2018 amendment to anti-corruption law to enhance transparency, integrity and accountability in the public governance. The Anti-Corruption Commission was given broader power and independence to discharge its responsibility.
Due to these concerted efforts, the 2020 report by the Global Corruption Barometer – Asia found that the overwhelming numbers of Myanmar people think that the elected government is doing a good job combating corruption. According to Transparency International, Myanmar is a significant improver on the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2020, increasing 13 points since 2012 because of its increased political will and implementation of legal and institutional reforms against corruption.
Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan, adopted in 2018, also integrated the strengthening of anti-corruption related legislation and enforcement measures and policies into revenue mobilization and good governance strategies.
Mr. President,
Corruption is one of the greatest threats to the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law. It is no doubt that individuals and institutions that benefit from corrupt systems do not want to see democratic values thriving. In Myanmar, under the civilian government, the military views that transparency and freedom of press undermine their interests as their conglomerates have lost lucrative economic privileges and they are subject to increasing scrutiny from the free media. They consider the government’s efforts to promote accountability and the rule of law as a threat to their power. This is one of the various reasons that the military staged an illegal coup on 1 February 2021, overthrowing hard-won democratic reforms and development gains achieved over the past decade.
Since then, the illegal military junta has engaged in brutal and inhumane acts against the people of Myanmar in a targeted and systematic manner. As of today, more than 820 people including women, girls and children were murdered. Many were tortured to death in their custody. More than 4,300 people including our President, State Counsellor and many others remain in detention unlawfully.
What is outrageous more is that, as widely reported, the junta forces even charged families around 85 USD to retrieve the dead bodies of relatives murdered by them in their brutal crackdown. This is just a stark reminder of how dark the future of the people of Myanmar will be under the brutal and corrupt military rule. The illegitimate military council will continue to crackdown everyone that opposes to their actions and exposes their unlawful and corrupt behaviours. They have already cracked down the independent media by revoking media licenses for 8 media outlets and arresting at least 88 journalists since the coup.
In conclusion, Mr. President, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi pointed out in her address to the 71st Session of the UN General Assembly that we are taught in Myanmar that the causes of corruption in terms of human nature are greed, anger, fear and ignorance. The greed of a few military generals and their fear of losing power to the government duly elected by the people have opened up a dark chapter of tragedy for the people of Myanmar.
However, the people of Myanmar are resilient. Together with our determination and unwavering quest for democracy, we will overcome this dark moment and restore democracy in Myanmar. The National Unity Government will carry out everything it can to bring the perpetrators to justice and hold them accountable for their crimes against the people of Myanmar. In this regard, the international community should provide strongest support towards the people of Myanmar and the NUG.
Therefore, I wish to appeal to the international community to help the people of Myanmar in pursuit of a peaceful, just and inclusive democratic society, in order to be an active and responsible country in regional and international cooperation to fight corruption of all forms under the framework of UN Convention against Corruption.
I thank you, Mr. President..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Corruption, Statements and documents submitted to the GA by Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
344.13 KB
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime has charged the national immunization director and others 26 doctors with the Unlawful Association Act and incitement under the Penal Code for allegedly assisting the National Unity Government (NUG).
Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the national immunization director, was arrested on Thursday in Yangon. Her husband, seven-year-old son, friend and her daughter were also detained with her. Their whereabouts are unknown.
Two other doctors, Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun and Dr. Swe Zin Oo, are among 26 suspects charged with her who were arrested on Sunday in Mandalay, a source told The Irrawaddy.
On Saturday night, the junta-controlled media announced that Dr. Htar Htar Lin formed the civil disobedience movement’s (CDM) core group and assisted the NUG, which it has designated as a terrorist group.
The state-controlled media said she confessed to communicating with Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the NUG’s shadow health minister, through the applications Signal and Zoom. She helped write speeches and NUG health-care policy documents and helped prepare for Zoom meetings and plan to implement the NUG health-care programs, including estimating required drugs and costs, the state media stated.
It said she will be prosecuted under Article 17 of the Unlawful Association Act and Article 505(a) of the Penal Code for communicating with a “terrorist organization” and working with Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who is in hiding and acting health minister in the NUG. He also has two other ministerial portfolios.
It made the same accusation against 26 other doctors who it said had accepted NUG public health, state health administration and clinician team roles.
The state media broadcast their names and photos and called on the public to give evidence against them. It said anyone who hides the suspects would face prosecution.
Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act penalizes anyone who has joined an unlawful association or is taking part in its activities with up to three years in prison. Incitement under the Penal Code also carries three-year terms.
Several medics and Ministry of Health and Sports staff have been charged for participating in the CDM and for running secret clinics for wounded demonstrators.
At least 51 striking medics, including superintendents, academics, surgeons and other hospital staff, have been arrested with many still in detention and facing prosecution.
The regime also issued warrants for prominent CDM doctors, including Dr. Zaw Wai Soe and Dr. Htar Htar Lin. Thousands of medical staff are in hiding.
The CDM was launched by medics on Feb. 3 in protest against the junta and followed by other government workers nationwide..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Health Workers Strike, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement - standards and mechanisms, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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Sub-title:
No media in court and heavy police presence outside as former leader faces raft of charges
Description:
"The trial of Myanmar’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi began on Monday in a closed courtroom in Naypyidaw, as the military junta escalated its attempts to remove her as a political threat.
No journalists were present at the hearing inside the Naypyidaw council compound, where there was a heavy police presence. The defence lawyer Khin Maung Zaw said Aung San Suu Kyi “seemed not very well” in court, but that throughout the hearing “she seemed quite interested and paid keen attention.” She is suffering from toothache, according to her lawyers, who were escorted to the courtroom by police.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been in detention since 1 February when the military seized power, and had just three meetings with her legal team to prepare for the start of the trial. She has been prevented from using the internet or reading anything other than state-controlled media for the past four months.
She faces a wide range of charges, including three that were addressed on Monday. Plaintiffs testified that she breached a natural disaster law by breaking coronavirus restrictions in the run-up to last year’s election, and that she broke a communications law and an import law by illegally possessing walkie-talkies.
The court also heard testimony alleging that the ousted president, Win Myint, had broken a natural disaster management law.
Phil Robertson, the deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said the cases brought against Aung San Suu Kyi were an attempt to “nullify her landslide election victory in the November 2020 election and prevent her from ever running for office again”.
There was little likelihood she would receive a fair trial, Roberston said. “In fact, the junta gives every indication that this is just the beginning and they will continue to pile on additional cases against Suu Kyi to keep her locked away into the distant future.”
The military’s seizure of power has been defiantly opposed by the public, which voted overwhelmingly for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) in last year’s election.
Though her international stature diminished following a wave of military violence targeting the country’s marginalised Muslim Rohingya community, Aung San Suu Kyi, who previously spent a total of 15 years in detention campaigning against military rule, is widely revered domestically as an icon of democracy.
Street demonstrations have dwindled since the coup, owing to the military’s brutal violence against protesters, but many workers remain on strike, bringing essential services to a standstill.
More than 860 people have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). Security forces have repeatedly opened fire at protesters and bystanders, killing dozens of children.
In response, grassroots defence groups have formed across the country, fighting back against the military raids and targeting army officials in shootings and bomb attacks, including in the main city, Yangon.
At least 4,863 people are in detention or have been sentenced by the military, which has arrested anyone it suspects of organising against the coup, often during night-time raids.
On Monday state media reported that a former head of the country’s Covid vaccination campaign, Dr Htar Htar Lin, had been arrested and faced several charges, including of high treason for colluding with the national unity government, which was established by pro-democracy politicians and has been labelled a terrorist group by the military.
Doctors and nurses were among the first to protest against the coup, and many are treating patients in secret, underground clinics because they refuse to work in junta-controlled hospitals.
On Monday an American journalist detained since March was released after charges against him were dropped, his lawyer told AFP. Nathan Maung, who founded the local Kamayut Media outlet, has been detained under a colonial-era law that criminalises encouraging dissent against the military.
The junta has said it will hold new elections within the next two years, though the public and analysts are extremely sceptical of such promises. The military ruled Myanmar for half a century before transitioning towards democracy in 2011. If Aung San Suu Kyi is convicted, she could be barred from running in any future vote.
On Tuesday the court will hear further cases against Aung San Suu Kyi. These include a charge of incitement against her, Win Myint and Dr Myo Aung, the Naypyidaw council chairman and mayor of Naypyidaw city.
Aung San Suu Kyi is also accused of breaching the official secrets act, and of corruption charges, though these allegations will be handled separately. According to state media, she allededly accepted $600,000 cash and 11.4kg of gold in bribes, and misused her authority to rent land. Khin Maung Zaw described the claims as absurd.
The military has justified seizing power by accusing the NLD of widespread voter fraud, a claim rejected by a group of independent observers, the Asian Network for Free Elections. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development party fell to a humiliating defeat in the vote..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Myanmar government should have a seat at ASEAN summit
(BANGKOK, April 23, 2021)–The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should work with the newly formed National Unity Government in Myanmar and the broader international community to bring an end to the Myanmar military junta’s attacks and ensure a transition to democratic, civilian rule, said Fortify Rights today.
Myanmar coup-leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is expected to join a special ASEAN summit on Myanmar on April 24 in Jakarta while ASEAN sidelined the National Unity Government from the discussions.
“By inviting coup-leader Min Aung Hlaing and ignoring Myanmar’s elected civilian leaders, ASEAN lends legitimacy to an illegal and brutal military regime,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director of Fortify Rights. “ASEAN should use this special summit as an opportunity to collectively reject the February 1 coup and the military’s subsequent attack on civilians, recognize the legitimacy of the National Unity Government, and garner collective support for economic sanctions and an arms embargo against the Myanmar military.”
If Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing fails to demonstrate an immediate end to the junta’s attempted coup and attack on civilians, then ASEAN member states should consider ousting Myanmar from the regional block, said Fortify Rights.
On February 1, Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated a military coup d’état, overthrowing the elected government and detaining President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and dozens of other government leaders, parliamentarians, and human rights defenders. The junta took over the executive, judicial, and legislative levers of power and, on February 2, created the military-appointed State Administration Council to rule the country.
On April 16, ousted members of parliament, anti-coup protest leaders, and representatives of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities announced the establishment of the National Unity Government. The National Unity Government committed to end military rule and build a federal democracy.
Since the February 1 coup, junta-controlled security forces reportedly killed more than 700 people and detained more than 3,000 in a brutal, nationwide assault against the population. The junta also deployed the air force and launched airstrikes against villages in ethnic army-controlled border areas, killing and injuring civilians, displacing thousands, and sparking concerns of a regional refugee crisis. It has also cut internet access and mobile data nationally, preventing the population from communicating with each other and beyond.
“ASEAN member states should coordinate with the international community to bring effective pressure to bear on Myanmar’s murderous regime,” said Ismail Wolff. “ASEAN can no longer hide behind its flawed policy of non-interference. Governments in this region need to show leadership and stand with the people of Myanmar by categorically rejecting the junta and recognizing the legitimate civilian leadership.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"As of 13 June, (863) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Demoso Township in Kayah State was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 13 June, a total of (4863) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
In the morning of June 11, May Lar was shot dead when he was bringing food back to Padan Kho Village from a displaced camp in Demoso Township in Kayah State because they lacked food. Two lawyers from Hpa-an Township in Karen State, who are representing political detainees including Karen State Chief Minister Nan Khin Htwe Myint, were arrested on June 10 at Myawaddy in Karen State. A lawsuit was filed against them under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code at Myawaddy Police Station. In addition to this, Kyaw Myat Min, a political activist, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested at Hlae Kyaw Kone Village Monastery which is located in Pathein Township in Ayeyarwady Region on the night of June 10. While the monk was being arrested he was defrocked. Moreover, Aung Ko Min, a disabled man, living in Dawei in Tanintharyi Region, was arrested after leaving his home in a wheelchair on June 11.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
4.51 MB 1.19 MB 974.45 KB
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Description:
"As of 12 June, (862) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Demoso Township in Kayah State was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 12 June, a total of (4848) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
In the morning of June 11, Saw Bel Kream Hel a.k.a Khun Bel Bel was shot twice in the chest and died on the spot while he was helping to push a pick-up truck. In the evening of June 11, doctor Ye Zin Aung, Obstetrician-Gynecologist from Myingyan Hospital, was arrested at Myingyan Town in Mandalay Region.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.19 MB 4.4 MB 983.78 KB
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Description:
"Indian Supreme Court rules Rohingya refugees can be returned to Myanmar
(Cox’s Bazar, April 9, 2021)—The Government of India should protect Rohingya refugees and prevent their forced return to Myanmar, Fortify Rights said today. On April 8, the Supreme Court of India denied a petition challenging the arbitrary detention of Rohingya refugees in northern India. The court further ruled that the refugees could be returned to Myanmar, where Rohingya have faced mass atrocity crimes by Myanmar security forces for years.
Since a February 1 military coup d’état, the Myanmar military and police have killed more than 600 men, women, and children.
“India has a responsibility under international law to protect refugees from being forcibly returned to a place where their lives or freedoms are threatened,” said Amy Smith, executive director of Fortify Rights. “The same military responsible for the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya is now violently carrying out a military coup in Myanmar.”
On March 6, Indian authorities in Jammu and Kashmir detained more than 160 Rohingya refugees from Myanmar, according to media reports. Two refugees petitioned the Supreme Court last month, seeking the release of the detained refugees and an order to prevent their return to Myanmar.
On April 8, the Supreme Court of India rejected the petition, paving the way for the forced return of the refugees to Myanmar. In a six-page interim order reviewed by Fortify Rights, the court said, “we cannot comment upon something happening in another country” regarding the petition’s claims that returnees would face persecution should they be returned to Myanmar. “It is not possible to grant the interim relief prayed for,” the order said.
Under customary international law, the principle of non-refoulement prohibits a state from returning any person on its territory or under its jurisdiction to a country where they face persecution. Article 3 of the U.N. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, to which India is a party, states: “No State Party shall expel, return (‘refoule’) or extradite a person to another State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he [or she] would be in danger of being subjected to torture.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
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Sub-title:
Scores killed and injured, more than 1,400 arrested
Description:
"The Myanmar military junta must immediately end its deadly nationwide attack against nonviolent protesters and return power to the elected government, Fortify Rights said today. The junta’s forces killed at least 61 people in at least seven regions and states throughout the country since a February 1 coup d’état, according to various sources. Yesterday alone, soldiers and police reportedly killed at least 38 people.
On Friday, the U.N. Security Council will convene in New York City to discuss the situation in Myanmar.
“Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and his murderous junta are systematically terrorizing the people of Myanmar,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director of Fortify Rights. “We’re witnessing security forces commit targeted extrajudicial killings and other widespread violations. The Security Council should urgently impose a global arms embargo against the military.”
Since February 27, the Myanmar military and police have dramatically escalated the use of excessive and lethal force against unarmed protesters in almost all of the country’s 14 states and regions.
According to Tom Andrews, the U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the junta’s forces killed at least 23 people from early February to March 1. Yesterday, the military and police killed an additional 38 people, according to the U.N. Special Envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener.
The police and military killed men, women, and children. Victims included students, a carpenter, an engineer, a teacher, and others.
Video footage shared widely on social media shows military soldiers and police officers shooting into crowds of unarmed people, shooting into private residences, brutally beating and arbitrarily arresting people, including medical workers and journalists, and destroying property.
In two videos filmed yesterday and shared online, two bloodied, lifeless bodies lay on a street reportedly in Monywa, Sagaing Region. In one clip, two police officers drag one of the bodies down the road; in another clip, four officers carry a body down the same road.
In another video reportedly filmed in North Okkalapa in Yangon, a dozen police officers surround a man and escort him out of a building and onto a street. A gunshot then rings out, and the man collapses to the pavement. An officer then kicks the man’s lifeless body, and then another officer drags the body away.
Open-source photographs and videos show Myanmar Army soldiers holding automatic weapons, long-range sniper rifles, and other firearms. Police also used less-lethal weapons, including rubber bullets, slingshots, tear gas, and water cannons, against unarmed protesters.
The similar use of excessive and lethal force by security forces in towns and cities throughout the country demonstrates coordination between units and an overarching national strategy, said Fortify Rights. All military and police in the chain of command should be held liable for crimes committed against the people of Myanmar.
The junta has also arbitrarily arrested, charged, or sentenced at least 1,498 people since the February 1 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a human rights organization monitoring arrests and detentions in Myanmar.
On February 1, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated a military coup d’état, overthrowing the elected government and detaining President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, dozens of other government leaders, parliamentarians, and human rights defenders. The junta took over the executive, judicial, and legislative levers of power and, on February 2, created a military-appointed “State Administration Council” (SAC) to rule the country.
On March 1, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, comprising elected members of parliament, declared the SAC a “Terrorist Group” for its “atrocities and acts of terrorism.”
Speaking at the U.N. General Assembly on February 26, Myanmar’s ambassador to the U.N., Kyaw Moe Tun, told member states that he represented the elected government of the National League for Democracy and called on the international community to use “any means necessary to take action” against the military to help “restore the democracy,” adding: “We need further strongest possible action from the international community to immediately end the military coup, to stop oppressing the innocent people, to return the state power to the people, and to restore the democracy.”
The U.N. Security Council should impose a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military, sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, said Fortify Rights. Failing that, the U.N. General Assembly should hold an emergency special session to address the crisis.
“Soldiers and police in Myanmar are behaving like death squads and committing grave human rights violations,” said Ismail Wolff. “The world must take immediate action. There is no way out of this other than a complete repudiation of the coup and the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The international community must take immediate and collective action to end the Myanmar junta’s widespread and systematic killing of unarmed people, said Fortify Rights today. U.N. member states should ensure those responsible are held accountable for their crimes.
The Myanmar military and police shot and killed upwards of 90 women, men, and children today in at least 40 towns and cities throughout the country, according to reports that Fortify Rights has not independently confirmed. Today is Armed Forces Day in Myanmar.
“This ongoing, horrific massacre of unarmed, innocent people is the result of years of impunity, and it must end,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer of Fortify Rights. “Governments can no longer sit idly by and watch this attack unfold. Inaction is complicity.”
On March 26, state-run television MRTV broadcast an ominous warning to protesters, saying, “You should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot in the head and back.” Eyewitness photographs and videos filmed today show dead bodies, including children, and soldiers firing weapons street-level, dragging lifeless victims away, and brutally beating people. One video shows a close-range killing of an unarmed boy on a motorcycle by Myanmar Army soldiers.
The junta’s words and actions indicate coordination in today’s killings and that soldiers were following orders to shoot and kill unarmed protesters, said Fortify Rights.
According to media reports and open-source information, security forces killed and injured protesters in at least Mandalay Region, Yangon Division, Kachin State, Tanintharyi Region, Sagaing Region, and other locations throughout the country today.
As of the end of the day yesterday, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) reported a death toll of 328 since the military coup d’état on February 1. Today’s bloodshed brings that tally to more than 400 women, men, and children. Security forces have also arbitrarily arrested at least 3,000 people, including children, according to AAPP.
On March 26, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Thomas Andrews called for U.N. member states to hold an “emergency summit,” including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China, the U.S., and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which comprises elected members of the Myanmar parliament ousted in the February 1 coup d’état.
According to media reports, eight countries sent representatives to the Armed Forces Day military parade in Naypyidaw today, including Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand.
Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement continues to lead a non-violent, peaceful resistance to military rule. Millions of people in the country have protested the military takeover, including throngs of peaceful protesters taking to the streets throughout the country on an almost daily basis, defying the junta’s attempts to terrorize the population.
The U.N. Security Council should impose a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military, sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. The U.N. General Assembly should also urgently hold an Emergency Special Session to demand collective action in response to the Myanmar military’s widespread and systematic attack on protesters.
On March 25, the U.S. Treasury Department issued new sanctions targeting two Myanmar military holding companies—the Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation Limited—and the U.K. Foreign Secretary imposed sanctions against MEHL.
“Strong, targeted sanctions from the U.S., U.K., and other states are important to isolate the junta and deprive it of resources, but they’re not enough,” said Matthew Smith. “ASEAN must take urgent action, and China, Russia, and others must not be allowed to prevent a more coordinated and far-reaching global response to the horrors unfolding in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, International Relations, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့
၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၀ရက်နေ့၊ ညပိုင်းတွင် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တောင်ပိုင်းနှင့် ကရင်နီ (ကယား) ပြည်နယ်၊ နယ်စပ်ရှိ မိုးဗြဲမြို့နယ်၊ အနောက်ဘက်ခြမ်း၊ လွယ်ရင်းတောင်ခြေတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြားမှ စေတနာရှင်များက စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများအတွက် ပြည်သူမှ ပြည်သူသို့ ပေးပို့လှူဒါန်းထားသော စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ ဆန်အိတ် ၈၀ ခန့်အပါအဝင် ဆေးဝါးပစ္စည်းများနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးထောက်ပံ့ရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုနေသည့် လူနာတင်ကားတစ်စီးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း ဓါတ်ပုံအထောက် အထားများနှင့်တကွ ကနဦးသတင်းရရှိပါသည်။
၂။ ထို့အတူ ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးမှ စစ်ဘေး ရှောင်ပြည်သူများနှင့် အတိဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြသည့် ဘေးသင့်ပြည်သူများအား နည်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးနေသော လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များကိုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးအရေးယူခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း၊ ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းများကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများကို ပိတ်ဆို့တားဆီးခြင်းတို့ကို အစဉ်တစိုက် ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိနေရသည်။
၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက လက်မှတ် ရေးထိုးထားသော The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 ၏ Article 3 ကို တိုက်ရိုက်ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာ့ကာကွယ်ရေး အက်ဥပဒေ ၁၉၅၉ ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါသည်။
၄။ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီးက ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် ကြေညာချက်အရ အရပ်သားများနှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အဦများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် ဘေးကင်းပြီး တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့မှု မရှိသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို သွားလာခွင့်ပေးရန်ဆိုသည့် တိုက်တွန်းချက်ကိုလည်း လုံးဝ လျစ်လျူရှု၍ ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး ကလည်း ကယားပြည်နယ်မှ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများကို စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများက တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့်အပေါ် သတိပြု စိုးရိမ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပါသည်။
၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုကိုပြသရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးနှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်း အစရှိသည့် ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျုးလွန်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် အတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
China and US on opposed sides in Myanmar's escalating civil war while Japan, India and ASEAN struggle to strike a middle ground
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" China has declared its support for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s military-coup government in Myanmar. The United States and the European Union have implemented sanctions and declared their support for the people’s power movement agitating against the dictatorship.
India and Japan are keeping quiet because they don’t want to push Myanmar further back into the clutches of China. Thailand is too dependent on natural gas imports from Myanmar to dare to condemn or even criticize the coup.
The rest of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, has once again demonstrated that it is wholly incapable of resolving regional crises.
That, in a nutshell, is how the main external actors have reacted to the turmoil that Min Aung Hlaing thrust upon Myanmar when he and his henchmen seized power on February 1.
How this Great Game proxy theater plays out remains to be seen, but it is clear that it has pitted China against the US in a conflict that is escalating into a regional crisis.
Beyond the superpower rivalry, Japan, India and other regional actors are not keen to see Chinese influence grow in a desperate Myanmar.
That desperation is growing. Waves of refugees are beginning to stream to Myanmar’s borders with Thailand and across the frontier into India, representing the front edge of a new humanitarian crisis that could come to rival the country’s earlier Rohinyga exodus.
Economically and financially, the country is on the verge of collapse, driving out many of the Western investors who entered the country in hopes of a democratic transition. But there are growing signs that China sees opportunity in Myanmar’s crisis.
At a regional meeting in Chongqing on June 8, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi assured his Myanmar counterpart Wunna Maung Maung Lwin that bilateral relations have not been affected by what he referred to as “changes in Myanmar’s domestic and external situation.”
Chinese officials also pledged support for ASEAN’s diplomatic initiatives on Myanmar’s crisis, despite the fact the “five point consensus” agreed between Min Aung Hlaing and ASEAN representative at a one-day meeting in Jakarta on April 24 have been largely dead on arrival.
In essence, the “consensus agreement” put equal blame on the Myanmar military’s gunning down of hundreds of peaceful demonstrators, including children as young as five, and the protesters who at that time were armed with little more than slingshots and homemade devices to defend themselves.
From June 4-5, two Bruneian officials, Second Foreign Minister Erywan Yusof and ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi, were sent by ASEAN to Myanmar but they apparently did little more than chat with junta representatives.
A press release uploaded on the official website of the ASEAN Secretariat, which was later removed, mentioned the assumed government leadership titles of Myanmar junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing and others who were present at the meeting, giving ASEAN’s de facto official recognition of the coup-makers and their bloody coup.
That prompted Jakarta Post editor Kornelius Purba to write in a June 9 op-ed: “Asean is now becoming the laughing stock in the eyes of the international community not only because it is failing to address the plights of the Myanmar people but also because it has fallen into the trap of Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.”
It is often forgotten that ASEAN is not a Southeast Asian equivalent of the EU; rather it’s a loose gathering of mainly un-democratic regimes guided by two cardinal principles — non-interference and consensus —that make it perennially impotent to resolve regional crises.
Indonesia is the only ASEAN member that has shown some willingness to address Myanmar’s problems and how they are spilling over into the wider region.
After holding talks with EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell in Jakarta on June 2, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said that her country is continuing to communicate with ASEAN’s chair — now Brunei — and other member states to demand an immediate end to killings and the release of over 4,000 political detainees.
ASEAN’s inaction is likely to China’s liking. While Beijing may be concerned with Myanmar’s rising internal strife and intensified civil war — which now includes not only traditional ethnic armies but also a multitude of local forces in areas that have not seen fighting for decades — it has shown time and again that it can work together with Myanmar’s generals.
China has big geostrategic interests to protect in Myanmar and Beijing has always sided with the political camp that appears to have the upper hand. For now, that’s Min Aung Hlaing’s unpopular junta.
Myanmar is the only neighboring country that provides China with direct access to the Indian Ocean. That allows Chinese shipments of fuel and other key imports to bypass the disputed waters of the South China Sea and the Malacca Strait chokepoint that Beijing fears could be blocked in any conflict scenario with the US.
The US is on the other side of the political divide in post-coup Myanmar. Starting in June, the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) announced that its two media networks, the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, will launch a new 24-hour video channel for Myanmar.
According to a June 9 USAGM press release, the channel will be available on two different direct-to-home TV satellites covering Myanmar and is being launched in response to the junta’s “shutdown of independent media and its intermittent blocking of mobile phone services since the military’s February 1 coup.”
Civil society organizations inside the country and in exile will also get support from the US. But other than keeping hope alive among the general public, it is hard to see how this will affect the staying power of a military regime that is willing to brutally mow down civilians to survive.
An estimated 861 protesters had been shot dead by the Myanmar military since the coup until June 11, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, an independent rights group. AAPP released the names of 21 people who are known to have been tortured to death by the police and military since the coup.
Security and other analysts argue that neither civil disobedience nor armed struggle in frontier areas is likely to bring down the military. Only a crack within the military would do that, but there are few signs of any such significant dissent within the officer corps.
Still, it is in Washington’s strategic interest to strengthen the forces that are opposed to Myanmar’s military to avoid the country once again becoming a dependent client of China.
According to internal Myanmar army documents reviewed by Asia Times, it was top brass concern about the nation’s dependence on China and the need to counterbalance that with improved relations with the West that led to their introduction of a more open society in 2011-2012.
Relations with the West improved until the Myanmar army drove hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingyas over the border to Bangladesh in 2017 and pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi refused to condemn the atrocities.
While the US and EU have openly condemned the democratic reversal, Japan’s and even more so India’s responses to the upheaval have been less overtly critical. Japan has not joined the West in imposing new sanctions or even come out to strongly condemn the killings and torture of opponents to Min Aung Hlaing’s regime.
For the same reason, India now faces a huge dilemma and is particularly averse to China making deeper post-coup inroads into Myanmar. New Delhi doesn’t want to antagonize the Myanmar military, with which it has recently improved ties including through a submarine sale, at the same time it is the only country that so far has received a significant number of refugees.
According to local sources, there are now 21,000 refugees in the northeastern state of Mizoram and an unknown number in adjacent areas in Manipur.
Both states border Myanmar and the Mizos are closely related to the Chins across the border so local authorities have ignored appeals from the central government in New Delhi not to accept refugees from Myanmar. Chin state is one of the parts of Myanmar where armed conflict rages between the military and local resistance forces.
India and the US — both democracies with common strategic interests vis-à-vis China — should be natural allies in this otherwise unfathomable imbroglio. But that may not happen as China could seek to revive its old support for ethnic insurgents from India’s northeast who have sanctuaries across the border in Myanmar from where they launch occasional raids into India.
In the past, China provided mainly Naga, Manipuri and Assamese resistance groups with assistance. After India signed a trade pact with Taiwan in October last year, Beijing said it could retaliate by revitalizing such support.
Four months after Myanmar’s coup, the resulting crisis is no longer a mere internal affair. But what happens next in Myanmar is a question not even its most famous soothsayers and astrologers — nor Western political and military analysts — dare to predict.
The only certain thing is that Min Aung Hlaing did not anticipate the scale, scope and longevity of resistance to his democracy-suspending coup, a miscalculation that has exposed his country to new great power machinations and interventions that will further fuel the instability he stoked and can’t extinguish..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Myanmar junta systematically murdering and arresting protesters
(BANGKOK, March 15, 2021)—U.N. member states should move to hold an Emergency Special Session at the U.N. General Assembly to demand collective action in response to the Myanmar military’s widespread and systematic attack on protesters, said Fortify Rights today. The Myanmar Police Force and Army reportedly killed more than 120 women, men, and children and arbitrarily arrested more than 2,000 since February 1.
Yesterday, security forces murdered more than 50 protesters, most in Yangon, according to local news outlets and open-source media. It was the deadliest day since the February 1 military coup d’etat.
“The Myanmar military poses a threat to the peace, and its ongoing attack is grave, dire, and massive in scope,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The people of Myanmar are desperate for action, and the U.N. Security Council has persistently failed them. Now is the time for an Emergency Special Session at the General Assembly, where China and Russia have no veto power.”
During an Emergency Special Session on the situation in Myanmar, U.N. member states should press for a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military and targeted sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, said Fortify Rights. On sanctions, specifically, governments should coordinate to block the junta’s access to billion-dollar natural gas revenues. Member states should also press for the U.N. Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court to investigate atrocity crimes by Myanmar security forces in recent years, including genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.
The U.N. Security Council has issued two statements in response to the situation in Myanmar since the coup, on February 4 and March 10, but failed to take any collective action or acknowledge the junta’s overthrow of the elected government as a coup d’état. The people of Myanmar and civil society organizations have consistently called for greater action from the international community in response to the coup and the junta’s attacks on civilians.
On March 10, the Security Council called on “the [Myanmar] military to exercise utmost restraint.” Since that statement, the junta murdered scores of people.
The primary responsibility of the U.N. Security Council is the maintenance of international peace and security. In 1950, the U.N. General Assembly passed the Uniting for Peace Resolution to circumvent persistent vetoes at the U.N. Security Council by the Soviet Union during the Cold War era.
Under the Uniting for Peace Resolution, if the U.N. Security Council lacks “unanimity” and “fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression,” then the U.N. General Assembly can convene “to maintain or restore international peace and security.”
For the U.N. Security Council to request an Emergency Special Session, at least nine members of the Council must vote to refer the issue to the U.N. General Assembly. Alternatively, any U.N. member state may send a letter to the U.N. Secretary-General describing the matter of concern to request an Emergency Special Session. If a majority of member states agree with the request, then an Emergency Special Session must be held within 24 hours of receiving the majority of votes.
Since 1950, the U.N. General Assembly has only ever held 10 Emergency Special Sessions on situations in several countries. During those sessions, the General Assembly recommended arms embargos on four occasions, comprehensive sanctions on two occasions, and peacekeepers on one occasion. In five of the past ten Emergency Special Sessions, the General Assembly urged military forces to withdraw.
On February 1, the Myanmar military carried out a coup d’etat, overthrowing the democratically elected government. The military initially arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of others, declaring that it would control the country for one year. On February 2, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing created the State Administrative Council, with himself as chairperson.
On February 3, medical professionals in Myanmar government-run hospitals went on strike in an act of civil disobedience. Their initial, coordinated act grew into the ongoing nationwide nonviolent “Civil Disobedience Movement” involving daily mass protests throughout the country and nationwide general strikes.
On February 5, 15 elected members of parliament created the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), adding two additional MPs on February 10. The CRPH aims to form a government and perform the duties of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. On February 23, the CRPH appointed Dr. Sasa, an ethnic Chin medical doctor and longtime humanitarian, as its representative to the United Nations. On March 9, CRPH announced it had appointed Mahn Win Khaing Than as acting Vice President of the country.
Since February 1, millions of people in Myanmar have protested the coup, including through acts as simple as banging pots and pans. Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets throughout the country, protesting the military and holding evening vigils for murdered protesters in defiance of the junta’s prohibition on gatherings of five or more people.
The Myanmar Police Force and military have used excessive and lethal force against protesters and, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, arbitrarily arrested at least 2,000 people. The junta amended a raft of laws to strip away rights and imposed evening internet blackouts nationwide.
The military coup stands to exacerbate existing crises in the country, said Fortify Rights, citing reports of recent Myanmar military troop movements in at least northern Rakhine State and Karen and Kachin states, armed clashes with non-state ethnic armies, and attacks on civilians in ethnic areas since February 1.
The Myanmar military is responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic minorities for decades. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State.
On February 12, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Thomas Andrews, said, “all options should be on the table” in response to the coup in Myanmar. “Barring concrete steps from the Security Council,” Thomas Andrews said, “the General Assembly can convene an Emergency Special Session.”
On March 11, Thomas Andrews addressed the U.N. Human Rights Council, describing “shocking video of the aftermath of attacks, including fatal gunshot wounds to the heads of protesters, and video of soldiers dragging or carrying away the dead bodies of their victims.”
“There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “This is the same military that has been carrying out the Rohingya genocide for several years and committing war crimes in ethnic states.”
The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace.
Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter concerning Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.”
In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity.
“The Myanmar military is not the Government of Myanmar,” said Matthew Smith. “U.N. member states must recognize Myanmar’s duly elected leaders and their chosen representatives, including the CRPH. The junta is an illegal entity formed by the Myanmar military, a criminal enterprise.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
137 organizations call for urgent international action in response to coup and crackdown
Description:
"The United Nations Security Council should “institute a coordinated, global arms embargo” against the Myanmar military, said Fortify Rights and 136 other organizations in an open letter to the body and U.N. member states today.
“The Myanmar military poses a demonstrable threat to international peace and security,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The Security Council should break its long history of inaction on Myanmar and immediately respond to this crisis.”
Signatories to the open letter hail from 31 countries and include Fortify Rights, Human Rights Watch, and a diverse group of human rights organizations worldwide. Dozens of Myanmar-led organizations based in the country and Rohingya-led organizations signed the letter, demonstrating a level of inter-ethnic unity in the wake of the February 1 coup d’état in Myanmar, Fortify Rights said.
The open letter released today focuses on the February 1 coup as well as the junta’s deadly crackdowns on nationwide protests, which continue at the time of writing. The Myanmar military “has detained the elected civilian leaders of the country, nullified the results of the November 2020 democratic elections, and installed a junta, the State Administration Council, under a manufactured ‘state of emergency,’” the letter says.
On Monday, millions of people throughout Myanmar joined the “civil disobedience movement” by participating in a nationwide general strike and street protests.
State security forces have used lethal force against unarmed protesters, killing Wai Yan Htun, 16, and Thet Naing Win, 36, in Mandalay and Tin Htut Hein, 30, while he was on a “night watch” in Yangon on February 20. On February 19, Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing, 20, died from injuries sustained after security forces shot her in the head in Naypyidaw on February 9. The police used excessive force—including with high-pressure water cannons, beatings, and rubber bullets and other less-lethal projectiles—in various locations since February 1, injuring scores.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, as of February 22, more than 630 people are either evading arbitrary arrest or are currently in detention since the junta seized power.
In addition to overthrowing a democratically elected government and arbitrarily detaining an elected world leader, the Myanmar military is also responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic-nationality people. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State. Several armed conflicts in the country are ongoing.
The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, atrocity crimes, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace. The United Kingdom is the current president of the U.N. Security Council, and the United States of America will become president on March 1.
“There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “The coup will only exacerbate existing crises in the country that threaten to spill over its borders.”
Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the U.N. Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter with regard to Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.”
In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity.
On February 2, the U.N. Security Council convened an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar and failed to establish a common position. Later, the body issued a statement on the situation in Myanmar.
“Council members should use that newfound consensus to take swift and substantive action,” the open letter issued today said. “An arms embargo would be the centerpiece of a global effort to shield the people of Myanmar from a return to abusive and autocratic rule.”..."
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"Fortify Rights"
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2021-06-13
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"In the aftermath of the November general election the intense fighting between the national armed forces (Tatmadaw) and the Arakan Army came to an unexpected halt. Since the February coup of the State Administration Council, the situation has remained delicately poised. Political sentiment is very high. But Rakhine nationalism is presently on a different cycle to political movements in other parts of the country. In this commentary Kyaw Lynn outlines why the coming months will remain a time of high tension and uncertainty in Arakan politics.
When political analysts in Myanmar and beyond discuss the role of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) in the struggle against the military coup in February, the Arakan Army (AA) becomes one of the key political forces in shaping their dialogue and perceptions. The AA, the military wing of the United League of Arakan (ULA), is the only armed group that can challenge the power of the national armed forces (Tatmadaw) on Myanmar’s western frontiers. This became especially evident during the 2018-20 period when the ULA-AA demonstrated its sharp resistance against the power of the centralised Myanmar state. Behind the ULA rise, there were three key features: popular support among the Rakhine population, well-trained soldiers, and a younger leadership that read the evolving mood and political situation in the country perceptively well.
Since the February coup of the State Administration Council (SAC), the situation has begun to change. Many searching questions are being asked, a challenge that is facing communities in every part of the country. In particular, intense fighting between the Tatmadaw and AA came to an unexpected halt in the aftermath of the November general election when voting was cancelled in a majority of townships in Rakhine State (Arakan). As the history books will show, this cessation in hostilities was three months in advance of the military takeover, causing many people to question the political stand of the ULA in the current crisis. Indeed some have even accused the ULA-AA of cooperating with the military SAC in seeking to control civil society and pro-democracy political movements in Rakhine State and adjoining territories in Chin State.
It is important to stress, then, that the crisis is hardly black and white, and there are many local complexities with their roots in Arakan politics and Myanmar history. From what many would regard as a “realist perspective” among local leaders, the present military coup represents more of a clash and division between the central powers among the ethnic Bamar-majority in the country: in this case, between the armed forces of the Tatmadaw and National League for Democracy (NLD). In the post-coup context, some analysts believe that the political instability in central Myanmar (Burma Proper) will provide greater leverage for the ULA-AA to advance its “Way of Rakhita” philosophy in order to achieve its “Arakan Dream”.
Many cautions nevertheless remain, and it is incorrect to argue that the ULA-AA is simply practising a policy of isolationism and neutralism while it waits to see how the current crisis unfolds. The situation is highly fraught, with new challenges emerging every day. The present unilateral ceasefires are informal; AA soldiers are participating in fighting against the Tatmadaw with EAO allies in other parts of the country; and, at the same time, ULA leaders have refrained from participating in the National Unity Government (NUG), formed by NLD MPs-elect and other anti-SAC actors to challenge the legitimacy of the SAC. In a complex and fast-changing landscape, few of the political choices are easy.
There is also a further reason to consider why the ULA-AA may wish to abstain from the current political turmoil: the membership of the electoral Arakan National Party (ANP), which has won a majority of votes in the past two elections, in the SAC. For the present, the ULA-AA leadership has not made any remark on this issue publicly. But for the majority Rakhine population this is a very controversial issue.
First, the ANP’s membership in the military council is different from that of participation in – or cooperation with – a coalition government after a general election. This is because the votes that the public gave in the polls are taken away as a consequence of the military coup. Thus it is very difficult to say that the ANP is a member of the council with the mandate of the Rakhine State electorate.
And second, it is clear that ANP participation in the military council will not imminently bring about the political autonomy and economic self-development that Arakan’s peoples have long desired. Instead, if the unilateral ceasefires break down and human rights violations recur due to a resumption of conflict, ANP membership of the SAC will be challenged by a majority among the Rakhine population. In short, ANP participation in the SAC will not reflect the will of the ULA-AA but also the Rakhine public and other nationality groups in the state.
The situation is delicately poised. As in other parts of the country, the coming months will remain a time of high tension and uncertainty in Arakan politics.
The Way of Rakhita and the Arakan Dream
The “Way of Rakhita” means to complete the end-goal of the “Arakan Dream”. In linguistic terms, it is difficult to agree a common and exact definition on these two concepts. But the general understanding is that the way of Rakhita – the Arakanese way or action of the Arakanese – signifies the achievement of a long-held political vision in Arakan: the restoration of Arakan sovereignty that was taken away, by conquest, with the ending of the Mrauk-U era in the 18th century. Equally important, both the Way of Rakhita and Arakan Dream are intended to be more inclusive for all ethnic and religious groups in Arakan compared to a more conservative Rakhine tradition in which ethno-nationalism is regarded the key to political autonomy.
It needs to be added, too, that the emergence of ULA-AA movement in Arakan politics has caused the political motivation of a majority of people in Rakhine State to move more decisively towards supporting the demand for an autonomous Arakan state. Various nationalist movements have emerged to try and restore the political status of Arakan since the fall of Arakan Kingdom. But, during the following decades, none of those movements was able to bring the hope of success to the general population.
Now, however, after two years of an intensification in armed struggle, it is not just the political elites but the general population who have become more confident in their calls for autonomy in Arakan. Presently, the Arakan political movement has reached its most prominent peak. This was recognised by the ULA-AA leader Gen. Twan Mrat Naing on the 12th anniversary of the part’s founding on 10 April 2021:
“If we are to speak the reality, it can be clearly seen that it is our generation which is fighting effectively with the strongest leadership and unity among revolutionary movements since the fall of Arakan sovereignty in 1784. From this situation, let us endeavour to improve and continuously fight to achieve the highest destination with the devotion of both mental and physical strength.”
Following these remarks, Twan Mrat Naing moved on to the questions of state building and nation building in Arakan. It is therefore interesting to look at these issues in relation to the modern-day Rakhine State. In general, it is difficult to identify the territory of Arakan based upon the “white”, “brown” or “black” colour categorisations in line with government definitions.* But it is now commonly said that that the majority of areas in northern Rakhine State, apart from urban Sittwe, are now under the influence of the ULA-AA, and the de facto administrative mechanisms are regulated on the basis of ULA-AA policies. This marks a significant change in the political landscape during the past five years, raising many questions about the potential course of events in the territory.
According to Professor Redie Bereketeab, head of the “Conflict and State Building in the Horn of Africa” project, state building includes three main elements: institutionalization, bureaucratization and democratization. In definition, institutionalization refers to the enforcement of state authority over society through specifically-created political structures and organisations. Bureaucratization is associated with a process leading to a system of rule by administrative office. And democratization denotes the construction of institutions of divided power, providing the processes by which a system of democratic governance is set in motion.
Out of these three processes, the first two are the most prominent tasks that ULA-AA authorities have been building up during the past two years. These include setting out an Arakan Authority, a judiciary system, local administrative structures and divisions (which are different from Myanmar government settings), and regulating taxation, health, education and other social issues. In term of legitimacy, however, it is hard to define ULA-AA administration as the legal-rational authority because it is mixed with other important elements, including charismatic leadership, nationalism and military-political performance. As a result, to move on to the next stage of democratization, the ULA-AA – as a revolutionary movement – still has many limitations, both at the individual level and in the division of power among leadership structures.
Another main area of Twan Mrat Naing’s speech concerned nation building. Although there is no common definition, nation building is mostly defined as the task of constructing or structuring a national identity, using the power of the state as well as the participation of civil society actors. As modern history shows, this is an especially pertinent issue in Rakhine State at present.
In a multi-ethnic land such as Arakan, national identity needs to be “supra-ethnic”, based upon political values and principles rather than cultural ones. But this task has become much more complicated during the past decade, with the exodus of over a million Rohingya people into Bangladesh and the displacement in Tatmadaw operations of over 200,000 Rakhine, Chin, Mro and other peoples in Rakhine State and the Chin State borderlands. It is vital that all groups participate in the challenges creating a national identity and making decisions on the future of Arakan society. But, in these processes, much may depend on how ULA-AA administration is perceived in handling inter-ethnic relations in areas where it is the dominant authority. It will also be important to see how political and civil society organisations react among the different communities towards the objective of agreeing national goals through consensus and shared inter-communication.
For the moment, the impartiality, decisiveness and results-oriented manner, in most cases, of the current ULA judiciary system has been generally welcomed within minority communities, including the Rohingya, where its authority reaches. At least, ULA administration is not regarded as worse than Myanmar government practices. Nevertheless Arakan nation building will need to move on from the present situation of peaceful coexistence to an ethnically harmonious society which enjoys and celebrates cultural diversity of all kinds. There is still a long way to go.
In summary, to sustain legitimacy and authority in pursuit of the Arakan Dream, much will depend on how effectively the ULA can change its administrative structures from the culture of a revolutionary liberation movement to one of civic governance in which all citizens are treated on the basis of transparent and equitably-defined rules and regulations.
The Nature of Arakan Politics
In 21st century society, there are two main political pulling forces that have evolved from Arakan’s past. The first has developed since the fall of Mrauk-U and continued for over two hundred years. The ultimate goal of this political force is to build power-seeking structures and institutions, such as the creation of an independent and autonomous Arakan state, and the means to carry this out are the combined forces of nationalism and collectivism. In the modern era, this movement is mainly represented by the ULA-AA as well as some smaller political organisations among the Rakhine population.
The second force, in contrast, is quite new, developing since the second half of 20th century. But currently, following ten years of democratization, manifestations of this trend are extensive and intensive. The ultimate aim of this force is to create power-restraining institutions in the creation of an Arakan society that embraces democratic accountability and the rule of law, and the means to achieve this is liberal individualism. This grouping is broader and generally expressed by civil society organisations and individual activists, reformers and scholars.
It should be mentioned, though, that the two forces should not be regarded as distinct. ULA leaders have expressed the pro-democracy values of the second force, while political actors among the second group support the nationalist values of the first force. As a result, Arakan society is presently seen to be more united and organised than during previous governmental eras in modern history. At the same time, it needs to be qualified that the key audience for the second trend in Arakan politics are the younger generation, whereas the majority of the Arakan population are in favour of the more overt nationalism of the first force.
From this, two conclusions can be drawn. The consolidation of liberal individualism will face limitations until its supporters achieve recognisable rights and influence on the political stage. And, looking to the current trends and principles in Arakan politics and society, the politics of realism will be more impactful than those of political liberalism.
* “White” refers to government-controlled, “brown” to mixed areas, and “black” to those controlled by EAOs. Arakan was historically a territory of much greater size than the present-day Rakhine State. Since Myanmar’s independence in 1948, the Arakan Hill Tracts, where the ULA-AA is also active, have been included under the administration of what has become the modern-day Chin State.
Kyaw Lynn is a post-graduate student mastering in Political Science at the University of Yangon. He is also a freelance political analyst in Yangon as well as one of the founders of the Institute for Peace and Governance..."
Source/publisher:
The Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
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Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Karen State - general articles and reports, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Burma's ethnic opposition, Rakhine (Arakanese) - cultural, political
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"To
Honorable members of the parliaments
National Diet of Japan We would like to express our utmost appreciation towards the action of the House of Representatives of Japan for adopting a resolution condemning the coup staged by the
Myanmar military and urging the country to return to democracy. This move of the Japan’s lower house is, indeed, a great encouragement and support for Myanmar and for the global democratic future as well. We would like to take this opportunity to also thank the parliaments
o f Japan for all the support they have been contributing in democratic transition and development of Myanmar. As a legitimate body representing the elected members of parliaments, the CRPH
(Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) will keep on working vigorously with international society urging them to use all the diplomatic resources to stop the unlawful imprisonment and brutal attack by the State Administration Council. We totally believe that the democratic future of the world will be restored if the world stands in solidarity..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
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"As of 11 June, (861) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Yenangyaung Township in Magway Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 11 June, a total of (4823) people are currently under detention; of them (176) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
On the night of June 10, Maung Chit Thae a.k.a Chit Ko Win, a university student, was shot dead on the spot while he was passing through the front of Yenangyaung Government Technical Institute (GTI) riding a motorcycle at Yenangyaung Township in Magway Region. On the night of June 10, Myo Win Aung, photographer, was arrested at home by so-called police and soldiers at Taungdwingyi Township in Magway Region. On June 5, Ma Eaint, a filmmaker, was arrested by the junta in Rangoon while leaving her home.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
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Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Undeniably, the increasingly frequent bomb and hit-and-run attacks on regime targets in Myanmar’s urban areas are scaring the family members of high-ranking officials at the military regime-controlled Home Affairs Ministry to death.
“They are really scary!” admitted the wife of Home Affairs Minister Lieutenant General Soe Htut, who heads the Myanmar Police Force and is under US sanction following the coup in February.
Daw Nilar Sein made the confession during a Viber Group call with the wives of other senior officials from the ministry. A leaked recording of the call was shared on Mratt’s Channel.
Myanmar has seen a spate of deadly bombings and shooting attacks on police stations, ward administration offices and other government facilities in response to the junta’s killing of more than 800 people during its nationwide crackdowns on protesters. A number of regime-appointed local administrators have been shot dead at close range recently. So far, no one has claimed responsibility for the attacks. In the country’s southeastern Kayah State, among other places, junta troops have been killed by civilian resistance groups who have taken up arms against the regime.
In the leaked conversation, which appears to be recent, Daw Nilar Sein instructs the others on the call to pay serious attention to security, claiming to have learned that 30 resistance fighters had been dispatched to Pyinmana in Naypyitaw to bomb the residences of high-ranking officials from the Ministry of Home Affairs and the military.
“Thoroughly check the stuff that comes into your houses. Be alert when you sleep at night,” she is heard saying.
The wife of the Home Affairs Minister even reminds the others “not to go out with escorts in police uniform.”
“If they see someone in uniform in your car, they [attackers] will notice and plant a bomb on the car,” she says.
She also warns that the children of senior officials should not dine out at night, saying they are vulnerable to anti-regime informants at restaurants.
“They are quite scary. The danger is not apparent,” she reminds the other callers.
Apart from urging the others to be on alert, Daw Nilar Sein also recommends some rather more traditional self-protection measures: Reciting Buddhist scriptures to ward off the dangers looming over them.
“Recite them now. They [the attackers] will be likely to come and get you, if they don’t get others!”
At this point in the conversation, the minister’s wife takes a more high-tech approach.
Daw Nilar Sein instructs the others in her group to “report” to Facebook the account of a minster in the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), and that of a Facebook influencer.
The first victim turned out to be Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who is the NUG’s acting minister overseeing three portfolios: Labor, Immigration and Population; Education; and Health and Sports.
In the call, she accuses the orthopaedic surgeon-turned-minister of orchestrating the killings of security forces and raids on police stations.
“His icy voice really scares me,” Daw Nilar Sein says.
She urges the others to report Dr. Zaw Wai Soe’s account hourly every day until it is banned, because “Everyone seems to take what he said seriously.”
Her other target was Pencilo, a popular Facebook influencer and energetic anti-regime activist who wages daily online psychological warfare against the junta and their family members, frequently warning them that their days are numbered.
“Our police officers were killed because of these two [Dr. Zaw Wai Soe and Pencilo],” says Daw Nilar Sein. “They launch their destructive activities in cahoots.”
“Do report them starting from tonight. If you don’t know how, ask your children!” she orders her listeners.
So far, the Facebook accounts of both Dr. Zaw Wai Soe and Pencilo remain active, with more than 400,000 and 2.8 million followers respectively.
In response to Daw Nilar Sein, Pencilo posted on Saturday morning that blocking her account or that of Dr. Zaw Wai Soe would not stop the revolution against the regime.
“It will only stop when you all take a dirt nap! Get it?”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
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"A student from Magwe badly wounded in a junta crackdown on anti-regime protesters and at risk of going blind in one eye has been denied medical treatment by the military regime and imprisoned instead.
Ko Liang Phyo Aung, a 22-year-old second-year engineering student at Magwe Technological University, was severely injured in his right eye after a violent crackdown by junta forces on an anti-regime demonstration in Magwe on March 27. He also lost his right hand, his left arm was broken and his mobility severely impaired by the wounds he suffered from being hit in the legs by multiple rubber bullets.
He received treatment for those injuries while in detention at a military hospital, where in April the junta charged him with incitement under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code.
The student was then sent to Magwe Prison on June 7, after the military hospital said that he is recovering from all his injuries except for his injured eye. But the military hospital stated also that his eye needs to be treated at Yangon Eye Hospital because the military hospital lacks a specialist eye doctor.
“His eye is oozing pus and is in urgent need of surgery. There is no eye specialist at the military hospital and he needs to be sent to Yangon for a cornea transplant,” said the elder brother of Ko Liang Phyo Aung.
“The medical report by the military hospital said his eye needs to be treated at Yangon Eye Hospital. But they sent him to prison right after the medical report was released,” he added.
The report also said that Ko Liang Phyo Aung still needs rehabilitation as he could not walk well due to his leg injuries inflicted by rubber bullets.
U Myat Thu Win, chairman of the Shwe Minn Tha Foundation, a group advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities, requested that Ko Liang Phyo Aung be given treatment under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which Myanmar has ratified, and under Myanmar’s own law protecting the rights of persons with disabilities.
“He used to be normal and became disabled only a few months ago. It will be hard for him to get used to it and perform daily activities. What is important is that he has every right to continue receiving treatment. I would like to request that he is given further treatment,” said U Myat Thu Win.
Under the Code of Criminal Procedure, Ko Liang Pyo Aung has the right to apply for bail to receive emergency health care.
Citing Section 497 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, lawyer U Khin Maung Myint said the judge can grant bail for accused people who are sick if there are reasonable grounds for believing that they have not committed an offence punishable with death or with transportation for life.
“The maximum penalty for violating Section 505(a) of the Penal Code is three years. As the case has not yet been brought to the court, bail can be applied for at the relevant police station and through the township police head,” said the lawyer.
“He is a disabled person now and was made disabled by their torture. It is too inhuman to prosecute him after making him disabled,” said the elder brother of Ko Liang Phyo Aung.
The regime has detained at least 15 physically or mentally disabled persons across the country, according to rights groups.
As of June 10, at least 860 people have been killed by the junta since their Feb. 1 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. More than 4,800 people remain in detention..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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The country’s least developed state is dealing with a refugee crisis as well as a COVID-19 outbreak.
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"Nearly 30 junta troops were killed Thursday in Myanmar’s Chin state as fighting between militia groups and the military escalated in the country’s remote regions, prompting the United Nations rights czar to warn of a “human rights catastrophe.”
Members of the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) in Chin’s Thantlang township said they attacked a column of soldiers traveling around 25 miles outside of the town center, killing as many as 17 in the ensuing firefight and suffering no casualties.
“More than 100 junta soldiers were marching towards the Khuahring Thang mountain range,” said a fighter with the Thantlang CDF, who spoke to RFA’s Myanmar Service on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal.
“We’re a little worried about the situation. There are more troops than ever pressing on us. The fighting is expected to become more intense.”
The CDF fighter said his group attacked the column “because the military has been intimidating local residents.”
The clash marked the first in Thantlang township and caused around 600 residents of three villages in the area to flee to the mountains, he said.
“Most people fled because they were scared about the presence of the soldiers,” he said.
“A lot of people in Thantlang had already fled their homes earlier [when troops began to deploy to the area].”
A similar clash broke out in an area between the townships of Hakha and Gangaw, the Hakha CDF announced Thursday, saying it had killed 10 junta soldiers. The group did not report any casualties of its own in the fighting.
In a statement, the CDF said it will “continue to fight fiercely in all parts of Chin state” to protect the people.
RFA was unable to independently verify CDF claims about the number of soldiers killed in Thursday’s clashes and calls to Myanmar’s Deputy Information Minister Zaw Min Tun went unanswered Friday.....‘Human rights catastrophe’: On Friday, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet warned that any escalation in violence in Myanmar must be halted to prevent even greater loss of life and a deepening humanitarian emergency.
“As I had feared, armed conflict and other violence are intensifying in many parts of Myanmar, including Kayah State, Chin State and Kachin State, with the violence particularly intense in areas with significant ethnic and religious minority groups,” Bachelet said in a statement, noting that the military has continued to use heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and against civilians.
“In just over four months, Myanmar has gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe,” she said.
“In addition to the loss of life, people are suffering from severe impacts on the social and economic rights. The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account.”
The junta deposed Myanmar’s democratically elected government on Feb. 1, claiming that the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party had won the country’s November 2020 elections due to widespread voter fraud, despite a lack of evidence. The move prompted widespread protests that the military has responded to with violent crackdowns, killing some 860 people over the past four months.
The CDF is a network of volunteers that formed in April to protect the people of Chin and has enjoyed relative success facing the military—the second largest in Southeast Asia—with slingshots and the same crude flintlock “Tumee” rifles their forefathers used to fight off British colonizers in the 1880s. The CDF said it had killed some 100 junta troops between March and May.
Fighters of the CDF were engaged in daily battles from May 12 until May 15, when the junta occupied Mindat with 1,000 fully armed troops who used civilians as human shields and sprayed gunfire indiscriminately, the CHRO said recently.
The CDF pulled out May 16 to protect civilians from further artillery attacks and fire from helicopter gunships, Chin fighters have said, but fighting resumed on June 3 and both sides have suffered casualties.
The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) estimates that some 40,000 civilians have fled their homes throughout Chin state since May.....Outbreak compounds challenges: As more residents flee intensifying fighting in Chin, the region is also facing an outbreak of COVID-19 that medical workers reported had killed 10 people as of Friday. Over the past three weeks, around 320 cases have been reported in the townships of Tunzan and Kyeehar, near Myanmar’s border with India.
Myanmar’s least developed state had already been dealing with a shortage of health workers prior to the coronavirus pandemic, but sources told RFA that following the military coup, many of the medical personnel in the state joined the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, leaving few behind to control the spread of the virus and treat those infected with COVID-19, the disease it causes.
“Nobody who is infected wants to go to the hospital because there are no doctors there,” said an official with the COVID-19 Relief Team in Kyeekhar, where medical students are assisting three hospital staffers attend to 195 infected patients.
“They are just being treated at home … We have tried to help them. If their condition becomes serious, they call us for help, and we take them by car to the hospital so that they can be given oxygen.”
The administrator of Kyeekhar township confirmed to RFA that there are no longer any doctors at the local hospital.
“We are treating patients with the help of volunteer doctors and nurses,” he said.
On May 28, the local government issued a Stay At Home order in Kyeekhar and Tunzang townships and similar restrictions have since been implemented in the nearby townships of Tedim, Falam, Hakha and Thantlang.
According to the junta’s Ministry of Health, a total of 144,876 confirmed infections and 3,237 deaths from COVID-19 have been recorded in Myanmar beginning in March 2020.
Earlier this week, the United Nations in Myanmar voiced concern about what it called “the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation” the country’s remote conflict areas.
The U.N. stressed the urgent need for food, water, shelter, fuel, and access to healthcare for people fleeing the fighting, saying that the aid it has distributed is insufficient—particularly for those in remote locations, where insecurity, travel restrictions, and poor road conditions are delaying the delivery of supplies.
Aid groups estimate that more than a quarter of a million civilians in seven regions of Myanmar have been displaced by clashes between the military and militias or fighting between ethnic armies in the four months since the junta coup.
The 226,000 displaced in 2021 join more than 500,000 refugees from decades of military conflict between the government military and ethnic armies who were already counted as internally displaced persons at the end of 2020, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, a Norwegian NGO..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Human rights commissioner says junta is ‘singularly responsible for crisis’ before ousted leader’s trial
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"Myanmar has descended into a “human rights catastrophe”, the UN’s top human rights official has warned in the run-up to the scheduled start of the trial of the country’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who faces criminal charges that could lead to decades in prison.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who previously spent a total of 15 years in detention at the behest of Myanmar’s generals and is widely revered domestically as a symbol of the country’s yearning for democracy, is expected to appear in court in Naypyidaw on Monday.
She was placed under house arrest in February when the military launched a coup, provoking defiant protests from the public who demanded the return of democracy. In a statement on Friday, the UN high commissioner for human rights, Michelle Bachelet, said the country had “gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe”.
After peaceful street demonstrations were crushed by military violence, a growing number of grassroots defence groups have formed to defend themselves against military attacks – at times using little more than homemade hunting rifles to protect their neighbours. Some groups have received support from armed insurgent organisations, which have fought with the army for decades, seeking greater autonomy.
The military has deployed heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and civilians to crush such resistance. More than 108,000 people have fled their homes in Kayah state alone, according to the UN.
“The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account,” Bachelet said.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s legal team believes she has little knowledge of what is happening across the country, where key services – such as schools and hospitals – have been brought to a standstill by an anti-coup strike. She has been unable to access the internet, watch television or read anything other than military-controlled media, according to her defence lawyer Khin Maung Zaw.
Before her trial, her lawyers have been granted permission to speak with her for just three 30-minute sessions, with the final meeting scheduled for Monday morning. “The time is not sufficient. She even said: six cases, and 30 minutes, it is five minutes for each case,” Khin Maung Zaw said.
Aung San Suu Kyi faces a wide range of allegations, though it is not clear which will be dealt with first by the courts. She is accused of breaching coronavirus restrictions during last year’s election, inciting public unrest, violating a telecommunications law and import law by possessing walkie-talkies, and breaking the official secrets act. On Thursday, further charges were announced in state media, which reported that she was accused of accepting $600,000 cash and 11.4kg of gold, in bribes, and misusing her authority to rent land. This case has not yet been referred to the court, according to Khin Maung Zaw.
If she is convicted on each charge, and sentencing is handed down consecutively, she “will not be released in a lifetime”, he said. “She is quite experienced, so she is well composed. She doesn’t seem to be afraid or depressed,” he said. “She seemed as determined as ever.”
David Mathieson, an independent Myanmar analyst, said the charges were clearly an attempt by the military to justify the coup and discredit Aung San Suu Kyi. “It’s really just to send the message that she was a traitor, corrupt, she thwarted the elections and did it for financial gain, she pretended to be a democratic purist but deep down she was just a cheap crook,” he said. “I don’t think too many people are going to believe it, because look who it is coming from.”
At least 861 people have been killed by the junta, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), while almost 4,800 people are in detention or have been sentenced by the military since it seized control of the country. Protesters, poets, medics, journalists and social media celebrities are among those held. Reports of torture in prisons are widespread.
On Thursday, at a trial held at a makeshift court inside a prison, 32 young activists were sentenced to between two and four years in prison for charges including incitement and unlawful assembly, according to local media. A dissident who was released told the independent outlet Myanmar Now that activists had been tortured during interrogation. Pictures printed by the news site showed dark red lashes covering a man’s back.
Bachelet said she was “deeply troubled by reports of detainees being tortured” and raised concern over the collective punishment of family members of activists. One mother of an activist was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in place of her son on 28 May, according to the UN.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial is scheduled take place at a court inside Naypyidaw council, according to Khin Maung Zaw. “As a lawyer practising in Myanmar I have an ethical duty to trust our jurisdiction, our supreme court and subordinate courts,” he said. But he added that, having worked on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, and those of other political leaders, he was doubtful there would be a fair trial.
It is expected that plaintiffs will give evidence next week, and that Aung San Suu Kyi will be cross-examined during the first week of July. However, previous scheduled hearings have been delayed..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Escalating violence across Myanmar including attacks on civilians must be halted to prevent even greater loss of life and a deepening humanitarian emergency, UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet said on Friday.
Description:
"Ms. Bachelet’s appeal follows reports of a continuing military build-up in various parts of the country including Kayah State in the east – where more than 108,000 people have fled their homes in the last three weeks – and in Chin State in the west.
This runs contrary to commitments made in April by Myanmar’s military leaders to regional powers ASEAN, to cease brutal violence against civilians which has followed the 1 February coup.....Rising toll:
“As I had feared, armed conflict and other violence are intensifying in many parts of Myanmar, including Kayah State, Chin State and Kachin State, with the violence particularly intense in areas with significant ethnic and religious minority groups”, Ms. Bachelet said in a statement.
“State security forces have continued to use heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and against civilians and civilian objects, including Christian churches.”
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights cited credible reports that security forces had used civilians as human shields, shelled civilian homes and churches in Loikaw, Phekon and Demoso, in Kayah State.
She also appealed for hospitals, schools and places of worship to be protected throughout the country, after several reported incidents in which hospitals, schools and religious institutions were entered and occupied by State security forces, “fired upon and damaged in military actions”.....Aid workers blocked: Soldiers had also blocked humanitarian access, including by attacking humanitarian actors, Ms. Bachelet insisted, noting with concern that more than 108,000 people had fled their homes in Kayah State over the last three weeks alone, many into forest areas where they are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights also warned that “sweeping arrests” have continued of activists, journalists and opponents of the regime.
At least 4,804 people remain in arbitrary detention, Ms. Bachelet’s office noted, before citing reports of torture and collective punishment of family members of activists – including one mother of an activist who was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in place of her son on 28 May.....‘Human rights catastrophe’: “In just over four months, Myanmar has gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe. In addition to the loss of life, people are suffering from severe impacts on the social and economic rights. The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account,” the High Commissioner said.
Since the military takeover, a minimum of 860 people have been killed by security forces, mostly in the context of protests, the UN Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) noted.
More than 100 self-styled “people’s defence forces” and opposition armed groups also operate across the country, said OHCHR spokesperson Ravina Shamdasani, although there was “little centralised command”.....ASEAN appeal: Appealing for an “intensification” of regional diplomacy, including by regional power bloc ASEAN and other influential States, Ms. Bachelet urged them to insist on the immediate cessation of violence and ongoing violations.
“Dialogue is urgently needed with the National Unity Government and civil society stakeholders”, she said.
The High Commissioner noted that she intends to update the UN Human Rights Council on the situation in Myanmar on 7 July..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
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Description:
"Within a few days of the Feb. 1 coup, attention focused on pressuring the military coup-makers by blocking the military’s access to hard currency. There was a flurry of news about the US freezing Myanmar’s account at the Federal Reserve and Singapore’s banking authority stating that its checks had found “no significant funds from Myanmar companies and individuals” in Singapore banks. These statements presaged or coincided with US sanctions targeting members of the State Administration Council (SAC), their children, military enterprises and other parties that the US authorities deem responsible for the coup and the ongoing violence.
The list of sanctioned individuals and entities continues to expand. Interestingly, the SAC ruling body is now listed separately on the US Treasury’s sanctions list in addition to the individual listing of council members. Unless the US Treasury clarifies that this designation of SAC does not apply to the government ministries and departments that are now acting at its behest, the implication is that the entire government is now sanctioned.
As I previously wrote in this publication, US sanctions prohibit not only US individuals and companies from dealing with the sanctioned parties, but also prohibit financial transactions that involve US dollars or transit the US financial system, even if the party dealing with the sanctioned party is not a US individual or entity.
The effectiveness of sanctions therefore depends greatly on compliance by international banks. Despite assured statements from Singapore banking authorities, it is almost certain that banks in Singapore, a global financial center and the source of most foreign investment in Myanmar, hold sizable deposits of sanctioned Myanmar citizens and entities. There are also reports that Singaporean banks hold sums of Myanmar’s foreign reserves. Myanmar banks, including military-owned Myawaddy Bank, also have correspondent relationships with Chinese, Korean, Malaysian, Singaporean, Taiwanese and Thai banks.
In general, banks are the weak links in the sanctions regime and are some of the worst offenders, as evidenced by recent penalties of over US$15 billion imposed on the likes of BNP Paribas and HSBC. Despite implementing compliance programs and putting “know your customer” internal systems in place to screen transactions, banks may not always have the motivation to do rigorous checks.
By now, the measures taken by those wanting to evade sanction controls are well documented. These include falsifying and manipulating financial payment documents and using intermediaries to hide the parties to the transaction. For Myanmar sanctions compliance, banks should also update their compliance programs with “negative news” research of individuals and companies known for dealings with sanctioned parties. Banks should also be vigilant about not aiding the informal remittance networks (hundi) that are widely used to transfer money in and out of Myanmar.
Sanctioned individuals and entities are considered threats to the national security and foreign policy of the US, and consequently the US Treasury will aggressively pursue violations. Through its enforcement arm OFAC, the US Treasury has several resources to aid its work. Financial institutions may voluntarily disclose violations, possibly reducing potential penalties. OFAC also relies on information sharing with government agencies including the State Department, FBI, CIA and NSA. Whistleblowing from employees is another asset, and under federal law rewards of up to $1.6 million may be claimed if the bank has a presence in the US.
Banks are now on notice that any failure to conduct thorough checks and properly vet sanctioned parties may be tantamount to “trading with the enemy” of the US. After the record penalties totaling $15 billion on BNP Paribas ($8.9 billion), HSBC ($1.9 billion) and UBAF ($4.1 billion), OFAC is once again aggressively taking action against financial institutions. In January 2021 alone, OFAC imposed billion-dollar penalties on Saudi Arabia-based and France-based financial institutions for conducting business in US dollars on behalf of sanctioned parties. Similar actions are expected to increase under the Biden administration.
International financial institutions are now under the spotlight and face a clear choice: either fully commit to sanctions compliance or risk crippling penalties and losing access to the US financial system..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, USA-Burma relations, Banking, Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Following the February coup, the violence used by the security forces against civilian protestors in Myanmar’s towns and cities has shocked public opinion around the world. But, as Naw Hsa Moo and Dominique Dillabough-Lefebvre explain in this commentary, such tactics have long been used by the Myanmar armed forces in military operations in the country’s ethnic states and regions. Awareness is now building and, as they argue, the military coup has brought new understanding and sympathy between pro-democracy and ethnic nationality movements.
Since the seizure of power by the military State Administration Council (SAC) on 1 February, mass protests have swept towns and cities in every state and region in Myanmar. As the days have passed by, civilians have faced the brunt of an increasingly aggressive response from the national armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, whose indiscriminate use of force has now led to over 70 killed, countless injured, and more than 2000 people detained. And yet, despite the heightened use of military force, the general public throughout the country continue to stand in defiance, leading creative protests, with people of diverse ethnicities and backgrounds joining strikes and the civil disobedience movement.
All nationality peoples are being impacted. For lowland Bamar (Burman) people, the majority ethnic group, the current repression against civilians carries terrifying reverberations of past violent state-led responses towards demonstrators, most notably during the 1988 pro-democracy protests. However, for those living in many non-Bamar areas, the militarisation and pervasive sense of fear accompanying current events are sadly all too familiar. For many decades, they have been regular features of daily life, notably in the Kachin, Karen, Kayah (Karenni), Mon, Rakhine (Arakan) and Shan States.
Karen State in Myanmar’s Southeast is a poignant example of such struggles. Home to what is often considered the world’s longest-running civil war, conflict has escalated between the Tatmadaw and the armed opposition Karen National Union (KNU), with over 6,000 civilians displaced from their villages since the Tatmadaw intensified military operations in December 2020. The majority people living here identify as Karen, one of the country’s largest nationality groups, and are largely farming communities living in forested hills and winding valleys that run down the Thailand border. In response to the twin threats of military incursions and the SAC coup, villagers across Kler Lwee Htu (Nyaunglebin) and Mutraw (Hpapun) Districts have been regularly demonstrating, demanding the removal of the Tatmadaw from their lands and expressing solidarity with the protest movement across the country.
Whether in conditions of war or peace, Karen communities have faced the same challenges in every era of government since the country’s independence in 1948. A ceasefire was agreed between the government and the KNU in 2012 but, to date, this has not brought about a significant reduction in militarisation in many areas. Rather, the patterns of conflict and Tatmadaw encroachment have continued. In particular, the recent increase in Tatmadaw activity is linked to road-building, the expansion of a network of military roads in northern Karen State that first began during offensives in the 1990s.
The detrimental consequences for local villagers are profound. Naw Ghay Hai is the principal of Keh Der school in Kler Lwee Htu District in the KNU 3rd Brigade area. But, as she explained, there is no benefit to the local population: only an increase in land loss and fear:
“The road being built crosses through the paddy fields of local farmers, destroying the irrigation systems in the fields, seriously affecting the livelihoods of local people. They [Tatmadaw troops] build camps nearby that are causing the displacement of local villagers, and they are shelling around nearby villages. When local people hear the sound of guns and mortars, they obviously flee out of fear, and don’t dare to return.”
The latest military incursions are now compounding a worsening pattern of land loss and displacement that has built up among the local population over several decades. According to the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People, approximately 30,000 people have been displaced in the local area since Tatmadaw “regional clearance” operations were initiated in the 1990s. Military offensives and continuing clashes have caused a loss of shelter, a lack of access to healthcare and difficulties in delivering food supplies to displaced villagers, putting children and elderly people especially at risk. Displaced villagers now live scattered in different locations in several townships across northern Karen State.
For many communities, this is not their first experience of flight. Villagers in Keh Der village tract recently explained to staff members from KESAN, a Karen civil society organisation, that they had started to hear the distant sound of gunshots and shelling from 12 December last year. Although this initially appeared to be occurring some way from their village, everyone was worried. Then, on 11 February – ten days after the coup, Tatmadaw forces moved closer to the village and people started to flee. As the troops moved in, they destroyed the food stores of displaced farmers, seized their livestock, burnt down their houses and, in nearby areas, forced villagers to act as porters to carry supplies for them as they continued their military sweep.
For the local peoples, this latest displacement brought back many memories of sufferings in the past. Constant insecurity and the arbitrary use of force have long been a mainstay in the lives of local people in this region. Saw Lo Wah, head of Keh Der village tract, remembered first fleeing from the Tatmadaw as a child in the 1960s. Those who were captured were forced by the soldiers to work as porters, an especially pervasive and egregious abuse of human rights. As he explained:
“Many people were injured or killed when they worked as porters for the military. For example, my father stepped on a landmine when he was a porter for the Tatmadaw. This was the case for many people as the Tatmadaw used Karen villagers to sweep the area for landmines, usually at gunpoint.”
Such experiences continued into adulthood, with Saw Lo Wah describing the situation as having grown “increasingly worse” during the late 1990s:
“When the military came, one family had to flee so quickly that they were unable to take their two children from their home, and the Burmese military burnt down their house. When the family returned, the children were gone.”
This was by no means the end of local suffering. For his part, Saw Lo Wah had to build his own home on three subsequent occasions, but each time Tatmadaw troops burned it down again, with all of his family’s possessions inside.
After six decades of military-dominated rule and a new regime in power, Saw Lo Wah’s assessment is stark. But he is expressing a view of the latest military takeover that can be frequently heard among communities in different parts of the country today:
“This is the root cause of our poverty. The Tatmadaw doesn’t care if you are young or old, male or female, they will kill everybody. They spare nobody.”.....A backdrop of conflict: militarisation as a way of life: Internal military conflicts have long been central to the nation-building ambitions of the Tatmadaw in Myanmar. In a country where national identity has long been linked to a particularly “racialised” vision of ethnicity, the national armed forces have been engaged in protracted warfare with a wide range of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), amongst them the KNU, since independence from Great Britain in 1948. During these years, a simplistic vision of national politics has often pervaded popular imagination and discourse. In recent decades, this vision has been marked by the country’s democratic hero, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), who – it was hoped – were gradually leading the country on a path away from state failure and international isolationism towards democratisation and respect for human rights.
These expectations reached a pinnacle when the NLD won the 2015 general election, assuming government office the following year. Yet amidst the period of economic liberalisation that followed the 2011 shift to a nominally civilian system of government, armed conflicts have persisted in ethnic nationality areas outside of the Bamar-dominated heartlands in the centre of the country. While the army's blood-stained campaign against the Rohingya population in 2017 was the subject of much international media coverage, the Tatmadaw has also continued to carry out “anti-insurgency” campaigns against EAOs among several other nationality groups, including the Buddhist Rakhine people who also hail from Rakhine State. The cycles of conflict within the country are yet to be ended.
Many nationality peoples have been affected. Following the expulsion of over 750,000 Rohingya people, the Tatmadaw became locked in an increasingly bloody conflict with an emergent Rakhine force known as the United League of Army-Arakan Army (ULA-AA). But, after the NLD’s accession to office, the Tatmadaw also escalated military “clearance operations” forcibly displacing local populations in the Kachin, Karen and Shan States as well, severely impacting on the security and livelihoods of farming communities who depend on land for their survival.
Accurate humanitarian statistics are difficult to assemble from different parts of the country. But up to 10,000 people are believed to have died during Tatmadaw operations in the past five years, while over a million civilians are currently displaced from their homes, either living as refugees in neighbouring countries or in displacement camps in the hills. The evidence of a pervasive culture of human rights violations is deeply troubling. Today Tatmadaw actions during the events of the past few years are the focus of ongoing human rights investigations for potential war crimes by the International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice and UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar.
Finding a political language, though, that unites peoples and addresses the conflict challenges in inclusive ways has historically proven difficult. Distinctions between “state” and “non-state” actors have often been opaque within the geographic boundaries of Myanmar. Shifting alliances between the Tatmadaw, ethnic nationality forces, government-backed militias and local military strongmen have been one of the most persistent realities in defining the functioning of “State” in many parts of the country. Today over 20 EAOs remain active in different nationality lands, from Rakhine State on the Bay of Bengal to the Tanintharyi Region in Myanmar’s far south.
In this context, projections of national unity become a reflection of the complex relationship between the Tatmadaw at the political centre and the peripheries where diverse nationality peoples live in uplands surrounding the Ayeyarwady plains. Over the decades, continued exploitation of the wealth of the resource-rich borderlands has been central to the development of Myanmar state, much in the same way that the plunder of native lands, slavery and a western expansionism was central in the shaping of the American national imaginary. Much of this economy is secretive and under-reported, but Myanmar’s ethnic states are home to large mineral reserves, illicit drug production and lucrative cross-border trades from which powerful elites and outside interests – not local peoples – mostly profit.
Compounding the marginalisation of local peoples, there is often a large knowledge gap in the outside world about the harsh living conditions in the country’s conflict zones. Such a lack of understanding is a constant source of frustration for ethnic nationality peoples trying to make common cause with their fellow countryman, yet find themselves stymied by urban-rural differences as well as ethnic, religious and linguistic divides. Even many well-informed urban Burmese only have a limited grasp of what is happening in the hills. The same lack of awareness exists in the international community, where the confusing array of armed groups poses significant barriers for foreign journalists, policy-makers and other outside actors who seek to understand some of the longest-running conflicts in modern Asian history.
For this reason, the failure of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD leadership to address conflict and the grievances of non-Bamar peoples remains one of the party’s most notable failures during its time in government office. The 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), which the NLD-led administration inherited from its quasi-civilian predecessor, was a cornerstone in a faltering peace process that not only failed to include a majority of the strongest EAOs in the country but was also one in which the none of three words in its title could be said to be true: i.e. it was not nationwide, a ceasefire or an agreement.
To try and pick up the political momentum, the NLD inaugurated a 21st Century Panglong Conference in August 2016 with a promise to re-energise the peace process. But the government never acknowledged the NCA’s many failings. The NCA’s largest signatories in terms of EAO combatants – the KNU and Restoration Council of Shan State – could hardly be seen to be representative of the entire country and both continued to clash with the Tatmadaw. At the same time, most of the eight other EAOs that signed the NCA were significantly smaller, some of which had never seriously fought with the government while others, notably the Chin National Front, had not had protracted clashes with the Tatmadaw since the early 1990s.
Equally damaging to the credibility of the NCA, there were powerful and well-organised EAOs in the north of the country that were either not allowed by the Tatmadaw to join the accord or decided to boycott the process altogether. Pre-eminent EAOs which never joined the NCA include the United Wa State Party and Shan State Progress Party which have formal ceasefires with the government, and the Kachin Independence Organisation, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and ULA-AA that do not.
The ethno-political landscape is now highly uncertain. Following the coup, the NCA EAO-signatories collectively issued a statement on 20 February refusing to recognise the new regime as a legitimate power, and leading to a cessation of further talks. This represents a de facto breakdown in a ceasefire which, since its inception, had given little assurances to NCA signatories that the Myanmar armed forces would hold true to their word. For ceasefire EAOs, this represents a dilemma. According to Lt-Col. Saw La Shwe Hai from the KNU’s armed wing, Tatmadaw officers claim to follow the NCA codes of conduct and that they will try to resolve issues through political dialogue, but they do not follow through in practice:
“Instead they try and control more territory, build roads and further infrastructure and keep sending more reinforcements… They are trying to gradually control our area, bit by bit, but pretend they are following agreements… they couldn’t be lying any more”.
For ethnic nationality communities in the conflict-zones, such experiences are hardly new. But there is evidence that the scale of human rights violations across the country since the SAC’s seizure of power is bringing about a change in attitudes among the Bamar-majority population as well. Amidst the protests in the cities, incidents are being documented that the Myanmar military has been looting shops and houses, stealing food from street vendors and taking livestock from markets. Understanding the reality of such violence from the perspective of those living in the ethnic states and borderlands sheds light on the nature of the ethnocratic state-building policies of governments since independence and the ideology of the Tatmadaw.
Echoing this, a vocal minority of Bamar people have begun apologising for failing to stand behind ethnic peoples as they faced persecution. A female activist, who asked to remain anonymous, explained that “the intimidation, harassment and violence by the police and soldiers are nothing new” but that the “the violence and oppression has now been extended to the cities”. She continued:
“We are not even experiencing the brutality of the military yet in the cities, like those people in Rakhine experienced every day and every night. Those in Kachin. Those in Karen. Those in Shan. Now we too have to defend ourselves.”.....Conclusion: As the military coup enters its second month, people across the country are increasingly faced with the striking parallels between the ongoing indiscriminate use of force, intimidation and suppression against anti-coup protestors and civilians in the towns and the military’s historical and ongoing systematic brutality in Myanmar’s ethnically diverse borderlands. For populations in these areas, this has long been part of their lived experience. But for many young Bamar people in the cities, a growing awareness of this offers important lessons for a country coming to grips with the reinstatement of a military dictatorship amidst longstanding ethnic strife.
Such sentiments are not only rising in urban areas. Much of Myanmar’s largely rural population have also long faced the brunt of military-enabled land confiscations and repressive practices, keeping the majority of the population in poverty. As journalist and author Carlos Sardiña Galache succinctly put it:
“The Tatmadaw has always portrayed itself as the only institution capable of preserving Burma's unity, and this coup is proving the point in an unintended way: virtually the whole country seems to be united in rejecting the coup and the Tatmadaw itself.”
Now that these diverse groups are coming together, new alliances are beginning to emerge amidst the chaos. Although Myanmar’s future remains far from certain, the coup has created circumstances through which people in towns and cities across the country can better empathise with the long-suffering plight of residents of the war-torn lands inhabited by the Karens and other ethnic nationality peoples.
Written in collaboration with members of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) conducting on the ground interviews..."
Source/publisher:
The Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Anti-coup protesters, Political History
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Nearly three months after being shot in the head for helping protesters, Daw Pyone is in prison and still suffering from her injuries
Description:
"A 50-year-old Mandalay woman who was shot in the head for hiding protesters nearly three months ago is alive but in need of medical attention, according to her family.
Daw Pyone, a resident of Seinban ward in Mandalay’s Maha Aungmyay Township, disappeared on March 13 after sustaining serious injuries at the hands of soldiers who were pursuing the protesters.
Her family spent the next two and a half months trying to locate her, inquiring about her at the military command inside Mandalay Palace, military hospitals, and Mandalay’s Obo Prison, but to no avail.
Then, in late May, a police official called the family to inform them that Daw Pyone had been transferred from the Pyin Oo Lwin Military Hospital to Mandalay’s Obo Prison.
“From the beginning, I never believed that she was dead,” her daughter, Tin Nilar San, told Myanmar Now.
The family has since learned through a pro bono lawyer who is representing Daw Pyone that she has been charged with incitement under Section 505a of the Penal Code.
More worrying, however, is the fact that she was discharged from the hospital before she could fully recover from her injuries.
“At her last hearing, my mother told her lawyer that her wounds have not healed. Her lawyer said that her arm and leg are now almost paralyzed. I also heard she was not allowed to receive medical treatment at Obo Prison,” said Tin Nilar San.
Although the family has been denied permission to meet with Daw Pyone, they have been able to bring her food and other items on two occasions, according to her daughter.
“I would like to ask the authorities to allow my mother to receive medical treatment until her wounds are healed,” she said.
Daw Pyone’s ordeal began after she allowed a group of more than 20 protesters fleeing a violent crackdown by a joint force of police and soldiers to hide in her home on March 13.
Witnesses said she was shot in the head by soldiers as they stormed her house in pursuit of the protesters.
Neighbours carried her to an ambulance, but it was later commandeered by soldiers, according to rescue workers, who confirmed that regime forces killed at least 10 people and injured another 20 in Seinban ward that day.
All but five of the protesters who hid in Daw Pyone’s house were arrested. One who escaped by hiding under a bed said that he felt guilty about her situation.
“It happened to her because we hid at her house. I feel guilty. She protected us,” he said on condition of anonymity.
He also dismissed speculation that the soldiers shot Daw Pyone because she used a slingshot to attack them.
“She just asked them not to arrest us,” he said.
The military’s spokesperson and regime authorities in Mandalay could not be reached for comment on Daw Pyone’s situation.
The next hearing in her case is scheduled for June 24..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"It was supposed to be an exciting trip home to surprise his parents in the United States, his family said.
But on May 24, before he boarded the plane at Yangon International Airport, in Myanmar's biggest city, Danny Fenster, 37, was stopped by security forces and inexplicably taken into custody.
Four months earlier, Myanmar's military had seized power in a coup and embarked on a bloody crackdown against protesters, journalists, striking workers, activists and others opposed to the new ruling junta.
Fenster, a US citizen from Detroit, Michigan, was working in Yangon as managing editor of independent news outlet Frontier Myanmar, driving the highly regarded news site's coverage of the fallout from the coup, despite the junta targeting media houses and journalists.
It remains unclear why Fenster was detained at the airport and it is unknown whether he has been charged with a crime. He has not had any contact with his parents, lawyers or officials at the US embassy in Yangon, who have tried to visit him, a state department official told CNN Business.
Frontier Myanmar said they understand he is being held in Insein Prison, Myanmar's infamous clock-shaped penitentiary north of Yangon known for holding political prisoners and having a decades-old reputation for mistreatment and brutal conditions.
Since the military seized power on February 1, more than 5,900 people have been detained by the junta's security forces, and a majority remain in detention, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Of those, at least 87 are journalists, with 51 still in detention, Reporting ASEAN documented.
Life in Gen. Min Aung Hlaing's post-coup Myanmar has become near impossible for media workers, with many forced into exile abroad or fleeing to rebel-controlled areas in the jungles as they expose the junta's crimes. Those who remain in the cities have gone into hiding and swap safe houses every few days to avoid arrest. Despite the dangerous conditions, many of Myanmar's journalists continue to deliver vital information to the public and the rest of the world.
Not all manage to evade the authorities. Most recently, journalist Aung Kyaw with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Zaw Zaw, a freelance journalist with outlet Mizzima News, were sentenced to two years in prison for spreading misinformation.
Those who escape the country are not guaranteed safety. Three DVB reporters and two activists were arrested last month in Thailand for illegal entry and faced deportation. They were recently granted asylum in an unnamed third safe country, DVB said.
Fenster's family does not know why he was detained, though his father Buddy Fenster told CNN Business his son had "voiced concern" for journalists before his arrest.
"All the reporters, all the journalists are leaving this country," Buddy Fenster said his son told him. "I got a feeling he thought it may be time to start heading home."
Fenster isn't the only foreign journalist to be locked up, nor the only US citizen. Nathan Maung, a US citizen and co-founder and editor-in-chief of the online news site Kamayut Media, was detained on March 9 alongside co-founder and producer Hanthar Nyein, and remains in the notorious penitentiary.
Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi was detained in April and charged with spreading false news. He was held in Insein Prison before being sent back to Tokyo in May. Polish reporter Robert Bociaga was detained in March and released without charge weeks later.
The junta's arrest of journalists — and refusal to release information about many of their cases — demonstrates the level of impunity and lawlessness Myanmar's military operates under as it seeks to assert control over the country.
What happened to Nathan Maung
Nathan Maung's Kamayut Media covered the junta's arrest and killing of peaceful protesters, as well as the rise of the civil disobedience movement against the coup. Seven military trucks of soldiers stormed the outlet's office on March 9, blocking entrances to the street as they arrested the two journalists, eyewitnesses said.
Like many media workers recently, they were charged with crimes under section 505a of Myanmar's penal code — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison to publish or circulate comments that "cause fear," spread "false news" or incite government employees. According to Human Rights Watch, the changes to the law were "clearly designed to penalize those encouraging members of the civil service of the security services to join the Civil Disobedience Movement."
Two sources close to the pair and familiar with their treatment said Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein were subjected to torture during a two-week stint in an interrogation center before they were transferred to prison.
Detainees have detailed brutal acts of violence and torture by security forces in these type of military-run facilities.
The two sources said the pair were kept in adjoining rooms so they could hear each other scream during interrogations. They alleged the two journalists were beaten, denied food and water for days, and blindfolded so they couldn't tell the difference between night and day. After five days, they were forced to kneel on blocks of ice until they had melted, the sources said.
Myanmar national Hanthar Nyein was forced to hold ice on his arm — if he moved, he was hit with a pole or the back of a gun, the sources said
The sources with information on their treatment spoke to CNN Business on the condition of anonymity, due to their fear of retaliation.
CNN Business reached out to Myanmar's military for comment but has not received a response.
The US State Department said in a statement it was "deeply concerned over the detentions of US citizens Daniel Fenster and Nathan Maung."
"We have pressed the military regime to release them both immediately and will continue to do so until they are allowed to return home safely to their families."
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Monday the department has access to Nathan Maung but not Fenster. "That's a violation, among other things, of the Vienna Convention. We are pressing this in every way that we can," Blinken said.
Inside Insein
Both Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein thought they would die in the interrogation center, the sources said. But they survived, and were transferred to Myanmar's main prison, Insein.
Built more than 130 years ago during the British colonial era, Insein Prison became notorious — and feared — for its overcrowded and inhumane conditions, mental and physical torture, and terrible sanitation, food and healthcare, particularly under military rule.
Following uprisings in 1988 and 2007, Insein became packed with thousands of political prisoners including prominent democracy activists and journalists. Ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi spent time there in 2003 and 2009.
Bo Kyi, joint secretary and and co-founder of the AAPP, served two sentences in Insein following the 1988 uprising and said conditions there were "like hell."
"We were not allowed to read or write. They wanted to destroy our intellect. We did not receive proper medicine, no treatment for injuries," he said. During his second stint there in 1996, he said he was beaten every day for two weeks. "Many people died at Insein," he said.
After leaving Insein, Bo Kyi fled to neighboring Thailand and now advocates for current and former political prisoners and their families, through the AAPP.
Conditions at Insein improved under Suu Kyi's government, he said, with inmates able to access to reading materials and education, and the building of a new family visitor center. But political prisoners were still incarcerated there, and the prison remained overcrowded, with inadequate medical treatment, he said. Inmates are not treated "with human dignity," Bo Kyi said.
With the military back in charge, conditions for inmates have worsened, Bo Kyi said. On Tuesday, Human Rights Watch said the rights of women were being violated in Insein due to a lack of toilets and no menstrual hygiene supplies. Trials and hearings are conducted, not in civilian courts, but military-run courts held inside the prison walls.
Inmates have limited contact with the outside world, including their families. "Lawyers are struggling to even get access and when they do they are harassed," he said. "Family members have had to go into hiding."
Sometimes it's hard to even verify who is being held at the prison.
"There is great concern for the people who are believed to be in Insein but might be in unknown locations. They could be brutally tortured or already killed. If we can't verify where they are, no one can monitor their condition," Bo Kyi said.
Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi, who was detained in Insein in April, told CNN the political prisoners are kept separate from other inmates. Some are kept in a building with 14 cells and 11 prisoners — as he was with Nathan Maung and later Hanthar Nyein. There the isolated cells are 4 meters long by 2.5 meters wide.
Others are held in one room with more than 100 people packed in together. "There is a very small place to sleep, and some describe that they can not move," he said.
Kitazumi said everyone was desperate for news from the outside, from the embassy or lawyers, so they would share bits of information they picked up such as the result of the ASEAN meeting on Myanmar.
Kitazumi said Nathan Maung would keep checking he could move a finger on his left hand after guards slammed his handcuffed wrists against a table, he said.
"I did not have experience of torture myself," Kitazumi said. "A lot of political prisoners have experience of torture, from 24 to 48 hours of no sleep."
Kitazumi described Nathan Maung as a "cheerful person" who "had a lot of knowledge about the history of Myanmar" and was a "film director who talked about his favorite movies," he said.
Conditions in the cells were stifling. April and May are among the hottest months in Myanmar and the brick cells had little ventilation, let alone air conditioning.
"It was very hot during the daytime outside and in the cell. I remember Nathan Maung was always spraying water on the ground to try and cool down the cell," he said. "Our building is made from brick and what happened in the prison, the brick keeps the heat even at night, so it was very hot."
He described a chaotic court process in the prison, with overworked judges hearing case after case of those detained by the military. Embassy officials were not allowed to attend court; neither were members of the public, he said.
Kitazumi spoke of the guilt of being a foreigner and lucky enough to leave prison, but having to leave others behind. It was a feeling shared by Nathan Maung, he said.
"Of course they want to be released. However, he said that he would feel guilty to be released early for his US citizenship. He is worried about Hanthar and the other political prisoners," he said.
A letter to the outside
Kay Zon Nway, 28, is a journalist for local media outlet Myanmar Now, who has been held in Insein since February 27.
A family member told CNN Business they are concerned about her well-being in prison and said they have not been able to meet nor speak with her since her detention more than three months ago.
Her family members have only snatched glimpses of her when she appeared for a court hearing held via video link. Their only communication is through letters they are allowed to send to each other just once a month.
The family member, who spoke on the condition of anonymity due to safety concerns, is increasingly concerned that Kay Zon Nway's mental health is deteriorating due to the harsh conditions inside the prison. "Her nervous system is weak and her toes and fingers are stiff. She is suffering mental health issues because she was put in isolation," they said, adding that she also has stomach problems due to the food.
Kay Zon Nway, who is Muslim, was put in isolation when she started fasting for Ramadan — the guards believed she was on a hunger strike, the family member said. Myanmar Now reported that her lawyer told her family that prison officials later said she had been isolated in error, saying they had mistaken her for someone else.
"She can go crazy if this condition continues. They pressured her a lot inside the prison, they were telling her that people on hunger strike will only be released when they die," the family member said.
It has become increasingly difficult to send supplies to the prison, the family member said. Prisoners given a meal a day, they said, but even with the food her family sends, it's not enough.
"They can get hot water in the prison to make coffee or instant noodles. We used to send her food daily but the prison changed the rule and we could only send her food once in 15 days. Only dried snacks last for two weeks; not the normal food, as they don't have a freezer or microwave to warm up the food," the family member said.
In a letter sent on March 5 to her family and seen by CNN Business, Kay Zon Nway writes about her upcoming hearings and gives an insight into prison life. She asks her relatives to send things from the outside, like shampoo, face wash, Tiger Balm, a bed sheet, a new towel, and Michelle Obama's autobiography. She said she has difficulty eating the prison food and asks her relatives for fresh fruit and home cooked meals.
It's clear from the letter Kay Zon Nway is concerned for her family, telling her relatives to use her money for home expenses and for trips to see her when they can. She urgently wants to be updated on her court cases and reassures her family they will see each other soon.
Like all relatives of loved ones locked up since the coup, they just want them to come home.
"I only want her to come back alive," the family member said.
It's a feeling Danny Fenster's parents share.
"It's a total nightmare; it's a total feeling of no control. It's heart-wrenching," his mother Rose Fenster recently said on CNN's "Reliable Sources" in late May.
It has been more than two weeks since Fenster's detention and there still has been no word on his whereabouts or condition. His parents have started a petition to keep pressure on the Biden administration and US State Department to get their son back to the United States..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"This article is part of a Just Security series on the Feb. 1, 2021 coup in Myanmar. The series brings together expert local and international voices on the coup and its broader context. The series is a collaboration between Just Security and the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School.
This installment reflects conversations with Rohingya residents of refugee camps in Bangladesh about the coup in Myanmar. Camp residents’ views were collected by Shabbir Ahmad and other members of a team of Rohingya researchers during a recent community feedback collection project. The opinions expressed here are the views of the authors and camp residents, not those of any institution with which the authors are affiliated.
The Rohingya community of Myanmar has been isolated and persecuted for decades, leading to waves of mass displacement, isolation, and resistance. The situation of the Rohingya deteriorated further into crisis after the National League for Democracy (NLD) took power in 2015, starting with a 2016 crackdown and culminating in the massive 2017 violence that displaced over 700,000 people.
Refugees in Bangladesh believe the situation could worsen even further under the current junta, creating new risks for the Rohingya who remain in Myanmar and indefinitely delaying any prospect of a safe repatriation for those displaced. According to one camp resident: “The democratic government didn’t do well for us Rohingya. However, the current conditions will be even worse for us, and maybe for everyone in Myanmar.” According to another, “We Rohingya people don’t expect anything positive to come from the military coup. We know very well that the Myanmar Army is merciless and doesn’t feel afraid of committing injustice.” The greatest fear for many camp residents is that repatriation at a large scale will be impossible as long as Myanmar remains under the control of the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw. In recent comments, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing affirmed these concerns, reiterating once again that the Tatmadaw does not recognize the identity of the Rohingya people or their right to return home. As long as the junta remains in place, there is little possibility of forging solutions to the outstanding political, legal, and justice questions surrounding the Rohingya crisis.
But there is another dimension of the coup in which an unanticipated, positive change has emerged: There has been a wave of social and political reconciliation between Rohingya and other Myanmar people. Though the situation remains formidable both for Rohingya in Myanmar and for those who seek to return from Bangladesh, certain social and political fault lines that have been present throughout Myanmar’s recent history seem to be shifting.
Emerging Grassroots Solidarity
After the first large-scale protests against the coup took place in Yangon on Feb. 6, Shabbir Ahmad, a young Rohingya social activist and educator who currently lives as a refugee in Bangladesh, met with several other youth. They decided to use Twitter to express support for the anti-coup protesters within Myanmar. And they have been at it ever since.
At first, Shabbir and his friends’ tweets received little attention, but they persisted. The Tatmadaw’s crackdown on protesters grew increasingly brutal, and Shabbir watched as civilians across Myanmar were afflicted by violence similar to that committed against Rohingya in 2017. Many in Myanmar began to recognize the magnitude of the Rohingya people’s suffering as they experienced indiscriminate violence firsthand themselves. Rather suddenly, according to Shabbir, “hundreds of Twitter users began apologizing in comments under my tweets. They expressed regret for not supporting Rohingya during the Tatmadaw’s genocidal campaigns, for misunderstanding our plight, and for being afraid to speak up. It was remarkable for us to finally feel their support.”
Shabbir continued posting prayers for the protesters’ safety and security, sharing condolences for those killed in the protests. Four months after the coup, he still posts solidarity messages and photos from the camps nearly every day under his Burmese name, Naing Oo. (Rohingya and others from minoritized ethnic groups in Myanmar often have two names, one in their mother tongue and one in Burmese.)
Shabbir’s most viral Tweet to date was a photo series of refugees whose bamboo and tarpaulin huts burned in the recent devastating March 22 fire that left 45,000 refugees without shelter. “Despite losing their homes and possessions the night before the photos were taken, my subjects were eager to be photographed squatting atop the ashes and rubble of their shelters while making the three-finger Hunger Games salute that has become emblematic of the Myanmar anti-coup resistance movement,” Shabbir described. “Their determination to show solidarity during their own moment of loss struck Myanmar Twitter users, dozens of whom apologized to the Rohingya under my post. Some expressed regret, shame, and grief.” Shabbir tried to reply to each comment in order to make personal connections.
In the past, Shabbir said, “We Rohingya lamented our inability to build a good relationship with other Myanmar people. We never felt any support from them, even during our most difficult times. But since we began voicing our support for the coup protestors, we have felt a big shift in the relationship between the communities.” This includes elders and others who don’t use social media but have heard from others about the online reconciliation. “Everyone in the camps is aware that this is happening, and nearly everyone has been supportive,” he added.
Still, the outpourings of solidarity were not without controversy. “Mistrust was hard to overcome. Amongst refugees, there were a few people who didn’t like what we Twitter users were doing,” Shabbir explained. “They thought Myanmar civilians were pretending to reconcile in order to get support from the international community, and that they would betray Rohingya after using them. My friends and I worked tirelessly to convince our fellow camp residents that our outreach efforts could bring long-term benefits, and subsequently, we think we have earned most people’s trust.”
According to Shabbir, “It seems that refugees here in the camps have authentically forgiven and are feeling happy to finally forge good relationships with Myanmar people of all ethnicities.” He expressed that no one could have imagined that the coup would bring about this positive development, which has shown that some solutions can and must be forged by “ordinary” people rather than by politicians and figureheads in Myanmar and the international community.
Signs of Political Progress
The emerging reconciliation was soon visible offline as well, with anti-coup protestors in Yangon showing up to rallies with handwritten signs apologizing to Rohingya. The willingness of new civilian leaders to recognize the Rohingya suggested to Shabbir and his peers that social activism could trickle up to influence discourse at the national level. Supportive comments made by members of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and its international envoy Dr. Sasa, who has promised to pursue justice for Rohingya, were a source of encouragement to continue expressing solidarity.
However, during the initial months after the coup, there was ambiguity as to whether the positive expressions from Dr. Sasa and others would amount to a departure from the stance of the previous NLD government. The National Unity Government (NUG) was formed by the CRPH on April 16 and there were some initial doubts over whether it would condemn longstanding policies of Rohingya exclusion and persecution. But it has since taken several steps to distinguish itself from the recently ousted civilian administration. One positive sign came on May 20, when NUG Special Representative U Htin Linn Aung stated during a Wilson Center webinar that the NUG fully intends to support Rohingya repatriation. On May 30, the NUG published a press statement asserting that it would cooperate with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) process currently underway to determine whether Myanmar committed genocide against the Rohingya.
Then, on June 3, the NUG released a progressive policy position statement lauded by many observers and described as a “monumental shift” by the human rights group Fortify Rights. The NUG’s statement declared its intent to do away with Myanmar’s problematic and outdated 1982 citizenship law, and to ensure birthright citizenship to all people born in Myanmar as well as to the children of Myanmar citizens. This would effectively mean the acknowledgement of existing citizenship rights for the Rohingya.
The June 3 statement also clarified the NUG’s position in regard to the current International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation on crimes committed by the Tatmadaw against the Rohingya. Previously, the NUG had only mentioned that it would consider accepting the ICC’s jurisdiction to investigate the Tatmadaw’s crimes since the coup, which would not cover earlier periods of violence against the Rohingya. According to the June 3 statement, however, the NUG intends to “initiate processes to grant the ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed in Myanmar against the Rohingyas and other communities” – a commitment that offers hope for full accountability.
Despite feeling hopeful about the recent developments, Shabbir and others in the camps have been careful to temper their optimism. The junta’s grasp on power in Myanmar remains fierce, if threatened, and the NUG has no certain pathway to gaining control. Shabbir sees the addition of a Rohingya representative to the NUG cabinet as a critical next step to bridge the gap between social reconciliation and the political action needed to forge lasting solutions, but so far, no Rohingya cabinet members have been named.
According to Shabbir, “This lack of inclusion has been disheartening for many people who fear it signals that the support from Dr. Sasa and others is disingenuous. But we camp residents remain hopeful that the NUG will involve the Rohingya soon.” Whether this will happen remains questionable. Though Dr. Sasa was appointed as the NUG’s International Cooperation Minister, politicians who have publicly expressed anti-Rohingya views were also given key positions in the NUG. “Fortunately, Rohingya Twitter users have seen various Myanmar people posting on social media to encourage the NUG to involve us,” Shabbir added. “We acknowledge that it may take time to build a good relationship with the NUG, and we are encouraged by the progress made thus far.” The need for recognition of Rohingya issues by the NUG has been noted internationally as well. During a congressional hearing on May 5, several U.S. officials said that support for the NUG should be contingent upon adoption of an explicit anti-genocide policy.
Life as a Waiting Game
Meanwhile, life for those in the camps continues as a waiting game. Eager to return home, many closely follow Myanmar politics, weighing whether each development might promote or hinder the prospect of safe repatriation. The coup is the most significant of these developments since the mass exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh four years ago. Many people arrived in Bangladesh expecting to return home “in days or weeks, not years” once the violence subsided, as one person put it. Now, they are confronted with the reality of having to endure camp conditions for years or even decades. Those initially confident in prompt repatriation now accept that the violence and instability resulting from the coup is likely to further delay the prospect of repatriation in the near term.
Camp residents nevertheless remain hopeful that international justice and accountability delivered through the ICJ and ICC will help expedite progress toward solutions, and the NUG’s statement of support for these international mechanisms is a positive step. However, the residents lack access to clear information about these legal mechanisms, their scope, and their limitations, leading to what many would argue are overly optimistic perceptions given the history of international justice moving at a glacial pace. Victims have long called for international action to resolve the refugee crisis and hold perpetrators of war crimes and other atrocities accountable, but many have been disappointed by an international response perceived as slow and inadequate: “What is the reason why we need to suffer in the camps for over three years? Why isn’t the international community doing anything for us?” Anti-coup protestors in Myanmar are now similarly frustrated by what they view as a lack of prompt and effective international support.
But many forms of justice that Rohingya need in their daily lives – citizenship, repatriation, access to education, and other services – will not be delivered by foreign politicians or faraway courts in Europe. As the coup and resulting instability cement the reality of long-term displacement, camp residents’ need for access to education, livelihoods, civil justice, and basic rights demands more urgent attention. Parents fear that their children will become part of a lost generation of unschooled youth, and illicit economic activity proliferates as refugees face financial pressures but lack the right to formal employment. While international accountability is ultimately necessary for sustainable peace, displaced Rohingya families face more urgent needs every day, as do Rohingya still living in Myanmar.
Complex Hopes and Next Steps
There are a few outliers in the camps, people who have an open mind about the Tatmadaw’s seizure of power or who think that the coup could have a positive impact on repatriation. They wonder if, free of the democratic process laden with complexities and bureaucratic red tape, the Tatmadaw might opt to relieve international pressure by addressing the crisis. One person commented, “The NLD had no real power to give us our rights. Whenever they consulted about Rohingya issues in Parliament, some members would always object, so they couldn’t do anything. But if the military could be convinced by the international community to give rights to Rohingya, they wouldn’t need to consult in Parliament and they could do as they wish.”
But these optimistic views were mostly voiced immediately after the coup. Some people’s hopes were raised when Tatmadaw commanders met with groups of Rohingya elders in Rakhine State just days after seizing power. The commanders blamed Aung San Suu Kyi for the crisis and vowed to make progress where the NLD had failed. Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing stated the same in a televised address on February 8. However, no follow-up action was taken, and these early hopes have faded. Some commentators were struck by the Tatmadaw’s audacity in attempting to shift blame for military repression of Rohingya to the previous civilian government.
As the junta has made no public efforts to engage with the ICC and ICJ cases about the Rohingya crisis while continuing to enact violence throughout Myanmar, it has provided no reason for affected communities to believe that it would pursue just and sustainable solutions. And the voices of hope have diminished with time as the Tatmadaw’s indiscriminate cruelty has been on full display with the killings of civilians in the streets and renewed violence against other ethnic minorities in the border regions.
Over the past four years, contending with the daily hardships of refugee life was difficult enough, but was viewed by many in the camps as a short-term necessity. People’s mental health is now impacted as they orient to the bleak prospect of remaining displaced for the foreseeable future due to the coup. In this context, the NUG’s positions in support of Rohingya citizenship and international justice are particularly welcome signs that progress is possible and that they will someday return home. As Rohingya have continuously stated, the right to Myanmar citizenship is the most fundamental guarantor of their future protection. Without citizenship, it is hard to envision a pathway toward just, safe, and sustainable repatriation.
Ultimately, the end of military rule is necessary as a precursor to forging peace and political solutions. In the meantime, the NUG should not lose sight of the need for Rohingya inclusion, their daily challenges in Myanmar and in the camps, and their right to justice. A meaningful next step would be for the NUG to add a Rohingya representative to its cabinet. As others have noted, the NUG should also reconsider the inclusion in the cabinet of officials who hold anti-Rohingya views. Taking these steps would earn the NUG greater international legitimacy, and, more importantly, would strengthen its ability to work toward an inclusive and just society..."
Source/publisher:
Just Security (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Genocide, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"Twelve people including one of Myanmar’s most influential Buddhist monks and several military officers were killed when a military airplane crashed near the Anisakhan Airport in Mandalay Region’s Pyin Oo Lwin Township on Thursday.
Well-known monk Abhisheka Maha Rattha Guru Dr. Bhatanda Kavisara from the Zaygone Monastery in Naypyitaw and another monk died in the crash along with five military personnel—two lieutenant commanders, two captains and a sergeant—and five other passengers who were donors to a monastery construction project.
A sergeant and the child of a donor survived the crash with injuries. They were being treated at a military hospital in Pyin Oo Lwin, according to junta run-Myawady Television.
The plane crashed at around 8 a.m. while landing at Anisakhan Airport in Pyin Oo Lwin after a flight from Naypyitaw. The monks’ visit related to the construction of another Zaygone Monastery in Pyin Oo Lwin’s Kyaukphardoe Village.
Dr. Bhatanda Kavisara has counted a number of military leaders among his closest devotees since the days of the military government of Senior General Than Shwe.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s current military chief who seized state power from the democratically elected government on Feb. 1, met and held a prayer session with the monk a day after staging the coup.
In June 2017, a military airplane crashed in Tanintharyi Region’s Dawei Township, killing 122 people.
In February 2016, a military transport aircraft crashed in Naypyitaw’s Lewe Township..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
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Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
The Third Pole explores how the military coup will affect Chinese-backed dams along Southeast Asia’s last free-flowing river
Description:
"Plans for seven Chinese-built dams along the Salween River have been a source of friction for Myanmar and China for some time. Prior to the military coup on 1 February, the elected party the National League for Democracy and grassroots campaigners were already locked in conflict. International isolation following the coup may now force the government to move closer to China than it would like, leaving indigenous groups more at risk.
The future of dam building is now in the hands of General Min Aung Hlaing’s military regime. Last week, he met with State Administration Council members and departmental officials in Hpa-an, the state capital of Karen. Along with repeated claims of election fraud, he said that the Hatgyi hydropower plant will be built. He said nothing of the environmental concerns, only that “those objecting [to] the project for various reasons should understand the benefits.”
In response, Saw Kyaw, brigadier general of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, told news website The Irrawaddy: “The entire Karen population oppose the dam. Peace has gone in the area now. If the hydropower project is to be implemented, only our people will suffer.”
The Salween remains Southeast Asia’s longest free-flowing river in a region that has seen frenzied dam-building on the Mekong, upper Yangtze and other major waterways.
It flows 3,289 kilometres from the Tibetan Plateau to the Andaman Sea near Myanmar’s border with Thailand. In China, it is known as the Nu River. Crossing into Myanmar, the Salween, or Thanlwin, snakes through ethnic minority lands in Shan, Kayah, Karen and Mon states. It is an artery for immense biodiversity, providing sustenance for millions of people in Myanmar’s conflict-ridden regions.
The Hatgyi and Mong Ton dams are among the largest of seven mainstream dam projects planned by Chinese and Thai companies on the Salween. The 7,000-megawatt Mong Ton dam in Shan state is sponsored by Thailand’s EGAT and China Three Gorges Corporation, and could become Myanmar’s largest dam. Both Hatgyi and Mong Ton are in the planning stage. They would inundate land that is now home to villagers displaced by conflict in the late 1990s who have been unable to return. The Mong Ton site alone would displace at least 60,000.
Civic protesters silenced
The Save the Salween Network previously organised community resistance along the length of the river, using the International Day of Action for Rivers, 14 March, to amplify the opposition of different regions and ethnic groups in a unified protest. This year, activists along the upper and mid-reaches of the river in Shan state could not hold public events on 14 March.
“In Karen state, the organisation was able to campaign, as it was in the area controlled by KNU [Karen National Union, a political organisation]. In southern Shan state, that would be too risky,” a spokesperson from Save the Salween Network told The Third Pole.
The military coup has brought internet connectivity restrictions, a ban on international money transfers and continuing violence. Save the Salween Network continues to advocate for the river in whatever small ways remain. “Because we are not registered in the official registry, our… organisation is in a better position than others. We are off their radar. Despite this, I am in hiding,” the spokesperson said.
Air strikes have been carried out in the Salween Peace Park, a grassroots conservation and indigenous people’s initiative. In March, Myanmar’s military launched the first air strikes on KNU territory in 20 years after rebels killed 10 soldiers, Reuters reported. Attacks continued through April and May, killing dozens and forcing thousands to flee.
The military government has persisted in its claims of election fraud to little effect. Protests and violence continue across the country in the form of attacks on military positions and assassinations.....Waters rising:The current violence builds on disaffection between ethnic groups and the now-overthrown civilian government. “The NLD was so close to China and they did not share any information on any of the pursued projects,” so “ethnic people lost trust in this party,” the Save the Salween Network spokesperson said.
However, he said he expects the military to continue the dam projects, “not just for the sake of generating electricity, but for the militarisation of the area. The flooded area will destroy the base area of ethnic armed [militias].”
In the past the KNU has expressed strong opposition to dams, which has led to violence between the military, or Tatmadaw, and the KNU.
Some major dam sites, in particular the Hatgyi dam, are on the internal border of KNU-controlled land. This is now the frontline of an escalating conflict.
In Thailand, images have appeared of Tatmadaw camps ablaze from the Myanmar side of the Salween. These appear to confirm KNU claims of a successful 27 April attack. As dam sites become battle grounds, the river’s future depends on the outcome of the fighting along its lower reaches.....Who will build?: Six weeks after the military coup, the French energy company EDF suspended the USD 1.5-billion Shweli 3 hydropower dam project in response to the jailing of NLD leaders and shootings of protesters and journalists. Other international companies are likely to be equally reluctant.
“Much depends on whether the junta manages to establish its effective control of the country,” said Sebastian Strangio, author of In the Dragon’s Shadow: Southeast Asia in the Chinese Century. He added: “Chinese firms, which are less susceptible to the reputational pressures of Western companies, will gradually move in to fill the vacuum.”
Prior to the coup, U Aung Myint, general secretary of the Myanmar Renewable Energy Association, told The Third Pole: “Honestly, we want the government to cancel the agreements for big hydropower projects such as Myitsone and Tasang, but I think it will not happen for many reasons.”.....Chinese companies feel the heat: The coup drew sanctions from other nations, yet China blocked condemnation at the UN and referred to the violent overthrow of the NLD government as a “cabinet reshuffle”. The comment was unpopular on the streets. The early days of the coup saw violence against Chinese-owned businesses and threats to Chinese-built pipelines, leading to pressure from China for the new military government to protect its assets.
“Violence against Chinese economic interests in Myanmar, including the oil and gas pipelines that bisect the country, would set off alarm bells at the top levels of the Chinese government,” Strangio said. “Of course, any situation in which Chinese economic interests are coming under attack from anti-military protesters would also be one in which China’s hydropower interests would also be vulnerable to attack.”.....Unknown cost: Forgoing large hydropower projects on the mainstream Salween would avoid disruption to sediment distribution, aquatic ecology and local livelihoods, according to a 2018 International Finance Corporation strategic environmental assessment. However, the lack of studies on the Salween means there are many unknowns pertaining to environmental impacts.
“Unfortunately, because we don’t have good baseline or historical data on either the fish or the fisheries, we may never know in quantitative terms what the impacts of the dams are,” said Aaron Koning, a freshwater ecologist and conservation scientist at the Nevada-based Global Water Center.
Koning has spent seven years studying a grassroots network of community fish reserves in the Salween basin, and says hydropower dams could devastate the river’s ecology and fisheries. He worked with communities harvesting eels that migrate to the Indian Ocean to spawn; their life cycle would be upset by the Hatgyi dam, he says.
“We don’t know much about the habitat requirements or migration patterns of most other Salween River fish species, some of which are endemic to the basin and found nowhere else on Earth,” Koning added. In the Mekong, Chinese-built dams have caused deep harm to fisheries.....Ignoring indigenous communities: China and Myanmar have been accused of ignoring ethnic groups when planning dams on the Salween. The people of the conflict-stricken river basin states of Shan, Karen and Kayah states have the most to lose from further hydropower projects. In Thailand, the Salween marks part of the border. Predominantly Karen ethnic communities living along the river, including refugees from Myanmar, rely heavily on its fisheries for nutritional security.
There is little hope civil society can mount a defence of the Salween’s ecology, given the Tatmadaw’s crackdown on dissent with tacit approval from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The NLD had faced calls from local and international environmental groups to halt and suspend dam projects such as those at Myitsone and Mong Ton (locally called Tasang). The military government that has replaced it is unlikely to listen.....Infrastructure versus inclusion: The hydropower plans are promoted as a way of dealing with Myanmar’s low access to electricity. Almost 60% of the population has no access to electricity, and the NLD had planned for nationwide electrification by 2030. A great deal of this was supposed to be from hydropower. Nevertheless local opposition persisted, even though the Salween region is one of those most deprived. Many living on its banks rely on small rooftop solar panels that provide only a few hours of electricity a day.
The National Electrification Plan’s first phase was set to end by mid-2021, U Maung Win, deputy director general of the Department of Rural Development, told The Third Pole prior to the coup, noting plans to provide electricity to 626,757 households in 5,080 villages far from the national grid.
Energy needs in Myanmar are expected to rise 15-17% annually. Although sizeable, Mong Ton would only provide around 10% of its energy output to Myanmar, with Thailand, the main investor, buying the rest. U Aung Myint told The Third Pole that Myanmar already relies on hydropower for more than 60% of its electricity generation.....Marriage of convenience: The Mong Ton and Hatgyi dams – as well as Ywathit, Weigyi and others planned for the Salween – have varying levels of Chinese investment and construction involvement.
The Chinese-funded Myitsone dam on the Irrawaddy in Kachin state has been a point of friction between China and Myanmar for more than a decade. The plan would have dammed a sacred river, flooded an area the size of Singapore, displaced thousands of people and devastated both fish and wildlife populations. After much lobbying from environmental and Kachin groups, Myanmar’s democratic government halted the Myitsone project but never cancelled it.
Strangio said that if China believes that the junta will ultimately prevail over the protest movement, “then it will seek to work with the generals to advance long-standing strategic and economic goals in Myanmar.” That will lead the military government, possibly the one institution most suspicious of China, right into the arms of its northern neighbour.
“In that event, continuing international opprobrium would likely force the Tatmadaw into a heavier reliance on China than it would be comfortable with, but if that is the price of staying in power, I suspect the marriage of convenience would hold,” Strangio said..."
Source/publisher:
The Third Pole
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Assessment of hydropower projects in Burma/Myanmar, Dams and other projects on the Salween and its tributories
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Description:
"As of 10 June, (860) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Meiktila Township in Mandalay Region and Yinmabin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of 10 June, a total of (4804) people are currently under detention; of them (173) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document.
On the night of 9 June, a teacher involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and who participated in the Amarapura Strike, was arrested in Amarapura Township, Mandalay Region by the terrorist junta. Two poets, Maung Yu Paing and Nayi Myeik (a.k.a Lwin Aung, the lawyer), activist Tin Ko Ko Oo, NLD Township executive member Soe Linn, who were living in Myeik Township, Tanintharyi Region were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and sentenced to two years imprisonment on on 9 June, apart from Maung Yu Paing sentenced on 8 June.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Online film festival that runs to June 20 aims to draw attention to Myanmar’s political crisis while raising money for groups inside the country striving to restore democracy and alleviate hardship.
Description:
"Mr Kenneth Wong and his family left Myanmar soon after witnessing the military gun down unarmed protesters on the streets of Yangon in 1988. For Wong, a Burmese language lecturer at the University of California, Berkeley, there’s a painful sense of deja vu over the situation in Myanmar. He was a university student in 1988 when the military violently suppressed a national uprising in which many of his friends participated.
In the decades since, Wong was encouraged by the how much Myanmar had changed each time he visited. Then came the coup on February 1. “The things I’m seeing are things I hoped the new generation would never have to experience,” he told Frontier.
Wong, who is also a poet and artist, began looking for a way to support the anti-coup struggle through art. He got together with a group of filmmakers and directors based in San Francisco and began sounding out Myanmar filmmakers and distributors with the idea of holding an online film festival, with all proceeds going towards humanitarian and pro-democracy groups inside the country. These discussions resulted in the Burma Spring Benefit Film Festival, which features more than 30 films from or about Myanmar, and runs until June 20.
Helping to spearhead the concept was Gaetano Kazuo Maida, the executive director of the Buddhist Film Foundation/International Buddhist Film Festival.
“The filmmaker community really responded to our urgent invitations,” said Maida.
“All of the filmmakers that we reached out to were very generous, knowing that this was the cause,” added Wong.
The film festival has an added poignancy because of the regime’s targeting of Myanmar’s top artists, including actors, filmmakers and bloggers. A fellow film festival organiser, Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, who founded the annual Human Rights Human Dignity Film Festival, was arrested on the day of the coup. In total, the military has issued arrest warrants for 120 filmmakers, actors, celebrities and journalists for opposing the coup.
“The junta recognises that these entertainers have an incredibly powerful voice and so they target them,” Wong said.
One of the most recent filmmakers to be arrested was Ma Aeint, whose latest film, Money has Four Legs, directed by Maung Sun and released last year, was about censorship in Myanmar. Ma Eaint’s family haven’t been able to contact her since she was detained by police in early June. “We want to get in touch with her her as soon as possible because the interrogation centers are known for torture,” said her sister, Ma Su Wai.
Many of the titles in the Burma Spring Benefit festival encapsulate the sense of deja vu Wong is feeling, at a time when the military is once again in control of the levers of power and the people are once again fighting for democracy.
Burma VJ, a 2008 Best Documentary nominee at the Academy Awards in the United States, shows how thousands of monks led a campaign of nonviolent resistance against the military junta in protests in 2007 known as the Saffron Revolution. Dozens were killed and hundreds arrested, and the Danish team that made the documentary had to smuggle their footage out of the country.
Fellow festival organiser Ms Jeanne Marie Hallacy said the films in the festival were selected both for the strength of their storytelling and filmmaking craft, and their relevance for a general audience to understand the country’s prolonged struggle for democracy and human rights.
One of the newest films to be screened, Burma Spring 21, is unique in that the five-minute film was shot and edited by an anonymous Myanmar filmmaker soon after the coup. Although filmmakers would ordinarily covet acclaim for a completed project, fear of being on a government blacklist and facing potential reprisals means that the message takes precedence.
“Facts and figures are easy to get online,” Wong said. “But what’s difficult to get are the explanations about the socio-political issues that spawned the current crisis. This is the type of information that is better discovered in books, films, and particularly in documentary films.”
A highlight of the film festival will take place on June 11 when it is due to be addressed by two members of the National Unity Government: U Aung Myo Min, the minister for human rights, and Naw Susannah Hla Hla Soe, the minister for women, youth and children affairs.
The film festival is just one event in one US city that is helping to create awareness and raise funds for people resisting the coup in Myanmar. Elsewhere around the world, local activist groups have been holding rallies and raising funds for the protest movement.
Wong is working with the International Network of Engaged Buddhists to transfer much-needed funds to civil servants who have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement and are refusing to work under the junta. “These are lifelines to them, because if you are participating in the CDM, a salary is no longer available,” said Wong.
Although Myanmar faces an uncertain future, Wong hopes for the day when the Burma Spring Benefit Film Festival will no longer aim to raise awareness and funds, and will instead showcase a renewed entertainment scene in all its creative glory. During his trips to Myanmar, he saw clear signs that the country was moving towards a better future after nearly half a century of military rule.
“There were a lot of young people who were launching their own startups and drawing inspiration from Silicon Valley,” he said. “At tea shops, taxi drivers and waiters were eager to talk about politics and express their views without [having to worry about] being arrested. I felt that these were signs that democracy was struggling to be born. So this film festival is about creating awareness.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political History, Military History, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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