2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Individual Documents
Description:
"သို့
၁။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မဝောာ် (ကလေး)
၂။ CHINLAND DEFENSE FORCE (HEADQUARTERS)
၃။ ကလေးအခြေစိုက်ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များ
ရက်စွဲ။ ။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁) ရက်
အကြောင်းအရာ ။ ။
(၁) ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်အတွင်း မတရားကျူးကျော်ဝင်ရောက်ကာ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အအုံနှင့် ပစ္စည်းများကို လုယက်ဖျက်စီးသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား ထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူပေးရန်နှင့်
(၂) သာထွန်းမောင်၊ ဝင်းမာ၊ ထားထားရီ၊ ယောဟန်ထွန်း အပါအဝင် ကျွန်ပညာရေးဝန်ထမ်း (၁၂၆) ဦးအား လိုအပ်သလိုအရေးယူပေးနိုင်ရန် အသိပေးတောင်းဆိုခြင်း။
(၁) သာထွန်းမောင်မှ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူပိုင် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ပရဝုဏ်အတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ ဝင်ရောက်တပ်စွဲစေကာ
(က) မတ်လ (၁၂) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်းရှိ "CDM" ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်ပြီး နှုတ်ပိတ်ရန်ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုနေ့တွင်ပင် ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်း ဖြစ်လာသမျှပြဿနာများကို သူ (သာထွန်းမောင်) ကိုယ်တိုင် တာဝန်ယူပါမည်ဟု ကတိစကားများပြောဆိုခဲ့သည်။
(သာထွန်းမောင်ကိုယ်တိုင်ပြောဆိုခဲ့သည့် အသံဖိုင်နှင့်ဗီဒီယိုဖိုင်များ ယနေ့တိုင် မှတ်တမ်းအဖြစ် သိမ်းဆည်းထားပါသည်။)
(ခ) နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် သာထွန်းမောင်ကိုယ်တိုင် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်အတွင်းရှိ "CDM" ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးကာ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ယာများမှ ပြောင်းရွှေ့စေခဲ့သည်။
(ဂ) ကျောင်းသားတို့၏ အိပ်ဆောင်များဖြစ်သည့် ဗန္ဓုလအဆောင်နှင့် အောင်ဇေယျအဆောင်ရှိ ကျောင်းသားပိုင်ပစ္စည်းများအား စစ်ကောင်စီအကြမ်းဖက်လက်ပါးစေတို့၏ ဖျက်ဆီးလုယူမှုကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြုကာ ခွင့်ပြုခဲ့သည်။
(ဃ) ထိုသို့လုပ်ရပ်များကို သာထွန်းမောင်ဘက်မှ တာဝန်သိစွာဖြေရှင်းပေးရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ "ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ၊ ဗဟိုအလုပ်မှုဆောင်အဖွဲ့" အနေနှင့် မေလ (၃) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် စာထုတ်ကာ အသိပေးပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ဒုတိယပါမောက္ခချူပ်အဖြစ် ခန့်အပ်ခဲ့သော ဒေါ်ဝင်းမာ (ရူပဗေဒဌာန) သည်လည်း ကျွန်ပါးဝစွာ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်း (၂၃၈) ဦးအား မေလ(၆)ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါရက်စွဲဖြင့် "ရာထူးမှယာယီဆိုင်းငံ့ကြောင်း" ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၃။ ထို့နည်းတူစွာ ကျွန်ဝန်ထမ်း ဒေါ်ထားထားလွင်ကလည်း ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်း (၂၃၂) ဦးအား ၊မေလ(၂၀)ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါရက်စွဲဖြင့် "ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ကြောင်းစာ" ကို စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန်ခံကာ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
၄။ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူတို့နှင့်ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး စစ်ဖိနပ်လျက်ပြီး လက်ရှိကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်သစ္စာခံကာ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေသော ယောဟန်ထွန်းနှင့် အပေါင်းအပါ (၁၂၆) ဦးတို့အား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်းကာ ၎င်းတို့၏ ရာထူးကိစ္စအဝဝကို တာဝန်ယူမည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊
ဇူလိုင်လ (၂) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါ (ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၁၅/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့်၊ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ယာယီတက္ကသိုလ်အုပ်ချူပ်ရေးကောင်စီမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ ဩဂုတ်လ (၁၅) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်တွင် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ပရဝုဏ် အတွင်းရှိ ကျေင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ အားထားရသော "ဆရာချစ်မိတ္တူကူးဆိုင်" အား ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်းတပ်စွဲထားသည့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေတို့မှ ဝင်ရောက်ကာ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။
၆။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်မှစ၍ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်တို့ကြောင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင် ကိုအာကာသူအောင်(ခ) Salai Tluang Tin Lain@LianTeအပါအဝင် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအာဇာနည်တို့၏သွေးများ မြေခခဲ့ရသည်မှာ ယနေ့တိုင် မခြောက်သေးပေ။ ထို့အပြင် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင် ကိုဇင်မင်းထက်အပါအဝင် ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူတို့သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မတရားအကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ယနေ့တိုင် အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရသည်မှာ မိဘပြည်သူများ မျက်မြင်အသိပင်ဖြစ်ပေသည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍
(၁) ပြည်သူ့အခွင့်အာဏာအပ်နှင်းခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား "ဖိအားပေးနှင်ထုတ်ခြင်း၊ ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းခြင်း၊ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း" များပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော စစ်အုပ်စုသစ္စာခံများနှင့် အပေါင်းအပါကျွန်ဝန်ထမ်း (၁၂၆) ဦးတို့အား လူကြီးမင်းတို့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအသီးသီးတို့မှ လိုအပ်သလိုအရေးယူမှုများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ပါရန်နှင့်
(၂) အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ပုရဝုဏ်အတွင်း တပ်စွဲထားသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား ထိရောက်သောအရေးယူတုံ့ပြန်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ပေးပါရန် လူကြီးမင်းတို့၏အဖွဲအစည်းများအား ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသား၊ကျောင်းသူများနှင့် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ အသိပေးတင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမ္မဂ..."
Source/publisher:
Kalay University Students' Union
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Chin (Zo)- economic, social, cultural, political
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
547.05 KB
more
Description:
"We the KNU Concerned Group sending to you the statement of KNU Concerned Group regarding the CRPH announcement of the National Union Government..."
Source/publisher:
KNU Concerned Group
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Karen (cultural, historical, political)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
56.33 KB
more
Summary:
"Myanmar’s military leaders used its armed forces to launch its coup and take control of the country from its elected government on 1 February 2021. In protest, millions of people took to the streets...
Description:
"Myanmar’s military leaders used its armed forces to launch its coup and take control of the country from its elected government on 1 February 2021. In protest, millions of people took to the streets.
The military responded to these protests by sending armed soldiers and police into residential areas to arrest defiant civilians, workers, students, doctors and nurses.
In March, martial law was enforced in Yangon, snipers were used, and protesters were shot on sight.
To restrict news coverage of their crimes and to impede the organisatiojn of protests, the military ordered telecommunication companies to restrict internet and mobile phone coverage. Independent media outlets had their licences withdrawn, offices were raided and trashed.
Journalists were targeted and hunted by soldiers and police. Obscure laws were added to the penal code and used to restrict freedom of speech and expression. State-controlled media published pages of arrest warrants and photographs of the wanted, including journalists.
To avoid arrest, independent journalists went underground or sought refuge with border based ethnic armed organisations.
Myanmar journalists are well aware that being “arrested” and held in detention by the military doesn’t come with respect for their legal or human rights. The military uses a wide range of obscure laws, some dating back to colonial times, to detain, intimidate and silence its critics — academics, medics, journalists, students and workers.
95 journalists arrested
Independent website, Reporting ASEAN, recorded that, as of August 18, 95 journalists had been arrested and 42 were being held in detention.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) estimated by August 29 that the military has now killed at least 1026 people, arrested 7627, issued warrants for 1984 and are still holding 6025 in detention.
They want names
Those arrested are taken to interrogation centres and held indefinitely without contact with family or legal representation. Torture is used to extort names and contacts from the detained to be added to the military’s long list of those to be hunted down and suppressed into silence.
One of those names on the military’s wanted list is that of journalist Nyan Linn Htet, now in hiding, after a warrant under Section 505 (a) was issued for his arrest.
Nyan Linn Htet, managing editor of Mekong News, in an interview with the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) explains the impact of being hunted has had on both him and his family.
“If I’m arrested it means I lose everything. When we had to run and go into hiding, we lost our home and our possessions. You lose your income. Your equipment. You never feel safe when hiding. Living like this affects all of us. If the military does not find me, they will pressure and threaten my family with arrest.”
Nyan Linn Htet said he is still working despite the risk of arrest.
“Losing a journalist is a big loss for our struggle for democracy. We’re only doing our job as reporters, but our news coverage exposes the military and its abuses – this is why we’re the enemy.”
Despite the danger to him and his family, Nyan Linn Htet worries about the safety of those who helped him avoid arrest.
‘Caught in hiding’
“If I’m caught in hiding, the SAC (military-appointed State Administration Council) will persecute the people who gave me a place to live. I’m afraid they [the military] will arrest those who helped me.”
His fears are well founded.
Journalist and political analyst Sithu Aung Myint was high on the military’s wanted list for his political commentary and published opposition to the coup.
On Sunday, August 15, the military raided the home of his colleague, BBC freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine, and arrested both of them.
A week later, in its Sunday, August 21, edition, the military-run newspaper, Global New Light of Myanmar, said Sithu Aung Myint had been charged with sedition, spreading “fake news” and being critical of the military coup leaders and its State Administration Council under Sections 505 (a) and 124 (a) of the Penal Code.
He could be sentenced to life in jail under Section 124 (a) of the penal code.
Htet Htet Khine was arrested for giving shelter to Sithu Aung Myint, and charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for working with the recently formed National Union Government’s radio station, Federal FM.
Held in interrogation centre
Friends and colleagues of Sithu Aung Myint and Htet Htet Khine told IFJ they are concerned both journalists were held at an interrogation centre for more than a week before having access to either legal help or contact with colleagues or family.
Nyan Linn Htet told IFJ he is aware his legal and human rights will not be respected if he is arrested.
“They will not let us get legal help until they’ve got what they want from us. The military amended 505 (a) of the Penal Code to prevent giving us bail. We know they will jail us even if we have legal representation.
“We know SAC is torturing journalists because of the work we do.”
Reports by local and international humanitarian groups have detailed the severe beatings — hours of maintaining stressed positions, use of sexual violence — and killing of people while held in detention.
Nyan Linn Htet said if arrested, he knows it will come with beatings. He admits that the thought of being tortured keeps him awake at night.
“They will jail me, but only after they torture me. I will not be released until I sign a statement that I will never criticise them. I’m not afraid of being arrested, but torture scares me. There are nights when I’m too afraid to sleep.”
International media drop Myanmar
He and other local journalists told the IFJ it was disappointing that international media has dropped Myanmar from its news agenda and moved on to cover other stories.
Nyan Linn Htets said despite access difficulties, the international media can use local reporters who are willing to help.
“We know the difficulties media has getting ground access to Myanmar. Covid-19 restrictions also make it impossible to legally cross borders from neighboring countries, but we are already here in the country and are capable of doing the job.”
Despite the fear of arrest and torture, he is still reporting and urged local journalists to keep doing the same.
“It’s important we use what we can to still work and report news events of interest to people. People are accessing news and information in many different ways now.”
The military, while trashing local and international laws and ignoring its constitution, is quick to use and amend laws to jail its opponents for being critical of the coup and for reporting military violence, abuse and corruption.
We have no rights
Nan Paw Gay, editor-in-chief at the Karen Information Center, says the military council has no respect for journalists or their right to publish information in the public interest.
“There is no freedom of the press. If journalists try to report news or seek information from the military’s opponents — CRPH, NUG, CDM, G-Z and PDF — the State Administration Council prosecutes them under Section 17/1 of the Illegal Association Act.
“Since the military launched its coup, sources we use have had their freedom of speech and expression made illegal and they now risk arrest for talking to us and… we can be arrested for speaking with them.
“Independent media groups have been outlawed and totally lost their right to speak freely or write about news events.”
Nan Paw Gay points out if journalists are “critical of the military, its appointed State Administration Council or its lack of a public health plan to tackle the covid-19 pandemic now ravaging the country, section 505 (a) is used to arrest journalists for spreading false news.”
Essentially torture is used to terrorise journalists, he says.
“When the military council arrests and detains journalists, the torture is both physical and psychological. Even before being detained threats are issued and then during the arrest the violence becomes real – shootings, people being kicked and dragged from homes by their hair and beaten.”
Women journalists tortured
Nan Paw Gay says women journalists are more likely to be “tortured using psychological abuse – kept in a dark room and constantly told that they will be killed tomorrow – to mess and generate fear with their thoughts. You can see the effects of the tortured on some journalists when they appear in court – shaking hands and body spasms.”
Military brutality is a daily reality for Myanmar’s people. At the time of writing, the army is preparing to deploy and reinforce its bases with hundreds of extra troops into areas of the Karen National Union-controlled territory and where anti-coup protesters, striking doctors and politicians have been offered refuge and safety.
A senior ethnic Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldier told the IFJ that army drones and helicopters have been surveying the area in recent months.
“We know they’ve sent munitions and large troop numbers to our area… last time we had drones flying over our area, they later attacked villages and our positions with airstrikes. They’re already fighting in our Brigade 5 and 1 and have started in 6 and 2.”
Since the military launched its coup on February 1, there has been at least 500 armed battles between the KNU and the military regime and 70,000 Karen civilians have been displaced and are hiding in makeshift camps as a direct result of these attacks.
Fighter jets have flown into Karen National Union-controlled areas 27 times and dropped at least 47 bombs, killing 14 civilians and wounding 28.
Naw K’nyaw Paw, general secretary of the Karen Women Organisation, in an interview with Karen News, said villagers displaced by the Myanmar Army attacks are now in desperate need of humanitarian aid.
‘Shoot at villagers’
“They shoot at villagers if they see them on their farms, burning down their rice barns and killing the livestock left behind. The Burma Army also arrests people when they see them and use them as human shields to protect them when attacked by Karen soldiers.”
Naw K’nyaw Paw said accessing the displaced villagers is difficult, especially during the wet season.
“The only accessible way in is on foot, supplies have to be carried through jungle. Given the restrictions due to covid-19 as well as the increasing Burma Army military operations, villagers are unable to return to their homes and they will need food, clothing and medicine, especially the young and old.”
Nan Paw Gay says the military’s strategy to muzzle the media is a familiar tactic that has been used before.
“Stop international media getting access to conflict areas, shut down independent media, hunt local journalists and when there’s no one to left to report, launch attacks in ethnic regions, displacing thousands of villagers.”
Phil Thornton is a journalist and senior adviser to the International Federation of Journalists in South East Asia. This article was first published by the IFJ Asia-Pacific blog and is republished with the author’s permission. Thornton is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report..."
Source/publisher:
Asia Pacific Report
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
802.26 KB
more
Description:
"Since the 1 February coup d’état in Myanmar, residents of the country have requested assistance from the international community. Particularly during the early stages of the coup, many protesters carried signs calling for “R2P,” seemingly in hope of foreign military intervention.
But seven months later, the international community has still not taken collective action under the R2P principle. The United Nations Security Council in particular has not taken any significant action at all to respond to the unlawful coup and the related human rights violations by the Myanmar military.
The briefing paper by SAC-M provides background information on R2P and how it is invoked, and offers some explanation as to why there appears to have been no collective response to the calls for R2P made during the protests.
Download the briefing paper: SAC-M Briefing Paper R2P
The paper also highlights that, while foreign military intervention in Myanmar is extremely unlikely, there are other actions that can and should be taken under R2P. These include arms embargoes, targeted sanctions and promoting accountability.
Some individual States and groups of States have already taken such actions since the coup, designed to protect civilians in Myanmar. SAC-M has called upon States to expand and strengthen these actions, through an international “three cuts” strategy:
Cut the weapons supply to the Tatmadaw;
Cut the cash supply to the Tatmadaw; and
Cut the impunity of the Tatmadaw.
Finally, the briefing paper also explores suggestions for people wanting to call on the international community to do more to protect the people of Myanmar, including by invoking R2P..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
318.57 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Today, 25 August, marks four years since our people fled genocidal attacks by Myanmar
security forces in Arakan State also known as Rakhine State, Myanmar in 2017. Today, 25
August, is the fourth Anniversary of the Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day.
We mark this day so that all future generations of Rohingya will know what happened to our
people. We the undersigned organizations, remember, mourn, and call for accountability
for the atrocity crimes committed by the Myanmar security forces including genocide and
crimes against humanity.
The Myanmar security forces killed, raped, and burned our villages trying to destroy us.
The attacks led to the exodus of nearly one million Rohingya to Bangladesh, where we now
live in sprawling and overcrowded refugee camps.
On 1 February 2021, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Myanmar military overthrew
the elected Government of Myanmar in a coup. The military and police have since
killed more than 1,000 men, women, and children- p rimarily peaceful protesters- a nd
imprisoned several thousand others for opposing the junta's rule.
The junta that controls the country is the same military junta that led genocidal attacks against
our people and now are committing human rights violations against the whole country.
Rohingya are still at grave risk in Rakhine State where the junta commits crimes with impunity.
The military continues to confine thousands of Rohingya to internment camps and Rohingya
are still denied citizenship, freedom of movement, and other basic human rights.
We are citizens of Myanmar and support the resistance movement against the junta
including the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) the National Unity Government (NUG),
and all people working for democracy and human rights.
We support the international community and the NUG's commitment for international
justice including at the International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice, and
through the universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. However, we call on the NUG to
expand on its Rohingya policy and appoint a Rohingya minster and other Muslim leaders.
We call on United Nations member states to impose targeted sanctions against the
Myanmar military and work to end impunity in the country. United Nations have been slow
to show coordinated action to hold preparators accountable for crimes.
We support the International Court of Justice genocide case at the World Court. We the
undersigned organisations, call on governments around the world including the United
States, United Kingdom, and others to make a clear genocide determination about the
crimes committed against Rohingya.
We Rohingya are still living in overcrowded and sprawling refugee camps. We thank the
Bangladesh government for welcoming us to the country and providing us safety. We long
to return home to Myanmar.
Four years on, we will work to be able to return to our homeland as citizens, to build
a country that ensures justice and rights for people regardless of race, religion, or ethnicity..."
Source/publisher:
Champions of Change, Education & Wisdom Development for Rohingya Women , Rohingya Refugee Committee , Rohingya Women Education Initiative, Rohingya Youth for Legal Action, Rohingya Youth Unity Team, Voice of Rohingya, Rohingya Student Union
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Genocide, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
65.96 KB
more
Sub-title:
အထက်တန်းရှေ့နေများ လိုင်စင်သက်တမ်းတိုးရန် ကိစ္စ။
Description:
"အထက်တန်းရှေ့နေများ လိုင်စင်သက်တမ်းတိုးရန် ကိစ္စနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ အမိန့်ကြေညာစာ ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Justice
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
183.88 KB
more
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အမိန့်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁)ကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမိန့်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဝါခေါင်လပြည့်ကျော် ၁၀ ရက်
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ရက်
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမား ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ ၂၂ ရက်စွဲပါ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီကို စိတ်ရောကိုယ်ပါ ထောက်ခံပူးပေါင်းပြီး၊ ဌာနတူဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိနှိပ်သူများကို အရေးယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း ဖော်ပြထုတ်ပြန်ထားပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM)တွင် ပါဝင်ကာ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ ဖိအားပေး၍ ချက်ချင်း ဖယ်ရှားစေခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပေးဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာထားသည့် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း ချေးငွေများအား ပြန်လည်ပေးသွင်းရန် အဓမ္မဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ရှေးဦးစုံစမ်းမှု(PE) နှင့် ဌာနဆိုင်ရာစစ်ဆေးမှု(DE) များ ပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် တမင်နှိပ်ကွပ်၍ လှုပ်ရှားမှုမှတ်တမ်းတို့အား ရယူဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း တို့အပြင် အခြားဖိနှိပ်မှုများနှင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုမျိုးစုံ ပြုလုပ်ကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရား ပုံမှန်လည်ပတ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တက်ကြွစွာ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသူ ဝန်ထမ်းများအား မိမိတို့ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် စက်ဆုတ်စွာ ရှုံ့ချပါသည်။
၃။ မိမိတို့ လုပ်ဖော်ကိုင်ဖက်များအပေါ် ရန်ဖက်သဖွယ် သဘောထားကာ ဓမ္မနှင့် အဓမ္မ ကိုပင် ဆင်ခြင်သုံးသပ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိဘဲ အထက်ဖော်ပြပါဖိနှိပ်မှုမျိုးစုံကို တိုက်ရိုက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ သွယ်ဝိုက်၍ဖြစ်စေ ကျူးလွန်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်း(၆၅)ဦးအား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist)သွင်း၍ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်ကာ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်(Dismiss)လိုက်သည်-
နိုင်သုဝဏ္ဏ
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
စာအမှတ်။ ၇/၁-စီမံ/၂၀၂၁(၀၀၂)
ရက်စွဲ။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ရက်
ဖြန့်ဝေခြင်း
နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံး
ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံး
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဌာနအားလုံး..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
473.08 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"1. On the 24th of August 2021, KNU Minister Saw Shwe Maung issued a letter to the Karen Military Brigades, Battalions, and Township Administration Offices. The subject letter advised that the Burmese Coup Military and Border Guard Force (BGF) would be entering the Karen liberated areas, to conduct unwarranted searches for those who identified as members of the People’s Defence Forces (PDF) and National Unity Government (NUG).
2. On the 19th of August 2021, Myanmar Military Coup Council’s Deputy General Soe Win attended at the Burmese Military Brigade 44 stationed in Thaton District to command the advancement of the major offensive on the Karen National Union (KNU). This resulted in the Burmese Military and BGF troops entering the KNU controlled areas with forced violence.
3. Upon attack, Karen villagers were threatened to vacant their homes within two days, when the offensive would be increased. The KNU has since reported there being more than 81 army clashes between its troops and the opposing BGF and Burmese Military, ascending within Thaton District, Taungoo District, Nyaunglebin Township, and Papun District, since the 1st of August 2021.
4. Notwithstanding Minister Shwe Maung’s repeated assertion that (as their representative) the KNU’s underlying objective is to succeed in negotiation by way of political solution rather than the Myanmar Military’s violent approach, his actions and blatant disregard for the present situation of the Karen has been to the contrary; further disdaining the genuine efforts of the democratic forces (including NUG and PDF) to end military rule and rebuild the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. The Minister’s ill-intentions are evident in his cooperating with the Myanmar Military’s scheme for illegitimate control of the liberated areas and people.
5. Pursuant to the KNU Media Release of the 2nd February 2021, the Myanmar Military Coup has been strongly condemned, along with the Myanmar Police forces for their excessive violence against peaceful civilian protestors. The KNU has since allied with the entire population of Myanmar standing against the Coup in striving to transition to a democratic Burma.
6. The KNU’s condemnation of the Military Coup has been reaffirmed by the bodies which are also signatories to the Nationwide Cease Fire (NCA). These bodies have collectively undertaken to suspend their involvement in the National Peace Conference with the Myanmar Military junta for as long as the Coup persists. In expressing their full support for the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), the signatories have also confirmed their intent to assist the CDM by all means necessary, alongside the democratic forces within Burma, abroad, and the International Community.
7. The premise upon which Minister Shwe Maung’s letter of the 24th of August 2021 is based, together with his misconduct in cooperating with the Myanmar Military Coup, contradicts the principled objectives of the Karen National Union and their above-mentioned Media Release, entirely.
8. The Minister’s cooperation with the advancement of the Military Coup’s offensive including their plan to arrest and detain members of democratic forces, whilst assaulting any civilian who is seen to be in support of such, would constitute as crimes against humanity and war crimes, and deemed to be breaches of Articles 3 and 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
9. Despite being issued an order for provisional measures by the International Court of Justice to prevent genocidal acts, the Myanmar Military junta has continued to commit crimes against humanity. In assisting the junta and representing the KNU, Minister Saw Shwe Maung’s intentions and actions evidently misrepresent the founding principles of the Karen National Union on a global scale.
The Australian Karen Organisation Inc. continues to encourage the KNU, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) in working with PDF, Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), CDM, NUG (all inclusive of domestic and international democratic forces) to end the Myanmar Military rule, and strive for the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Australian Karen Organisation
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Karen National Union (KNU)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
162.47 KB
more
Sub-title:
Junta focus raided Mahn Johnny’s home after a photo of him posing with a large rifle was published on Facebook
Description:
"Soldiers raided the home of former National League for Democracy (NLD) regional chief minister Mahn Johnny on Sunday and detained his relatives after a Facebook page released a photo of him holding a large rifle and wearing military fatigues.
The 79-year-old, who has announced he will fight against the junta after receiving training in a rebel-held area of Karen State, told Myanmar Now last week that the February 1 military coup was a “heinous crime” that must be combatted.
A group of around 20 soldiers from the 36th Light Infantry Battalion arrived at his home in Kyonpyaw, Ayeyarwady Region on Sunday afternoon accompanied by police and village informants.
They briefly detained his son at a police station and have told his family they are not allowed to leave their home. They also confiscated three mobile phones and a car, a woman close to the family told Myanmar Now.
“His family and friends here are worried,” she said. “The military warned all the family members not to go anywhere and to report to them if they need to go somewhere.”
Soldiers also raided the local Nazareth Catholic Church near his home on the same evening, a man who lives in Kyonpyaw said.
Locals said that five of Mahn Johnny’s relatives live in the house; two sons, two daughters-in-law and a grandchild.
Tun Shwe, a deputy police chief in Ayeyarwady, said his force was unaware of Sunday’s incident.
Security in Kyonpyaw has been tightened over the past two days, with soldiers manning checkpoints around the town, the Kyonpyaw resident said.
“They are doing security checks in the middle of the town and also at the town’s exit,” he said. “We have never experienced anything like this before.”
Mahn Johnny represented the NLD in the general elections of 1990, 2015 and 2020, as well as in the 2012 by-elections – he won his seat on all four occasions.
He served as the chief minister of Ayeyarwady Region for three years until 2018, when he resigned for health reasons.
On Saturday he told Myanmar Now that he had decided to take up arms against the military dictatorship. “We will win once the people unite,” he said. “This is the endgame.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"On the day marking seven months since the Burmese military’s attempted coup, the Women’s
League of Burma (WLB) reinforces our condemnation of the junta’s illegal and unjust seizure
of power and categorically rejects the assault on civilian livelihoods including the infringement
of basic human rights freedoms and protections by the Burmese Army, and in particular the
targeting of women and girls through sexual violence as a weapon of war. WLB also condemns
the junta’s efforts of using its controlled media and personnel to defame women who have
joined resistance forces fighting against them, particularly the junta’s spokesperson shameful
use of sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women.
Since February the first, the whole country has been pushed back to living under constant
threats and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing,
torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. Over 1,000 civilians
have been killed by security forces, including over 73 women. More than 1,084 women were
among 7,300 people arrested simply for their political views.
Moreover, the junta has launched military offensives including airstrikes in Kachin, Karen,
Karenni/Kayah, Rakhine and Shan State and Sagaing Region. As a result, more than 240,000
people have been internally displaced across the country adding to the already-existing
numbers of IDPs. Among those, 80 percent, are women and children who face risks of
malnutrition and sexual violence by the Burmese soldiers. Pregnant women have been forced
to give birth while hiding in the jungle without proper health care. An increase number of rape
and sexual abuse by the junta’s security forces against women has been reported daily.
Besides its brutal attacks against the people, the Burmese military is blocking the routes to
transport humanitarian aid to those in need, or even arresting relief workers. This humanitarian
crisis unfolding across the country has heightened the needs of vulnerable communities
against the backdrop of a raging pandemic. The COVID-19 has allowed the junta to restrict the
movement of opposition forces and to limit civilian access to health care.
WLB reiterates our commitment fighting against all forms of dictatorships in our country
alongside with our alliances in the federal democracy movement as well as with various
international and regional actors to raise awareness about the situation inside Burma, in
particular highlighting the plight of women, girls including all human rights defenders.
On this occasion, we urge international community to act as follows:
To the International Community Categorically reject the military junta by supporting and standing with the people of Burma
to topple the military dictatorship;
To apply pressure on the junta for the immediate and unconditional cessation of military
violence and the release of all arbitrarily detained protesters and political prisoners
including female detainees as well as an end to the use of sexual violence by security forces
against female detainees;..."
Source/publisher:
Women's League of Burma
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Women's rights, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
230.19 KB
more
Title: စစ်ကျွန်ပညာရေးယန္တရား၏ စာမေးပွဲအောင်စာရင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်းနှင့်ပက်သက်၍ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Source/publisher:
University of Mandalay Students' Union
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
239.23 KB
more
Description:
"အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်သည့် အခြေအနေများ
(၁) အစိုးရ၏ အဓိပ္ပါယ်
လူ့သမိုင်းတွင် အစိုးရဟူ၍စတင်ပေါ်လာသည့် အချိန်ကထဲက ယနေ့အထိ အစိုးရ၏အရင်းခံအကျဆုံး
တာဝန်မှာ ပြည်သူလူထု၏လုံခြုံမှု ကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့်
စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များက ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်ပြစ်မှုကြီးများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂ
အဆင့်ကပင် တရားဝင်နည်းလမ်းတကျ စွပ်စွဲထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်ကောင်စီအာဏာသိမ်းသည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ
လ (၁) ရက်နေ့ ကစ၍လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ဆက်တိုက်ဆို သလိုပင် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်ပြင်းထန်သည့်
ပြစ်မှုကြီးများ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်ဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်ကောင်အဆင့်သို့ ကျရောက်နေ
ပြီဖြစ်သော အဆိုပါစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား ကုလသမဂ္ဂ နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လုံးဝ
အသိအမှတ် မပြုသင့်ပါ။ NUG သည် ယင်းနှင့်ပြောင်းပြန်ပင် လူထုကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်နိုင်ရန်
ဘက်ပေါင်းစုံမှနေ၍ ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိသည်။
(၂) အစိုးရတရပ်၏ တရားဝင်မှုအဓိပ္ပါယ်
ကမ္ဘာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေငြာစာတမ်း၏ အပိုဒ် (၂၀) ပုဒ်ခွဲ (၃)1 တွင် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒသည်
အစိုးရအာဏာ၏ အခြေခံဖြစ်ရမည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဆန္ဒကို ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်္ဘာလ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် အတိအလင်းဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ စစ်ကောင်စီက အာဏာ
သိမ်းခဲ့သောအခါတွင်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီကို လက်မခံကြောင်းငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုကြီးဖြင့်
လူဦးရေသန်းနှင့်ချီကာ တပြည်လုံးနီးပါးမျှ လွှမ်းခြုံဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ကြသည်။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ပြည်သူလူထုက အနေအထား
နှစ်ခုလုံးတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ဆန္ဒကို ထုတ်ဖော်ခဲ့ပါလျက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက အသိအမှတ်မပြုပါက
ကုလသမဂ္ဂသည်လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာသည်လည်းကောင်း ကမ္ဘာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေငြာစာတမ်းကို
ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ ယင်းသို့မဖြစ်သင့်။ စစ်ကောင်စီကို လုံး၀ အသိအမှတ်မပြုသင့်ပါ။ ပြည်သူလူထု
အများစုကြီးဆန္ဒအရ ထောက်ခံမှုရရှိထားသော NUG ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်ပါသည်။2
(၃) အစိုးရတရပ်ရပ်ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်မသင့်အား ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို အထောက်အကူပြုသည့်
ဘက်မှနေ၍ စဉ်းစားသင့်ခြင်း
ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကိုဦးတည်ပြီး ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အခြေခံမူများအား လေးစားသည့်
အခြေခံမှနေ၍ နိုင်ငံများအတွင်း ဆက်ဆံရေးတည်ဆောက်စေရန်မှာ ကုသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အရေးကြီး
သည့်အခြေခံမူတရပ်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
တောင်အာဖရိကနိုင်ငံတွင် လူဖြူလူမဲခွဲခြားမှုစနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးထားသော ၁၉၈၃ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ
ဥပဒေသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အခြေခံမူများနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ကြောင်းဖြင့် ၁၉၈၄ ခုနှစ်တွင်ကုလသမဂ္ဂ
လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီက ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အမှတ် ၅၅၄ ဖြင့် ပျက်ပြယ်ကြောင်း ကြေငြာခဲ့ရသည်။3 စစ်အာဏာ
ရှင်စနစ်ကို ကျောရိုးပြုထားသည့် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေသည်လည်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏
အခြေခံမူများနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခြင်းခံရသည့်
ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) က ၂၀၀၈
ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံကို ပယ်ဖျက်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေသစ်တရပ်
ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရေးကို ဦးတည်ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်သူများတွင် တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်
ကိုလည်း အာမခံထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ CRPH/NUG သည် ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို ဦးတည်သည့်လမ်းကြောင်းကို
လျှောက်လှမ်းနေကြောင်းထင်ရှားသည်။
စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အခိုင်အမာအသက်သွင်းထားသည့် ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို
ဆက်လက်အသုံးပြုပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပေါင်းစုံ ပြည်သူလူထုကြီးတရပ်လုံးကို ဆက်လက်ဖိနှိပ်လျက် ရှိသော
အကြမ်းဘက်အဖွဲ့ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို ဦးတည်သည့်လမ်းကြောင်းမှ သွေဖည်
လျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလိုက်မည်ဆိုပါက နိုင်ငံတနိုင်ငံအတွင်း အကြမ်းဘက်သည့် အဆင့်မှနေ၍ နိုင်ငံတကာအကြမ်းဘက်အဖွဲ့အဆင့်သို့ တက်သွားပါမည်။ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်း
ရေးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်သည့် အဆင့်သို့ရောက်လာနိုင်ပါသည်။
(၄) နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ စံချိန်စံညွန်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ၊ နိုင်ငံ
တကာလူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားသည့်ဥပဒေ နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေများ အတည်ပြု
ကျင့်သုံးခွင့်ရစေရန် တာဝန်ရှိခြင်း
NUG နှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီနှစ်ခုအနက် မည်သူ့ကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်
ကြောင်းအား အထက်ပါအခြေခံမှ ရှေးဦးစွာလေ့လာရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာ
အဆင့်ပြင်းထန်ကြီးမားသော ပြစ်မှုကြီးများကျူးလွန်သူများအား ခွင့်လွှတ်၍မရ၊ အရေးယူရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း
နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ စံချိန်စံညွှန်း (Peremptory norms/ jus cogen ) လူတိုင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတိုင်း လိုက်နာကြရမည့်
တာဝန် (Erga omnes ) ကို နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် သတိပြုစေလိုပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီအဖြစ် အာဏာ မသိမ်းမှီ
နှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်းတွင်ပါ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်(တပ်မတော်)၏ ထိပ်ပိုင်းခေါင်းဆောင် များသည်ပြစ်မှု
ကြီးများအား ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြောင်းထင်ရှားပါသည်။ အာဏာမသိမ်းမှ ီ ရှေ့ပိုင်းတွင်ကျူးလွန ် ခဲ့သောပြစ်မှုကြီးများ
အတွက် ကမ္ဘာ့တရားရုံး ICJ တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အမှုရင်ဆိုင်ရလျက်ရှိပြီး4 နိုင်ငံတကာပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံး
ICC တရားစွဲအရာရှိကလည်း တရားဝင်စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေး (Investigation) လုပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။5
ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက စစ်ကောင်စီအား တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အတည်ပြုလိုက်ပါ
က ရာဇဝတ်ကောင်ကို သူတော်စင်အနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလိုက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ အထက်ပါ နိုင်ငံတကာ
ဥပဒေများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာစံချိန်စံညွန်းများအား ပျက်ရယ်ပြုရာလည်းရောက်ပါမည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ
ကော်မရှင်က ပြဌာန်းပေးပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့တရားရုံး ICJ ကပင် လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးလျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ
အဆင့်မှားယွင်းသောပြုမူမှုများအတွက်နိုင်ငံများ၏ တာဝန်ရှိမှု ပြဌာန်းချက်အား6 ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကိုယ်တိုင်က
ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ ICC အနေဖြင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ICJ အနေဖြင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း အရေးယူ
ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် မှုုခင်းကြီးများရှုံးနိမ့်စေရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက သက်သေခံပစ္စည်းများအား ဖျောက်ဖျက်နိုင်
ခြေကို နိုင်ငံတကာက အားပေးလိုက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့် တရားရုံးကြီးများ၏ လုပ်ငန်းများ ကို
ပံ့ပိုးပေးရာမရောက်ဘဲ၊ နှောက်ယှက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီအား တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လုံးဝ
အသိအမှတ်မပြုသင့်ပါ။..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Aid Network
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
697.8 KB
more
Sub-title:
The Spring Revolution signifies a ‘knockout fight’ between the people and the military, says Mahn Johnny, who, at nearly 80 years old is still committed to winning
Description:
"Former Ayeyarwady Region Chief Minister Mahn Johnny represented the National League for Democracy (NLD) in four elections, from 1990 until 2020. He won a parliamentary seat every time.
On Saturday, the Dawkalu Network Facebook page published photos of Mahn Johnny wearing army fatigues and holding a loaded rifle, stating that he had joined others across the country in taking up arms against the junta that seized power in the February 1 military coup.
Myanmar Now spoke with the nearly 80-year-old ethnic Karen politician about his thoughts on the anti-dictatorship movement. Following this interview and the earlier release of the photos, Mahn Johnny’s home was raided on Sunday by around 20 junta soldiers, who briefly detained his son and allegedly seized property including a car.
Myanmar Now: Almost seven months after the military coup, we are seeing a photo of you holding a gun. What is your role in the movement?
Mahn Johnny: We cannot accept the coup because it is a heinous crime. I will openly and boldly say that I will continue fighting against this injustice, because that is what I believe in.
MN: Do you believe the movement will succeed?
MJ: I believe that we will achieve 100 percent success, because we are on the right side. They have seized power unjustly.
Since the day of the military coup, the people have been protesting to express how much they are suffering, but the junta shot them dead. In the past, the 1988 pro-democracy uprising ended in failure because people could not see video footage of the crackdowns until one or two weeks after it had happened. Now we can see it almost immediately.
I am a representative of the Upper House, elected by the citizens. I am 80 years old now. I cannot betray our people at this age. Even if the military does not kill me, I will die. I always meditate on the fact that I could die at any time. They [the military leaders] will also die—they are mortal, too. If they earned the people’s respect, adoration and love, they might be elected to government, too.
MN: How do you keep up your morale at this age?
MJ: It's strange. I was not in good enough health in February to go to Parliament [as planned]. At that time, people had to help me even to get out of bed. When I arrived in Naypyitaw [before the coup], I needed to fill out a form, but I could not even hold a pen. Yet now, because I exercise regularly, I can run again. All of those previous illnesses seem to be gone. I do not know what happened. I am not even taking any medication.
During my tenure as Chief Minister, I was in three car accidents, but I did not die. I suffered from one disease after another. Now I am very healthy. I can run—anyone who is the same age as me who wants to race me can come and try!
MN: PDFs—People's Defence Forces—have been formed. We have heard that they have links to ethnic armed organisations. How connected are these revolutionary forces in their struggle to overthrow the military dictatorship?
MJ: The links between groups are not new. The connections have been established since the [anti-coup] strike began.
I will continue my fight whether we win or lose. Even if they do not kill us, many people have died from Covid-19, suffering. Some people will die in battle. Every mortal will die. So we have to work for the people every day. Now, I am 80, so it is near the end of my life. I have already chosen how I will live during the last days of my life. I will never betray the people because it is the people who have elected me.
MN: The NLD often spoke of the principle of national reconciliation, but the military staged a coup. Has national reconciliation been damaged?
MJ: There must be an army, but we do not want a military dictatorship. We must get rid of it. Frankly, this is a knockout fight. They will attack us and we will attack them. If they win, they will take it all. If we win, we will take it. They have one of the most powerful armies in Southeast Asia. But the people are revolting against that powerful army. Are they able to control us now? Have they won? Think about it.
Who gave birth to these soldiers? Farmers and workers—the citizens gave birth to them. So, why are they killing their people? That’s what we cannot accept.
MN: Is the coup going to lead to an unfortunate end for the military leaders? As a veteran politician and former chief minister, what do you think?
MJ: That's a very good question. The people need to be involved. If the people are involved, we will be able to get rid of [the junta]. They are shooting at anyone, so the people now feel that they are just unruly gunmen. They can no longer win the hearts of the people. They are losing.
The military should treat the citizens as if the citizens were their father and mother. If they would accept that they must serve the people, everything would be all right. But now we are in a boxing ring. We will have to knock them out.
MN: What would you like to say about the pretext of electoral fraud that the military coup was based on?
MJ: We do not accept it at all. In the electoral commissions, there are a lot of people from [the military’s] side, including secretaries. They told us to check the voter lists. We checked the voter lists three times, carefully. If they were not satisfied with the lists, they could have cancelled the voter lists [before the election]. They could have called off the election by saying that some areas were unstable. But they did not. Only when we had won the election did they seize power and say it was because the voter lists were incorrect.
After the election results were announced to the world, it was ridiculous to say that the election was rigged.
MN: What message do you want to give to the people involved in the Spring Revolution?
MJ: I was a student who participated in the July 7 Uprising [in 1962]. In 1988, I was an assistant township education officer. Looking back on all of this, were my 80 years of life full of thorns? We can see clearly who planted those thorns, so I will continue doing what I need to do. Citizens, please support us because we will continue working for you. We must win.
MN: Is there anything else you would like to say?
MJ: I want to tell the citizens that with their cooperation, we can win it all. They have a key role. They are our father and mother. If the citizens are involved [in the pro-democracy movement], we will win. This is a knockout fight. If [the military] does not lose, we will lose. If we do not lose, they will lose.
This interview was edited for clarity and brevity..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Dear respected members of the Parliament of Australia, thank you so much for giving me this great opportunity to represent my people and the country of Myanmar in your audience. The people of Myanmar truly have suffered too much for far too long under the hands of the failed coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his military junta regime’s reign-of-terror.
This is truly the darkest period in our history, and the people of Myanmar are facing the brunt of this darkness of the genocidal military junta. While the future of Myanmar is ultimately in the hands of the brave people of Myanmar, so many of whom have given their lives for the cause of freedom and democracy, and become symbols of hope, and heroes in the hearts of their fellow citizens, we deeply need the strong and continued support, friendship and recognition from the people, Parliamentarians, and Government of Australia, and its international alliance. Timely support and recognition by Australia is absolutely crucial in putting a quick end to this cruel military junta in Myanmar, and to building a new Myanmar - an inclusive federal democratic union for ALL the people of Myanmar, regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, background or ethnicity.
The 54 million people of Myanmar are facing brutal war crimes, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and genocide at the hands of failed coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his terroristic junta forces. Since February 1st, 2021, over 1,026 men, women and children have been murdered in cold blood, and over 7,627 innocent civilians have been illegally arrested without cause. More than 1,984 brave and innocent Myanmar people are being forced into hiding to evade illegal arrest warrants (according to the AAPP), and many of our democratically elected leader are facing show trials based on fraudulent and illegal charges. These trials have nothing to do with the rule of law or democracy, but instead serve as a tool with which the military junta seeks to prolong its self- serving reign-of-terror against the people of Myanmar. In addition, over 1.2 million innocent civilians have been forced to flee for their lives from their homes, villages, towns and cities that have come under attack by the genocidal military junta (according to UNHCR). The UNDP projects that over 27 million people in Myanmar will be forced below the poverty line within less than a year now, and UN-WFP projects that a further 6.4 million Myanmar people will be without food by the end of October, this year.
Covid-19 cases have spiraled out of control under the watch of the military junta, and hundreds of innocent people are dying each day as the Delta variant ravages our country. The people of Myanmar have lost all faith in the ability of the military junta do to anything successfully, especially when it comes to prevention and treatment of Covid-19. Over 260 medical facilities nationwide have been attacked, with several hospitals currently being illegally occupied by troops. Over 27 medical personnel have been murdered, and over 600 arrested by this cruel junta. Due to this, over half the population of Myanmar could become infected by Covid-19, and Myanmar is becoming a breeding ground not only for the Covid-19 delta variant, but for potentially new and stronger variants as well. This is a serious threat not only nationally or regionally, but globally.
Our economy is collapsing to the ground; our health care, finance, education and other basic services are paralyzed, and food insecurity is sharply rising. Violence and murder is rampant, and crimes against humanity have become widespread across the nation. This triple-crisis is pushing the whole nation into an extremely desperate situation. We are being pushed ever closer to a great civil bloodbath - a civil war - and another genocide. This can be prevented only by the international community’s urgent, strong and coordinated actions against this genocidal military regime in Myanmar.
Over 4 months have passed since ASEAN’s five-point consensus on Myanmar was reached, but as yet there are zero actions on the ground. The ASEAN Special Envoy has been appointed, and the eyes of the world rest on him; yet no swift actions have been made on the ground, and the military junta continues to use the ASEAN platform as their propaganda tool to prolong their acts of terrorism and their illegal reign-of-terror against the people of Myanmar. The 76th UN General Assembly resolution on Myanmar was adopted more than two months ago; yet again with no results on the ground in Myanmar. The military junta shows zero respect for the International Community, our ASEAN brothers and sisters, or the people of Myanmar.
It is then absolutely unacceptable that children’s classrooms are being occupied by cruel soldiers, and that school children are instead being forced to flee for their lives. It is completely unacceptable that places of worship and community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities, pastors, monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal, nor is it acceptable under any circumstances that our hospitals, schools, colleges, universities, banks, and economy is crashing due to this military reign-of-terror. It is unacceptable in the highest degree that our teachers, tutors, professors, doctors, nurses, midwives, engineers, scholars and civil servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their participation in the peaceful Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) to end the military junta’s usurpation of power from the people’s elected National Unity Government.
We are grateful everyday to our Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAO), People’s Defense Forces (PDF) and Civilian Defense Forces (CDF) who are laying down their lives in defense of their families, loved ones and neighbors from being murdered in cold blood, and defending their homes, villages, towns and cities from being completely wiped out by the terroristic junta forces and their bloodstained battlefield weapons; all of which obtained from China, Russia and other countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and country of Myanmar.
During the last six months, we have received hundreds of thousands of emails, 151,000 emails of which contain documented cases of crimes against humanity, and over 310,000 videos and photographs of atrocities. 427 strong cases are being open by international human rights lawyers on behalf of 28,005 victims who suffered crimes against humanity committed by the military junta forces. These are being named with case details and case notes, and will be prosecuted accordingly.
In addition, the citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through the peaceful Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), general strikes and other acts of civil defiance. We are boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants continue to refuse to support the junta’s work or supply chains. The sanctions that have been imposed thus far by the International Community have been a helpful start in showing a strong support for both our domestic efforts and the will of the people. However, greater help and support and recognition from the people, Parliament and Government of Australia and its allies from the international community is of critical and vital importance.
We urge the Government of Australia to engage with the National Unity Government of Myanmar as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar. We request the help of the people and Government of Australia in the upcoming credentialing challenges at the United Nations in September, and we critically need everything done that can be done in your power to ensure that the UNGA abides by its mandate to uphold the well-being of the people of Myanmar - the only way of which to accomplish this is to reject the genocidal and illegal military junta and accept the sole legitimate democratically elected Government of Myanmar - the National Unity Government - as the sole representative of the people and country of Myanmar.
This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. This is the first time in our history that elected members of Parliament, Political Parties, Ethnic Leaders, Ethnic Armed Organizations, and grass roots Civil Society Organizations have come together as one united people to oppose the common enemy - this military dictatorship - and to deliver justice to our Rohingya brothers and sisters, and to all the victims across Myanmar.
We have made our position clear that we will pursue freedom and justice for ALL, and we standby ready fully to cooperate with the ICJ and ICC to end impunity and hold all perpetrators accountable for their actions and crimes against humanity. The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar, and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from Australia and the free countries and leaders from around the world who believe in freedom, justice, and democracy. This is the greatest opportunity of the century. We must seize upon this window of opportunity to stop these horrendous crimes against humanity and put an end to this brutal military junta once and for all, and begin the building of an inclusive Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for ALL the people of Myanmar.
We urgently need your help in addressing the growing humanitarian and political catastrophe and COVID-19 triple-crisis which is a direct result of the military junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar. The National Unity Government knows how to get aid where it is most needed, and the most critically needed items are as follows: 1) COVID prevention, treatment and vaccines; 2) food; 3) medicines and medical supplies; 4) shelter; 5) and education (digital online/offline solutions).
Additionally, we, the people and Government of Myanmar, respectfully request the people and Government of Australia to impose harsh sanctions against all members of the illegal military council (SAC), the so-called military appointed “caretaker government”, military owned and linked businesses, and cronies who serve as brokers or pathways for the illegal military junta to obtain funding which it utilizes to destroy the people of Myanmar. The United States, United Kingdom, European Union, Canada and others have stood with the people of Myanmar in imposing sanctions against these individuals and entities, and it is our sincere request that Australia will also do the same, and ban all dealings with these criminals.
Australia plays a key role in this situation as Australia is the key to Asia - Australasia - and it is therefore crucial that Australia step up to the occasion and do everything in its power to help put an end to the senseless murder of thousands of innocent people on it’s very doorstep. We are respectfully requesting that the Government of Australia and its alliance to ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of Australia, whether public or private, be allowed to continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders, or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains largely unscathed by the international community. Coordinated and targeted sanctions and legislation from the Australia Parliament would make a clear legal obligation for companies to stop the flow of this revenue to the junta, and the sanctioning of individuals from the military junta and their cronies who are responsible for crimes against humanity are vitally important. We must not continue to allow this illegal junta to spend the wealth of the people of Myanmar in murdering the people of Myanmar.
Therefore, the Government of Australia and the International Community must continue to place sanctions against the junta leaders and their main income stream - Myanmar Oil and Gas, and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology, and impose an international arms embargo and a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by any means necessary. These measures are absolutely vital to prevent a great civil war and another genocide from occurring in Myanmar.
We also express our deepest sympathy and regrets for what Australian national Professor Sean Turnell has been put through illegally by the merciless junta. He is a great hero of the people of Myanmar, and is highly regarded in all quarters. We are extremely sorry for the situation he is in under the hands of the brutal junta, and we pray for his well being and demand his unconditional and immediate release. The false charges against him have nothing to do with rule of law but have everything to do with the prolonging of the military junta’s reign-of-terror against our freedom, values and democracy. The people of Myanmar stand in solidarity with Professor Sean Turnell and his family, and we hope that the Government of Australia will also demand his immediate and unconditional release and repatriation, and offer severe consequences to the junta for any delays or non-compliance.
When the 54 million people of Myanmar have received your support and recognition, we, the frontline defenders of freedom, liberty and democracy in Myanmar will be able to put an end to this genocidal military dictatorship which has become a cancer to the nation and to the world, and to replace it with an ethical and inclusive armed force that belongs to and is comprised of the people of Myanmar, and is placed under civilian governance and control.
Together we will begin to build a new Myanmar and an inclusive Federal Democratic Union for ALL the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religion, gender, culture, ethnicity or background, and where all human rights are equally respected, protected and promoted. Myanmar will become a country where power and resource sharing will be based on the principles of equality and self-determination, and where the three branches of government - Parliament, Judiciary and Executive - will function independently; we will become a country where the rights of all will be protected and respected by the new federal democratic constitution of Myanmar. This will be brought about in an inclusive manner, and only with the consensus of ALL of our people and communities. A constitutional convention and referendum will be held on the permanent draft constitution which will belong to the people of Myanmar for all generations to come. We will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military junta, and the Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar will soon become a powerful reality, and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratefulness with the people and Government of Australia.
We will emerge as an inclusive new Myanmar that is committed to federal democracy, human rights, and to being a responsible partner in the global alliance for liberty, freedom, peace, prosperity and stability around the world.
Sincerely,
Dr. Sasa
Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar Former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-31
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
128.42 KB
more
Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁)
++++++++++++++++++++++++
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဝန်ထမ်းအသစ်များခန့်ထားမှုနှင့် ရာထူးတိုးမြှင့်မှုများမှာ တရားမဝင်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
For more- https://monrec.nugmyanmar.org..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-31
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
109.73 KB
more
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၈/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၃၁) ရက်
အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း
(ကျန်ရှိသော စာရင်းများကို နောက်နေ့ရက်များတွင် ဆက်လက်ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-31
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
800.12 KB
more
Sub-title:
Publication of a list of Illegal Investments and a Special Directive demanding their immediate and unconditional suspension
Description:
"1. Under Announcement 1/2021 of the Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations of
the Cabinet of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the acting Union Minister
declared that all investment permits and endorsements shall be suspended without exception from the
date of seizure of state institutions by the illegal military council on 1 February 2021.
2. Under Announcement 3/2021, dated 16 May 2021, the Ministry of Planning, Finance and
Investment ('the Ministry') of the National Unity Government reaffirmed the above instructions made
under Announcement 1/2021.
3. Under Announcement 6/2021, dated 21 July 2021, publishing the 'Three Pillar Framework
Guiding Responsible Investment and Continued Operations', the National Unity Government further
stated that new investment proposals, agreements, or approvals made by military controlled entities on
or after 1 February 2021 will neither be recognised or honoured.
4. All policies adopted and implemented by the National Unity Government must reflect the
principles of a federal democratic union. Crucially, a national investment policy is one such policy.
5. The indiscriminate issuance of investment permits and endorsements by the Myanmar
Investment Commission under the control of the illegal military council runs counter to the tenets of
federal democracy to which the people of Myanmar aspire. Such actions shall not be tolerated.
6. Accordingly, the Ministry hereby publishes a list of companies undertaking illegal investments
by seeking permits and endorsements from the Myanmar Investment Commission, subordinate to and
controlled by the illegal military council. By this special directive, the Ministry hereby cautions those
companies and instructs them to desist and suspend their illegal investment activities immediately and
unconditionally.
7. Any listed company that fails to comply with the instructions shall be liable to prosecution in
accordance with existing laws.
Tin Tun Naing...
Union Minister
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
153.73 KB 260.08 KB
more
Description:
"On this International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, AAPP calls on international actors to recognize the enforced disappearances perpetrated by the military in its terror campaign against the entire population in Burma since the military coup.
As of AAPP’s most recent database, the current condition of 82% of people on the under-detention lists are detained in an unknown location. The international community must demand the junta reveals the location to civil society of all of those arbitrarily detained. In the junta’s efforts to shield itself from accountability, the location of these detainees is withheld from civil society and independent media. In fact, intelligence on the fate or whereabouts of any of the total 7627 people detained since the coup has not been disclosed by the junta.
AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing said “in Burma’s previous dictatorship, families of the detained were never notified of their loves ones transfer to prisons or the event that led to arrest. Families must spend time going to police stations or prisons to inquire about their relatives as well as asking other inmates’ families, often using bribes. Sometimes, information is revealed through media outlets instead. Even the whereabouts of the democratically elected leaders, President U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, have not been disclosed and access to lawyers restricted. Such intentional disappearances pose a serious threat to public security and basic international law”.
According to the 2002 Rome Statute, enforced disappearances occur when a detention of an individual is “followed by a refusal to acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate or whereabouts of those persons, with the intention of removing them from the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time”.
Even children are being enforced disappeared as hostage by the junta. In night-time raids or at peaceful protests everyone is at risk of being detained in secret locations by the junta. If one is taken to an interrogation center or military barracks, they could be tortured to death in Burma without anyone knowing where one was.
AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said, “enforced disappearances are an attempt to create a climate of fear across Burma, to stop anti-coup protests, and begin dictatorial rule. The result of enforced disappearances is not only to bully the detainees, but forces families and friends to suffer. Not knowing the fate or whereabouts of a loved one, this is a kind of physiological torture as well as physical abuse of one’s human rights. For this reason, it is one of the worse kinds of crimes against humanity”.
Article 7 (i) of the Rome Statute declares that enforced disappearances constitute crimes against humanity, when it is committed as part of a widespread and/or systematic attack, which it most certainly is in Burma.
On 20 August, the National Unity Government released a statement accepting jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court with respect to crimes committed in Burma since July 1, 2002. Enforced disappearance falls within the jurisdiction created by the Rome Statute, accountability for these crimes against humanity must be ensured.
Recognizing the political legitimacy of the National Unity Government at the United Nations General Assembly will strengthen these international accountability mechanisms, including to end the Burma junta’s use of enforced disappearances with impunity.
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Download link for English Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta
**On 28 May AAPP released a report and database[1] on missing persons since the military coup, these were split into different categories including missing in detention and disappeared on the streets. AAPP released this report to report on the repression and chaos created by the military coup, but firmly stipulated the fate of all those missing as of 28 May has not been verified to junta involvement, but rather strong suspicion..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
122.55 KB
more
Description:
"ယနေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အတင်းအဓမ္မအစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုဒဏ် ခံရသူများနေ့၌ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်ကတည်းက မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိနေသည့် ၎င်းတို့ ၏ လူမဆန်သော ကျူးလွန်မှုများထဲတွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသော ပြည်သူများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအန ပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် သတိမူ၍ အရေးယူမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။
အာဏာသိမ်းမှု စတင်သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလကတည်းက အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများမှာ ယခု အချိန်ထိ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး AAPP ၏ အချက်အလက်များအရ စစ်တပ်၏ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း ခံထားရသူများထဲမှ (၈၂) ရာခိုင်နှုန်းမှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသလဲဆိုသည်ကို မသိရှိရပေ။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသူများအား မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်း ထားကြောင်းကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် တောင်းဆိုရန် လိုအပ်သည်။
စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ စတင်၍ ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၇၆၂၇) ဦးရှိခဲ့ရာ စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထိန်းသိမ်းထားကြောင်းကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုမှု လုံးဝမပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပေ။ မိသားစုကိုယ်တိုင်နှင့် အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရှေ့နေများ၊ မီဒီယာများ စသည်တို့၏ ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်မှုကြောင့်သာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူအချို့မှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို သိရှိရခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
AAPP ၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးတိတ်နိုင်မှ “ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်မှာ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းတာ၊ ထောင်ပြောင်းတာတွေကို ကာယကံရှင်များရဲ့ မိသားစုများကို ဘယ်သောအခါမှ အသိပေးတာမရှိခဲ့ဘူး။ မိသားစုများက ထောင်တွေ၊ ရဲစခန်းတွေကို သွားရောက်စုံစမ်း မေးမြန်းတာ၊ အကျဉ်းကျနေသူတွေရဲ့ မိသားစုတွေကတဆင့် စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းတာတွေကို အချိန်ကုန်၊ ငွေကုန်၊ လူပန်းခံပြီး ခက်ခက်ခဲခဲ စုံစမ်းကြရတယ်။ တစ်ခါတရံ မီဒီယာတွေကမှ တဆင့်သိကြရတယ်။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်နဲ့ လူထုခေါင်းဆောင် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ကိုတောင် ဒီကနေ့အထိ ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ် ဆိုတာကို မထုတ်ပြန်တဲ့အပြင် ရှေ့နေတွေနဲ့တွေ့ခွင့်ကိုပါ ပိတ်ပင်တာတွေလုပ်လာခဲ့တယ်။ ဒီလို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းဟာ ပြည်သူတွေရဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးကို ကြီးမားစွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်တာ ဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေတွေကိုလည်း စိန်ခေါ်ရာ ရောက်ပါတယ်” ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။
ရောမစာချုပ် (၂၀၀၂) ၌ အာဏာပိုင်များအနေဖြင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ထားသည့် တစ်စုံတစ်ဦးကို အချိန် ကာလကြာမြှင့်စွာ ဥပဒေ၏ အကာအကွယ်ပေးမှုမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုဆုံးရှုံးနေခြင်းတို့ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် ငြင်းဆန်ခြင်းသည် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုမြောက်သည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။
စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အလိုရှိသူကို ဖမ်းမမိသည့်အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင် မိသားစုဝင်များကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းများလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေသလို ထိုဓားစာခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းထား ကြောင်းလည်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ထိုအထဲတွင် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသည့် လူမမယ်ကလေး သူငယ်များပင် ပါဝင်သည်။ ညအချိန်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်း၍ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း ခံရသူများသည် လျို့ဝှက်သောနေရာများတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံနေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက် စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရ၍ မည်သူမှ မသိလိုက်ရဘဲ အသက်သေဆုံးသွား ရမှုပင် ကြုံတွေ့ရနိုင်သည့် အန္တရာယ်ကို မြန်မာပြည်သူများမှာ နေစဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသည်။
AAPP ၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုတွေဟာ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အသက်သွင်းပြီး သူတို့ကိုဆန့်ကျင်နေမှုတွေ ရပ်တန့်စေဖို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မြန်မာတနိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ ကြောက်ရွံ့မှုတွေကို တိုးလာအောင် ဖန်တီးဖို့ ကြိုးစားနေတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒီလိုလုပ်ရပ် ဟာ အထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူတွေကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေတာတင်မကဘဲ မိသားစုဝင်တွေနဲ့ မိတ်ဆွေသူငယ်ချင်းတွေ ကိုပါ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာခံစားရအောင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ချစ်ခင်ရသူတစ်ဦးဦးကို ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ်ဆိုတာ တရားဝင်အသိမပေးဘဲ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ထိန်ချန်ထားခြင်းဟာ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု အသွင်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သလို ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာအရပါ ဖိစီးနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း မြောက်ပါတယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ဒီနည်းလမ်းတွေကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နဲ့ စနစ်တကျ အသုံးပြုကျူးလွန်နေတာဟာ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်တဲ့ အဆိုးရွားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုတွေထဲက တစ်ခုဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု ဆိုသည်။
ရောမစာချုပ်၏ အပိုဒ် ၇ (ဈ) တွင် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းကို စနစ်တကျနှင့် ကျယ်ကျယ် ပြန်ပြန့် ကျူးလွန်လာပါက လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၏ အင်္ဂါရပ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထည့်သွင်းပြဌာန်းထားသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ဇူလိုင်လ (၁) ရက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ကျူးလွန် ခဲ့သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို အရေးယူနိုင်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်မှုများကို လက်ခံမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့က ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းသည် ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အတွင်း၌ တည်ရှိ ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သောရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်နေမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန် အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာတာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ယန္တရားများကို ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းစေခြင်း ပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း
စတိတ်မန့်အပြည့်အစုံ ဒေါင်းလော့ရယူရန် Burmese Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
163.55 KB
more
Description:
"Dear respected members of the Parliament, people and Government of New Zealand, thank you so much for giving me this great opportunity to represent my people and the country of Myanmar, which have suffered too much for far too long under the hands of the failed coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his military junta regime’s reign-of-terror against the 54 million people of Myanmar.
This is truly the darkest period in our history, and the people of Myanmar are facing the brunt of the darkness of the genocidal military junta. While the future of Myanmar is ultimately in the hands of the brave people of Myanmar, so many of whom have given their lives for the cause of freedom and democracy and become symbols of hope, and heroes in the hearts of their fellow citizens, we deeply need the strong and continued support, friendship and recognition from the people, Parliamentarians, and Government of New Zealand, and its international alliance. Your support and recognition are absolutely crucial in ending this cruel military junta in Myanmar as soon as possible, and building a new Myanmar into an inclusive federal democratic union for ALL the people of Myanmar, regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, background or ethnicity.
Under the hands of the failed coup leader, Min Aung Hlaing, and his genocidal military junta forces, the 54 million people of Myanmar are facing once again brutal crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing. Since the 1st of February, 2021 when the failed coup was initiated, the genocidal military regime’s junta forces have killed 1,026 women, men and children in cold blood, and 7,627 innocent people have been arrested illegally, and without cause. Additionally, 1,984 innocent Myanmar people are evading illegal arrest warrants (according to the AAPP).
Many of our democratically elected leaders are facing show trials with fraudulent charges which have nothing to do with the rule of law, but instead has everything to do with the destruction of our democracy and freedom, and the prolonging of the military junta’s reign-of-terror against the people of Myanmar. Due to these genocidal military generals and their acts of terrorism against the innocent people of Myanmar, over 1.2 million civilians have been forced to flee for their lives from their homes, villages, towns and cities which have come under attack by the genocidal military junta forces. This rogue and cruel regime is guilty of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing. (UNCHR: 1.2 million IDPs, Refugees from Myanmar). Over 27 million people of Myanmar are projected to be living in extreme poverty within a year. (Half the population of Myanmar will live under the poverty line within a year - UNDP), and over 6.4 million people in Myanmar are projected to have no food by the end of October this year (UN - WFP).
During the last six months, we have received hundreds of thousands of emails, 151,000 emails of which contain documented cases of crimes against humanity, and over 310,000 videos and photographs of atrocities. 427 strong cases are being open by international human rights lawyers on behalf of 28,005 victims who suffered crimes against humanity committed by the military junta forces. These are being named with case details and case notes.
Covid-19 cases remain unchecked, under reported and out of control under the watch of the military junta, and hundreds of Myanmar people are dying each day. The people of Myanmar have profound and grounded mistrust in the military junta’s ability to handle this outbreak, or provide care of proper vaccine rollout. The main obstacle to COVID vaccination rollout programs across the country is due to more than 260 attacks on medical facilities, with several hospitals occupied by troops, and over 27 medical personal have been killed, with over 600 medical personal being arrested by this genocidal military junta. Due to this, over half the population of Myanmar could become infected by this virus, and Myanmar is becoming another breeding ground not only for the Covid-19 delta variant, but also for potentially new and stronger variants. This is a serious threat not only regionally, but globally.
Our economy is collapsing to the ground; our health care, education and other basic services are paralyzed, and food insecurity is sharply rising. The violence and killing, crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar continue and are becoming more and more widespread across the nation. This triple-crisis is pushing the whole nation into extremely desperate situations which are pushing us ever closer to a great civil bloodbath - civil war - and another genocide. This can be prevented only by the international community’s strong and coordinated actions against this genocidal military regime in Myanmar.
More than four months have passed since the ASEAN five-point consensus on Myanmar was reached, but as yet there are no actions on the ground. The ASEAN Special Envoy has been appointed, and the eyes of the world rested on him, but no swift actions have been made on the ground, and the military junta continues to use the ASEAN platform as their propaganda tool to prolong their acts of terrorism and their reign-of-terror against the people of Myanmar. The 76th UN General Assembly resolution on Myanmar was adopted more than two months ago, again with no results on the ground in Myanmar. The military junta in Myanmar keeps showing zero respect for the International Community, our ASEAN brothers and sisters, and the people of Myanmar.
It is absolutely unacceptable that children’s classrooms are being occupied by brutish soldiers, and that the school children are being forced to flee for their lives. It is completely unacceptable that places of worship and community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities, pastors, monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal, nor is it acceptable under any circumstances that our hospitals, schools, colleges, universities, banks, and economy is crashing due to this military reign-of-terror. It is unacceptable in the highest degree that our teachers, tutors, professors, doctors, nurses, midwives, engineers, scholars and civil servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their participation in the peaceful Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) to end the military junta’s usurpation of power from the people’s elected National Unity Government. These brave people have shown that the CDM movement is more powerful than all the military junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar.
Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAO), People’s Defense Forces (PDF) and Civilian Defense Forces (CDF) are laying down their lives every day in defense of their families, loved ones and neighbors from being murdered in cold blood, and defending their homes, villages, towns and cities from being completely wiped out by these genocidal military junta forces and their bloodstained battlefield weapons obtained from China, Russia and other countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and country of Myanmar.
The citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through the peaceful Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), general strikes and other acts of civil defiance. We are boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants are refusing to support the junta’s work. The sanctions that have been imposed thus far by the International Community have been a helpful start in showing a strong support for both our domestic efforts and the will of the people. However, greater help and support and recognition from the people, Parliament and Government of New Zealand and its allies from the international community is of critical and urgent importance.
We urge you to engage with the National Unity Government of Myanmar as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar. We need your help in the upcoming credentialing challenges at the UN in September, and we sincerely request you to help us with everything in your power to ensure that the UNGA abides by its mandate to uphold the well-being of the people of Myanmar; and the only way to accomplish this is to reject the genocidal and illegal military junta and accept the sole legitimate elected Government of Myanmar - the National Unity Government as the sole representative of the people and country of Myanmar.
This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. This is the first time in our history that elected members of Parliament, Political Parties, Ethnic Leaders, Ethnic Armed Organizations, and grass roots Civil Society Organizations have come together as one united people to oppose the common enemy - this military dictatorship - and to deliver justice to our Rohingya brothers and sisters, and to all the victims across Myanmar. We have make our position clear that we will pursue freedom and justice for ALL, and we standby ready to fully cooperate with the ICJ and ICC to end impunity and hold all perpetrators accountable for their actions and crimes against humanity.
The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government, and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from New Zealand and the free countries and leaders from around the world who believe in freedom, justice, and democracy. This is the greatest opportunity of the century. We must seize upon this window of opportunity to stop the crimes against humanity and put an end to this brutal military junta reign-of-terror once and for all, and begin the building of an inclusive Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for ALL the people of Myanmar.
We urgently need help in addressing the growing humanitarian and political catastrophe and COVID-19 triple-crisis which is a direct result of the military junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar. The National Unity Government knows how to get aid where it is most needed. We need critical aid for the following: 1) COVID prevention, treatment and vaccines; 2) food; 3) medicines and medical supplies; 4) shelter; 5) and education (digital online/offline solutions).
Additionally, please help us put more financial pressure on the junta. It is critical for the nations of the world who stand with us to come together in a coordinated campaign and coalition for further sanctions that will cut the flow of revenue and weapons to this murderous military regime. We are respectfully requesting that the Government of the New Zealand and its alliance to ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of New Zealand (and its alliance), whether public or private, be allowed to continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders, or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains largely unscathed by the international community. Coordinated and targeted sanctions and legislation from the New Zealand Parliament would make a clear legal obligation for companies to stop the flow of this revenue to the junta, and the sanctioning of individuals from the military junta and their cronies who are responsible for crimes against humanity are vitally important as well. We must not continue to allow this illegal junta to spend the wealth of the people of Myanmar in murdering the people of Myanmar.
Therefore, the Government of New Zealand and the International Community must continue to place sanctions against the junta leaders and their main income generator Myanmar Oil and Gas, and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology, and impose an international arms embargo and a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by whatever means necessary. These measures are critically vital to prevent a great civil war and another genocide in Myanmar.
When the 54 million people of Myanmar have received your support and recognition, we, the frontline defenders of freedom, liberty and democracy in Myanmar will be able to put an end to this genocidal military dictatorship which has become a cancer to the nation and the people of Myanmar, and to replace it with an ethical and inclusive armed force that belongs to and iscomprised of the people of Myanmar, and is placed under civilian governance and control.
Together we will begin to build a new Myanmar and an inclusive Federal Democratic Union for ALL the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religion, gender, culture, ethnicity or background, and where all human rights are equally respected, protected and promoted. Myanmar will become a country where power and resource sharing will be based on the principles of equality and self- determination, and where the three branches of government, Parliament, Judiciary and Executive will function independently; we will become a country where the rights of all will be protected and respected by the new federal democratic constitution of Myanmar. This will be brought above in an inclusive manner, and only with the consensus of ALL of our people. A constitutional convention and referendum will be held on the permanent draft constitution which will belong to the people of Myanmar for all generations to come.
We will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military junta, and the Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar will soon become a powerful reality, and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratefulness with the people and Government of New Zealand. We will emerge as an inclusive new Myanmar that is committed to federal democracy, human rights, and to being a responsible partner in the global alliance for liberty, freedom, peace, prosperity and stability around the world.
Sincerely,
Dr. Sasa
Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar Former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
128.31 KB
more
Sub-title:
As COVID-19 wreaks havoc in Mandalay, volunteers are doing their best to help save lives, cemeteries are overwhelmed and daring protesters continue to defy the junta with street marches.
Description:
"The sound of sirens echoes through the streets of Mandalay city, as ambulances ferry people with COVID-19 symptoms in what is often a fruitless search for a hospital that will accept them. Many with serious symptoms die before they can be admitted to hospitals despite the best efforts of charity group members and volunteers who tend to them during the journey.
“The hospitals are refusing to accept patients and patients often lose their lives while ambulances are rushing from one hospital to another,” said charity group member U Ko Thet, who also owns the Sein Sunn Nyo oxygen factory.
COVID-19 patients in Mandalay are being treated at seven hospitals, including the People’s Hospital, and a 204-bed treatment centre that opened at the site of the city’s former airport in Chanmyatharzi Township in July. Yet, the relatives of patients in hospitals say these facilities are full or near capacity, and patients are not receiving adequate care because of a shortage of healthcare personnel.
“If a patient tests positive, we have to request the help of volunteer charity groups for transportation and the groups don’t have as many ambulances as before,” said a doctor at one of Mandalay’s hospitals, who asked not to be identified. “The number of patients is out of all proportion to the number of healthcare workers, and it is the people who suffer. Health workers are also getting infected.”
The doctor said the highly-infectious Delta variant of COVID-19 has sparked fear among Mandalay residents. “People are beginning to believe that if you are hospitalised, you are likely to die. This variant is so severe, and many patients need intensive care,” the doctor said.
Personnel and oxygen shortages
The third wave of COVID-19 has hit Myanmar much harder than the first and second waves, when the National League for Democracy government’s response to the pandemic was bolstered by the support of legions of charity group volunteers, international aid, and the trust and cooperation of the public.
In addition to government healthcare workers participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement, the number of volunteers at clinics and hospitals has also dramatically decreased. With hospitals overflowing and understaff, many seriously ill COVID-19 patients have no choice but to make do at home.
“People are in dire need of everything, unlike during the time of the people’s [NLD] government,” said Ko Thet.
“During the first and second waves … everyone cooperated to help [COVID-19 patients], in a systematic and disciplined way. Now, everything is upside-down. There is a shortage of skilled doctors and nurses to provide proper treatment and people are losing their lives. We volunteers are helping not because we support the dictators, but because we are people helping people,” he said.
An official in the sanitation department of Mandalay City Development Committee said more than four tonnes of biohazard waste was being collected daily from hospitals and quarantine centres. The amount is actually less than during the first and second waves, sid the official, who asked not to be identified, but the waste was not being disposed of as safely because of the shortage of volunteers.
“It is becoming dangerous – we have to take great care not to become infected,” said the official, who asked not to be named.
As with everywhere else in the country, the high number of COVID-19 patients with breathing difficulties has sparked a frantic search in Mandalay city for oxygen with which to treat them. Volunteers from young men’s associations and charity groups have been distributing oxygen to patients in urgent need and for many this is the only option.
“At present, oxygen is the first priority,” said Ko Thet. “My plant can fill 700 40-litre cylinders a day for emergency patients in dire need.”
Even so, Ko Thet’s factory is unable to help everyone who is in need of oxygen, he said.
Some residents are pooling their money to buy oxygen for their neighbors. U Satee, a Mandalay resident, said he and two friends in a motorcyclist group have been buying oxygen to distribute to the seriously ill.
“When we see that people have survived with the help of the oxygen we donated, we are encouraged and greatly relieved,” he said.
Charity groups in Mandalay say that with hospitals and quarantine centres at capacity, the number of people dying from COVID-19 at home is rising every day.
U Tint, who heads the Parahita Mingaung group, a volunteer association, told Frontier 22 patients had died of COVID-19 at the hospital he was volunteering at on August 2 alone.
“We are taking out the bodies. More than 200 bodies a day are being cremated at two of the three cemeteries in Mandalay,” he said.
Between July 1 and August 2, the three cemeteries cremated or buried 2,761 bodies, including a record 185 on July 30.
Protests and civil disobedience continue
The State Administration Council went to great lengths to reopen schools on June 1 after a year of COVID-19 related closure, but a boycott by students as well as teachers, many of whom had joined the Civil Disobedience Movement, meant that only about 20 percent of students returned to classes at the start of term.
As COVID-19 cases began to climb again, the regime announced on July 8 that all schools would be closed until July 23, and they are yet to reopen.
As part of the campaign to contain the spread of COVID-19, Mandalay’s Zay Cho market, Mann Myanmar Plaza and other popular shopping venues were closed on September 13 last year. The military council tried to force shops at Zay Cho market to open at the beginning of June, but owners have resisted because of their opposition to the junta and concern about the worsening COVID-19 situation.
Street protests also continue, and neither harsh suppression by regime forces nor the risk of COVID-19 have stifled the determination of protest groups in Mandalay to show their contempt for the coup.
At least eight protest organisations, including those representing the Sangha Union, student groups, engineers and neighbourhoods, have continued to march in Mandalay despite the danger.
“We cannot afford to stop resisting against the dictator just because of the pandemic,” said Ko Min Bo, who leads a protest group in Mandalay. “We must stop COVID-19 and at the same time we must root out the military dictatorship. I want younger people to do whatever they can, even if they cannot participate in protest marches.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာအား တရားမဝင်လုယူလိုက်သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်၍ ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုဆိုင်ရာ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်၊ အတည်ပြုမိန့်များ ထုတ်ပေးခြင်းကို ချွင်းချက်မရှိရပ်ဆိုင်းထားကြောင်း အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ ကို ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီက ခန့်အပ်တာဝန်ပေးအပ်သော ခေတ္တပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး၊ ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုနှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားစီးပွားဆက်သွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာ အမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီး ဌာနက အတည်ပြုဆက်ခံကြောင်း ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၁ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထပ်မံထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလှိုင်လ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် တာဝန်ယူမှုရှိသော လုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်အား ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် ၆/၂၀၂၁ အဖြစ် ထုတ်ပြန် ရာတွင်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုခုက ခွင့်ပြုသည့် မည်သည့်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု အသစ်ကို မဆို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အတိအလင်းဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ချမှတ်ကျင့်သုံးလျက်ရှိသောမူဝါဒတိုင်းသည် ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုစနစ်၏ အနှစ်သာရကို ထင်ဟပ်စေမည့်မူဝါဒမျိုးကိုသာ အခြေပြုရေးဆွဲလျက်ရှိပြီး အဆိုပါမူဝါဒများထဲတွင် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုဆိုင်ရာမူဝါဒ သည်လည်း တစ်ခုအပါအဝင်ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုကော်မရှင်(MIC) အနေဖြင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဆိုင်ရာ အတည်ပြုမိန့်၊ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်များကို အလျင်စလို၊ လက်လွတ်စပယ် ထုတ်ပေးနေခြင်းသည် ပြည်သူတရပ်လုံး လိုလားတောင့်တနေသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုစနစ်ကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြု၍ ကျော်လွန်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာရောက်သည့် အတွက် သည်းခံခွင့်လွှတ်နိုင်ဖွယ် မရှိသော လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ သို့ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုကော်မရှင် (MIC) ထံမှ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်၊ အတည်ပြုမိန့်များ ရယူ၍ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ ကုမ္ပဏီများ၏ တရားမဝင်ရင်းနှီး မြှုပ်နှံမှုများအား ချွင်းချက်မရှိရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် အထူးသတိပေး တားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။
၇။ တားမြစ်ချက်အား လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိသည့် ကုမ္ပဏီများအား တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
324.68 KB
more
Description:
"1. August 30th m arks the Statement on International Day of the Victims of Enforced
Disappearances. Enforced disappearance m eans arrest without the will of a person or group
of people by a governm ent or an organization or som eone represented of it denying their
rights.
2. It can be found that people included in enforced of disappearance in many countries'
history. Dictator governm ents tend to intentionally arrest or make hum an rights defenders,
their fam ilies and hum an rights violation docum ents disappear.
3. Enforced disappearance effects not only on the individuals, each fam ilies but also on the
justice system. M aking a person disappear without his/her will is a hum an rights violation
and it affects the right to life, security and developm ent of every citizen in a country. Because
of unfair arrest and elimination, it causes sorrow and social, econom ic impacts on fam ily
levels. Likewise, as there is no access to legal rights according to the law, not being able to
prosecute those responsible, it can lead to the culture of impunity.
4. It is very important that the data collection and archiving process for hum an rights
violations, those who had to suffer the crimes of the military junta not only during the
M yanm ar spring revolution as well as in the ethnic areas since many years ago. Ministry of
Human Rights will work together with international organizations, civil society organizations
and people to prevent such events from happening again, to bring out the truth, and to heal
the sufferings of each of those who disappeared, fallen based on those records.
5. M em ory of the people is the characteristic of the people that the dictators despise of.
Preserving, archiving and handling of their hum an rights violations that the dictators want to
1
be forgotten is participating in the revolution. it is very important step to be m aking for
justice by preserving as much as possible of the history, events, stories and m em ories of
revolution com rades made disappear by the junta. We shall not forget the values they held
and continue our fight for hum an rights and equality..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
27.61 KB
more
Description:
"အာဏာခွင့်ပြုချက်သုံး၍ ပျောက်ဆုံးသွားသောသူများအတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့ (International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances) ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
261.62 KB
more
Description:
"With a record-breaking number of defections unmatched in nearly six decades and brewing discontent among the ranks against their superiors, Myanmar’s more than 300,000-strong military is now at risk of splitting, according to some ex-army officers who have deserted their units recently.
Currently, around 2,000 soldiers and police have joined the country’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a nationwide boycott by Myanmar civil servants against the regime following their takeover in February. Many more are in the pipeline and out of the current 2,000 defectors, one-third are military personnel, said the officers who have joined the CDM as they are not pleased with the country’s military regime.
Though the number of defections is small for now, it is unprecedented in Myanmar’s military history going back to 1962 when the then dictator Ne Win staged a coup and consolidated the country’s armed forces. Some soldiers protested against the army during pro-democracy uprisings in 1988 but the number at the time was far less significant.
So, it’s worth asking why so many are doing so now.
“[Under the regime] people are ashamed to be soldiers, to attend the Defense Services Academy or to join the military. This is a very sad thing for the future of the military” said one of the officers, Captain Nyi Thuta.
After graduating in 2010 from the 52th Intake of the Defence Services Academy, he served at his base in Naypyitaw until the coup. When he learned about the takeover, he felt Myanmar was heading into a dark age. When the junta escalated its nationwide deadly crackdowns on peaceful protesters who were against their rule in March, the captain left his unit. He said “You can’t kill people who express their views.”
The regime’s brutality has shocked the world. They shot dead more than 100 people in a single day in March. They have sprayed bullets in residential areas. During raids, they have indiscriminately killed people, including children as young as 6. Arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings by the soldiers persist. As of Thursday, the junta had killed 1,019 people during their crackdowns, raids, arrests, interrogations, arbitrary killings and random shootings, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which is compiling the deaths and arrests since Feb. 1 coup.
Another defector, Captain Lin Htet Aung, said what his fellow soldiers did during the crackdowns were totally contradictory to the codes of conduct they were supposed to follow.
“They have changed into thugs with guns,” he said.
As a result, people detested the military so much that it demoralized the men in uniform like never before. The regime’s atrocities against protesters became an immediate push factor for some military personnel to join the CDM as they have become more aware of the true colors of the military junta, which has been committing atrocities and murdering its own people.
Sergeant Yin Lei Lei Tun used to be proud of being a soldier. But her faith in the armed forces she joined in 2016 was lost with the coup when she saw the junta’s atrocities against peaceful anti-regime protesters. So she joined the CDM in April after defecting from her military base in Yangon Region.
“After the coup, I feel insecure about being a soldier, as people hate the military. Our military is also doing the wrong thing” said the sergeant.
Currently, about 5 to 10 junta soldiers have been defecting from the military daily, according to the People’s Soldier group, a Facebook page co-founded by Captain Nyi Thuta to provide assistance to striking soldiers and to persuade more military personnel to leave their barracks to join the CDM.
Most of the soldiers who have joined the CDM are privates and sergeants. Officers ranking from lieutenants to majors account for around 100.
The Myanmar military has been notorious for attacking its own people rather than protecting them. Its atrocities like arbitrary killings, arrests and looting in ethnic areas are internationally well known. The coup in 2021 and follow-up atrocities have worsened its already tarnished reputation while pushing its leadership into a corner, as they are facing growing armed resistance in both urban and rural areas, forcing coup leader Min Aung Hlaing to admit he couldn’t fully control the country yet. Then they face another big blow: defections by their subordinates who detest their bosses’ actions.
Captain Nyi Thuta said the image of the military is now the worst in history, as more military personnel are realizing that the reputation of the military and soldiers have been totally shattered.
“So, this momentum [of defections] is going to grow. The sure thing is that the time has come for the people and people’s soldiers to unite,” he said.
Cracks in the military
Everyone familiar with Myanmar politics knows it is hard to imagine that change in Myanmar can come about without the involvement of some men within the military, which has remained the country’s most powerful institution since 1962.
Now with defections growing like never before, Captian Nyit Thuta said the military has potential to split into two groups: those who want to inherit the bad legacy of the military and others who don’t want to do so.
“Anyone defecting said they want to be people’s soldiers—professionals who protect the people. They don’t want to hand over the institution’s bad legacy to their juniors,” he said.
Another defecting military official, Captain Lin Htet Aung, also realized they were working for the coup leaders who put their personal benefits before the country or the military institution itself.
The captain, who graduated from the 54th Intake of the Defense Services Academy, left the military barracks in Shan State a few months after the February coup after seeing the regime’s atrocities against unarmed peaceful anti-coup demonstrators and civilians. Later he formed the People’s Embrace group to help military personnel who want to defect.
“We are seeing cracks in the military. There are many injustices in posting and other human rights violations that create discontent among the ranks against their superiors. So, the military could face a split,” said Captain Lin Htet Aung.
For examples, he explained, some military troops have been unfairly posted on the frontline for years while others who have good connections with people upstairs are being posted in safe areas like Naypyitaw, he added.
International and local observers are convinced that the military institution must split up in order to restore the path to democracy in Myanmar, as there is a lack of effective actions by the UN and international organizations and neither the armed resistance of the people nor the ethnic armed groups can defeat the junta.
Captian Lin Htet Aung also agreed with the point that without the split within the military, it’s unlikely democracy will be restored.
“Years-long bad habits [like corruption] and systems [like oppression] are deeply rooted in the military. We also need to fight to force those ingrained bad habits out in order to restore democracy. So, the institution needs to split up” he added.
In an attempt to encourage more defections, Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG) on Monday issued a statement urging military personnel to join the CDM by promising to keep not only their original positions and pension allowances, but also their safety.
It also said that security forces personnel who left the military barracks can join the federal union army and police forces reformed by the NUG.
Meanwhile, people’s reception of defecting soldiers has been quite encouraging, Captain Nyi Thuta said. Both the People’s Soldiers and People’s Embrace groups are now able to support the striking soldiers due to donations made by the public.
“They now realize that people just hate soldiers who support the institution that oppresses them with guns. They know now that you will be showered with love once you are no longer affiliated with them,” he said.
For most defectors from the military, they believe that only a split within the military itself will bring about a radical change for the armed forces to become the people’s military.
Captain Lin Htet Aung said the armed forces can’t be changed even with the death of coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, as another would take his place.
“To wipe out the deeply rooted bad habits and systems of the military, reform is the only way. It can only happen when it splits,” he said.
“It could happen if we are more united.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The Military's political role
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်စေရေးတို့အတွက် အလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေပြီး CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ တရားစွဲဆို ခြင်းနှင့် အမျိုးမျိုးသောဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေသော အောက်ဖော်ပြပါဝန်ထမ်းများအား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်း လိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်။
တင်ထွန်းနိုင်
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
437.92 KB
more
Description:
"Myanmar — one of the poorest countries in Asia — is nearing economic collapse. The country has been hit hard by a devastating cash shortage since the coup and COVID-19 pandemic.
Zaw Min (name changed to protect his identity) is a construction worker in his 30s from the Yangon suburb of Hlaing TharYar in Myanmar. He recounts how he sold his second-hand motorcycle for 150,000 kyat ($91, €77.50) in September out of financial desperation.
Min was forced to find new ways to feed his family when he couldn't find work in his profession amid Myanmar's battle with COVID-19.
"I did not have a job for quite a while. So, I had to sell my motorcycle. I had no choice," Min told DW.
The pandemic, coupled with Myanmar's military coup in February, hit the economy hard.
Min began to do any odd jobs that were available to make ends meet. He says that since the coup, it's become even more difficult to find work due to new security measures and the worsening political situation.
His regular customers have relocated for security reasons while others are no longer in contact because of COVID-19.
"I cannot find work. My customers have moved to other places. Others do not want to hire me anymore," he told DW.
Like many people in the country, Min does not have a bank account.
Economic down spiral
The World Bank has warned that Myanmar is at risk of economic turmoil. In the Myanmar Economic Monitor released on July 26, the global financial institution stated that the country's economy is expected to contract around 18% in the 2021 fiscal year, meaning Myanmar's economy will be about 30% smaller than it would have been in the absence of COVID and the coup.
A survey on business firms in Myanmar released by the World Bank at the end of August found that the impact of the military coup was more detrimental than that of COVID-19.
Myanmar's military government says it's also facing economic difficulties. Vice Senior General Soe Win, also vice-chair of the country's financial commission, urged ministries in a meeting on Tuesday to spend frugally, state news agencies reported.
The military general cited various economic losses due to COVID-19 and warned that Myanmar might continue to face income losses in the coming months.
On August 10, military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing had warned about trade and budget deficits in a governmental meeting, according to state media reports.
Businessman Aung Myaing (name changed) says Myanmar must now buy essential items such as cooking oil and gasoline "from outside."
"We cannot export much these days. That is why the dollar is in high demand and becoming sky high," he told DW, warning about the weakening Myanmar kyat currency and burgeoning trade deficit. The kyat has dropped approximately 30% in value since the coup.
"It's very difficult to run a business these days," he added.
Khin Maung Naing (name changed), a factory owner in his late 30s, tells DW that "business is slow." His small factory manufactures plastic containers for businesses.
"The exchange rate is changing every day and raw material prices change with it…Our customers are facing economic difficulties. So, we don't know how to price our products," he said, adding that cash shortage is also a problem.
Cash shortages
Since the military takeover, the Southeast Asian country has been crippled by a cash shortage. Banks have placed caps on ATM cash withdrawals and introduced token systems to restrict the number of customers making counter transactions.
The central bank restricted the withdrawal of Myanmar kyat to 20 million for companies and 2 million kyat for individuals. More amounts of cash can be withdrawn for buying COVID-related medicines and medical equipment.
Since the coup, people have been seen queuing outside bank branches. People are desperately trying to find cash through various means.
"I have no idea how we can get out of this mess," lamented factory owner Khin Maung Naing about the economic crisis..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Health, right to: standards and mechanisms
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုံလောက်စွာ မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ရှိနေသည်ဟု AAPP က ဆိုသည်
Description:
"စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲတွင် သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၁၀ ရှိကာ ဖမ်းဆီးစဉ် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသဖြင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများနှင့်အတူ ဆေးကုသခွင့် ကောင်းစွာမရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) က ဆိုသည်။
ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ကျော်မှာ အကျဉ်းသားအခွင့်အရေးမရရှိဘဲ နှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး သေဆုံးရသူများဖြစ်ကာ အများစုမှာ အရပ်သားများဖြစ်ကြပြီး အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) ပါတီဝင် ၇ ဦး၊ ဆရာဝန်နှစ်ဦးနှင့် ကျောင်းဆရာသုံးဦးလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း AAPP စာရင်းများအရ သိရသည်။
ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရမှုကြောင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူများ
ရန်ကုန်၊ ပန်းဘဲတန်းမြို့နယ် NLD ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ အသက် ၅၈ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်မှာ မတ် ၆ တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက်တစ်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် မိသားစုကို အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။
ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်ကဲ့သို့ ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်းသေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးထိရှိကြောင်း AAPP က ပြုစုထားသည့် စာရင်းအရ သိရသည်။ တချို့ကို ကိုဗစ်နိုင်တင်းရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံရ၍ သေဆုံးသည်ဟုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းပြခဲ့သည်။
ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများတွင် ဦးဇော်မြတ်လင်း၊ ကိုအေးကို၊ ကိုအောင်မြင့်လှိုင်(ခ) ကိုကျေး၊ ကဗျာဆရာ ခက်သီ ခေါ် ကိုဇော်ထွန်း၊ စိုးစံ၊ ကိုမင်းမင်း၊ ကိုမျိုးဇော်ဇော်၊ ဇေယျာလင်း၊ မိုင်နွမ်ဇာထျန်၊ ကိုဇော်ထက် (ခေါ်) ဆလိုင်းဗန်ထာကျုံ၊ ကိုဇင်ကိုထွန်း၊ သက်နိုင်ဦး၊ မျိုးမြင့်သန်း၊ ခင်မောင်ကြည်၊ ကိုထက်ဇော်လင်း(ခေါ်)) ဉာဏ်စူးတို့ သေဆုံးမှုကို Myanmar Now က အတည်ပြုကာ သတင်းရေးသားဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ရွာသူရွာသား ၂၆ ဦးမှာလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ အသတ်ခံရခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း ကျောင်းဖောက်ခွဲမှုသံသယဖြင့် အဖမ်းခံရသူတစ်ဦးဖြစ် သော ကိုမင်းမင်းဆိုသူမှာလည်း ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကျဆုံး၍ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်ချိန်တွင် အမှန်တရားပေါ်ပေါက်၍ ကျူးလွန်သူများ အပြစ်ခံရစေလိုကြောင်း၊ နစ်နာသူမိသားစုဝင်များကိုလည်း ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးစေလိုကြောင်း ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးတစ်ဦးက ပြောသည်။
“နိုင်ငံတကာက ဟိုပိတ်ပင် ဒီကန့်ကွက် အဲဒီလိုပြောတာ မဟုတ်ဘူး။ ကြိုးမိန့်ပေး၊ တန်းစင်တက်၊ ဒါပဲ လိုချင်တာ။ သူတို့အသက်တွေ ပေးဆပ်ရကျိုးနပ်ချင်တယ်” ဟု ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးဖြစ်သူက ဆိုသည်။
မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ပခုက္ကူမြို့တွင်လည်း မတ်လအတွင်းက အသက် ၃၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးသုံးဦးမိခင် ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက်တွင် အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။
ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းက ဒူးထောက်တောင်းပန်ခဲ့သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် အလောင်းတွင် ဒဏ်ရာဒဏ်ချက်များ တွေ့ရှိရသည်ဟုလည်း ဒေသခံတစ်ဦးကို ကိုးကား၍ AAPP ၏ စာရင်းပြုစုချက်၌ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။
ရန်ကုန်၊ ရွှေပေါက္ကံမြို့သစ်နေ အသက် ၃၃ နှစ်အရွယ် အောင်ခန့် (ခေါ်) ပါခန့် ဆိုသူမှာလည်း အဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သည့်အပြင် အလောင်းကို ကျပ်သုံးသိန်းဖြင့် ရွေးယူခဲ့ရကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။
လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများ
အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီလက်ချက်ဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသည့်ဖြစ်စဉ်များလည်း ရှိသည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မင်းကင်းမြို့နယ် စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌဟောင်း အသက် ၅၀ အရွယ် ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီ (ခေါ်) ဖွားချိုမှာ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ထဲထဲဝင်ဝင်ပါဝင်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခံရကာ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (ခ) ဖြင့် တရားစွဲဆိုကာ မတ်လအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု ကောင်းစွာ မရသဖြင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၁ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။
ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီမှာ ဆီးချိုရောဂါနှင့် နှလုံးအားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် မင်းကင်းမြို့အချုပ်ခန်းတွင် ကွယ်လွန်သည်ဟု AAPP စာရင်းက ဆိုသည်။
NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ်အမှုဆောင်ကော်မတီဝင်နှင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့ဝင် အသက် ၇၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးဉာဏ်ဝင်းမှာလည်း အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် ကိုရိုနာဗိုင်းရပ်စ်ကူးစက်ခံခဲ့ရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု အားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၀ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။
အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် ဩဂုတ် ၂၆ ထိ သေဆုံးသူ ၁၀၁၉ ဦးရှိ ကာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ ၅၉၆၉ ဦး ရှိကြောင်းလည်း AAPP က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။
AAPP တာဝန်ရှိသူတစ်ဦးကမူ ၎င်းတို့၏ စာရင်းမှာ လက်လှမ်းမီသလောက်သာ ပြုစုထားခြင်းဖြစ်ကာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးကို မလွှမ်းခြုံနိုင်သဖြင့် အမှန်တကယ်သေဆုံးရသူမှာ စာရင်းထက်ပိုများရန်သာရှိပြီး မလျော့နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောသည်။
“တစ်ချိန်မှာ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိဖို့ဆိုရင် ဒီလိုအထောက်အထားတွေ မရှိဘဲနဲ့ ဘာမှလုပ်လို့ မရဘူး။ ဒီလို အထောက်အထားတွေ ရှိတော့မှ ဘယ်တုန်းက ဘယ်သူက ဘယ်လိုဖြစ်သွားတယ်။ ဘယ်သူက ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တယ်ဆိုတဲ့ဟာတွေ တကယ့် သက်သေသက္ကာယ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာနဲ့ လုပ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ၎င်းက Myanmar Now ကို ပြောသည်။
ယခင်က ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သည့် ၁၉၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံနှင့် ၂၀၀၇ ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး ဖြစ်စဉ်များတွင် ယခုကာလကဲ့သို့ သတင်းစီးဆင်းမှု မမြန်ဆန်ခြင်း၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရခက်ခဲခြင်းများကြောင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို သေချာ မှတ်တမ်းမတင်နိုင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ၂၀၂၁ တွင်မူ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်နှင့် လက်ချက်များကို သက်သေ၊ အချက်အလက် အတိအကျဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိတင်ပြနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်စုဆောင်းမည်ဟုလည်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းကလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများသည် လူမျိုးသုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု မြောက်သဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည်ဟု ဆိုသည်။
"အနာဂတ်မှာ နောက်တစ်ခါ ဒါမျိုး ဘယ်တော့မှမဖြစ်အောင် ပြင်ဆင်လျက်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းက ပြောသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Some senior members of the Buddhist clergy have given their blessing to the generals in power. But hundreds of lower-ranking monks have been jailed for protesting.
Description:
"Day after day, despite a raging pandemic and the threat of snipers’ bullets, a small band of Buddhist monks in burgundy robes gathers in the city of Mandalay in Myanmar. Their acts of dissent last only a few minutes, hasty candlelight vigils or flash-mob protests in the shadow of a monastery with gilded eaves.
The clerics’ demand is lofty: men in uniform, men who protest a bit too loudly that they are pious Buddhists, must exit politics. The military has dominated Myanmar for the better part of 60 years, most recently by staging a coup against an elected government and killing more than a thousand people for daring to oppose its power grab.
“In the future, there should be no dictatorship at all,” read one sign held aloft by a monk on Monday.
In an overwhelmingly Buddhist nation where monks are seen as the supreme moral authority, the political chaos since the Feb. 1 coup has laid bare deep divisions within Myanmar’s clergy. While a minority of monks have openly joined the protest movement, and hundreds have been imprisoned for it, clerics have not taken the leadership role that they were known for in past bouts of resistance to the military. Some prominent monks have even given the generals their blessing.
This split in the monastic community, Buddhist clerics say, is partly due to the military’s assiduous courting of influential monks, luring them with donations and promises that soldiers, more than civilian leaders, are the true defenders of the faith. Harder-edged tactics have also been used to discourage monks from protesting, as armed security forces occupy monasteries — potential centers for resistance — and order clerics to return home, citing the coronavirus pandemic.
The relative absence of monks from the protests, particularly in the first weeks after the coup, has not matched the broader mood in Myanmar. Millions marched in the streets after Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief, ordered the jailing of elected leaders. Even today, as security forces shoot protesters on sight and the coronavirus rips through the country, pockets of democratic rebellion have endured.
For centuries, Myanmar’s monks have taken bold political stands, from hunger strikes demanding independence from Britain to street protests against the army’s rule in 2007. And though the government-run national clerical council mostly capitulated to the new order imposed in February, some monks have defied it.
U Mani Sara, a monk from Mandalay, spent a month in prison for attending anti-military rallies earlier this year. On the way to his cell, he was forced to jump like a frog for hours, he said. Spoiled rice was delivered in the morning in a plastic bag, which he had to use for other purposes because there was no toilet.
“The military is a demonic force that uses Buddhism for political purposes to build power,” Mr. Mani Sara said.
The Tatmadaw, as the military is known, has always used lavish displays of religiosity to legitimize its rule. On the day after the February coup, General Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of the putsch, prostrated himself at the feet of a senior Buddhist abbot.
The image of the general and the monk, which appeared in state media outlets, carried a clear message: In a deeply devout country, the army takeover had been sanctified by a higher authority.
“The military is one of the main culprits in tarnishing the image of Buddhism in Myanmar,” said U Ariyawuntha, an abbot in Mandalay.
General Min Aung Hlaing, who has ordered multiple pogroms against religious minorities, has deliberately fused faith to flag. His army has instructed Buddhists that protecting the religion is a national duty, and that the Tatmadaw is the country’s ultimate spiritual guardian.
When an army-led campaign of atrocities drove more than three-quarters of a million Rohingya Muslims into neighboring Bangladesh in 2017, monks were among the fiercest champions of the violence, echoing the military’s baseless claims that Buddhism was being threatened by a resurgent Islam. The public largely supported the deadly campaign, which the United States has described as ethnic cleansing.
But the junta’s sectarian justifications for its coup — that the civilian government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in cahoots with oil-rich Muslim nations to degrade Buddhism — have not gained such widespread acceptance. And some monks, far from supporting the generals, have disrobed to join the armed People’s Defense Force, which is aligned with a self-declared opposition government formed from remnants of the ousted civilian leadership and representatives of ethnic, religious and civil society groups.
“I will be a soldier until we get democracy,” said Bo Thaid Dhi, who was a monk until he began training with the People’s Defense Force this summer. “I have traded the monkhood for manhood.”
In 2007, tens of thousands of monks marched, some with their begging bowls upturned to symbolize their discontent with military rule. With the clergy leading the way, hundreds of thousands of laypeople joined the protests.
The military responded by shooting pro-democracy protesters who had gathered in the shadow of a golden pagoda. Dozens of monasteries were ordered shut. Public sentiment hardened against the generals, and the military eventually fashioned a power-sharing agreement with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party, whose second landslide victory at the polls, in November, was followed by the February coup.
This time around, many Buddhist institutions have stayed silent as the military has cracked down on dissent, though a vocal minority of monks participating in the flash protests have had their actions amplified on social media.
The state religious council, which depends on official funding, has largely toed the line. Nationalist monks have echoed the military’s criticism of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, accusing her of betraying Buddhism to Islam (even though, while in office, she defended the military’s persecution of Rohingya Muslims).
“Only pessimists or dissidents have accused Senior General Min Aung Hlaing of using Buddhism to gain power,” said the monk U Su Citta Sara, a spokesman for the Committee for the Protection of Nationality and Religion, or Ma Ba Tha, which preaches against mixing with Muslims. “The people who were killed by the military on the streets during the protests may not be really innocent.”
Monks associated with Ma Ba Tha receive financial support from Tatmadaw generals. They have toured razed Rohingya villages and offered benediction to Buddhist civilians who took part in the bloodshed.
“After 2007, the military understood the strength of monks and tried to create Ma Ba Tha to create divisions between monks using Islam, so that is why fewer monks are involved in the 2021 revolution,” said U Par Kata, another monk who escaped to the area where the People’s Defense Force has conducted training. “Monks who support the military and coup are not only destroying the country, they are also destroying Buddhism.”
After the coup, the nation’s most respected monk, Ashin Nyanissara, known more commonly as Sitagu Sayadaw, was silent as security forces shot and killed unarmed demonstrators and child bystanders alike. He allowed men in uniform to pray at his feet.
Only weeks later did he urge the junta to stop killing peaceful protesters.
Sitagu Sayadaw has monastic outposts in the United States and runs theological universities. As the army’s campaign of slaughter, mass rape and arson against the Rohingya intensified, he delivered a sermon to military officers that provided religious justification for killing non-Buddhists. The military and monkhood cannot be divided, he said.
When General Min Aung Hlaing went to Moscow on arms-buying trips in 2018 and 2019, Sitagu Sayadaw accompanied him. When the general, now Myanmar’s self-appointed prime minister, returned to Russia in June for more weapons procurement, he attended a ceremony at a temple complex that Sitagu Sayadaw had blessed on one of their earlier trips.
Another chief monk who stayed silent while soldiers killed protesters was Sayadaw Bhatanda Kavisara, the abbot of a monastery near Naypyidaw, the military-built capital. It was at his feet that General Min Aung Hlaing prayed on the day after the coup.
In June, a military plane carrying Sayadaw Bhatanda Kavisara, army officers and some of his wealthy donors crashed in bad weather, killing nearly everyone on board. His ornate funeral, attended by General Min Aung Hlaing, was front-page news in state newspapers. Some Buddhists who oppose the coup said they saw something close to karmic retribution in the abbot’s death.
A very different path was taken by another abbot, U Kay Tha Ya, who until earlier this year led a monastery in Yangon, the nation’s biggest city.
When the police tried to arrest him for joining the protests, Mr. Kay Tha Ya fled to a part of Myanmar controlled by ethnic rebels, where he gave up his robes. Since then, he said, he has killed two soldiers as a member of the People’s Defense Force.
“As a monk I couldn’t kill them, so I decided to become a soldier,” he said. “It’s like going down from heaven to hell. But I think it was necessary.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The New York Times" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Inter-Communal violence and discrimination - Myanmar - General articles and analysis, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The lover of betel nut, music and painting is deprived of the freedom to be with her loved ones on what should have been a milestone in her life
Description:
"Myanmar writer and journalist Tu Tu Tha is not known for hosting grand birthday celebrations. Most of her previous parties have been simple but memorable gatherings marked by singing and time shared with loved ones, laughing.
This year she was deprived of such an occasion. On Saturday, she turned 50 after spending more than four months behind bars.
Tu Tu Tha is not a criminal. She is an author of several books, a trainer of journalists, and a former editor with nearly two decades of experience in a range of newsrooms.
She was arrested at her home in Yangon’s Thanlyin Township on April 24 along with one of her two sons, 18-year-old Nyan Lu Thit; her younger brother, Ye Naung; and a friend of her son’s, under the pretext that they failed to report themselves as overnight guests to the military authorities.
Family and friends hoped that they would be freed shortly after they were detained, but all four remain jailed. Tu Tu Tha was sent to the infamous Insein Prison after spending three nights at the military’s Shwepyithar interrogation centre. She was later charged with incitement under Section 505a of the penal code, a violation that carries a three-year prison sentence if convicted.
In the four months she has been in prison, she has not been allowed an in-person visit from any of her relatives.
Tu Tu Tha’s trial initially commenced in a closed prison court but was suspended in late June, when all hearings were halted due to the Covid-19 outbreak both inside and outside the jail.
She is one of thousands of people subjected to the junta’s arbitrary arrests that followed the February 1 military coup. The regime has detained nearly 6,000 people in prisons across the country, charging most of them with incitement and terrorism for participating in anti-coup activities.
Compelled to write
Tu Tu Tha initially trained as an engineer at the prestigious Government Technical Institute (GTI) in Yangon’s Insein Township. She attended the school as per the wish of her late father, well-known cartoonist A Naung whose works were featured in newspapers and magazines from the 1970s until his death in the early 1990s.
Raised in a family that celebrated creativity and the arts, Tu Tu Tha found that she was not suited to a career in engineering, instead changing her pursuit to literature, a passion since her childhood. Still, her love of the more than 120-year-old GTI school and the years she spent there were reflected in her most recent novel, published in early 2020. The title of the book, Bandamar Lan Ka Alwan Chay Yar, is inspired by the tree-lined streets in front of the dorm where she once lived.
“The inspiration [for that book] was always in my heart. But I lost my computer when I was writing the book and was already halfway finished with it. It took me two more years to rewrite it from the start,” Tu Tu Tha said in a media interview at her book launch in March last year.
Her commitment to writing works inspired by real life events was also apparent in her first novel, A Phay Kyaung, or Father’s School. Published in 2015, it tells the stories of four Burmese migrants to Thailand and explores the struggles surrounding migrant children’s access—or lack thereof—to education.
The inspiration for that book came from her experience working in exile as an editor for The Irrawaddy news magazine in Chiang Mai, Thailand, where she wrote under the pen name Aye Chan Myae.
The book followed a film by the same name, for which Tu Tu Tha wrote the script. It was made in 2012 but released in 2016, directed by filmmaker Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, who is also currently detained in the same prison as Tu Tu Tha after being arrested on the day of the coup. The lead actor, Ye Deight, is also detained in Insein. He was charged with the same offence as Tu Tu Tha and was arrested in early April.
After five years in Thailand, Tu Tu Tha returned to Myanmar in 2013 with her colleagues when The Irrawaddy opened an office in Yangon.
Ye Ni, the editor of The Irrawaddy’s Burmese edition described his former colleague Tu Tu Tha as a committed journalist and writer who should not be spending time in prison, and called for the immediate release of all political detainees including journalists, authors, poets and filmmakers.
In 2016, Tu Tu Tha founded the Thanlyin Post, dedicated to and operating from her home township. She ran the publication for around two years until she could no longer afford to continue. Tu Tu Tha then went on to work as a part-time trainer at the Myanmar Journalism Institute.
Lover of betel nut
Friends, former colleagues and relatives of Tu Tu Tha have said they are worried about her health amid reports of widespread Covid-19 infections within Insein Prison. In a letter to her family dated August 20, she wrote that she indeed had fallen sick for a few days but had since recovered, according to a relative who asked not to be named for security reasons.
"She brought her betel nut container with her even during a trip to Norway. She would be really sad if she could not have it while still inside Myanmar"
Imagining her in detention, friends and relatives commented on Tu Tu Tha’s years-long addiction to chewing betel nut, once a health concern but now a simple pleasure that her loved ones hope she can still access.
“She brought her betel nut container with her even during a trip to Norway. She would be really sad if she could not have it while still inside Myanmar,” her friend of nearly two decades, Tin Zar, told Myanmar Now.
Humour and satire
Friends say that Tu Tu Tha’s sense of humour and ability to create satire, two of her most celebrated qualities, are arguably best showcased in her 2015 collection of short stories—Phoot Din, a Burmese play on the English word “pudding.”
“She always sees things in an artistic and loving way. Even when she faces hardships, she transforms them into witty satirical pieces of poetry and writing,” longtime friend Tin Zar said.
US-based Myanmar poet and author Aung Way described Tu Tu Tha as one of the finest contemporary writers on the Myanmar literary scene since the early 2000s.
“She contributed a lot [to Myanmar] from exile with her writings,” Aung Way told Myanmar Now.
In addition to her writing, Tu Tu Tha’s relatives and friends also know her as a lover of music, painting and environmental conservation.
“She is spontaneous and full of positivity. She loves people, especially children,” said another longtime friend and former colleague.
If she were not imprisoned, the friend said, Tu Tu Tha’s 50th birthday would have certainly been a “joyful occasion” with close friends from across the Myanmar arts scene, and would have featured songs by her favourite singer Htoo Eain Thin.
“She would be so happy and laughing out loud—her usual self,” the friend said, speculating that Tu Tu Tha may have even created and unveiled a piece of writing or a painting for the day.
A former detainee at Insein Prison alongside Tu Tu Tha told Myanmar Now that the writer is being held in a shared group cell with around 60 female inmates.
“She exercises there and encourages other people to do so, too. She keeps herself healthy and reads books at night,” the now released detainee said.
Tu Tu Tha was sent and received several books by loved ones in the early days of her detention. But restrictions for inmates have recently tightened and her family reports that they are currently only allowed to send her one book each month.
The military council has released thousands of detainees in recent months, including those who have been charged with incitement. Tu Tu Tha’s family and friends say they hope that she too will be among the released in the coming months.
Another friend said that while his own hope for the imprisoned journalist on her 50th birthday would be that she would soon be reunited with her family for a proper party, he believes her own wish on the occasion would be different.
“She would surely wish for only one thing—democracy,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"1. The Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government of the Republic o f the
Union of Myanmar has formed an advisory board so a s to obtain technical input in handling
human rights issues. Appointees represent various strata of life and were chosen and invited
to the group based on their faith in and commitment to human rights principles, a s well as
their professional experience and expertise in human rights and other related fields.
2. The advisory board is comprised of several activists and experts continuously engaged
in promotion of women's and ethnic minorities' rights, including U Aung Kyaw Moe, human
rights activist and Daw May Pale' Thwe, peace educator and member of Muslim of Myanmar
Multi-Ethnic Consultative Committee. The advisory board will be expanded a s necessary.
3. The advisory board held its first meeting on August 25, 2021 during which ministry
officials discussed documentation of human rights violations, and measures to bring justice
for human rights violations and ensure NUG's functions are in line with human rights norms.
The advisory board provided recommendations.
4. Ministry of Human Rights has been focusing its efforts to perform the duties and
obligations of the people's government to respect, protect and fulfill human rights of the
public.
Ministry of Human Rights
National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights Reporting (global, regional and Myanmar), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
17.29 KB 167.45 KB
more
Description:
"At least 12 civilians, including a 72-year-old man and 10-year-old boy, have been killed by junta forces in Myanmar in a week.
On Thursday night, junta soldiers opened fire indiscriminately in 122nd Street near a market in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon Region, killing U Thein Min Tun, 42, a vendor, who was shot in the neck. His body was found in an alley and taken away by soldiers and returned to the family on Friday for a funeral.
Pedestrians and vendors fled and residents said the unprovoked shooting was in response to taunts from drunken men. Soldiers also destroyed parked vehicles, residents said.
At least three deaths were reported on Wednesday.
Salai Van Bawi Thang, 10, was shot dead during gunfire by junta forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State. The incident happened amid a shootout with civilian defense forces on Wednesday evening. Van Bawi Thang was hit in the neck and other civilians were injured, news outlets reported.
Ko Thet Naing Soe, a 29-year-old philanthropist living in Monywa, Sagaing Region, died in detention, less than 24 hours after being apprehended. He was detained on Tuesday and on Wednesday his mother was informed of his death, a resident told The Irrawaddy.
Junta forces blamed COVID-19 for his death but his mother told the media that she found torture marks on his body, including cigarettes burns on his cheeks, blood in his ears and fatal head injuries.
In Yangon, philanthropist Ko San Win Aung, 19, from the Kaung Hmu Saung Charity, was killed during military interrogation on Wednesday. He was detained under suspicion of involvement in a bomb blast at the General Administration Department in South Okkalapa Township on August 22.
A source close to his family told The Irrawaddy that troops asked the family to pay to retrieve his body. As the family could not pay, the body has not been returned. Ko San Win Aung volunteered with his group to help the sick and needy during the COVID-19 surge. He was taken from the charity’s office.
Ko Soe Paing, also known as Ko Kyaw Khaing Win, a private teacher from Thaketa Township, Yangon Region, was detained by junta forces on August 22 and the next day his family was informed of his death.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors fatalities and detention since the February coup, reported that Ko Min Aung of Kayan Township, Yangon Region, was tortured to death in detention on the day of his arrest. He was detained by junta troops on Tuesday while passing Kayan police station on a motorbike while returning from his mother’s house.
Kan Htauk, 72, was kicked and punched to death on August 18 during a raid on Hnan Khar village in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region. He died on Saturday.
Since the coup, at least 1,019 civilians have been killed by junta forces, according to the AAPP. The dead have included pedestrians, children, protesters, medics who helped the injured during crackdowns on protests and members of the National League for Democracy..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
M Kawn La is the first leader of an ethnic political party to be arrested since the coup
Description:
"The chair of the Kachin National Congress (KNC), M Kawn La, was arrested by the junta in Naypyitaw on Wednesday afternoon, according to a source close to him.
“I heard that he was arrested on his way back from Thapyegone Hospital at around 3:00pm yesterday. It is not clear why he was arrested, ” the source told Myanmar Now on Thursday, adding that it was still unknown where M Kawn La was being detained.
He was charged with Section 505a of the penal code for incitement, Kachin News Group reported on Thursday.
M Kawn La had been critical of the military’s actions since Myanmar’s February 1 coup and was openly opposed to the coup regime. After the Kachin Independence Organization issued a statement on August 24 urging armed groups to avoid fighting, M Kawn La wrote that the time in which fighting could be limited had ended.
In April, M Kawn La and a coalition of Kachin politicians co-founded the Kachin People's Political Front to discuss federal affairs and advocate for the interests of the ethnic Kachin people.
Gumgrawng Awng Kham, the vice chair of the Kachin State People’s Party, told Myanmar Now that he was concerned about the KNC chair’s arrest.
"We were worried when our friends reported that he had been arrested, and we also have to be very careful,” he said.
While the military junta has been targeting members of the ruling National League for Democracy and its associates, M Kawn La is the first leader of an ethnic political party to be arrested since the coup.
The KNC is a major Kachin party founded in 1949. They contested in the 2020 general election for the position of ethnic affairs minister, two Upper House seats, five Lower House seats, and 12 seats in the Kachin State parliament, but did not win.
The KNC is a member of the United Nationalities Alliance. Initially, the party was involved in the push for the unification of ethnic Kachin political parties, but ultimately chose to run for election independently..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Announcement on Illicit Printing of Banknotes - ငွေစက္ကူများ တရားမဝင် ရိုက်နှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့်ကြေညာချက်
Description:
"1. The Ministry of Planning, Finance, and Investment has received credible information that the
illegitimate military council has made approaches to foreign banknote and security printing firms in
order to seek assistance in printing new Myanmar kyat banknotes.
2. Issuance of currency is the sole prerogative of a nation's government. The National Unity
Government has determined the illegitimate military council to be an unlawful association under
Section 16 of the Unlawful Associations Act 1908. It shall remain so irrespective of its change of title,
composition, or dissolution under Section 18 of the said Act. As such, any issuance of currency
effected by the military council, its successor entities, and any of its subordinate or subsidiary
associations, including the so-called 'caretaker government', shall be deemed to lack legitimacy.
3. Causing inflation by printing excess banknotes is, in effect, the theft of our people's labour and
savings. As our nation faces unprecedented perils of conflict, poverty, and pestilence, all precipitated
by the military council, such a reckless and irresponsible act that will cause harm to labourers,
workers, households, businesses, and investors shall not be tolerated.
4. The National Unity Government calls upon the military council to desist from this act of economic
sabotage. Likewise, the National Unity Government implores foreign banknote and security printing
firms who have been approached, and those who may yet be approached by the illegal military
council, to refrain from the printing of Myanmar kyat banknotes and from providing any raw
materials, supplies, or system components that could be used in their production.
5. The National Unity Government calls upon all responsible firms to follow the example set by
Giesecke+Devrient GmbH in March when it took an immediate, principled, and ethical step in halting
all deliveries to the military council-controlled printer, Security Printing Works.
6. The National Unity Government shall consider any assistance provided to the illegal military
council to print illicit banknotes as an act of aiding and abetting an unlawful association responsible
for numerous and ongoing atrocities, including crimes against humanity and genocide.....၁။ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် မြန်မာကျပ်ငွေစက္ကူအသစ်များ ရိုက်နှိပ်ရန်အလို့ငှာ ငွေစက္ကူပုံနှိပ်လုပ်ငန်း ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေး သည့် ပြည်ပကုမ္ပဏီများထံ ချဉ်းကပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ခိုင်လုံသည့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များ လက်ခံရရှိထားပါသည်။
၂။ ငွေစက္ကူရိုက်နှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းဆိုသည်မှာ နိုင်ငံတစ်ခု၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရကသာ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ၁၉၀၈ ခုနှစ် မတရားအသင်းများအက်ဥပဒေ ပုဒ်မ ၁၆ အရ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီအား မတရားသင်းတစ်ခုအဖြစ် အတိအလင်းကြေညာပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ယင်းအက်ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၈ အရ အိမ်စောင့်အစိုးရအမည်ခံ စစ်ကောင်စီမှဖြစ် စေ၊ ယင်းကိုဆက်ခံသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုခုမှဖြစ်စေ၊ ယင်း၏လက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုခုမှဖြစ်စေ ငွေစက္ကူရိုက်နှိပ် ထုတ်ဝေခြင်း သည် တရားဝင်မှု အလျဉ်းမရှိသည့် လုပ်ရပ်သာဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ တရားမဝင်ငွေစက္ကူများ ရိုက်နှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းဖြင့် ငွေကြေးဖောင်းပွမှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေခြင်းသည် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ပြည်သူများ၏ လုပ်အားနှင့် ချွေးနှဲ စာစုဆောင်းငွေများကို တဖက်လှည့်ခိုးယူခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နိုင်ငံသည် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆင်ခြင်မဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ယခင်မကြုံဖူးသည့် ပဋိပက္ခအန္တရာယ်၊ ဆင်းရဲမွဲတေမှုနှင့် ကပ်ရောဂါတို့ကို စုပြုံခံစားနေရချိန်၌ အိမ်ထောင်စုများ၊ စီးပွား ရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ၊ ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံသူများနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ထပ်မံ၍ ဒုက္ခအကျပ်အတည်း ဆိုက်ရောက်စေသည့် ငွေစက္ကူရိုက်နှိပ်ထုတ် ဝေခြင်းသည် သည်းခံခွင့်လွှတ်နိုင်ဖွယ် မရှိသော လုပ်ရပ်သာဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ ထို့ကြောင့် ငွေစက္ကူပုံနှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းလုပ်ငန်း ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးနေသည့် ပြည်ပမှ ကုမ္ပဏီများအနေဖြင့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ငွေစက္ကူရိုက်နှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်းအား တနည်းနည်းဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း၊ ကုန်ကြမ်းပစ္စည်းနှင့် နည်းပညာအထောက် အပံ့ ပေးခြင်းတို့ကို အထူးရှောင်ရှားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် မတ်လတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီထိန်းချုပ်ထားသည့် ငွေစက္ကူ နှင့် ငွေကြေးဆိုင်ရာ စာချုပ်၊စာတမ်းများပုံနှိပ်စက် အတွက်အဓိက လိုအပ်သည့် နည်းပညာနှင့်ကုန်ကြမ်းတင်ပို့မှုများကို မူဝါဒခိုင်မာစွာ၊ ကျင့်ဝတ်မှန်ကန်စွာ၊ ချက်ချင်းရပ်စဲခဲ့သည့် Giesecke+Devrient GmbH ကုမ္ပဏီ၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိသည့် တာဝန်ခံဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို စံနမူနာထား၊ အတုယူ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် စီးပွားရေးဆက်ဆံ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ လုံး၀မပြုလုပ်ကြရန်လည်း တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၆။ လူမျိုးတုံး သတ်ဖြတ်မှု၊ လူသားထုအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုအပါအဝင် ဆက်လက် ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများ၊ မရေမတွက်နိုင်သော အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများနှင့် ဆက်စပ်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့၊ တရားမဝင် ငွေစက္ကူရိုက်နှိပ်ထုတ်ဝေခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် တနည်းနည်းဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သည့် စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ၊ ကုမ္ပဏီများအား အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကို အားပေးကူညီရာမြောက်သည့်လုပ်ငန်းများအဖြစ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့က မှတ်တမ်းပြုစု၊ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Genocide
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
34.31 KB 194.25 KB
more
Sub-title:
Overseen by state-based anti-dictatorship groups, the police force is the first of its kind to form since the coup
Description:
"An anti-junta police force was formed by hundreds of striking police officers based in Kayah (Karenni) State on Wednesday under the leadership of a regional consultative council.
The Karenni State Police (KSP) consists of 320 police who defected from the military’s home affairs ministry after the February 1 coup, the Karenni State Consultative Council announced in a statement.
Formed in April following deadly crackdowns on protesters by the coup regime’s armed forces, the council is comprised of elected lawmakers and representatives of political parties, ethnic armed organisations and civil society groups.
Overseen by state-based anti-dictatorship groups, the police force is the first of its kind to form since military chief Min Aung Hlaing seized power from the elected civilian government on February 1.
“We will be responsible for law enforcement. But for the time being, we will mainly focus on the security of the people,” a KSP spokesperson told Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity.
“Our short term responsibility will be to help displaced locals and to provide security for those within our territory,” he added.
Some members of the KSP will join the armed struggle against the military dictatorship, but representatives say that the institutional goal is to create a different type of police force than the one that has long served military interests in Myanmar.
“As a long term vision, we aim to make it a model police force for others in the country,” he said.
The KSP will operate at the township, district and state levels, with the highest attainable ranks for officers being police colonel and lieutenant colonel.
In addition to the seven townships in Kayah State delineated by Myanmar’s previous governments, the KSP territory will include Pekon Township in southern Shan State, where there is a high ethnic Karenni population concentration.
More than 200 police officers—the majority of those based in the Karenni region under the previous administration—refused to serve the coup regime after the military takeover and defected from the force in February and March in accordance with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).
In addition to the striking police officials from within the region, some members of the newly-formed anti-junta police force are ethnic Karenni officers who had served in other parts of the country.
“Most of them are natives of Karenni state. For me, I served in Bago Region but returned here after I joined the CDM. Some of them served in Yangon. Only a handful of them are from other regions and not from here,” the police spokesperson said.
Karenni State is one of the first regions where resistance fighters took up arms against the military, seizing several police and military outposts in targeted attacks.
The military—which suffered heavy casualties—launched major offensives in the region, including airstrikes. More than 100,000 locals have been displaced by the fighting, according to local estimates..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
Description:
"DESPITE TALIBAN PROMISES, REPORTS OF HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES EMERGE
Following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan, reports of widespread human rights abuses are already emerging. A day after the capture of Kabul on 15 August, UN Secretary-General António Guterres warned the Security Council of “chilling reports of severe restrictions on human rights throughout the country,” particularly violations against women and girls. Over the past week small demonstrations against Taliban rule have also taken place across the Afghanistan and the Taliban have responded with violence, including shooting at protesters.
Although the Taliban declared a “general amnesty” on 17 August for those who worked for the previous Afghan government, there have also been numerous reports of their forces searching for Afghans who previously worked for United States (US) or North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces, as well as former members of the security forces. Taliban spokesperson, Zabihullah Mujahid, has reiterated their promise of no reprisals, but allegations of arrests and property seizures, as well as unverified reports of reprisal killings, continue to emerge. Internal UN reports indicate that their Afghan staff have also been beaten, harassed and threatened by the Taliban since 15 August.
Mujahid also issued a series of conditional assurances regarding the Taliban’s respect for human rights principles, including support for a free press that does not “work against national values” and no discrimination against women “within the limits of Islam.” However, freedom of the press and the fundamental rights of women and girls have previously been infringed upon, including the at least 30 journalists and media workers who have been killed, wounded or abducted by the Taliban and other armed extremists so far this year.
Despite Taliban assurances of safe passage for Afghans wishing to leave the country, at least 20 Afghans have been killed over the past week either by shootings or stampedes while attempting to flee via the airport. The US has suggested the potential extension of their troop presence to assist with evacuations from Kabul airport, but the Taliban has threatened that the presence of foreign forces beyond 31 August would be met with “consequences.”
Universal human rights are unconditional. There should be no diplomatic recognition of any Taliban-led government unless it is willing to honor Afghanistan’s international treaty obligations and demonstrate its commitment to uphold the human rights of all Afghans, regardless of gender, ethnicity, religious belief or sexual orientation. The UN Human Rights Council should immediately establish an independent international mechanism to monitor the human rights situation in the country.
TILLABÉRI BECOMES EPICENTER OF ATROCITIES IN NIGER
On 20 August suspected fighters from an Islamist armed group opened fire during evening prayers in the village of Theim in the Tillabéri region of Niger, killing 16 people. This attack followed the killing of 37 civilians, including 13 children, in the village of Darey-Dey in Tillabéri on 16 August. According to local authorities, the unidentified armed men “found people in the fields and shot at anything that moved.” This was the third such attack in Darey-Dey so far this year. A state of emergency has been enforced in Tillabéri since 2017, but civilians have come under increased attack as armed groups linked to the so-called Islamic State in the Greater Sahara have made inroads in the region.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres has expressed his concern for “the cumulative impact of these frequent attacks on the humanitarian situation in the region of Tillabéri, where already more than 100,000 people have been displaced and 520,000 are in need of humanitarian assistance.”
Since the start of 2021 western Niger has experienced some of the worst atrocities in its recent history. More than 450 civilians have been killed by Islamist armed groups, with the majority of attacks targeting civilians along ethnic lines. The recent attacks in the tri-border region of Niger are also part of a wider conflict in the Central Sahel, encompassing Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. Last Wednesday, 18 August, at least 59 civilians were killed in an attack near the town of Arbinda, northern Burkina Faso.
The ongoing violence is also exacerbating the humanitarian crisis in Tillabéri. Since the start of the rainy season in June, armed groups have targeted civilians working in the fields, which has disrupted agricultural production and transhumance at a time when over 686,000 people are at risk of severe food insecurity. According to Human Rights Watch, Islamist armed groups have also destroyed 147 granaries so far this year in the Banibangou administrative area in Tillabéri. Over 100 civilians have been killed since the start of July, many of whom were attacked as they were farming.
All civilians, regardless of ethnicity or religion, are entitled to equal protection in accordance with International Humanitarian Law. The Nigerien government must apprehend and prosecute all perpetrators of alleged war crimes. The authorities should bolster the early warning capabilities of the army, protect vulnerable populations in the Tillabéri region, and ensure that these efforts do not lead to further human rights abuses.
FOUR YEARS SINCE THE ROHINGYA GENOCIDE IN MYANMAR
Today, 25 August, marks four years since Myanmar’s security forces initiated so-called “clearance operations” against the minority Rohingya population in Rakhine State. The operations were characterized by indiscriminate killings, sexual violence and forced displacement on a massive scale. More than 350 Rohingya villages were destroyed and 745,000 people were forced to flee. In 2019 the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar concluded that senior members of the military should be prosecuted for crimes against humanity and war crimes as well as genocide against the Rohingya. This includes General Min Aung Hlaing, who subsequently led a military coup on 1 February 2021 that overthrew Myanmar’s civilian-led government.
The genocide was the culmination of decades of institutionalized persecution of the Rohingya, including the denial of citizenship and severe restrictions on their freedom of movement as well as access to education and employment. Four years later, all these discriminatory laws and policies remain in place. Impunity for their role in the genocide has emboldened Myanmar’s security forces to commit other human rights violations and abuses, including potential crimes against humanity perpetrated by the new military junta against civilian protesters.
More than 1,000 people have been killed by Myanmar’s security forces since the 1 February coup. Thousands more remain in detention where they face torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment.
The Rohingya continue to face an existential threat under the junta. During May General Min Aung Hlaing publicly rejected the term “Rohingya” and cast doubt on the return of refugees from Bangladesh. Amidst a catastrophic wave of COVID-19 infections, junta-appointed authorities said they had no plans to include the remaining Rohingya population in Rakhine State, who are forced to live in densely-packed displacement camps, in their vaccination plans.
Since the 2017 genocide some progress has been made in pursuing international justice for the Rohingya. During 2019 The Gambia brought a historic case to the International Court of Justice, accusing Myanmar of violating its obligations under the Genocide Convention. The Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court has also authorized the Chief Prosecutor to investigate possible crimes against humanity committed against the Rohingya, resulting in their forced deportation to Bangladesh. Meanwhile, on 17 August a court in Argentina heard testimony from Rohingya survivors regarding a case initiated under the principle of universal jurisdiction.
“Since the military coup, the lives of the Rohingya as well as millions of other civilians in Myanmar are under heightened threat,” said Nadira Kourt, Program Manager at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect. “The UN Security Council and the entire international community should publicly recognize that Myanmar committed genocide against the Rohingya and impose punitive measures against the military, including targeted sanctions. All justice and accountability processes in relation to both past and current atrocities in Myanmar should be fully supported.”..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Nearly seven months on following the coup, Myanmar remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to the ongoing repression of civic freedoms on the country by the military junta.
On 27th July 2021, the military junta revoked the results of the 2020 general election, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, claiming the poll was “not free and fair” and “not in compliance with” the constitution and the law. On 1st August, junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing named himself prime minister and said emergency rule may now extend to August 2023. He also pledged to hold a "free and fair multi-party election" but also described the ousted NLD as "terrorists".
On 4th August 2021, ASEAN finally appointed Erywan Yusof, the second foreign minister of Brunei Darussalam as its special envoy to Myanmar more than 100 days after the Southeast Asian bloc’s members agreed to send an emissary to help resolve the post-coup crisis there. Observers have greeted the appointment with scepticism. Myanmar civil society groups rejected the appointment and expressed “deep disappointment with ASEAN and their lack of inclusive decision-making process”, said a statement from 413 groups.
More than a thousand civilians have been killed in Myanmar since the 1st February coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a human rights group that records killings by the junta. As of 18th August 2021, the NGO said 1,006 people had been killed since the junta seized power, triggering nationwide protests and a mass civil disobedience movement. Among those killed are more than 100 teenagers. Some were killed while troops suppressed protests, but others fell in random and unprovoked shootings. As of 23rd August, at least 5,821 political prisoners remain in detention according to the AAPP.
On 31st July 2021, Human Rights Watch reported that Myanmar’s military junta had committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the coup. Apparent crimes against humanity include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts.
Activists have mobilised ahead of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2021 when UN member states will select the country’s ambassador. The General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) launched the “Accept NUG, Reject Military” campaign in August 2021, which called on social media users to support the National Unity Government (NUG) and its UN Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun.
The United Nations Secretary-General’s special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, said the junta had not responded to her request for talks as it tries to consolidate its rule.
Over the last month, concerns have been raised by the UN around the situation of human rights defenders as arrests and attacks on activists continue. A new report shows the systematic targeting of healthcare workers. The crackdown on the media has continued with arrests and sentencing of journalists. Civil society groups criticise the exit of Norwegian telco, Telenor. Protests continued across the country, including in prisons by political prisoners. There were reports of attacks on protests by the junta.
Association
Terror campaign against human rights defenders
On 19th July 2021, UN human rights experts expressed their concern for the situation of human rights defenders in Myanmar and called for a stronger international response to the military coup, including coordinated sanctions and an arms embargo against the junta by an “emergency coalition of nations”.
The experts highlighted credible information they had received concerning human rights defenders being forced into hiding after having arrest warrants issued against them under section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Their homes were raided, their possessions seized, and family members threatened and harassed. Many others, unable to flee, have been arbitrarily arrested, including labour rights defenders and student activists. Lawyers representing people detained following the coup have themselves been detained, as have journalists covering the protests.
Women have played a leading role in the protest and civil disobedience movement that has emerged in the country in response to the military's seizure of the State apparatus in February, and the experts expressed particular concern for the situation of women human rights defenders in the country.
“The brute force terror campaign we are witnessing in Myanmar continues to be directed towards human rights defenders,” said Mary Lawlor, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, and Tom Andrews, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
“For years, human rights defenders have been doing essential work promoting human rights in the country,” Lawlor said. “Since the coup, and despite enforced internet blackouts along with difficulties accessing basic resources, especially for defenders forced into hiding or living in rural areas, they have been documenting the mass violations being perpetrated by the military. As a result, they have been targeted,” the expert said.
Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by the junta. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city.
The three who survived the jump - Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set and Poe Kyaw Kyaw - were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon.
Tin Zaw, the father of Ye Min Oo, said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall but was beaten to death. A witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeing activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings.
A police report circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling junta.
A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was arrested by the military junta while driving near Mandalay University on 17th August. Plainclothes soldiers stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha, beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness.
Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township that night.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan.
Threats and attacks on healthcare workers
A new report by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) in August 2021 found that there were at least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities and transport that have been perpetrated in Myanmar from 1st February to 31st July 2021
The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks. Health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover.
190 health workers were arrested, 37 health workers were injured and 25 health workers killed. Hospitals were raided at least 86 times and occupied at least 55 times.
The report also highlights that staff from the World Health Organisation (WHO), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international NGOs have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. There are reports that the junta is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees.
The military junta has continued to arrest and prosecute journalists.Two journalists were arrested on 15th August 2021 at an apartment where they had been hiding in Yangon’s Bahan Township.
Sithu Aung Myint, a Frontier Myanmar columnist and contributor to Voice of America, now faces a charge of sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code on top of an outstanding incitement charge. Sithu Aung Myint has been evading arrest since 24th April 2021, when the junta opened a case against him under section 505a for incitement. Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, has been charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for associating with the NUG, which the junta labels a terrorist group.
According to Human Rights Watch on 27th July 2021, since the coup the junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505(a) of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.”
Those sentenced under section 505(a) are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison; Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years;Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years; Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years; and Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years.
On 28th July 2021, the Committee to Protect Journalists published a report, “Bitter reversal: Myanmar military coup wipes out press freedom gains,” which found the country has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists.
The broadened language of penal code 505(a) has effectively made independent journalism a crime. The threat of arrest has driven many news organisations to close their offices and forced journalists underground or into exile. Further complicating access to information and the ability to report, authorities have banned satellite media and imposed rolling restrictions on the internet.
Journalists who spoke with CPJ said their colleagues behind bars have been subjected to abuse and torture; at least three have reported health problems. International reporting from Myanmar is also restricted. Few foreign journalists have been allowed access.
Civil society groups criticise exit of Norwegian telco
In a letter to Gunn Waersted, the chair of Telenor Group’s board, a group of 45 global and Myanmar human rights, media and other organisations called on Norway’s Telenor Group to halt the controversial sale of its Myanmar operation to the M1 Group, a Lebanese company with ties to Myanmar’s junta. The group included ALTSEAN-Burma, Free Expression Myanmar, Global Witness, PEN America, Justice for Myanmar and dozens of other international and Myanmar organisations.
Saying they were “surprised and dismayed” by Telenor’s deal with M1, the organisations said Telenor had acted “without seeking the views of the civil society stakeholders with whom it previously significantly engaged on responsible business, including some of our undersigned organisations. Furthermore, there was no evidence that Telenor had undertaken the “credible assessment of potential adverse human rights impacts of disengagement” from Myanmar required under the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights.
Telenor announced on 8th July 2021 that it had agreed to sell its Myanmar operations to M1, which was added to the Burma Campaign UK’s Dirty List in 2019 for doing business with the Myanmar military. Telenor confirmed that as part of the deal it would transfer the call records of its more than 18 million subscribers to the Lebanese company. Rights activists say allowing the junta to access such information would be dangerous, pointing out that phone subscribers in Myanmar must supply ID cards and addresses when registering SIM cards.
Protests continued across the country in Yangon, Mandalay and other townships including by youth, workers and LGBTQI+ activists. On 28th July 2021, the junta shot three people, killing at least one, during a crackdown on an anti-coup demonstration in Mandalay. Around 20 people were taking part in a flash mob protest near the east gate of Mandalay’s famous Mahamuni pagoda when they suddenly came under attack. On 2nd August 2021 it was reported that a 22-year-old anti-coup protester in Mandalay, who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid, had died in military custody.
Political prisoners inside Myanmar’s most notorious jail held a protest on 23rd July 2021, singing popular songs opposing the military government and chanting political slogans, according to nearby residents and video uploaded to social media.
One video showed a street close to Insein Prison in Yangon with clear audio of voices shouting support for ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ousted President Win Myint. According to a lawyer representing some of those detained, the prisoners were demanding the release of all those held on political charges, an easing of prison regulations and medical treatment for those who have fallen sick amid spiralling cases of the coronavirus.
A representative of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said: “We are concerned about torture and potential additional charges being filed against the political prisoners as a consequence if the protest is dubbed a prison riot. Such incidents happened under the previous military dictatorships”
Following the incident at Insein Prison, prisoners at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region also protested, according to the AAPP.
Anti-coup protesters mark 1988 uprising anniversary
On 8th August 2021, protesters came out in cities across Myanmar to protest against the military junta and to mark the 33rd anniversary of an uprising against military rule that was violently put down.
Protests took place across Myanmar, including the main cities of Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Mongwa and Myitkyina, according to local news reports. Protesters remembered the thousands of people, many of whom were students, who rose up against military rule in 1988. That uprising was crushed in a bloody crackdown.
They also organised online campaigns, bringing people out dressed in red to show the eight-finger salute, which has become one of the symbols of the protest movement, and to hold banners saying: "Let's return the old blood debt of 1988 in 2021."..."
Source/publisher:
Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime has added a genocide law to the country’s colonial-era Penal Code, a move being seen by legal experts as an attempt to ease international pressure on the regime as it faces a genocide charge at a United Nations court for its soldiers’ atrocities against the Rohingya.
The new provisions published in junta-controlled newspapers threaten the death sentence for murders committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group. The provisions were signed by coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on Tuesday.
The addition to the Penal Code also carries a life sentence for other crimes committed with genocidal purpose.
They include causing grievous hurt or serious mental harm to members of a group, deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring its physical destruction in whole or in part, imposing measures, not in accordance with any existing laws, intended to prevent births within a group, and forcibly transferring children of a group to another group.
The promulgation of the new genocide law coincided with an online campaign to mark the fourth anniversary of atrocities against the Rohingya, the stateless Muslim people in Rakhine State, in 2017. A Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day was organized online on Wednesday, with many activists expressing their apologies to the Rohingya for failing to speak out while they were being persecuted by the Myanmar military.
Over 700,000 Rohingya fled to neighboring Bangladesh after the military carried out clearance operations in Rakhine in response to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s attacks on security outposts in August 2017. The Gambia, representing the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, filed a genocide case against Myanmar at the United Nations International Court of Justice (ICJ) in late 2019.
However, both the then National League for Democracy government and the military denied the accusations of genocide. In January 2020, the ICJ ordered Myanmar to comply with four provisional measures as requested by The Gambia.
The measures require that Myanmar take steps to prevent genocide from occurring in the future, as well as ensuring that the military and its affiliates do not commit further acts of genocide, in particular killing, causing serious bodily or mental harm, and preventing births. Myanmar is also required to preserve all evidence of genocide, and provide regular updates on its progress on these measures.
One legal expert, who asked for anonymity, said that the military regime has enacted the genocide law to ease international pressure on it as it faces the genocide charge at the ICJ, but the move will not give the regime any protection from crimes it has previously committed.
“The law will not have an effect on things that happened before its enactment. This law should be accepted as it presents the opportunity for citizens, ethnic groups and religious organizations to open cases regarding genocidal crimes in the future,” he added.
The junta said it had enacted the genocide law because it was liable to do so after Myanmar ratified the Genocide Convention on December 30, 1949 and then became a member of the Convention in March 1956.
“As we are a member country, we have a responsibility to enact a law. So we have enacted a law to prevent and punish genocide,” said the regime spokesperson, Major General Zaw Min Tun.
The junta has also changed the Code of Criminal Procedures, which allows authorities to arrest genocide suspects without a warrant. People accused of genocide can no longer be bailed.
“They just want to show the international community that they are against genocide and are taking action to prevent it,” said another legal expert. Meanwhile, the parallel National Unity Government (NUG) is also working to prosecute Myanmar’s military at the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Myanmar is not an ICC member, but Acting President Duwa Lashi La of the NUG lodged a declaration with the ICC registrar last week, accepting the ICC’s jurisdiction with respect to international crimes committed in Myanmar since July 1, 2002, the earliest date permitted by the Rome Statute that established the ICC.
To mark Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day, the NUG Deputy Minister for Women, Youths and Children Affairs, Daw Ei Thinzar Maung, called on Myanmar people to show sympathy for the traumatic experiences Rohingya women and children and other ethnic minorities have suffered. She also urged them to protect the vulnerable and to speak out for them to prevent genocidal acts from occurring in the future..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Genocide, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Over 400,000 civil servants have been on strike against the military regime since February, according to Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG).
The NUG’s Planning and Finance Minister, U Tin Tun Naing, said on Tuesday that almost 410,000 government staff have “steadfastly joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) so far”.
The exact number of civil servants in the country is unknown. Some estimates suggest that there are over one million government staff. By those figures, almost half of all state employees are on strike in protest at military rule.
Since the junta’s February I coup, government workers ranging from directors to junior officers and clerks, and even some police and soldiers from the Home Affairs and Defense Ministries, have refused to work for the regime, preventing the junta from running the country properly. Many of the civil servants who are on strike have been sacked or threatened with arrest. Others are in hiding.
The NUG, which was formed by the country’s elected lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy government and their ethnic allies, is trying to fund salaries for civil servants participating in the CDM, especially junior staff.
The regime’s ability to govern has been hit hard by the CDM. At the end of February, coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing decried the fact that nearly one-third of Myanmar’s 1,262 public hospitals had been unable to function for nearly three weeks because so many healthcare workers were on strike.
In July, as the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic spread across the country, hospitals were overwhelmed because of the shortage of medics and the devastated coup leader ordered them to hire doctors and nurses on a contract basis.
The banking sector has also been paralysed by the CDM, with both private and government banks barely able to operate due to striking staff.
It is believed that the actual number of government workers on strike is higher than the figure reported, in part because many civil servants have been forced to return to work by the regime in the last few months. At the same time, there has been an increase in the number of soldiers and police deserting their units. As of this month, nearly 2,000 of them have joined the CDM since the coup.
“Make no mistake, the striking workers have joined the CDM not for the NUG’s financial assistance to them but for the sake of a brighter future for the next generation,” said U Tin Tun Naing.
“We (the NUG) are fully responsible to support them,” he added.
The NUG has tried to assist striking civil servants since its formation in April, but with intermittent success.
In order to raise more funds for them, the NUG launched an online lottery this month. 70 percent of the proceeds from the lottery will go to support people on strike. The lottery has proved hugely popular, with all tickets sold out in just over an hour on the day of its launch, despite threats from the regime that it will punish anyone who plays it.
As of Tuesday, almost 250,000 tickets had been sold in just five days. The lottery is currently on hold for system management..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Four years ago, Burma’s military launched a horrific ethnic cleansing against Rohingya in northern Rakhine State. The brutality of the military’s atrocities on that day shocked the conscience of the international community – but we recognize the Rohingya had already suffered decades of grave human rights abuses, and that many of those abuses continue today. The United States remembers the victims and recommits to pursuing and demanding accountability for those responsible for these atrocities and other human rights abuses, and seeking justice for victims. We recognize the need to address the root causes of this violence and hold perpetrators accountable to help prevent such atrocities from recurring.
Today, the same military leaders who perpetrated the February 1 coup are committing abuses against pro-democracy activists and members of ethnic and religious communities across the country, and we have seen the same light infantry brigades that terrorized Rohingya communities in 2017 inflict brutal violence on pro-democracy protestors since the coup. The coup and the brutality of the military’s subsequent crackdown have exacerbated the already precarious situation for vulnerable people across Burma, including Rohingya. The United States continues to underscore the need for unhindered humanitarian access to all people requiring assistance in Burma.
At the launch of the 2021 Joint Response Plan for the Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis in May, the United States announced nearly $155 million in new assistance to sustain critical efforts to support Rohingya refugees and members of the host communities in Bangladesh and internally displaced Rohingya. and other affected people in Burma. Our assistance will help meet the immediate needs of nearly 900,000 refugees in Bangladesh, including women and children. This new funding, which includes life-saving COVID assistance, brought our total humanitarian aid for those affected by the crisis in Burma, Bangladesh, and elsewhere in the region, to more than $1.3 billion – including more than $1.1 billion in Bangladesh and more than $238 million in Burma – since August 2017. We encourage other members of the international community to likewise support peace building and social cohesion work in Rakhine State, and to contribute to the Joint Response Plan.
The United States will continue to promote justice for victims and accountability for those responsible for atrocities and other human rights abuses. To that end, we have imposed visa restrictions and financial sanctions on top military leaders and units, including those linked to serious human rights abuse against Rohingya, and suppression of peaceful protests since the February 1 coup. We have also supported the UN fact finding and investigative mechanisms focused on Burma; and pressed Burma to implement the International Court of Justice’s provisional measures order.
The United States also welcomes the inclusive path forward envisioned by the NUG and other pro-democracy groups in Burma and their pledge to reform the 1982 citizenship law, among other actions intended to protect the rights of Rohingya and members of other ethnic minority groups. These steps will be necessary to safeguard the human rights and human dignity of all people in Burma, including Rohingya.
The United States will continue to partner with the people of Burma to support peace and justice, critical humanitarian assistance, a return to the path to democracy, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စွမ်းအင်ကဏ္ဍ၏ မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်းရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အောက်ပါအရာရှိ (၄၉) ဦးကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၅ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၁/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Electricity and Energy
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
456.55 KB
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s higher education (HE) sector is stunted in almost every respect, due to prolonged underinvestment and over-centralization. Research has shown that the sector is ‘poor by any standard’ and is facing enormous challenges. For one, the state´s provision of HE is inadequate. Only 11% of Myanmar´s youth, which refers to a small number of middle-class students, have access to state-run higher education. Thus, the private sector, which includes both for-profit and non-profit institutions, has become an important HE provider in Myanmar. Despite this, private education provision, particularly of the non-profit sector, is largely overlooked by studies conducted on Myanmar´s education. Non-profit private higher education institutions (HEIs) deserve more research attention because they not only patch up the state´s weaknesses in educational provision, but they also make HE accessible and affordable in the country´s peripheries.
Therefore, in a study conducted under ChinBridge Institute’s Research Fellowship program, from which this Tea Circle article is adapted, I discussed what it would take to sustain non-profits’ provision of higher education in Chin State, one of Myanmar’s most remote areas. The study was motivated by my volunteering experience as a teacher at the Chin Christian University, a non-profit private university in Hakha, Chin State. The study focused on how these HEIs can best use the readily available resources rather than acquiring more.
Public HEIs in Myanmar
Myanmar’s higher education sector is highly centralized and state-controlled. All of the country’s 174 public higher education institutions (HEIs) are overseen by the government, the European Union-funded project CHINLONE reported in 2018. CHINLONE stands for ‘Connecting Higher Education Institutions for a New Leadership in National Education’. It is also the name of a Myanmar traditional sport that emphasizes cooperation and teamwork. Eight ministries are involved in managing the HEIs, including the Ministry of Education.
In Myanmar, private HEIs are not HEIs in a legal sense, regardless of whether they are for-profit or non-profit. They are registered as either companies under the Ministry of Trade and Commerce or as NGOs. In mid-2020, the government allowed private schools offering higher education to register, using a form called the “Private HEIs Form”. The government stated that the private school registration would be a pathway for these institutions to gain accreditation. However, private HEI registration was closed later that year before any HEIs were approved.
Access to higher education in Chin State
Now, let’s have a peek at how public HEIs are distributed across the country. In 2012, there were 164 public HEIs in the country. Mandalay had 36 HEIs, Yangon 33, Sagaing 14, and the country’s poorest states—Chin and Kayah state—had 3 public HEIs respectively, as reported in the 2013 Myanmar Comprehensive Education Sector Review (CESR) Report.
The 3 public HEIs listed under Chin State in the CESR report, Kalay University, Technological University (Kalay) and University of Computer Studies (Kalay), are all situated in Kalay town in Sagaing Region. Kalay is at least a 6 hour-drive from Chin State’s capital, Hakha, depending on prevailing weather and road conditions, which is often at its worst during the rainy season.
Thus, in fact, there were no public universities in Chin State in 2012. The first public university, Hakha University, came to Hakha only in November 2016.
Why is that a problem? An average Chin family would probably have to sell a pig or two to get to Kalay. Living expenses would cost even more. Getting a university degree is expensive for marginalized Chin youth, given that they would have to travel far away from home. Access to higher education is also a problem elsewhere in Myanmar, but Chin State’s situation is particularly dire, due to Chin State’s remote geography and the government’s failure to establish sufficient HEIs there.
Non-profit HEIs in Chin State
As of 2021, Chin State has 6 public HEIs; namely Hakha University, Hakha Education College, Government Technical Institute, Hakha Midwife Training School, Falam Nursing Training School and Lungpi Agriculture High School. However, only one of these is a university.
So, even today in Chin State, community-run non-profit HEIs are the oldest, most well-established, and most prevalent type of higher education. Most of them are Bible Schools run by the church community. Six public HEIs and about 13 non-profit HEIs currently exist in Chin State. Among them are Chin Christian University, Chin Christian Institute of Theology, Victoria Academy and Chin Initiative for Sustainable Society, to name a few. None of them are registered as HEIs under the MoE. There may be more than thirteen as I could have missed an institution or two in the counting. No official list of these non-profit HEIs exists.
The community provision of higher education in Chin State dates back to 1953, when the first Bible school opened in Falam. The main purpose of non-profit HEIs has always been to make higher education accessible to local youth who cannot afford a university education in bigger cities. Through higher education, these community HEIs also allow Chin students to maintain their ethnic identity, culture and history amidst a Bamar-dominated education system.
As primarily self-funding institutions, these HEIs are faced with financial shortages from time to time. Hence they often struggle with poor physical infrastructure and scarcity of resources. Not having enough qualified teachers, poor resource management, and inadequate tracking of students’ progress are also some challenges that exist within these HEIs. Many of their students undertake Distance Education in public HEIs on the side in order to obtain a formal degree that is recognized by the Myanmar state. This means that non-profit HEIs have to adjust their schedules based on public HEIs.
Another challenge that non-profit HEIs face is the dilemma of which language of instruction to teach in. Language may seem like the last problem faced by local HEIs; however, there are at least 50 Chin dialects spoken in Chin State. So, Chin HEIs are also faced with very diverse classroom in terms of languages. Often, Burmese language, which is everyone’s second or third language, is used in class.
Even so, the advantages of community-run HEIs outweigh these challenges. For one, students consider the quality of education provided by them better than that provided in state-run HEIs. Teaching methods are different and so is the curriculum. For instance, private HEIs use more participatory teaching methods compared to public HEIs, so students learn more effectively.
The root cause of these advantages is that private HEIs have institutional autonomy, unlike public HEIs. My study sought to show why institutional autonomy is important, and how private HEIs can take better advantage of this situation.
The importance of institutional autonomy
So, what exactly is institutional autonomy? There are four internationally recognized aspects of institutional autonomy discussed in the 2018 CHINLONE report: organizational, academic, staffing and financial. To give a better understanding of this concept, I will paraphrase the CHINLONE’s explanation in the next paragraphs.
Organizational autonomy refers to an institution’s capacity to determine its internal organization and decision-making process. This includes the election and dismissal of its leaders and its ability to change its academic structures.
Academic autonomy is an institution’s freedom to manage their academic affairs. These affairs include academic programs and contents, student selection and evaluation criteria, the number of students to be admitted, the curriculum, and teaching methods.
Having institutional autonomy in staffing gives non-profit private HEIs the right to recruit and manage their human resources. For example, a HEI with institutional autonomy could hire an English professor from England to teach, visa issues aside. Or it could ask a local businessman to teach marketing. None of these teacher appointments would require approval from the Ministry of Education.
Financial autonomy gives non-profit HEIs the ability to manage their funds and allocate their budget. However, financial autonomy can push a lot of responsibilities and duties onto HEIs, as they will need to generate their own funds without a stable source of income.
These are the four aspects of institutional autonomy that the private HEIs enjoyed compared to public HEIs, despite not being able to issue formal degrees that are recognized in Myanmar, at least until the coup on 1 February 2021. How their institutional autonomy will be affected by the coup is uncertain.
How can non-profit HEIs sustain their work?
In my research about this topic (which will be published later this year), I argue that non-profit HEIs should take better advantage of their institutional autonomy. This will not only improve their quality but also raise their competitiveness in the eyes of funders, and thereby sustain their work. How?
Since this is not a full research report, I will only focus on one specific area which I think is essential and doable for non-profit HEIs. In particular, I recommend that non-profit HEIs enhance their networks and pursue collaborations with others, whether with local or international institutions.
The aforementioned non-profit HEIs in Chin State already have partnerships and collaborations with both domestic and foreign organizations or HEIs. Through international partnerships, students and staff have opportunities to pursue further studies at partner institutions abroad and participate in study exchange programs. Surprisingly, these non-profit HEIs have more connections with other institutions abroad than between themselves. While international connections are important, domestic connections should not be overlooked as these non-profit HEIs can help each other grow in many ways through collaborations. In fact, some education leaders have mentioned the need for more domestic partnerships during my interviews but none of them had proactive plans to take the initiative. One principal remarked, ‘we (Chin HEIs leaders) always wait for a third party to initiate things like this, this is our weakness’.
In my opinion, networking between similar HEIs within the whole country, especially within Chin State, is crucial for the sustainability of non-profit private HEIs for the following reasons. First, it might give the non-profit sector a better chance of impacting the national higher education policy as a stronger and more consolidated network. In the long run, this could allow non-profit HEIs to gain legal status and accreditation, so that students will no longer have to pursue parallel degrees at public universities. Second, resource sharing might be possible through networking as well, which will increase the quality of education in HEIs. Last but not least, networking will contribute to the organizational development of each institution by allowing them to learn from each other. It is through being with others that we become our better selves..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Chin State, Educational resources and materials (Burma- and non-Burma-related), Human rights and education, Education rights: standards and mechanisms, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"The crisis in Myanmar has slipped from the headlines. In a predictably peripatetic news-cycle world, the continued post-coup crackdown, Covid-19 surge and humanitarian catastrophe evinces little international attention. The corroded global conscience has been gripped by the debacle of Afghanistan, the Delta variant and pandemic social disorder in multiple countries.
Many of the condemnatory statements being released by Western states, much reduced now that the crisis has been sub-contracted to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), remain ‘deeply concerned’. Crucially, they have refused to recognize the junta’s ‘interim government.’ That’s so far. But a combination of sanctions and the lackluster efforts of the United Nations (UN) Secretary General Special Envoy Christine Burgener Schraner have replaced calls for the Responsibility to Protect. In other words, worn tools of inaction. Often included among these, but rarely elaborated on, is the option of imposing a UN arms embargo on Myanmar. But is that actually feasible?
Hopes were certainly bolstered by the non-binding UN General Assembly Resolution passed on 18 June, the text of which stated: “(I)n line with the Secretary General’s call for a global ceasefire as supported by the Security Council in its resolution 2532 (2020) of 1 July 2020, the need to de-escalate violence, and in that regard calls upon all Member States to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar”. That has been interpreted as a call supporting an arms embargo. The resolution, which had been delayed due to divisions within ASEAN, was passed with 119 votes, 36 abstentions, and one no vote from Belarus, Europe’s pariah state.
ASEAN split their votes with Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines voting for the resolution and Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Brunei abstaining. This doesn’t bode well for either ASEAN mediation or the likelihood of a comprehensive arms embargo.
On May 5, 200 international groups, including human right organizations and Myanmar community support groups, called on the UN Security Council to institute a global arms embargo. The statement called for “(a) comprehensive UN arms embargo on Myanmar should bar the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons, munitions, and other military-related equipment, including dual-use goods such as vehicles and communications and surveillance equipment, as well as the provision of training, intelligence, and other military assistance. Such an embargo should be accompanied by robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms”. This wording is identical to a call by 137 groups in February.
Western military assistance to Myanmar has been restricted for years. Rigid arms embargoes were imposed by individual states for three decades. The United States (US), Great Britain, Australia, Canada and the European Union (EU) have had long-standing sanctions on the sale of weapons to Myanmar, including even dual-use technology. Those measures were maintained over the past decade, even as these states sought enhanced interaction with the military. However, those embargoes were ineffective in stopping atrocity crimes against the Kachin, Rohingya, Karen and Shan ethnic minorities.
There are an estimated 42 countries who have imposed arms embargoes on Myanmar over the past three decades. Many of these are EU member states or are aligned with the various common positions imposed since 1996. South Korea suspended defense ties and a ban on arms exports in March.
There are several obvious reasons why a call for a UN arms embargo faces intractable impediments to succeed. First, it’s highly unlikely to work because much of the firepower being directed at ordinary people is domestically manufactured. The Myanmar military produces almost all of the light arms and ammunition it needs to kill civilians and put down urban uprisings: the same hardware it used to wage war against insurgents and ethnic civilians throughout Myanmar.
This network of defense industries (Ka Pa Sa) are located mostly in central Myanmar, in Pyi, Bago and other locations, with an estimated 38 facilities in total. Anyone who has visited the Defense Services Museum in Naypyidaw will have been struck by the evident pride in domestic military self-sufficiency; perhaps also seized by just how over the top this pride, to the point of mania, really is. The Ka Pa Sa manufacture everything from small arms, ammunition, anti-personnel landmines, mortars, uniforms, mess kits, soccer balls, army rum and many other items. The military has constructed this system with a large amount of foreign assistance, particularly German, and in later years from North Korea, Ukraine and Russia, but now largely runs the system independently.
Watching police officers in diverse towns such as Dawei, Yangon, and Mandalay firing live rounds against unarmed civilians, the shots mainly come from the German-designed Heckler and Koch Gewehr 3 (H&K G3) 7.62mm assault rifles, once the standard infantry weapon for the Myanmar military, designated Burma Army Type 63 or BA63. These were provided by the German firm Fritz Werner starting in the 1950s and through a close partnership up until the 1990’s. Many of these weapons were transferred to the Myanmar Police Force as the Ka Pa Sa started to manufacture the MA series of assault rifles (with Israeli assistance) in the early 1990s, which the military now uses.
Should the members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and the civilian resistance fighters of the People’s Defense Forces target the network of Ka Pa Sa – its facilities, supply chains, raw materials and personnel – that could potentially have a serious effect on production and supplies. Harrying domestic manufacture of armaments and non-lethal supplies (food, uniforms, basic equipment) could impact internal military morale and drive increased defections.
One officer from a defense factory who recently joined the CDM and fled to the border with India told Radio Free Asia’s Myanmar service that much of the raw materials for the factories is sourced from the Chinese defense firm China North Industries Group (NORINCO) and transited through Singapore. However, it is unclear to what extent the trail of spare parts and raw materials are sourced outside Myanmar. That is one potential avenue for further investigation: resupply, replenishment and sourcing links to the domestic arms industry.
The next major impediment is the continued close links the military has with Russia and China. China accounts for half of the arms exports to Myanmar, with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute report of March 2021 estimating that, between 2016 and 2020, China accounted for 48 percent of imports. India accounted for 16 percent and Russia 15 percent.
China has been a major arms supplier for over 30 years, including NORINCO, and several large aerospace companies. China has supplied numerous fighter planes to the Myanmar Air Force, including F-7 fighters in the early 1990s and, in recent years, the joint China and Pakistan manufactured JF-17 Thunder fighter. Much of the lavish arms sales from the early 1990s was disappointing in terms of quality, but China remains a major supplier and also trainer of Myanmar’s armed forces. Jane’s Defence Group reported that Chinese supplied drones, the CH-3A ‘Rainbow’ surveillance UEVs, have been deployed in Mandalay to observe demonstrations.
China is also one of the major suppliers of weapons to the ethnic armed organizations, especially the United Wa State Army. Beijing, or more likely local officials in Yunnan, is the single biggest outside arms supplier to Myanmar’s multiple conflicts.
Coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has turned to Moscow in recent years, expanding a relationship that started two decades ago and which has seen thousands of Myanmar personnel trained in Russian defense establishments. The commander in chief’s visit to Russia in June signaled continued firm ties, with Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu expressing support for the junta leader. Arms sales have continued, with the Moscow Times reporting that the military had imported US$15 million worth of radar equipment since the coup. Just days before the military takeover, Justice for Myanmar reported that the military was buying Orlan-10 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Pantsir-S1 short range air defense systems.
The air force originally purchased second-hand MiG-29 fighter jets from Belarus, since sourced from Russia, and have announced plans to buy SU-30 fighter jets and Yak-130 training aircraft. These air assets sales should be a focus of intense attention for any arms embargo campaign, given how much more frequently air strikes, especially ones conducted at night, have been directed at civilian targets such as those in Kayin State in late March. An arms embargo campaign must also widely condemn the continued sales or support of helicopter gunships, such as the Mi-35 which has been used against both insurgents and civilians, as well as ground attack aircraft.
Ukraine is an often unacknowledged arms supplier to Myanmar. In 2004, the military purchased an estimated 1,000 BTR-3U armored personnel carriers (APCs) to be assembled in Myanmar, although the exact number in the order of battle is unclear. The BTR’s include German-made Deutz diesel engines and American-made General Motors Allison automatic transmissions. These vehicles made an appearance on the streets of Yangon in February (and were not manned by Chinese soldiers as was widely reported at the time) but are not reported to have been used against protesters.
Israel has had a long relationship with the Myanmar armed forces, since establishing formal ties in 1953. Israeli officials have helped train elite units, assisted with intelligence gathering and sold patrol boats to the navy, as well as providing technology for the domestic manufacture of the Uzi submachine gun, primarily used now by the police. It was a police officer firing an Uzi at unarmed protestors in Naypyitaw that resulted in the Spring Revolution’s first casualty: 19-year old Myat Thet Thet Khaing, who was shot in the head. Israel is reported to have suspended arms sales to Myanmar following an order in the Supreme Court in 2017, but this has not been confirmed.
Another challenge is one of unacknowledged but naked hypocrisy. Proponents of an arms embargo are calling on some of the world’s largest arms dealers to support imposing an embargo on one country, when the US accounts for the majority of arms sales globally, significantly more than China and Russia. The United Kingdom lauds its principled approach to Myanmar, but lavishes weapons on Saudi Arabia, resuming its sales of some £1.4 billion earlier in 2021 after a pause of two years following an outcry over the bombing campaign in Yemen. The Biden Administration has suspended sales to Saudi Arabia for the same reason, but continues to supply half of the weapons to the Middle East.
It is doubtful if Washington will dilute any diplomatic capitol to exert pressure on its allies in Israel and the Ukraine in order to have a questionable effect on the ability of the armed forces to violently suppress resistance in Myanmar. The Biden Administration resumed military support to Ukraine in March with a US$125 million arms sale. The credibility of the West suffered a crushing blow in its scramble out of Afghanistan.
So how could an arms embargo actually work? Who will provide leadership? Human right groups, beyond the flash-in-the-pan issuance of ‘joint letters’, have publicized no clear plans for how an arms embargo could operate. The special rapporteur Tom Andrews has done little more than repeat the rhetoric of condemnation and called for an arms embargo, but has failed to articulate how it could work. His mandate is ill-suited to taking a leadership role in any campaign for an arms embargo: he is an independent expert who reports to the UN Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Andrews may also be keeping one eye on his future in US politics, so cannot be relied upon to push the Biden Administration or Congress hard and expend political capital for a ban on arms sales.
International leadership for an arms embargo could be spearheaded by the venerable troika of the Special Advisory Council-Myanmar (SAC-M): former UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee, and Chris Sidoti and Marzuki Darusman, from the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. Formed following the February 1 coup, but conceived before it, the SAC-M has formulated what it calls a ‘Three Cuts’ approach to pressuring the military: cut the weapons, cut the cash and cut the impunity. It has assembled some fine understanding of the cash and impunity cuts, with Chris Sidoti especially vocal on interdicting the military’s financial sector. But the SAC-M website has no details on cutting weapons. Nevertheless, given the more legible approach of the trio and their background on Myanmar going back years, they have the skills, energy and commitment to corral the global community into at least discussing forms of an arms embargo.
An arms embargo requires concerted diplomatic efforts backed up by skillful research and documentation. Where to get all the necessary details to make an effective arms embargo feasible? There are two possible sources that offer the best chance of success, if the West directed the requisite funding and technical support. The first is increased support for groups such as Justice for Myanmar, which has done the most impressively forensic work on the finances and arms supplies of the Myanmar military. This clandestine collective is effectively producing the schematics for sanctions and to scupper arms supply chains. It should receive even more resources: they are doing far more important and relevant work than the UN, Western governments and international research and rights organizations.
Another source of activity is to create numerous funds for investigative journalism and academic research, utilizing the human capital of the many Myanmar people who have been displaced or exiled by the coup. Increasing investigative journalism funding for Myanmar media outlets is one step, including The Irrawaddy, Burma News International, Myanmar Now and others. Another is for donors to fund projects dedicated to uncovering the domestic arms industry. Following the threads of domestic and international supply chains and finding ways to harry and disrupt production, recruitment and supply could be as effective as armed action.
This could be a component of what Western donors should have supported ten years ago: an ‘Understanding the Military’ initiative, which scrutinizes the internal dynamics of the armed forces and questions some of the canards built up around its size, internal culture and psyche, fissures and strengths, local economic behavior and relationships with varying communities. In other words, a Myanmar-driven research focus to assess the military’s vulnerabilities.
There is already some fine work being pursued by the Myanmar media and in academia, with the recent publication of crucial data on Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and top generals by the Institute of South East Asian Studies. The answer to toppling the military will always be a home-grown endeavor; trust in the West to assist on this should be tempered.
Calling for an arms embargo takes multi-staged, painstaking work, not just the rhetoric of performative activism. If there is no sincerity in pursuing an embargo, stop talking about one. The world has a responsibility to protect the expectations of people in Myanmar. Further failure will only compound the post-coup betrayal..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime has cut off internet access in Hpakant, Kachin State since Friday.
Mobile internet services were blocked around 8.30pm on Friday, followed by a shutdown of wifi internet hours later, said residents. Telecom operators said that they did not know why internet services were blocked or when they would resume, according to locals.
“Not only is the internet blocked, but we also can’t make phone calls or send SMS now. And we can’t top up our mobile phones either. From previous experiences, when the internet is shutdown in Hpakant it normally means military operations are in progress, so we are concerned,” said a female resident who requested anonymity.
Last Saturday, police from Police Battalion 30 based in Seik Mu village on the outskirts of Hpakant left their base and joined the Hpakant Township police inside the town. The same evening, the ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) torched the barracks of the police battalion in Seik Mu.
Junta troops have been seen patrolling in Hpakant at midnight following the internet shutdown, said residents. Previously, they normally stayed in their outposts at that time.
“They are patrolling almost every night now. My house is by the road and I could not get to sleep once they drove past. Around 40 to 50 of them drove past around 2am today,” said a resident of Lone Khin village.
Hpakant residents said they felt unsafe talking about the situation on the phone because the military regime is monitoring phone calls. The junta has ordered the country’s telecom and internet service providers to install spyware that allows the military to eavesdrop directly on calls, read text messages, emails and other web traffic, as well as tracking the locations of users.
There have also been rumors in Hpakant that the military regime will install checkpoints to isolate the town. On Monday, some people were leaving the town for fear of fighting, said one Hpakant resident.
Telecom operators were also ordered to restrict internet access in Rakhine from June 2019 until the February 1 coup, as the military was engaged in heavy fighting with the Rakhine ethnic armed group the Arakan Army.
However, the regime’s spokesperson, Major General Zaw Min Tun, denied that there was an internet blackout in Hpakant. “There is no internet shutdown in any part of the country,” he said.
Any military operations in Hpakant are being done in response to the attacks of the KIA and the local People’s Defense Force, said the military spokesman.
Hpakant is home to the world’s largest deposits of high-quality jade, as well as gold and other precious gems. All the jade mining companies operating in Hpakant have ties to Myanmar’s military or the KIA.
Prospectors have to pay taxes to the military and the KIA if they find jade or precious gems, and both the KIA and the military rely on Hpakant’s mines to generate crucial funds.
KIA brigades 6 and 26 are active in Hpakant, while battalions under the command of Division 33 of the Myanmar military are based in the township.
By THE IRRAWADDY 24 August 2021
Myanmar’s military regime has cut off internet access in Hpakant, Kachin State since Friday.
Mobile internet services were blocked around 8.30pm on Friday, followed by a shutdown of wifi internet hours later, said residents. Telecom operators said that they did not know why internet services were blocked or when they would resume, according to locals.
“Not only is the internet blocked, but we also can’t make phone calls or send SMS now. And we can’t top up our mobile phones either. From previous experiences, when the internet is shutdown in Hpakant it normally means military operations are in progress, so we are concerned,” said a female resident who requested anonymity.
Last Saturday, police from Police Battalion 30 based in Seik Mu village on the outskirts of Hpakant left their base and joined the Hpakant Township police inside the town. The same evening, the ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) torched the barracks of the police battalion in Seik Mu.
Junta troops have been seen patrolling in Hpakant at midnight following the internet shutdown, said residents. Previously, they normally stayed in their outposts at that time.
“They are patrolling almost every night now. My house is by the road and I could not get to sleep once they drove past. Around 40 to 50 of them drove past around 2am today,” said a resident of Lone Khin village.
Hpakant residents said they felt unsafe talking about the situation on the phone because the military regime is monitoring phone calls. The junta has ordered the country’s telecom and internet service providers to install spyware that allows the military to eavesdrop directly on calls, read text messages, emails and other web traffic, as well as tracking the locations of users.
There have also been rumors in Hpakant that the military regime will install checkpoints to isolate the town. On Monday, some people were leaving the town for fear of fighting, said one Hpakant resident.
Telecom operators were also ordered to restrict internet access in Rakhine from June 2019 until the February 1 coup, as the military was engaged in heavy fighting with the Rakhine ethnic armed group the Arakan Army.
However, the regime’s spokesperson, Major General Zaw Min Tun, denied that there was an internet blackout in Hpakant. “There is no internet shutdown in any part of the country,” he said.
Any military operations in Hpakant are being done in response to the attacks of the KIA and the local People’s Defense Force, said the military spokesman.
Hpakant is home to the world’s largest deposits of high-quality jade, as well as gold and other precious gems. All the jade mining companies operating in Hpakant have ties to Myanmar’s military or the KIA.
Prospectors have to pay taxes to the military and the KIA if they find jade or precious gems, and both the KIA and the military rely on Hpakant’s mines to generate crucial funds.
KIA brigades 6 and 26 are active in Hpakant, while battalions under the command of Division 33 of the Myanmar military are based in the township.
In Waingmaw Township, which is separated from the Kachin State capital Myitkyina by the Ayeyarwady River, the military’s Battalion 58 shelled nearby villages every night from August 3 to August 19, following a KIA attack on July 29. Residents from at least four villages near the battalion’s base have been forced to flee their homes amid the daily shelling.
KIA information officer Colonel Naw Bu said that the regime has been continuously reinforcing its troops. The junta brought in some 5,000 additional soldiers after the coup, and hundreds more reinforcements are being sent either by road or by the river, he added.
Hpakant residents have formed anti-regime protest groups in their wards and villages to organize demonstrations and other forms of daily defiance against the junta. Locals are continuing their anti-coup protests, despite the internet shutdown, said Hpakant residents.
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Despite enjoying broad public support, the National Unity Government is still struggling to manage sharp internal differences between the NLD’s “old guard” and those fighting for more radical change.
Description:
"Since February 1, youth activist and civil society leader Naw Thaboe has supported the National Unity Government steadfastly as it abolished the 2008 Constitution and recognised the Rohingya.
These revolutionary acts convinced Thaboe that the NUG was different from the NLD administration that the Tatmadaw removed from office on February 1. Lately, though, she said the NUG’s bold reforms have seemed to come to a halt.
“In the revolution, people need revolutionary leaders,” said Thaboe, who asked that her real name not be used. “Myanmar needs drastic change, the NUG or any political leaders need to be more proactive and take more radical action against the junta.”
Thaboe echoes the feelings of a growing number in Myanmar who, despite their support for the parallel government, are feeling increasingly frustrated with its lack of progress in establishing itself as a genuine rival administration to the military regime, let alone removing the Tatmadaw from power.
The COVID-19 outbreak has only increased the pressure on the NUG. Although most blame the military regime for the tens of thousands of COVID-19 deaths in recent months, they are also looking to the NUG for leadership to mitigate the health crisis.
The NUG’s struggles stem in part from deep internal divisions between long-time members of the National League for Democracy and more progressive individuals in cabinet. While the NUG was formed in mid-April by a diverse group that included community and ethnic leaders, the parallel government nominally led by acting president Duwa Lashi La remains dominated by NLD loyalists.
The NUG has “repeatedly stated that it is a revolutionary government first and foremost and has achieved a great deal given the pressure it has been under,” but some activists on the ground increasingly feel like the NUG senior leaders are focused on releasing statements, said Mr Kim Joliffe, a researcher on Myanmar politics and conflict.
“Most revolutionary forces aimed at defeating the incumbent power don’t start off operating like a government,” he said, noting that this strategy was seen as necessary in order to gain international recognition.
“Months ago the NUG had a lot of momentum and it has managed to sustain enough pressure to deny the SAC full control or recognition globally. But it has become increasingly clear that the battle to take full control one way or another will likely be a long and drawn out war, as neither side has the capacity or resources to fully defeat the other yet.”
On August 1, the military regime formed a caretaker government and junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, who appointed himself prime minister, said he expected Myanmar’s state of emergency to run until August 2023, when elections are planned.
Although the military is overwhelmingly unpopular, time might not be on the NUG’s side. If history is a guide, the parallel government faces a growing risk of sliding into irrelevance as time passes. With its iconic leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in detention, a lack of support from neighbouring countries and historic tensions with ethnic minority groups, the NUG will likely need to regain its early momentum if it is to make any major progress.
Unity in name only
This government of “national unity” is yet to be united. Sources within the NUG and those engaged with it say the cabinet has been and remains deeply divided over critical issues ranging from the response to COVID-19, its approach to the economy and cooperation with ethnic communities.
One cabinet member who is not from the NLD told Frontier that trust was “a big challenge” between NLD and non-NLD officials.
“We are still weak in [terms of] collaboration [with] each other,” the minister said, adding that there had been only “very limited talk” among cabinet members on issues such as humanitarian aid and the economy.
The minister’s assessment was echoed by an NLD-aligned official inside the NUG.
“Decades of distrust are not easily overcome in months,” he said.
Ma Phyo, an analyst of ethnic policy who asked that her real name not be used, said there are clearly divisions within the NUG.
“Although there are people from civil society, ethnic people, and activists doing the groundwork and pushing them[NUG officials], sometimes I wonder why it is taking this much to move forward,” she said.
“From my own connections and what I’ve heard, the reality of NLD veterans calling the shots doesn’t seem to have changed within the NUG,” she said.
Ma Phyo also worries that the NUG seems to be overconfident about its ability to prevail over the Tatmadaw, and that popular support could wane if it doesn’t show concrete results.
“It is not helping that NUG ministers are being stubborn, and what’s crazy is that they are so confident that the people will [always] support them because they believe that they are on the moral high ground,” she said.
Exploiting the pandemic
While the junta has tried to exploit the pandemic to cement its control and legitimise its rule, activists and businesspeople in Yangon told Frontier they were worried the NUG was losing touch with the key issues on the ground.
With more than 10,000 officially recorded deaths since the start of June and one of the highest rates of positive tests in the world – at times last month it was above 40 percent – the COVID-19 third wave has inflicted massive suffering in Myanmar. Although the NUG established a COVID-19 Task Force with ethnic health groups on July 21 – a move welcomed by civil society – it has yet to unveil or even outline a policy on the provision of humanitarian aid. This has put international donors and aid agencies in a difficult position, because it is not yet clear what form of assistance is politically acceptable.
The task force has said it plans to focus on bringing vaccines into the country, an approach supported by civil society groups in Myanmar, such as Progressive Voice. The task force has also said ASEAN and the rest of the international community should provide aid through the task force as well as through cross-border channels, community humanitarian networks, and ethnic health service providers. It is unclear if this is advocating for bypassing the junta entirely. Frontier contacted the task force but did not receive a reply.
This policy confusion stems from a lack of agreement within the cabinet, according to a senior official. Some NUG ministers favour allowing donors and social welfare groups to work with junta-controlled local officials as long as they also engage with the parallel government and meet transparency requirements. Others have taken a more hardline attitude, insisting that no aid should go through junta officials.
An ethnic politician and human rights activist, whose name Frontier withheld for security reasons, acknowledged that the NUG was trying its best despite “limited space and opportunity”, but said it still had a lot of room for improvement.
“What people need are two things: the first is political leadership and the second is services,” she said. “The political leadership is very confusing and unclear, with ministers making statements here and there without consulting the others. As for services, they face constraints in their capacity to deliver.”
The lack of consultation is possibly illustrated by a July announcement by the Ministry of Communications, Information and Technology, which said the NUG would accept cryptocurrency donations. The cabinet apparently had not been collectively consulted over the move and concerns over financial transparency were raised, a senior official said.
Whatever the NUG’s capacity, the junta appears to feel threatened by its popularity. On May 5, its Ministry of Transport and Communications imposed a national one-hour internet blackout without warning, seemingly aimed at preventing the public from watching an NUG press conference. It has also frozen bank accounts that have been detected sending money to the NUG and other opposition groups.
Regional powers are less convinced of the parallel government’s influence. China and Russia are sceptical about the NUG’s prospects and have not actively engaged with it, and ASEAN has only engaged publicly with the junta.
A symbol of the past
Aung San Suu Kyi is another factor complicating efforts towards unity within the NUG. She remains a divisive figure among the more diverse cabinet drawn together by the resistance movement in an effort to unite the country, including its powerful but disparate ethnic armed groups, against the military.
When Aung San Suu Kyi was in power, she chastised ethnic armed groups and supported military campaigns against them, defended the Tatmadaw at the International Court of Justice against accusations that it had committed genocide against Rohingya Muslims, and supported an internet blackout that affected more than one million people in Rakhine and Chin states.
“If Daw Suu is released tomorrow and dismisses all the work the NUG has done, it could kill off the democracy movement,” said Ma Ei Ei, a CDM supporter in Yangon who asked to be identified by a pseudonym.
Although Ei Ei sympathises with Aung San Suu Kyi due to her many sacrifices in the struggle for democracy, she said the detained leader had quickly become a symbol of the past after February 1.
“Things have moved very quickly. Daw Suu would face a huge public backlash if she walks out tomorrow and calls the Tatmadaw ‘my father’s army’,” Ei Ei said.
The coup d’etat has also led to an unprecedented reckoning among the Myanmar people. In particular, the deadly force unleashed by the Tatmadaw against peaceful protesters has changed attitudes about the Tatmadaw’s “clearance operation” against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine in 2017.
In an attempt to establish military alliances with ethnic armed groups and seek support from ethnic communities, the NUG has presented itself as a more minority-friendly administration than the NLD’s cabinet and central executive committee, which were for decades dominated by older Bamar men.
Although the NUG has made overtures to minorities, such as the Rohingya policy, the NLD’s track record on minority rights means there is still scepticism from ethnic communities as to whether the NUG represents a real break with the past.
Dr Sasa, who joined the NLD relatively recently and hails from Chin State, is not one of the “old guard” who dominated the party, according to one senior diplomat in Myanmar. The source added that the more conservative, NLD-aligned elements in the NUG were not impressed by Sasa’s progressive politics. Sasa though has a unique position and leverage in the cabinet because he is seen as a part of the NLD and not an outsider, and also because he has built up a public following domestically and internationally since the coup.
Sasa said he would resist any attempt to reverse the stand taken by the NUG to recognise the Rohingya, observing that the military had used divide and rule tactics based on race and religion to create splits in society.
“Our voice matters. They [Aung San Suu Kyi and other detained leaders] cannot just push us into a corner [upon being freed],” he said. Sweeping the NUG’s progressive politics aside and returning to the policies of the past would amount to “political suicide” for any leader, he warned. “I am ready to stand up for what I believe in.”
In a dramatic reversal of Aung San Suu Kyi’s infamous defence of the Tatmadaw at the International Court of Justice in December 2019, the NUG said in late June that it was gathering evidence of Tatmadaw atrocities and was preparing to file a lawsuit for crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court.
In another departure from the former civilian government’s shunning of the Rohingya, this week saw the first appointment of a member of the Rohingya ethnic group to the parallel government. U Aung Kyaw Moe, the founder and executive director of the Center for Social Integrity, is known in Myanmar for his humanitarian and peace-building work, and was appointed as an adviser to the human rights ministry, Sasa told Frontier.
Differences on policy
Policy disagreements have not been limited to ethnic rights. The NUG’s first budget has been delayed for weeks due to differences of opinion within the cabinet over how spending should be prioritised.
Although the exact nature of these debates is unclear, sources said the forthcoming budget is likely to prioritise aid over defence and spending on the response to a growing humanitarian emergency.
Minister for Planning, Finance and Investment U Tin Tun Naing said supporting the Civil Disobedience Movement would be a top spending priority. “Civil disobedience is an effective weapon that the people of Myanmar can wield in good conscience. It is also the weapon that the military junta fears the most. Equally important is humanitarian support.”
There are clearer differences of opinion within cabinet over foreign investment and how businesses should operate under the military regime.
“There are ideologues who want to take a hard line against businesses that cooperate with the military,” one NUG source said.
But part of the cabinet has a more realistic approach to companies that are in Myanmar and trying to behave responsibly. Tu Hkawng, the NUG’s environmental conservation and natural resources minister, told Nikkei Asia in May that the NUG acknowledged the dilemmas companies operating in Myanmar face if they wish to support human rights. Referring to Norwegian mobile operator Telenor, he said the NUG would not push the company “into a corner”.
Frontier understands Tin Tun Naing also wanted the NUG to take an approach that recognises the difficult position responsible foreign investors now find themselves in, a source in the finance ministry said.
In late July, the NUG finance ministry published a framework for investment in which it said it would not “recognise or honour investment agreements or approvals” made with the military regime since the coup. Those who had invested in the country over the past decade, though, would be treated differently.
“Companies such as Total Energy and Chevron generate a lot of revenue for the military and the NUG has called for steps to limit the revenue flow from them. Telenor has to pay its dues to the military but also does a lot of good for the people,” an NUG source said.
Some large foreign investors are already carefully considering their operations in Myanmar. A few have decided to leave, including Telenor, which announced in early July it was selling its Myanmar operation to Lebanese investment firm, M1 Group, for US$105 million, implying an overall value of around $500 million. The sale represented a significant loss for the Norwegian telco, which had invested more than $1 billion in Myanmar since being licensed by President U Thein Sein’s quasi-military government in 2013.
The hasty sale was widely seen as a desperate move by Telenor to leave Myanmar amid pressure from the junta to use surveillance technology that would allow the authorities to monitor users, said telecoms industry executives.
Tin Tun Naing told Frontier that the NUG regretted Telenor’s departure, but said it reflected the fact the junta had created an increasingly hostile environment for ethical businesses.
“We know that Telenor resisted the military’s pressure to install intercept and surveillance software and share users’ data, unlike the military-controlled operators MPT and Mytel. The company has tried to protect human rights in Myanmar as best it could,” he said.
The Lebanese M1 Group is a controversial buyer, given both its track record working in countries such as Sudan, Syria and Yemen and its links to the Tatmadaw through shares in Irrawaddy Green Towers, a company that builds telecom towers for military-run Mytel. Concerns over how M1 would run the business prompted 45 civil society organisations, including Justice for Myanmar, Free Expression Myanmar and Global Witness, to write to Telenor and the Norwegian government this month urging them to stop the sale.
“The NUG’s position on foreign investment is clear. There should be no new investment as long as the junta is in place. Existing investors should stay only if they are doing more good than harm,” Tin Tun Naing said.
The people strike back
The creation of the People’s Defence Force as the NUG’s armed wing in May has also sparked internal debates over the prospects for a united armed insurgency against the junta. Tin Tun Naing declined to say how much funding the NUG was allocating to the PDF, but stressed that its role was to protect civilians and safeguard communities.
“We are not raising a conventional army to wage an all-out war. Our victory will come from the fact that the people support us. Our priority therefore has to be on supporting the people. We will not buy guns if we cannot feed our people,” the finance minister said.
Another cabinet minister admitted that the goal of unifying all ethnic armed groups into a federal army would be extremely difficult. For the foreseeable future, the minister said, the priority was for the PDF to form a federal alliance with other armed groups.
Myanmar analyst Mr David Mathieson says it is too early to predict what direction the new insurgency of the NUG or PDF will take as the situation evolves. But he branded the idea of an alliance between the NUG and ethnic armed groups as a “chimera”.
“Why should they all be under unified command? That is such an NLD mania to control everything and subordinate ethnic grievances to their political agenda: that is partly why the country is in such a mess,” he said.
Not all PDFs are under the command of the NUG, either. While some local PDFs have pledged allegiance to the parallel government, they essentially operate on their own, without assistance from the NUG. Mr Mathieson warned that this could result in a “fragmented” security situation and even a “nightmare scenario” in which “many anti-SAC PDF’s through desperation … engag[e] in various acts of criminality to finance armed resistance … [and] overburden local communities and retard economic growth”.
Defence minister U Yee Mon in early August told Myanmar Now that the NUG plans to unify civilian defence forces throughout the country under one command, and again parroted the “D-Day” narrative, a term hyped up by the NUG in anticipation of an all-out offensive against the Tatmadaw at some future date.
U Kyaw Win, the pseudonym of a Yangon-based political commentator and activist, said the NUG’s constant talk and lack of action about a military offensive was creating frustration..
“The NUG needs to remember that without a controlled territory, there would not be any form of recognition from foreign governments,” he said. But despite a plethora of challenges confronting the NUG, Kyaw Win stressed the NUG is “still the hope for the people, even if we are disappointed in some of their performances”.
“As long as the revolution is not finished,” he said, “the NUG shall have to continue as the frontline political organisation of our revolution.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Kan Htauk was too badly injured to tell villagers what had happened when they found him. He died three days later
Description:
"A 72-year-old man died after being badly beaten by junta forces during a raid on his village in Magway Region’s Gangaw Township last week, two local sources told Myanmar Now.
Most residents of Hnankhar fled into nearby forests when four trucks carrying soldiers arrived on Wednesday, but Kan Htauk stayed behind in his home because he was not in good health, the sources said.
When the soldiers left the village the next afternoon, villagers returned to find the old man covered with bruises and cuts and unable to communicate what had happened to him, said a resident who is close to his family.
“He had to stay there with all those injuries that whole night and the next morning. His knees were torn open. I think he was dragged along the ground,” the resident told Myanmar Now.
A group of residents who were hiding near the village while the soldiers were stationed there said they heard Kan Htauk screaming in pain, and that it sounded like he was being beaten near his house.
After finding the man on Thursday, the villagers took him to a nearby forest, fearing that the soldiers might return. But they brought him back the next day to try to get him medical attention when his condition failed to improve. He died of his injuries on Saturday morning.
“Nearly all of us fled to the forests,” the resident said. “We didn’t think the soldiers would do that to an old man who was not even in good health. We thought they mostly targeted young people.”
The old man was not able to tell the villagers what had happened to him because he was suffering too much from his injuries, the resident added.
A photo of Kan Htauk’s body seen by Myanmar Now showed bruises on both his eyes and his left arm, and deep gashes on his knees.
The Hnankhar Youth Group, a local volunteer organisation, helped to cremate his body on Saturday morning.
During the raid, soldiers looted about 20 houses in the village, another local said. “They took all the gold, money, TVs and other valuable things,” he said.
The sources said the raid was a response to a landmine attack by local resistance forces against 40 army trucks passing along the Gangaw-Kalay highway on August 18, in which the military suffered heavy casualties.
A chapter of the People’s Defence Force in Yaw, an area covering Gangaw, Htilin and Saw townships, has claimed responsibility for the attack. Myanmar Now was unable to independently confirm the details.
Neither a military spokesperson nor officials from Gangaw police station answered calls seeking comments on the raid at Hnankhar.
In late May, regime forces shot three people dead and set houses on fire during raids on other villages in Gangaw. The raids were triggered by bomb attacks against military trucks.
Tens of thousands of residents in about a dozen villages in Gangaw fled their homes the following month amid a build-up of troops in the area. Soldiers stationed in a factory near Hnankhar at the time also looted the houses of those who had fled.
At least 1,013 civilians have been killed by the junta since the coup, while over 7,400 have been arrested, according to a recent tally from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes in Sagaing and Magwe regions due to recent junta raids, according to local sources.
Junta forces have been raiding one village after another in Tabayin, Minkin, Myaung, Yinmarbin and Kani townships in Sagaing and Yesagyo and other townships in Magwe, attacking the bases of local resistance fighters, detaining civilians and looting.
Junta troops used local villagers as human shields while traveling from one village to another during raids in Myaung, a member of the township People’s Defense Force (PDF) told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity.
“They have been on the rampage lately in Myaung. They came here because military informants were killed and to wipe out the Myaung PDF. They use around 10 villagers as human shields when they go from one village to the next. They release the villagers after they reach their destination,” he said.
Human Rights Affairs Minister U Aung Myo Min of the parallel National Unity Government called the regime’s use of civilians as human shields the worst form of human rights violations and a war crime.
By THE IRRAWADDY 24 August 2021
Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes in Sagaing and Magwe regions due to recent junta raids, according to local sources.
Junta forces have been raiding one village after another in Tabayin, Minkin, Myaung, Yinmarbin and Kani townships in Sagaing and Yesagyo and other townships in Magwe, attacking the bases of local resistance fighters, detaining civilians and looting.
Junta troops used local villagers as human shields while traveling from one village to another during raids in Myaung, a member of the township People’s Defense Force (PDF) told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity.
“They have been on the rampage lately in Myaung. They came here because military informants were killed and to wipe out the Myaung PDF. They use around 10 villagers as human shields when they go from one village to the next. They release the villagers after they reach their destination,” he said.
Human Rights Affairs Minister U Aung Myo Min of the parallel National Unity Government called the regime’s use of civilians as human shields the worst form of human rights violations and a war crime.
“They arrest and torture people in villages, and also force them to carry things for the army. And they also use civilians as shields or deterrents against enemy attacks. These are more than human rights violations; they are blatant war crimes,” said U Aung Myo Min.
The Myanmar military’s code of ethics also bars military personnel from using civilians in fighting or putting their lives at risk.
By THE IRRAWADDY 24 August 2021
Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes in Sagaing and Magwe regions due to recent junta raids, according to local sources.
Junta forces have been raiding one village after another in Tabayin, Minkin, Myaung, Yinmarbin and Kani townships in Sagaing and Yesagyo and other townships in Magwe, attacking the bases of local resistance fighters, detaining civilians and looting.
Junta troops used local villagers as human shields while traveling from one village to another during raids in Myaung, a member of the township People’s Defense Force (PDF) told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity.
“They have been on the rampage lately in Myaung. They came here because military informants were killed and to wipe out the Myaung PDF. They use around 10 villagers as human shields when they go from one village to the next. They release the villagers after they reach their destination,” he said.
Human Rights Affairs Minister U Aung Myo Min of the parallel National Unity Government called the regime’s use of civilians as human shields the worst form of human rights violations and a war crime.
“They arrest and torture people in villages, and also force them to carry things for the army. And they also use civilians as shields or deterrents against enemy attacks. These are more than human rights violations; they are blatant war crimes,” said U Aung Myo Min.
The Myanmar military’s code of ethics also bars military personnel from using civilians in fighting or putting their lives at risk.
Junta troops raided villages in Tabayin as of Sunday and at least seven youths were detained, according to locals.
“They stayed overnight at Oh Tein Twin Village, and took food, drinks and rice. They took liquor from the pub and killed chickens for meat. They arrested people and looted. And they destroyed the things they don’t need so that other people can’t use them,” said a Tabayin villager.
One young person was shot dead as junta troops opened fire while arresting five youths in the village of Hinthar in Yesagyo Township of Magwe Region, a township PDF member told The Irrawaddy.
“As many junta troops have come recently, it appears that they are acting according to a plan to get rid of the PDF. Our weapons are no match for theirs, though there are many resistance fighters available to fight them. As the NUG has not declared ‘D-Day’, and we are not yet in a position to fight them in terms of weaponry, we have had to withdraw,” he said.
A PDF base in Shwe Hlan Village was raided on Aug. 19 in Yesagyo Township, and weapons were seized. More weapons were seized from the village during the junta raid on Saturday.
Junta forces also attacked a PDF base in Myaung Township, forcing resistance fighters to withdraw..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"More than six months after the Myanmar military launched its coup d’etat on 1 February, neither the military junta nor the National Unity Government (NUG) established by elected parliamentarians on 16 April have been widely recognised internationally as the government.
The decision to recognise a new government can be made bilaterally by other States, but as a general rule most States avoid doing this.
One reason is so that in situations like Myanmar after the 2021 coup, a State can seek to maintain a diplomatic presence in the country, while trying to avoid legitimising an entity that has taken power unlawfully.
Despite the usual practice of States not recognising governments, sometimes their actions can suggest recognition, for example decisions on who attends a meeting or who is allowed to access money held abroad.
When the recognition of a new government is considered, three tests are usually applied: the entity’s effective control of the territory; its democratic legitimacy; and its adherence to international law.
This briefing paper gives an overview of the implications of recognition and outlines what the tests for recognition broadly entail. It then considers which entity in Myanmar best meets the criteria of being its government.
The paper concludes that ultimately, the political assessments of individual States will determine which entity, if any, they might choose to recognise as Myanmar’s government. However, SAC-M’s assessment of the three tests above finds that the NUG meets the criteria for international recognition as the government of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
342.67 KB
more
Description:
"As of 23 August, (1013) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Taunggyi Township in Shan State, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region and Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 23, a total of (5821) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Soe Lwin Lwin was a primary school teacher at a Thein Kone Village Basic Education Middle School in Taunggyi Township, Shan State, arbitrarily arrested by the terrorist junta, and had been involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Soe Lwin Lwin contracted COVID-19 while detained in Taung Lay Lone (Nyaung Shwe) Prison and died on August 22.
On the evening of August 22, the terrorist junta raided and opened fire in Hinthar Village in Yesagyo Township, Magway Region, after a junta-appointed village administrator informed on them. Five villagers were shot at in an attempt to make arrests. Chit Ye Yint, one of five, was shot dead in the forehead.
On August 21 around 8 pm, Maung Aye and a nurse, Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township, Sagaing Region, were shot to death by terrorist junta’s soldiers who were patrolling in the area. The husband and wife were returning home by motorbike from selling agricultural products. It is reported that Maung Aye was shot in the head and Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.43 MB 5.53 MB 1.86 MB
more
Description:
"Detained political columnist U Sithu Aung Myint is facing life in prison on sedition charges for being critical of Myanmar’s junta and for allegedly backing the shadow National Unity Government (NUG).
The junta arrested U Sithu Aung Myint, an outspoken junta critic, and Ma Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer working with the BBC, from a hideout in Yangon on August 15.
The junta-controlled media announced on Saturday that the columnist wrote articles criticizing the military for the Voice of America and Frontier Myanmar after the February coup. It said he also posted articles on Facebook criticizing the regime’s governing body, the State Administrative Council, inciting government employees to join the civil disobedience movement and backed the NUG, which has been declared a terrorist organization.
An arrest warrant was issued for U Sithu Aung Myint in April for allegedly spreading false news under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code, which carries up to three years’ imprisonment.
The junta-controlled media said he was also charged with Article 124(a) of the Penal Code which prohibits “any attempt to cause hatred, contempt and disaffection” towards the military or government. The charge carries a sentence of life in prison.
Ma Htet Htet Khine was charged under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for allegedly working as a volunteer editor for Federal FM launched by the NUG and for harboring U Sithu Aung Myint.
Ma Htet Htet Khine was the presenter of a program for audiences in Myanmar called “Khan Sar Kyi” (Burmese for “Feel it”) for BBC Media Action, the corporation’s international development charity.
“We are concerned by the detention and charges against our freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine,” BBC Media Action said, adding that it was monitoring the situation.
The two journalists have had no access to a lawyer since their arrest.
U Khin Maung Myint, the legal adviser to Ma Htet Htet Khine, said the two were had been relocated to police custody from a military interrogation center and are likely to be moved soon to Insein Prison, where he expects to have contact with her.
The two join around 50 jailed journalists as the junta continues to crack down on journalists with arrests and lawsuits to silence coverage of its atrocities.
Since the February coup, the junta has arrested 95 journalists and media staff. Of them, six have been convicted under Article 505(a) and one was sentenced under Article 188 of the Penal Code for defying government orders..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s committee of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians has condemned ASEAN for excluding it from the regional body’s Inter Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and inviting a junta representative as an observer instead.
On Saturday, representatives from ASEAN’s parliaments convened for the 42nd assembly in Brunei. The meeting lasts until Wednesday.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) or CRPH was formed mostly by NLD lawmakers after the military coup in February. In April they formed the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), claiming to be the legitimate civilian government of Myanmar. Since their formation, both the CRPH and NUG have received huge popular support at home but struggle to gain international recognition despite engaging with other countries, including the US.
It is not the first time ASEAN has refused to recognize Myanmar’s democratic representatives. In April, the NUG’s representative was not invited to ASEAN’s special summit on Myanmar. Instead, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, attended the meeting where ASEAN set out five points to resolve Myanmar’s turmoil.
By THE IRRAWADDY 23 August 2021
Myanmar’s committee of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians has condemned ASEAN for excluding it from the regional body’s Inter Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and inviting a junta representative as an observer instead.
On Saturday, representatives from ASEAN’s parliaments convened for the 42nd assembly in Brunei. The meeting lasts until Wednesday.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) or CRPH was formed mostly by NLD lawmakers after the military coup in February. In April they formed the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), claiming to be the legitimate civilian government of Myanmar. Since their formation, both the CRPH and NUG have received huge popular support at home but struggle to gain international recognition despite engaging with other countries, including the US.
It is not the first time ASEAN has refused to recognize Myanmar’s democratic representatives. In April, the NUG’s representative was not invited to ASEAN’s special summit on Myanmar. Instead, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, attended the meeting where ASEAN set out five points to resolve Myanmar’s turmoil.
The CRPH on Sunday said the AIPA president, who also is the speaker of the Brunei Legislative Council, ignored its letter of nomination and approved the junta’s representative as an observer at the meeting. Last month, Myanmar’s junta revoked the 2020 election results and Min Aung Hlaing installed himself as prime minister earlier this month.
The CRPH said the APIA’s action “has steered the ASEAN parliamentary family on an undemocratic and unrepresentative course … choosing dictatorship over democracy … cowardice over political principles”.
The CRPH asked other ASEAN parliamentary delegates at this week’s assembly to call for the inclusion of Myanmar’s delegation.
ASEAN’s recognition is seen as important to establish the NUG’s legitimacy. ASEAN is yet to officially recognized the regime.
The CRPH said the exclusion of Myanmar’s delegation “will grievously impugn AIPA’s parliamentary independence and its standing among the global family of parliaments”.
Myanmar’s people condemned ASEAN online. “We have no trust in you,” said a comment.
Another said: “ASEAN is under influence and is biased. It should respect democracy and the elected government.”
Early this month, ASEAN appointed Brunei’s deputy foreign affairs minister, Erywan Yusof, as a special envoy to Myanmar. However, there is little hope ASEAN will work effectively to resolve the crisis..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, ASEAN-Burma relations, National Unity Government (NUG)
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁)
၂၃ ဩဂုတ် ၂၀၂၁
“ပြည်သူ့တပ်မတော်သားများ၊ ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် မူဝါဒ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခြင်း”
၁။ ယနေ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် “အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ”သည် ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒနှင့်အညီ ပေါ်ပေါက် လာသည့် “တရားဝင်” ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရ ဖြစ်သည်ဟုလည်းကောင်း၊ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြု၍ “တရားမဝင်” အာဏာသိမ်းယူထားရုံသာမက ပြည်သူကိုဖိနှိပ် ညှင်းပမ်းသတ်ဖြတ်နေသော “အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု” ဖြစ်သည်ဟုလည်းကောင်း မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးနှင့် သက်သေ အထောက်အထားဖြစ်စဉ်များက ဆုံးဖြတ်သတ်မှတ်ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ ယခုအခြေအနေတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏အမိန့်အာဏာကို မလွန်ဆန်နိုင်၍ ၎င်း၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်ရပ်တည်နေကြသော တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ခါးပိုက်ဆောင်နှင့်လက်ကိုင်တုတ်အဖြစ် ဆက်လက်ရပ်တည်မည့်အစား အမှန်တရားနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်သို့ ခိုလှုံရပ်တည်ကာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဦးဆောင်မှုကို ခံယူရေးအတွက် မိမိတို့၏ကိုယ်ပိုင်အသိဉာဏ်ဖြင့် ယှဉ်လျက် ရွေးချယ်ဆုံးဖြတ်ကြရန် လိုအပ်လာသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ လက်ကိုင်တုတ်များအဖြစ် ရပ်တည်နေခြင်းသည် အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို အလွဲသုံးစားပြုခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူကို ပုန်ကန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် ပြည်သူ၏ အရေးယူဒဏ်ခတ်မှုကို မလွဲမသွေခံယူကြရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို လေးလေးနက်နက် သတိပြုအပ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားမဝင်အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်ကိုခိုလှုံကာ ပြည်သူနှင့်ပူးပေါင်းမည့် တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့များ၏ ရပ်တည် ချက်မှန်ကန်မှု၊ ဉာဏ်အမြှော်အမြင်ရှိမှုကို လေးစားအသိအမှတ်ပြုလျက် ၎င်းတို့အတွက် လိုအပ်သော တာဝန်ယူမှုနှင့် ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်မှုများ ဖြည့်ဆည်းဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် အောက်ပါ မူဝါဒများကို ချမှတ်လိုက်သည်-
(က) တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် လမ်းခွဲလျက် ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင် ခိုလှုံရန် ဝန်ခံကတိပြုသော တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား “ပြည်သူ့သားကောင်းများ” အဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုမည်။
(ခ) ၎င်းတပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ လုပ်သက်၊ ရာထူး နှင့် ပင်စင်တို့အား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ယူမည်။
(ဂ) ၎င်းတို့ လတ်တလောလိုအပ်သော အသက်လုံခြုံမှု၊ မိသားစုဘဝလုံခြုံမှုနှင့် ဘဝရပ်တည်မှုတို့ကို အာမခံနိုင်သော ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်မည့်အစီအမံများ ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
(ဃ) ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်ခိုလှုံမည့် တပ်ရင်းတပ်ဖွဲ့များ၊ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအားတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ ဒဏ် ခတ်အရေးယူခြင်း မပြုလုပ်ရန် "ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်" ကိုလည်းကောင်း၊ မဟာမိတ်များကို လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်သူများကိုလည်းကောင်း အသိပေးညှိုနှိုင်း အကြောင်းကြားထားမည်။
(င) အဆိုပါ တပ်ရင်းတပ်ဖွဲ့များ၊ တပ်မတော်သားများ၊ ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များသည် အသစ်ပြန်လည် ဖွဲ့စည်းမည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တပ်မတော်နှင့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့တွင် အရေးကြီးသော အခန်းကဏ္ဍမှ ဆက်လက်ပါဝင် ပူးပေါင်းနိုင်ရန် အစီအစဉ်များ ချမှတ်ထားရှိမည်။
၅။ အထက်ပါ မူဝါဒများနှင့်အညီ လိုအပ်သောလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ချမှတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ပြည်သူ့တပ်မတော်သားများ၊ ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား ကြိုဆိုလက်ခံရေးနှင့် တပ်များ ပေါင်းစည်းရေးအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ် ဦးဆောင်ပါဝင်သော အထူးကော်မတီတစ်ရပ်ကို အမျိုး သားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ဖွဲ့စည်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေး ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။
ဒူဝါလရှီးလ
ယာယီသမ္မတ
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
475.29 KB
Local URL:
more
Description:
"In Part 3 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Khin Thandar (pseudonym) tells her story post-coup that highlights a different reality and involvement than the rest of the country.
Editor’s note: This is part 3 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Read Part 1 and Part 2. Access to the full report is available at the end of this post.
Khin Thandar comes from a small village in Rakhine State. She is actively involved with a number of Arakan civil society organizations and youth groups. She was interviewed on May 2.
What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future.
I was in Yangon when the coup happened. I had a lot of missed calls from my friends and activists I work with that night, and when I finally answered one at around 4:30 a.m., I found out there had been a military coup. Actually, I wasn’t that shocked. I had suspected the coup would happen. My first thought was that, based on our experience in Rakhine State, people needed to prepare for an internet shutdown and for not being able to communicate with their loved ones. So, I began to calmly spread this message with my network.
In contrast to many of my friends, I never really thought of going out into the streets to protest against the coup. You know, while people in Yangon and NLD supporters—mostly from the Bamar majority—were experiencing the so-called ‘democratic transition’ in recent years, we in Rakhine State continued to live and suffer under a military dictatorship. After the coup, these very same groups began calling for unity of all of Myanmar, but where were they when our ethnic people were dying in communal and armed conflicts? It is unfair and very painful. Actually, many people in Rakhine State feel as much distrust and even hatred towards the Bamar majority as they do towards the military.
Because of this, I felt a little out of place in Yangon after the coup, so I decided to go back to my home state. When I arrived, I met with some youth who were thinking of organizing a protest. We discussed it for a while, especially the high risk of getting arrested or even killed since the military presence in Rakhine State is much bigger than in Yangon. We asked ourselves: Who is it exactly we would be protesting for? And do we deserve to get jailed or killed for that? In the end, we decided against it. That is why Rakhine State is ‘silent’ now: we don’t talk about the military, and there is no CDM here.
What affected my life post-coup the most have been the progressive internet shutdowns. I had to cancel many of my plans, like an online civic education course for university students that I had been preparing together with some of my seniors. I was also unable to move abroad for my master’s studies as I had originally planned since my flight got cancelled in part due to the coup here and in part due to a Covid-19 outbreak over there. Luckily, I can study online, but I’ve had to move a couple of times in order to secure a stable internet connection. What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future.
Of course, the coup has also affected me and everyone around me psychologically. The constant stream of bad news is heart-breaking. When I get too stressed, I spend time alone, go for walks on the beach, listen to music, or exercise. Sometimes, I write down my thoughts and feelings about what’s going on in the country.
In my family there are different opinions on the current events, so it has become a very sensitive topic for us. For the first few weeks after the coup, we couldn’t even discuss it. I experienced something similar with my personal network as well. First, I was sharing my opinions about the political situation very openly, both online and offline. But then this led to fights with friends and other activists, and people began accusing me of being selfish. So in the end, I decided to stay silent.
I feel like everyone wants to get media attention nowadays, but I would say that the world needs to listen to the unheard voices in Myanmar before it overgeneralizes the situation in the country. I’m personally worried about my state, because in contrast to the past when there was a lot of discussion, Rakhine State is now silent. It feels scary and I worry there will be more fighting in the future.
Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.29 MB
more
Sub-title:
The Statement of CRPH regarding the approval of unrepresentative military junta person to be an observer at 42nd General Assembly
Description:
"The Statement of CRPH regarding the approval of unrepresentative military junta
person to be an observer at 42nd General Assembly.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) condemned the exclusion of
Myanmar’s Parliamentary Delegation from the 42nd Session of the ASEAN INTER
PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY (AIPA).
The condemnation is resoundingly echoed by all Members of CRPH and Members of
Parliament across Myanmar.
AIPA is the peak parliamentary body for the ASEAN parliaments and is about to convene its
42nd Assembly in Brunei from 5 PM-22nd-25th August. The nominated Myanmar delegation is
U Aung Kyi Nyunt (Chair of the CRPH), and members of the International Relations Committee
of the CRPH; Daw Myat Thida Htun and U Sithu Maung.
The AIPA President H.E. Pehin Dato Abdul Rahman Taib, the Speaker of the Brunei
Legislative Council, has yet to accord parliamentary courtesy and reply to our letter to him
nominating Myanmar’s legitimate delegation. The only conclusion we can draw is that the AIPA
President has steered the ASEAN Parliamentary family to an undemocratic and
unrepresentative course.
To add insult to injury, we are advised that the AIPA President has approved an unelected
unrepresentative military junta person to be an observer; if so choosing dictatorship over
democracy; political cowardice over political principle. The exclusion of Myanmar’s delegation
will grievously impugn AlPA’s parliamentary independence and its standing among the global
family of parliaments.
This 42nd Assembly will be marked as one of shame, if AIPA choses to flaunt its own Statutes
that include the provision to promote the principles of human rights, democracy, peace,
security and prosperity in ASEAN, and Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
that recognises the will of the people to freely choose their own representatives.
If it is a misunderstanding, it should be cleared up and we stand ready to heed the call and
join via AV means. We also urge all MP Parliamentary delegates attending to call for inclusion
of the Myanmar delegation..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
32.65 KB
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The Statement of CRPH regarding the approval of unrepresentative military junta person to be an observer at 42nd General Assembly - အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော်ညီလာခံတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား လေ့လာသူအဖြစ် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၏ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description:
"အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော်ညီလာခံတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား လေ့လာသူအဖြစ် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၏ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) သည် (၄၂) ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံပါလီမန်များ ညီလာခံ (AIPA) အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အားတက်ရောက်ခွင့် မပြုခြင်းအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုတ်ချ လိုက်ပါသည်။
ယင်းကိစ္စရပ်နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ တစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များမှလည်း ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုတ်ချလျက်ရှိသည်။
အာဆီယံပါလီမန်များညီလာခံ (AIPA)သည် အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော်များအတွက် အမြင့်ဆုံးလွှတ်တော် အဖွဲ့အစည်း တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ပြီး (၄၂) ကြိမ်မြောက်ညီလာခံအား ဘရူနိုင်းနိုင်ငံတွင် ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၂ ရက်မှ ၂၅ ရက်အထိ ကျင်းပရန် စီစဉ်ထားသည်။ မြန်မာလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့် CRPH ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ဦးအောင်ကြည်ညွန့်၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေးကော်မတီမှ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များဖြစ်သည့် ဒေါ်မြတ်သီတာထွန်းနှင့် ဦးစည်သူမောင်တို့မှ တက်ရောက်ရန် အမည်စာရင်း တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။
အာဆီယံပါလီမန်ညီလာခံ အလှည့်ကျဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ ဘရူးနိုင်းဥပဒေပြုကောင်စီ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ H.E. Pehin Dato Abdul Rahman Taib သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့၏ အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းမှု အကြောင်းကြားစာအား လွှတ်တော်ဆိုင်ရာ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုနှင့်အညီ ပြန်ကြားခဲ့ခြင်းမရှိသေးပါ။ ထိုသို့ အကြောင်း တစ်စုံတစ်ရာ ပြန်ကြားခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ချန်လှပ် ထားသည့် AIPA ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ၏ လုပ်ဆောင်မှုသည် အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော် အသိုက်အဝန်းအား ဒီမိုကရေစီစံနှုန်းနှင့်မညီသော၊ ကိုယ်စားပြုနိုင်မှုမရှိသည့် လမ်းစဉ်တစ်ခုသို့ ဦးတည်စေခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်ဟူ၍သာ မှတ်ယူပါသည်။
ပို၍ဆိုးရွားသည်မှာ AIPA ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ အနေဖြင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံမဟုတ်သော ကိုယ်စားပြုမှုမရှိသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်မှ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တစ်ဦးအား လေ့လာသူအဖြစ် အတည်ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ဤဖြစ်ရပ်သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီကိုကျော်လွန်ပြီး အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ရွေးချယ်ခြင်း၊ လိုက်နာရမည့် နိုင်ငံရေးစည်းမျဉ်းကို ကျော်လွန်ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးသတ္တိကြောင်မှုကို ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့ခြင်းသာဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အား ချန်လှပ်ထားခြင်းသည် AIPA ၏ လွှတ်တော်ဆိုင်ရာလွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ကမ္ဘာ့လွှတ်တော် အသိုက်အဝန်းအကြား ၎င်း၏ ရပ်တည်မှုကို ဝမ်းနည်းဖွယ် ထိခိုက်စေလိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။
AIPA သည် အာဆီယံဒေသတွင်း၌ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် သာယာဝပြောမှု စသည့် အခြေခံစည်းမျဉ်းများကို မြှင့်တင်ရန် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကို ၎င်း၏ဥပဒေများတွင် ထည့်သွင်းထားသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာစာတမ်း၏ ပုဒ်မ (၂၁) တွင်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုက ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်စားပြုသူများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ရွေးချယ်ရန် အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားသည်။ ထိုအချက်များကို ဟန်ပြသက်သက်သာ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် (သို့မဟုတ်) မိမိ၏ အခြေခံမူဝါဒ ကို ကျော်လွန်ရွေးချယ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ပါက ဤ (၄၂)ကြိမ်မြောက် AIPA ညီလာခံသည် ရှက်ဖွယ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် မှတ်တမ်းဝင်သွား လိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
နားလည်မှုတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ လွဲချော်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါက အလျင်အမြန်ရှင်းလင်းရန်လိုအပ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အား ဖိတ်ခေါ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ပါက ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် အစည်းဝေးသို့ အလေးထားစွာဖြင့် ပါဝင်တက်ရောက်ရန် အဆင်သင့်ရှိပါသည်။ အစည်းအဝေးတက်ရောက်မည့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် အဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့်လည်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အား ညီလာခံသို့ တက်ရောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တောင်းဆိုပေးပါရန် လေးလေးနက်နက်တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါ သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
353.62 KB
more
Description:
"Myanmar's military government has arrested two more local journalists, army-owned television reported on Saturday, the latest among dozens of detentions in a sweeping crackdown on the media since a Feb. 1 coup.
Sithu Aung Myint, a columnist for news site Frontier Myanmar and commentator with Voice of America radio, and Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, were arrested on Aug. 15, Myawaddy TV reported.
Sithu Aung Myint was charged with sedition and spreading false information that Myawaddy said was critical of the junta and had urged people to join strikes and back outlawed opposition groups.
Htet Htet Khine was accused of harbouring Sithu Aung Myint, a criminal suspect, and working for and supporting a shadow National Unity Government.
BBC Media Action said in a statement it was concerned about Htet Htet Khine's safety and the charges against her, and was closely monitoring the situation.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said the pair were being held incommunicado.
"We strongly condemn the arbitrary conditions of their detention, which reflect the brutality with which the military junta treats journalists," said its Asia-Pacific desk head Daniel Bastard.
Myanmar remains fraught with instability and opposition to army rule, under which more than 1,000 people have been killed, according to an activist group that has tracked killings by security forces.
The military, which has revoked the licenses of many news outlets, says it respects the role of media but will not allow news reporting it deems false or likely to create public unrest.
A report by the Committee to Protect Journalists last month said Myanmar's rulers had effectively criminalised independent journalism.
Human Rights Watch late last month said the army government had arrested 98 journalists since the coup and should stop prosecuting media staff. Of those arrested, 46 remained in custody as of the end of July..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"August 21, 2021, Myanmar: The Myanmar military is attending the International Army Games in Russia, participating in multiple events where they will hone skills that aid and abet the military’s ongoing atrocity crimes. The “games” are organised by Russia’s Ministry of Defence, along with the concurrent event, International Military and Technical Forum, ARMY 2021, which promotes arms sales and technical cooperation and will showcase military use of artificial intelligence.
The International Army Games, which begin on August 22, coincide with the fourth anniversary of the launch of the Myanmar military’s “clearance operations” against the Rohingya on August 25, which amounted to the crime of genocide.
At the Army Games, the Myanmar military will be competing in events including the “tank biathlon”, “sea cup”, “sniper frontier”, “airborne platoon” and “army of culture”. These events further equip the Myanmar military with skills to kill, as they continue deliberate attacks against Myanmar people with total impunity. The “games” also provide the Myanmar junta with a platform for multilateral military cooperation at a time when it is seeking international legitimacy following its illegitimate February 1 coup attempt.
For instance, the objectives of “sniper frontier” are “strengthening of international military cooperation among states…; raising the level of training of sniper units; learning sniper actions, implementing best practices, methods of sniper training; exchanging experience and increasing the prestige of military service”.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Russia has reached new depths of complicity by inviting the Myanmar military to participate in the Army Games, while this military continues its campaign of terror across the country and weaponises Covid-19 for political gain. Military cooperation, training, and arms sales amount to aiding and abetting the Myanmar military’s international crimes. We call on the international community to take immediate action to end Russian complicity in war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Myanmar military, including through a global arms embargo. The Myanmar military’s participation in the Army Games will embolden the illegal junta, which is murdering Myanmar people daily in a desperate attempt to entrench their power. This is not a “game” for the Myanmar people.”
While ASEAN has agreed to a five-point consensus on Myanmar, which includes the immediate cessation of violence, ASEAN member states and their regional supporters are participating in events with the Myanmar military in Russia, including the militaries of China, Malaysia, Vietnam, Lao, India and Bangladesh. Israel and the EU member states of Greece and Cyprus are also participating in the “games”.
Yadanar Maung continues: “The participation of some ASEAN member states and regional powers in games with the Myanmar military further calls into question their commitment to end violence in Myanmar and broker a peaceful solution in the interests of the Myanmar people. We reiterate calls for the UN to urgently intervene in the humanitarian and human rights crisis caused by the military through its brutal coup attempt and campaign of terror.”
The cost of Myanmar’s participation in the event is substantial but undisclosed, coming at the expense of the Myanmar people who are facing a severe humanitarian and human rights catastrophe as the junta’s collective punishment against people who categorically reject their coup attempt deepens and COVID-19 spreads exponentially. One of the more costly events is the “sea cup”, in which Myanmar will deploy a warship to the base of Russia’s Pacific Fleet in Vladivostok..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
182.09 KB 124.88 KB
more
Description:
"As of 21 August, (1009) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. (1) from Gantgaw Township in Magway Region died today and (1) from Shwepyithar Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 19 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 21, a total of (5787) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
On the evening of August 18, terrorist junta soldiers raided Hnan Khar Village in Gantgaw Township, Magway Region. 72 years old Kan Htaunt who was not able to run away from the village because of his age was punched and kicked continuously by entering junta troops. Kan Htaunt died on the morning of August 21 from this torturous assault.
On the evening of August 19, a large number of security forces raided a hostel in Shwepyithar Township, Yangon Region, having accused it of housing the PDF. A young man named Lin Lin Tun a.k.a Bo Phyu was shot in the stomach and died on the spot while he was attempting to jump out of the window to escape. In addition to this, Hnin Ei Khaing, a young woman, was arrested.
Tun Win, living in Shan State’s Muse Town, who contracted COVID-19, was arrested at his home by terrorist junta troops on August 20 as they did not find his son they were looking for.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.43 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
more
Description:
"In 200 days, the terrorist-like so-called ‘State Administrative Council’ has murdered (1007) civilians from the pro-democracy movement against the illegitimate coup attempt. Our organization, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has been monitoring human rights violations since long before the military coup and began documenting recent fatalities with the fatal shooting of Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing on 9 February in Naypyidaw. Proportionately, an average of five innocent civilians is killed each day by junta.
“We’ve seen how the military junta followed a pattern with its escalation of deadly and arbitrary force” said AAPP, “At first they used rubber bullets and tear gas, when this did not produce the desired subordination to dictatorial rule, a campaign of terror began in March”. Cases of arson, looting, arbitrary assaults, torture, artillery, and massacres are no widespread across the country.
The paragraphs below detail categories of occupations, demographics, and events to illustrate the sweeping destruction this murderous military coup was wrought.
Professions
At the onset of the coup, teachers, doctors, have been some of those most systematically targeted for their involvement in anti-coup protests, the civil disobedience movement, and offering support in crackdowns. Since the coup, (6) medics, (7) engineers, (10) teachers and (71) students have been killed by the junta.
Deadliest Day
On 27 March, AAPP documented the deadliest day of the military’s brutal crackdown attempts. (164) courageous civilians lost their lives, across the country including in Insein and Dala Township, Yangon, in Meiktila and Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay, in Monwya and Shwebo, Sagaing, in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. (2) 18-year-olds and (14) under-18’s were killed by the junta. Total (16) 18 and under killed on this day.
Regions
The inhumanity of this terrorist like military has forced people Burma across the country in daily life-threatening situations. Since the coup (241) people have been murdered in Yangon Region, (217) people murdered in Mandalay Region, and (204) in Sagaing Region.
Vulnerable Groups
International humanitarian law has requirements for the protection of children, found throughout the Fourth Geneva Convention and in its additional protocols. The Convention on the Rights of the Child also states that parties must take “all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by armed conflict”. Yet, since the coup in Burma, (20) 18-year-olds and (62) under-18’s were killed. Total (82) 18 and under have been murdered by the junta.
Since the coup at least (70) women people been murdered according to AAPP’s most recently published fatality list. International humanitarian law recognizes that males are afforded the same protection as women and vice versa, but specific vulnerabilities guarantee protection for females. This equally applies to persons not confirming to traditional gender roles, who are systemically exposed to egregious human rights violations. On 4 June Thaw Thaw, a transgender woman, was shot in the arm and rib by junta troops in in Kyaukpadaung Township, Mandalay, and died from lack of medical treatment.
Protests
People are being killed at peaceful protests, often spontaneous gatherings but always the movement has remained a leaderless organic rejection of an illegitimate coup attempt. (649) have been killed at pro-democracy demonstrations since 1 February. Some of the most violent and least indefensible, even for this murderous junta, have been the unprovoked shootings and raids in neighbourhood and homes. Even on streets in the middle of day, youths racing to get back home are murdered by junta terrorists in unmarked vehicles.
One of the most heinous atrocities was on 23 March when the junta troops raided a family home in Mandalay City. Khin Myo Chit a 6 year-year-old, was shot covering in her fathers’ arms.
When a teenager is shot in the back of the head, it signifies hostility and intent of the perpetrator. An incident which garnered international attention was the murder of Kyal Sin Lin also known as ‘Angel’, who on 3 March was gunned down running back from a barrier at a pro-democracy protest in Mandalay City. Since the coup (107) have been shot dead in the head.
Torture to Death
There are many other strategies a violent institution like this military will practice, and it does not stop at indiscriminate but intentional shootings. Torturing activists, striking workers, or every-day civilians has been a tactic of this junta. Since the coup (106) have been murdered this way.
Conclusion
The evidence is overwhelming, the intent has been to suppress dissent against dictatorship and for democracy by inflicting crimes against humanity on an entire country. The international response should have been swift and remains to be significant enough to end the impunity. International recognition of the political legitimacy to the National Unity Government sends a message that these crimes will not be tolerated and will begin the process of accountability..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
450.33 KB 995.87 KB
more
Description:
"“အောင်ဘာလေထီလုပ်ငန်းအား အပြီးတိုင်ဖျက်သိမ်းပြီး ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် လက်ကားဝယ်ရောင်းနေသော ထီလုပ်ငန်းရှင်ကြီးများ အနေဖြင့် အောင်ဘာလေထီလက်မှတ်များ ဝယ်ယူ၊ ရောင်းချ၊ ဖြန့်ဖြူးခြင်း မပြုကြရန် အထူးသတိပေး တားမြစ်ခြင်း”
================================
၁။ လောင်းကစားဥပဒေကို ပထမအကြိမ် ပြင်ဆင်သည့်ဥပဒေအား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ဥပဒေအမှတ် (၅) ဖြင့် အတည်ပြုပြဌာန်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ ထိုသို့ ပြင်ဆင်ပြဌာန်းလိုက်သည့် ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၂ ပုဒ်မခွဲ (ည) တွင် -
“ထီ ဆိုသည်မှာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီး ဌာန ပြည်တွင်းအခွန်များဦးစီးဌာနက ကြီးမှူးဖွင့်လှစ်သော “အောင်လံလွှင့်ချီ နွေဦးထီ” ကို
ဆိုသည်။” ဟုအတိအလင်းပြင်ဆင် ပြဌာန်းထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ သို့ပါ၍ လက်ကားထီလုပ်ငန်းရှင်ကြီးများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တရားမဝင် လောင်းကစား ဖြစ်သည့် အောင်ဘာလေထီလက်မှတ်များ ဝယ်ယူရောင်းချဖြန့်ဖြူးခြင်း အလျဉ်းမပြုကြရန် အထူးသတိပေး တားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။
၄။ တားမြစ်ချက်အား ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ထီလုပ်ငန်းရှင်ကြီးများအား တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများနှင့် အညီ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်သွားနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှု ကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ညှိနှိုင်းပေါင်းစပ်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။
တင်ထွန်းနိုင်
ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး
စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
79.36 KB
more
Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
www.nugmyanmar.org
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၃/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀ ဩဂုတ် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်
၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရရဲ့ ထီစနစ်ဖြစ်တဲ့ "အောင်လံလွှင့်ချီ နွေဦးထီ" ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဩဂုတ်လ ၁၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် စတင်ရောင်းချခဲ့သည်။ “အောင်လံလွှင့်ချီ နွေဦးထီ” ကို တရားဝင်လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာ https://www.facebook.com/nuglottery မှတဆင့် ဝယ်ယူနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထီထိုးသော ငွေများထဲမှ ၇၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကို CDM များအား ထောက်ပံ့ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ၃၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအား ဆုကြေးငွေတွေအဖြစ် ထီဖွင့်ပေးသွားမှာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ထီပေါက်သူများက ဆုကြေးငွေကို ပြန်လည်လှူဒါန်းနိုင်ပြီး အဆိုပါ လှူဒါန်းငွေကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ အရေးကြီးသော လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များတွင် အသုံးပြုသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စွမ်းအင်ကဏ္ဍ၏ မြန်မာ့ရေနံဓာတုဗေဒလုပ်ငန်းရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အရာရှိ (၆၉) ဦးအားအမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၁၆ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၀/၂၀၂၁)၁ ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။
၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားကျန်းမာရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြသော အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးညီလာခံ၏ ရလဒ်အဖြစ် အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေး ကော်မတီ (National Health Committee) ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဩဂုတ်လ (၅) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးကော်မတီက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/ လိုက်သည်။ အဆိုပါ အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးကော်မတီတွင် ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် ဖဒိုမန်းမန်း၊ ဒုဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ၁ အဖြစ် ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုး၊ ဒုဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ၂ အဖြစ် ခူးပလူးရယ်၊ အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖြစ် ဒေါက်တာ ဥက္ကာ၊ တွဲဘက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ၁ အဖြစ်စောနေထူး၊ တွဲဘက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ၂ အဖြစ် နန်းစနိုး တို့ပါဝင်ပြီး အဖွဲ့ဝင် (၁၇) ဦးပါဝင်ပါဝင်ပါသည်။ အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ၁၀ ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးကော်မတီ(NHC) ၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များမှာ
(က) ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု ကျန်းမာရေး မူဝါဒ (National Health Policy) ရေးဆွဲချမှတ်သွားရန်၊
(ခ) တိုင်းရင်းသားနယ်မြေ/ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များ၏ ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ငန်းစီမံချက်များကို ဆက်စပ်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန်၊
(ဂ) နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားနိုင်ရန်၊
(ဃ) ဘေးဒဏ်ကပ်ဆိုး အန္တရာယ်အမျိုးမျိုးကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာနိုင်သော အခြေအနေများကို အသင့်ပြင်ဆင်မှု ရှိရန်၊ လျင်မြန်စွာ တုန့်ပြန်နိုင်ရန် တို့ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးကော်မတီ(NHC) ၏ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များမှာ
(က)ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု ကျန်းမာရေးမူဝါဒအပေါ် အခြေခံပြီး ကျန်းမာရေးစနစ် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်၊
(ခ) ကျန်းမာရေးသတင်းအချက်အလက် ပြုစုရေးစနစ်ကို ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်လာရေး အဆင့်မြင်တင်ရန်၊
(ဂ) နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနဲ့ ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး နည်းဗျုဟာများ ချမှတ်ကျင့်သုံးရန်၊
(ဃ) ဆေးပညာသင်တန်းများ ပို့ချနိုင်ရေးနှင့် သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းများ ရေးဆွဲနိုင်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်၊
(င) Covid 19 ရောဂါထိန်းချုပ်ရေး လျှော့ချရေးတို့နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ နည်းဗျုဟာများ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်
၄။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် သဘာဝဘေးအန္တရာယ် ကြုံတွေ့ရသည့် ဒေသများရှိ ပြည်သူများအတွက် လိုအပ်သော ထောက်ပံ့မှုများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် မန္တလေးတိုင်း မိုးကုတ်မြို့နယ် တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော မြေပြို၊ ရေဘေး ကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ခံခဲ့ရပြီး ထောက်ပံ့မှုလိုအပ်နေသော ပြည်သူများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် ၁၀သိန်း ကို ၁၃.၀၈.၂၀၂၁တွင် ပေးပို့ထောက်ပံ့ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အတူ ရေဘေးသင့်ခဲ့ရသော ကချင်ပြည်နယ် မဂါ့ယန် စစ်ရှောင်စခန်းအတွက် ဆန်ရိက္ခာဖိုး ငွေကျပ်၁၈သိန်း၊ မြေပြိုမှုကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသောမိသားစုအတွက် ငွေကျပ် ၁သိန်း နှင့် ဘေးဒဏ်ကြောင့် နေအိမ်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ခြင်းများအတွက် ငွေကျပ် ၅သိန်း စုစုပေါင်း ငွေကျပ်၂၄သိန်းကို ၁၅.၀၈.၂၀၂၁တွင် ထောက်ပံ့ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အကျဉ်းသားများနှင့် ၄င်းတို့မိသားစုများအတွက်လိုအပ်ချက်များကို လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပံ့ပိုးနိုင်ရန် ငွေကျပ် ၁၅သိန်း ကိုလည်း ပေးအပ်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးတင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အဆက်အသွယ်မပြတ်ရှိနေစေရန်နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ အရေးကြီးသော သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို အချိန်နှင့်တပြေးညီ ပြည်သူသို့ အသိပေးနိုင်ရန်အတွက် Radio ထုတ်လွှင့်ရန် ပြင်ဆင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိရာ မကြာမီ အချိန်တွင် စမ်းသပ်ထုတ်လွှင့်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့ မနက် ၈ နာရီတစ်ကြိမ် ည ၈ နာရီတစ်ကြိမ် စမ်းသပ်ထုတ်လွှင့်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သောကြောင့် လှိုင်းတိုမီတာ ၁၆ / မက်ဂါဟဇ် ၁၇ဒသမ ၇၁ တွင် ဖမ်းယူနားဆင်နိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အသေးစိတ်သိရှိလိုပါက လေ့လာရန် လင့်ခ်များ
၁။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/170686425151997
၂။ https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/171327885087851
Republic of the Union of Myanmar
National Unity Government
www.nugmyanmar.org
Press Release (13/2021)
20 August 2021
1. The National Unity Government (NUG) has started selling its Aung Lan Hlwint Chi Spring Lottery on 15 August 2021. People can buy lottery tickets at the official page https://www.facebook.com/nuglottery. The NUG will use 70% of the revenue from lottery sales to support those participating in the civil disobedience movement (CDM) and 30% for prizes. Lottery winners can donate their winnings back to the NUG, and these donations will be used in the crucial work of the NUG.
2. The NUG Ministry of Electricity and Energy has issued an announcement (10/2021) dated 16 August 2021 to declare that 69 officers who have been working for the military junta are blacklisted and dismissed for their roles in oppressing the employees of Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE). These officers threatened and dismissed the employees of MPE who have been participating in the civil disobedience movement, removed them from staff accommodation and demanded that they repay two months’ advance salary.
3. As an outcome of the National Health Conference convened by the NUG Ministry of Health and ethnic health organisations, the National Health Committee (NHC) has been formed on 5 August 2021 and released its first statement (1/2021). Padoh Mahn Mahn is Chair of the Committee, Dr Zaw Wai Soe is Vice-Chair (1), Khu Plueh is Vice-Chair (2), Dr Oakar is Secretary, Saw Nay Htoo is Joint Secretary (1), Nan Snow is Joint Secretary (2). There are 17 members and 10 consultants.
The objectives of the National Health Committee (NHC) are:
(a) To formulate the National Health Policy of the future federal union;
(b) To collaborate implementation of health programmes and projects of ethnic areas/states of the union;
(c) To cooperate with international organizations; and
(d) To prepare for possible dire situations caused by various crises, including infectious diseases and natural disasters, and respond promptly and effectively
The Ways forward of the National Health Committee (NHC) are:
(a) To carry out the Health System Development based on the Federal Health Policy;
(b) To Strengthen the Health information system;
(c) To build a well-coordinated communication mechanism with the international partners;
(d) To accelerate the medical trainings and develop the necessary curriculums; and
(e) To endorse effective strategies for control and mitigation of the COVID-19 Pandemic.
4. The NUG Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management is working hard to provide necessary assistance for the people in disaster areas. The ministry has donated one million kyats to those affected by landslides and flash floods in Mogok Township, Mandalay Region. It has also donated 1.8 million kyats to the Maga Yang IDP camp affected by flash floods (camp residents can buy rice with this donation), 100,000 kyats to a family affected by landslides, and 500,000 kyats to households for damaged properties in Kachin State. The ministry has donated 2.4 million kyats in total on 15 August. The ministry also donated 1.5 million kyats to prisoners and their families to ensure that humanitarian assistance is provided to fulfil their needs.
5. The NUG is making necessary preparations to create a radio station so that it remans in touch with the people and communicates real-time and important information from the NUG to the public. A trial run will start at 8.00 am and 8.00 pm on 20 August and people can tune to SW 16/17.71 MHz.
For further information
1. https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/170686425151997
2. https://www.facebook.com/NUGmyanmar/posts/171327885087851 ..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
54.21 KB 612.37 KB
more
Description:
"As the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, appears to be consolidating its grip on power, at least in the capital Naypyitaw, the debate over whether sanctions or engagement would be the best way to influence the generals has once again begun. There is, however, a simple answer to that question: neither is effective. Myanmar’s military rulers have always had their own agenda and don’t listen to people outside their own inner circle, regardless of what outsiders say or do. Attempts to understand the Tatmadaw by using as yardsticks the standards of modern Western militaries such as conventional command structures, promotions, equipment, orders of battle and deployment is equally fruitless.
The way the Tatmadaw works and functions can best be described as feudal and deeply rooted in traditional authoritarian values where the king was God. The supreme ruler demands and rewards loyalty and disowns and punishes those who dare to be different—and this is the system that was introduced by General Ne Win when he built up the Tatmadaw in the 1950s and created a state within a state, which in 1962 seized absolute power.
Ne Win stepped aside in 1989 and died in 2002 but the system lived on under Senior General Than Shwe, supreme ruler from 1992 to 2011. Than Shwe even changed the stated purpose of celebrating March 27, which in the past was called Resistance Day and meant to commemorate the day in 1945 when the Myanmar military, armed and equipped by the Japanese, turned against their former masters. Now, in the new, monumental capital Naypyitaw created by Than Shwe, there stands an enormous statue of the three main warrior kings in Myanmar history: Anawratha, Bayinnaung and Alaungpaya. Tributes to them and their virtues have replaced references to the anti-Japanese struggle, which may still be mentioned but only in passing.
But he is now 88 years old, has been hospitalized with COVID-19 and may not be around for much longer. That means that Myanmar right now is at a crossroads. Although Than Shwe retired from active duties after the 2010 election, he has remained a father figure for the military and when he is gone there is no obvious candidate for the role as the next King of the Tatmadaw.
The new junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, is perceived by many as weak, and lacks charisma as well as leadership qualities. As a Yangon-based Myanmar analyst put it: “He doesn’t have the political stature of General Ne Win, the military manpower of General Than Shwe or the wiliness of both.” The future of military rule is therefore up for debate and that is where the question of sanctions versus engagement comes into the picture.
Sanctions and boycotts serve a purpose when it comes to rallying support for Myanmar’s democratic forces, which is important in order to keep the movement alive and prepare for possible future scenarios, but recent history shows that such measures have so far had zero impact on how the Tatmadaw as an institution acts and thinks. The views of those in the West who advocate engagement actually reflect what amounts to a blatant neo-colonial attitude or, as I wrote in The Irrawaddy on June 11, 2015, words to the effect of: “We have to go and tell those funny little brown fellows how to run their country, and, because we are big and clever white guys, surely they will listen to us.” It is, however, easy to image what the generals’ reaction is when they receive those Western proponents of engagement: “Those myaukpyu [white monkeys] are sort of amusing. But they are not very clever. So let’s use them.” Or words to that effect.
The third way, some Western diplomats and academics argue, is to apply a carrot-and-a-stick policy with punishments such as sanctions when the Tatmadaw behaves badly, and rewards in the form of aid and investment if the generals take some positive steps such as allowing more openness and demonstrate a willingness to negotiate a peaceful solution to the country’s decades-long civil wars. But, as one analyst put it: “That would work only if you are dealing with a donkey or a rabbit.” Josef Silverstein, a renowned Myanmar scholar who died on June 29 this year, once said: “If you offer them [the generals] a carrot, they will just eat it and ask for another one.”
Proponents of engagement have always underestimated the manipulative skills of the Tatmadaw and failed to realize that using military officers as intermediaries in the belief that their Myanmar counterparts would be more willing to listen to them than to civilians does not work. This was clearly demonstrated when Vice-Admiral David Johnston, vice chief of the Australian Defense Force, rang Vice-Senior General Soe Win, number two in the junta, or State Administration Council (SAC), to press for the release of Sean Turnell, an Australian academic and economic adviser to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s ousted government who was detained after the coup. Johnston also said that he urged the Tatmadaw not to use force against the protesters who were then filling the streets of Yangon and practically every city, town and major village in the country. But in Myanmar’s military-controlled media, the talk was described as a friendly discussion between two equals, thus appearing to be an endorsement of the coup.
When the European Union’s military chief of staff, Vice-Admiral Hervé Bléjean, called on Soe Win on March 9 to urge the Tatmadaw to stop all violence and release the country’s democratically elected leaders, the official media reported that they had discussed the SAC’s efforts to establish “community peace and the rule of law.” Myanmar analyst Ye Myo Hein pointed out succinctly in The Irrawaddy on Aug. 13: “Constructive engagement with the military by Western democracies did not transform the military into a professional organization, but instead and inadvertently emboldened and legitimized its leadership to do whatever they wished.”
Calls for engagement can also be outright distasteful and lacking in respect for the victims of the Tatmadaw. Erik Solheim, a Norwegian politician and former development minister who became a controversial figure when he unsuccessfully tried to mediate in the Tamil-Sinhalese conflict in Sri Lanka, wrote in the Norwegian journal Bistandsaktuellt on March 15 that the best way to honor Kyal Sin or “the Angel”, a 19-year-old demonstrator in Mandalay who was shot and killed by a sniper, would be through engagement and investment. Solheim asserted that the Norwegian telecom giant “Telenor is more important than the [UN] Security Council.” That, of course, was before Telenor in July sold all its businesses to a Lebanese company because it was too difficult to operate in SAC-ruled Myanmar. Telenor’s Sigve Brekke told Reuters after the pull-out: “There are three reasons why we think a sale is necessary: it is the safety of our employees, but also the regulatory conditions and also that there is good compliance.”
Sanctions, smart or otherwise, will remain ineffective for two major reasons. The first, which is also mostly overlooked, is the size of Myanmar’s parallel, or greyish-black, economy, which does not show up in any official statistics, and then the fact that countries such as China, Russia, Thailand, India, Malaysia, Vietnam and Singapore—Myanmar’s main trading partners—are happy to continue dealing with whoever is in power in Naypyitaw. Actually, most of them would prefer to deal with a military-run Myanmar than a democratic, transparent and accountable system where the authorities may have the audacity to clamp down on corruption and other malpractices.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in a speech at a forum at Tsinghua University on July 3 that the international community should refrain from imposing sanctions on the SAC, branding such actions as “inappropriate intervention.” Russia, another SAC ally, said as early as April 6 that sanctions against the SAC were futile and extremely dangerous. “In fact, such a line contributes to pitting the sides against each other and, ultimately, pushes the people of Myanmar towards a full-scale civil conflict,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said, as quoted by the Interfax news agency and reported by Reuters.
Russia and China, both permanent members of the UN Security Council, have consistently vetoed any attempt by other members to get the world body to take action against the SAC. China was also for years the Tatmadaw’s main source for military hardware and Myanmar has long been a buyer of Russian fighter jets, helicopters, drones and anti-aircraft missile systems.
And then there is the underground economy, which has kept Myanmar alive throughout rigid socialist policies before 1988 and sanctions and boycotts after that and until the West changed its policies in the aftermath of the 2010 election and the formation of a quasi-civilian government led by ex-General Thein Sein. Drugs, precious stones, timber, antiques and other artifacts have always been smuggled out of the country while assorted consumer goods have traveled in the other direction from countries such as China, India, Thailand and Singapore. The exact value of this informal—and illegal—trade is not known but runs into millions if not billions of dollars.
With an inadequate and largely untrustworthy banking system, many people in Myanmar prefer to utilize the services of dealers in what is called “hundies”, which in the Indian Subcontinent and the Middle East is known as “hawala”. Through this system, money is transferred via a network of private brokers, leaving no paper trail that any authorities can track down and follow. In short, Myanmar will, as it always has done, survive another round of punitive measures imposed by the West.
All that does not mean that change is never going to come to Myanmar—but it would have to come from within the Tatmadaw. And even the officer corps must realize through their Buddhist belief in anicca that nothing is permanent.
The possibility of splits within the military is usually dismissed by most foreign observers as unlikely because of the remarkable cohesion among officers that exists in the officer corps and their loyalty towards the supreme leader. While that is correct, Australian Myanmar expert Andrew Selth pointed out in a Feb. 19 article for the Lowy Institute, a Sydney-based think tank, that the highly unpopular coup will test the loyalty of military and police officers. “Times have changed and the latest generation of men in the security forces has grown up in a different environment than its predecessors…it would be a mistake to assume that they are just a mindless mass prepared to do whatever they are told,” Selth wrote. Even more important—and crucial for Myanmar’s future—would be what happens after the death of Senior General and Tatmadaw King Than Shwe.
Many pundits predicted that Myanmar, and the Tatmadaw, would change after the demise of Gen. Ne Win. But that did not happen. After an interregnum with the almost farcical junta leader General Saw Maung, a new strongman emerged. That may happen this time as well and it is highly unlikely that he will be more democratically minded than his predecessors. On the contrary, if Min Aung Hlaing were to be replaced because of his weaknesses, the new King could be even more savage and barbarous. But, on the contrary, if no person with strength and omnipotent stature is to be found, it would open a Pandora’s box of possibilities that could lead to unimaginable chaos and mayhem. And that is the grim legacy of the system Gen. Ne Win laid the foundations for—and which has prevailed since the military takeover in 1962.
Bertil Lintner is a Swedish journalist, author and strategic consultant who has been writing about Asia for nearly four decades..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"As of 19 August, (1007) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region died today and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 19, a total of (5747) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Thet Naing Oo from Kyauk Kan Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Townshipwho, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troops on the night of August 18, died on the morning of August 19. Thet Naing Oo was reportedly beaten and tortured the whole night. He was stopped and arrested because of his flashlight while he was returning home from the south of a school where the terrorist junta had set up camp.
On the afternoon of August 18, junta police and soldiers raided the homes of three NLD MPs of Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region and arrested some family members as hostages. In Sai Pyin Town, the home of Pyithuhluttaw MP Win Myint Aung was raided and his wife Khin Ohn Myint, the son, and younger brother San Lin were all arrested.
In the raid of Moe Min Win’s home, regional hluttaw MP for No (2) constituency, his older brother Hmet San and nephew were also arrested. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided the home of Hnin Khaing Soe, regional hluttaw MP for No (1) constituency in Sai Pyin Town. The father of Hnin Khaing Soe was reportedly not arrested because he contracted COVID-19 and was having to breathe from oxygen supplies.
Political analyst Si Thu Aung Myint, who has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested on the night of August 15 whilst evading arrest in an apartment in Yangon Region’s Bahan Township. He is a regular columnist for Frontier Myanmar and VOA and wrote articles and satire criticising the coup council for which he was charged.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.41 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
more
Sub-title:
Today (18/8) the European Union (EU) highlights its response to assist those in need in Myanmar in the context of the humanitarian crisis.
Description:
"At the Pledging Conference to ASEAN’s Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar held by videoconference, EU announced that it is providing through the current EU-SAHA (EU Support to AHA Centre) programme, up to €370,000 for activities related to strengthen the capacity of the AHA Centre and ASEAN Emergency Response Mechanism in Myanmar, for example through funding of per diem costs and related activities.
This support comes as part of a long standing EU funding to reinforce the capacity of ASEAN and the AHA Centre to respond to disasters in the region. This €10 million EU-SAHA programme, launched at the beginning of 2020, supports the AHA Centre’s Capacity and the ASEAN’s Emergency Response Mechanisms. This initiative aims at enhancing mechanisms for ASEAN Leadership to Respond-As-One, through excellence and innovation in disaster management.
For 2021, the EU allocated so far a total amount of €22.5 million for humanitarian assistance in Myanmar, including regional implications of the crisis. The EU will also continue to share experience and exchange with the AHA Centre on the operational landscape in Myanmar and the sub-region.
EU Ambassador to ASEAN Igor Driesmans said: “The European Union is committed to provide assistance to tackle the humanitarian crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic in Myanmar. The European Union has welcomed the appointment of the ASEAN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Brunei’s Foreign Minister Erywan Yusof. And we support ASEAN’s efforts in finding a peaceful solution to the current crisis and stress the need to implement quickly and faithfully the five-point consensus adopted by ASEAN Leaders at their summit on 24 April 2021. Humanitarian assistance by ASEAN and the AHA Centre is one of those five points”.
In the context of the current humanitarian crisis, the EU fully supports today’s international mobilisation for the many people in need in Myanmar. We welcome the contributions announced and we share ASEAN’s view that this assistance should be in line with humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, and embedded in the UN-led coordination architecture..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to ASEAN
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta continues its crackdown on journalists with arrests and lawsuits to silence independent coverage of its daily atrocities.
This week, two more journalists were detained, bringing the number of journalists and media staff detained since the February coup to 95.
The junta’s forces arrested freelance journalist and outspoken regime critic U Sithu Aung Myint and a reporter from BBC Media Action, the corporation’s international development charity, Ma Htet Htet Khine on August 15 from a hideout in Yangon.
According to Bahan Township police, the two were taken to a military interrogation center. No more information has been heard about them.
In April, U Sithu Aung Myint was charged under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code, which criminalizes spreading comments or false news that could cause fear or criminal offenses against government employees. It carries up to three years’ imprisonment.
On July 20, three women journalists – a mother and her two daughters – from the Shan State-based Thalwin Thwaychin news agency were detained at their homes in the state capital, Taunggyi. The daughters have been released but Mya Wunn Yan, chief editor of the agency, remains in custody.
The junta has targeted journalists with arrests, lawsuits, raids on newsrooms and violence. On Wednesday, at least 42 media staff were still behind bars, according to Reporting ASEAN, an independent regional news outlet.
Almost all detained journalists said they were interrogated, beaten and tortured. COVID-19 has spread rapidly in Myanmar’s crowded prisons, increasing dangers for all political prisoners.
Four media organizations, including The Irrawaddy, have been charged under Article 505(a) and eight firms have been banned.
On June 30 the junta’s Ministry of Information told the media to stop describing the military-appointed State Administration Council as a “junta” or face prosecution. It also warned foreign news agencies to cease using the terms “military council” or “military junta” and to stop “disseminating false news”.
The order said international media groups would face action “if they apply wrong usages, quote and exaggerate fake news and disseminate false information”.
“Myanmar is now one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists,” the Committee to Protect Journalists reported in July..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Opinion and Expression - tools for change in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"In Part 2 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Ko Democracy (pseudonym) tells us how the coup has affected his life and his loved ones in Myitkyina.
Editor’s note: This is part 2 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Access to the full report will be available in Part 3 of this series.
Ko Democracy is a young Gorkha man working for a social enterprise in Kachin State. He was interviewed on May 6.
We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings.
KO DEMOCRACY
When I woke up on the morning of February 1, I noticed I had no phone signal. Then my dad came back from the bazaar and said the Myanmar military was everywhere, especially around the NLD party headquarters and residences of NLD representatives. I decided to go for a ride on my motorbike to see what was going on, and indeed there were military trucks and soldiers with guns blocking the roads. It felt so wrong—as if we were going backwards. I feared we would be disconnected from the outside world very soon. I had all these thoughts spinning around in my head, and I knew that the military was going to torture us. Despite the tragic news, I decided to go to the office. On the way, I got stopped by a soldier that wouldn’t let me enter the district where our office was. I had to talk to him for a while, until he finally let me go.
When the coup happened, I was working as a field staff and interpreter in a social enterprise. Our main office was in Myitkyina, but we mostly worked in villages close to the Chinese border. Everything became so difficult for us after the coup. First off, we suddenly had no access to money because the banks closed, so we couldn’t pay salaries or transport fees. Then, because of the internet shutdown, it became challenging for us to communicate with the local partners implementing our projects. After two months, we finally decided we couldn’t keep the enterprise running, so I’m jobless now.
All my work worries haven’t stopped me from participating in the resistance movement. As soon as the coup happened, we went out into the streets, and we continue to do so, this time in the form of so-called ‘guerrilla strikes’. Unfortunately, one of my friends from the student union has already been arrested, and we don’t even know where he is. Another friend is in jail and has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. I have just come back from hiding myself. I was away from home for a month: I feared the military would come look for me after arresting my friends. As I have been very involved in the movement, I am paranoid now. I am scared that one day they’ll take my phone and find out all about my involvement and my contacts.
I am not directly involved with the KIA or KIO, but I do have some contacts, and I have been giving them to people who want to join the armed resistance. I encourage them and would also do it myself if it weren’t for my parents. I am their only child, and I know it would break their heart. Still, we have agreed that if things get worse, they will allow me to go and fight for our freedom. Until then, I will continue practicing ‘civil resistance’: not paying taxes and not attending university.
The military sees young people across the country as their enemies. They have been arresting, kidnapping, and killing people every single day. People are under serious pressure to go back to work, since the military arrests anyone participating in the CDM. If they don’t or can’t find the strikers, they arrest their family members instead. Recently the focus has been on teachers and students who do not want to go to school. Last night we heard six bomb explosions very close to our house. These terrible troubles are what dominate our lives now.
It is a difficult time for us all. To stay strong, I listen to spiritual leaders. I very much like Sadhguru, who said that that no one can torture you unless you accept the torturing yourself. What he meant by that is that the power inside of us cannot be taken away unless we give it away ourselves. I also get inspired by the strength and resilience of IDPs in the Kachin and Karen Hills. I tell myself that I still have food and shelter, so I shouldn’t complain.
We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. We do not have that much hope in the UN anymore due to its bureaucracies, but we do need the National Unity Government (NUG) to be recognized in order for other countries to be able to legally sell arms to them. So please help us with this. At the same time, the military regime must not be recognized as a legal government. Please also allow our Myanmar citizens to get visa extensions in your countries; don’t force them to return to an unsafe place. And finally, I would like to ask the international world to send humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. We need urgent help.
Read Part 1 and Part 3 here. (Link for Part 3 will be live on August 23)
Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကျော်ကြာ ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော ပြည်တွင်းစစ်အတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ အများစု မှာ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးမူဝါဒအောက်တွင် မတရား ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ တရားမဲ့ သတ်ဖြတ် ခံရခြင်း၊ အဓမ္မပြုကျင့်ခံရခြင်း၊ မြို့ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ အတင်းအကြပ် နေရာရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း စသည်များကို ခံစားနေရကြရသည်။ ထိုအခြေအနေများကို နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ လူ့အခွင့် အရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက် လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ အစဉ်တစိုက် ထောက်ပြခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အုပ်စုအားအရေး ယူရန် တိုက်တွန်းချက်များ အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှလည်း အချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးအဖွဲ့ကို (၂၀၁၈) တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို စုံစမ်းမှတ်တမ်းတင်သည်အထိ ဆောင် ရွက်မှုများရှိနေသည်။ သို့သော် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်သည်မရှိဘဲ စစ်ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားဖြစ်တည်မှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်သည်အထိ ဆိုးဝါးရက်စက် လှသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။
(၂၀၂၁) ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒဖြင့် ရွေးချယ်ထားသည့် အရပ်သားရွေးကောက်ခံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို အကြမ်းဖက် လုယူ သွားသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ် တွန်းလှန်ခုခံလျက်ရှိသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြား ဒေသအသီးသီး အနက် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ယင်းမာပင်ခရိုင်အတွင်းရှိ ကနီမြို့နယ်သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံ အသုံးပြု၍ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေသည့် ထင်ရှားသော အရပ်ဒေသတစ်ခု ဖြစ်သည်။
ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့်လည်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက အညှိုးတကြီးဖြင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးရေးအကြောင်းပြကာ ကနီ မြို့ပေါ်နှင့် အနီးအနားပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ကျေးရွာများတွင် ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ၊ တောနင်းရှာဖွေမှုများ ပြုလုပ်လျက် ရှိနေသလို ကျေးရွာများအတွင်း စစ်အင်အားအလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများကြောင့် ဒေသခံ ထောင် ပေါင်းများစွာမှာ နီးစပ်ရာ ကျေးရွာများ၊ တောအုပ်များအတွင်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကျေးရွာများအတွင်းဝင်ရောက်ကာ ကျွဲ၊ နွားများ အပါအဝင် ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ လုယူခြင်း၊ သိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်းများကိုပါ ပြုလုပ်လာခဲ့သည်။
ကလေးမြို့ အခြေစိုက် တပ်ရင်း (၂၂၈) အပါအဝင် တပ်မ (၄၄) နှင့် (၉၉) လက်အောက်ခံတပ်ရင်းများမှ ဗျူဟာ သုံးခုခွဲ၍ အင်အားတစ်ထောင်ခန့်ဖြင့် ကနီမြို့နယ်အတွင်း ကျေးရွာတိုင်းနီးပါးသို့ ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းလျက်ရှိရာ ဒေသခံ အများအပြားမှာ အကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ အသက်သေဆုံးသည်အထိ လူ မဆန်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်းများကိုလည်း ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည်။
ထို့အပြင် စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများမှာ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် ဆေးဝါးပြတ်လပ်မှုဒဏ်ကို ခံစားနေကြရပြီး မုံရွာနယ် ဘက်သို့ သွားရောက်ဝယ်ယူရာတွင်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်ပါးစေများက ပမာဏများပြားသော ငွေကြေးများ ကောက်ခံခြင်းအပြင် စစ်ဖိနပ်ဖြင့်ကန်ခြင်း၊ သေနတ်ဒင်ဖြင့်ထုခြင်းစသည့် အနိုင်ကျင့်မှုများကို လည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေကြောင်း သိရသည်။
ကနီမြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျေးရွာအချို့တွင်လည်း ဇူလိုင် (၉) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ အူရီဒူးနှင့် တယ်လီနောအော်ပရေတာများ၏ အင်တာနက်နှင့်ဖုန်းလိုင်းများ ပြတ်တောက်ခဲ့ပြီး ဩဂုတ်လ (၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် MPT လိုင်းပါ ထပ်မံ ပြတ်တောက် ခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် စစ်တပ်ပိုင် Mytel အော်ပရေတာ၏ ဖုန်းနှင့်အင်တာနက်လိုင်းသာ ရွာအချို့တွင် အသုံးပြု ၍ရနေကြောင်း ဒေသခံများကဆိုသည်။ ဤလုပ်ရပ်မှာ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဖြတ် လေးဖြတ်ဗျူဟာကိုအသုံးပြု၍ တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
ထိုကဲ့သို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူမဆန်စွာ ပြုလုပ်မှုများ ကြောင့် ဇူလိုင်လ တစ်လတည်းမှာပင် ကနီမြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျေးရွာများ၌ အရပ်သားများ၏ အလောင်းများ အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်စွန့်ပစ်ထားသည်ကို လေးကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ကြသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်စွန့်ပစ်ထားသည့် ရုပ် အလောင်းစုစုပေါင်းမှာ အနည်းဆုံး (၄၃) ဦး ရှိနေသည်။
ပထမအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၄ လောင်း)
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ယင်းမာပင်ခရိုင် ကနီမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ မုံအိုကျေးရွာနှင့် ရွာသာကျေးရွာအကြား ရှစ်ခိုး တက် တောပြင်၌ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့ ညနေ ၄ နာရီနှင့် ၆ နာရီကြားအချိန်တွင် အမျိုးသား (၄) ဦးကို အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ဖမ်းဆီး၍ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ ဦးခေါင်းများကို သေနတ်နှင့်တေ့ပစ်ပြီး အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည်။
ထိုရုပ်အလောင်း (၄) လောင်းကို ဇူလိုင်လ (၃) ရက်နေ့တွင် ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ရာ ရုပ်အလောင်းများမှာ ဦးခေါင်းများ မရှိတော့သကဲ့သို့ ပျက်စီးနေပြီး အနီးတဝိုက်တွင်လည်း ဆိုင်ကယ် (၂၅) စီးခန့်ကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးထားသည်ကို တွေ့ မြင်ခဲ့ရကြောင်း ဒေသခံများကဆိုသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၄) လောင်းမှာ စိန်ကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ဖန်ခါးကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ဆူးလေကုန်း ရွာမှာ (၁) ဦးနှင့် အင်ချောင်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦး တို့ဖြစ်ကြသည်။
ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၆ လောင်း)
ချင်းတွင်းမြစ် အရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းရှိ ယင်းရွာ၊ ကုန်းသာရွာ၊ ကျောက်လှေကားရွာများသို့ ဇူလိုင် (၉) ရက် နှင့် (၁၀) ရက်နေ့များ၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် ဝင်ရောက်လာသောကြောင့် ရွာလုံးကျွတ် ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်ကြရသည်။ ထိုထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေသူ ဒေသခံများအနက် (၂၆) ဦး ပျောက်ဆုံးနေသဖြင့် လိုက်လံ ရှာဖွေရာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်၊ ယင်းရွာ၏ အရှေ့ဘက် ခင်တန်းရှည် တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်မှ ချိုင့်ထဲတွင် တောထဲတွင် ဒဏ်ရာများဖြင့် ရုပ်ပျက်ဆင်းပျက်ဖြစ်နေသည့် အလောင်း (၁၅) လောင်းနှင့် နောက်တစ်ရွာတွင် အလောင်း (၁) လောင်းကို ထပ်မံ ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။
အလောင်းများကို ဇူလိုင် (၁၁၊ ၁၂) ရက်နေ့များတွင် ယင်းရွာ၏ အရှေ့ဘက်တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်မှ ရှာတွေ့ခဲ့ ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းရွာမှ (၁၃) ဦး၊ ကုန်းသာရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ပလူဇဝ ရွာမှ (၁) ဦးနှင့် ထောက်ကြံ့ကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး စုစုပေါင်း (၁၆) ဦး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ယင်းရွာဒေသခံက ဆိုသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသူများအနက် အများစုမှာ အသက် (၃၀) နှင့် (၅၀) ကြားအရွယ် အမျိုးသားများဖြစ်ပြီး အသက် (၆၀) ကျော်အရွယ် (၁) ဦးလည်း ပါဝင်သည်။
ရုပ်အလောင်းအားလုံးတွင် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းခံထားရသည့် လက္ခဏာများတွေ့ရပြီး အဆိုးရွား ဆုံးမှာ မျက်နှာနှင့် လည်ပင်းများကို လှီးဖြတ် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းထားသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများတွေ့ရှိရခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
တတိယအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၂ လောင်း)
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်၊ ဇီးပင်တွင်းကျေးရွာအနီး ဇူလိုင် (၂၆) ရက် ညနေပိုင်းက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့် ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (PDF) တို့ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ခဲ့ရာ ရွာသားတချို့နှင့် PDF အဖွဲ့ဝင်တချို့ ပျောက်ဆုံးနေ ၍ လိုက်လံရှာဖွေရာမှ ဇီးပင်တွင်းရွာ အနောက်ဘက်ယာတောထဲတွင် ဒဏ်ရာများနှင့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၅) လောင်း ကို ပထမအကြိမ်ရှာဖွေမှုတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ နောက်ထပ် အလောင်း (၇) လောင်းကို ဒုတိယအကြိမ် ရှာဖွေမှု တွင်လည်းကောင်း စုစုပေါင်း ရုပ်အလောင်း (၁၂) လောင်းကို ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့၌ ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပြန်သည်။
ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ရှာဖွေမှုတွင် ရွာသားများက မြေကျင်းတစ်ခုကို တူးဖော်ခဲ့ရာ မြှုပ်နှံထားသည့် အလောင်း (၄) လောင်း၊ သစ်ပင်တွင် ကြိုးဖြင့် ချိတ်ဆွဲထားသည့် အလောင်း (၁) လောင်း၊ မြေပြင်တွင် လဲကျနေသော ရုပ်အလောင်း (၂) လောင်းကို တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရသည်။ အဆိုပါ ရုပ်အလောင်း (၇) လောင်းမှာ အသက် (၆၀) ကျော်အရွယ် သက်ကြီးပိုင်း (၂) ဦး၊ ကိုယ်လက်အင်္ဂါမသန်စွမ်းသူ (၁) ဦး၊ အသက် (၁၈) မှ (၃၀) ကြား (၄) ဦး၏ ရုပ်အလောင်းများ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။
ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၇) ရက်နေ့က ရှာဖွေမှုနှစ်ခုတွင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၁၂) လောင်းမှာ ဇီးပင်တွင်းရွာမှ (၂) ဦး၊ ချင်းဖုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သမင်ဇပ်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သလောက်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦးနှင့် မုံရွာမှ (၇) ဦး ဖြစ်ကြောင်းသိရသည်။ ရုပ်အလောင်းအားလုံး၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်တွင် တူညီသည့်အချက်မှာ ရိုက်နှက်၊ နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပမ်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဒဏ်ရာ အများအပြား ရှိနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု ဒေသခံများက ဆိုသည်။
စတုတ္ထအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၁ လောင်း)
အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တပ်များနှင့် ကနီမြို့နယ် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၆) ရက်နှင့် (၂၇) ရက်နေ့တို့တွင် ကနီမြို့နယ် တောင်ပေါက်အုပ်စု ထူးကျေးရွာအနီးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ဝင်ရောက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် ဒေသခံများက ပြန်လည်ခုခံရင်း တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် နောက်တစ်ရက် (၂၈) ရက်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကြပ်ချောင်းတောတိုက်တွင် တောင်သူလုပ်ကိုင်နေသော သရက်တောရွာသား ကိုအောင်ကျော်မြင့်၏ တဲအိမ်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်၍ ကိုအောင်ကျော်မြင့်အပါအဝင် ထမင်းစား နေသောအမျိုးသား (၁၁) ဦးအား ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး တဲကိုပါ မီးရှို့ဖျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။
ထို့နောက် နံနက် (၁၀) နာရီခန့်အချိန်တွင် သရက်တောရွာသား ကိုမြင့်သိန်း၏ ယာခင်းအစပ်မှ သေနတ်သံ ဆယ်ချက်ကျော်ခန့် ကြားရကြောင်းကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသည့်အထဲတွင် ပါဝင်သူ၏ ဇနီးပြောကြားချက်အရ သိရ သည်။
ဒေသခံများက လိုက်လံရှာဖွေရာ ကနီမြို့နယ် တောင်ပေါက် ကျေးရွာအုပ်စု ကျောက်တံခါးချောင်းနှင့် ကြပ်ချောင်း အဆုံ၊ ကိုမြင့်သိန်း (သရက်တောရွာ)၏ ယာခင်းအတွင်း အမျိုးသား (၁၁) ဦးအား အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ် ခံထားရပြီး ဆိုင်ကယ် (၂) စီး နှင့်အတူ မီးရှို့ခံထားရသည်ကို ဇူလိုင်လ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့က တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။
သေဆုံးသူများမှာ အမျိုးသားများဖြစ်ပြီး ခိုတွင်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သရက်တောရွာမှ (၆) ဦး၊ ကနီမြို့ပေါ်မှ (၃) ဦး နှင့် ညောင်သူများရွာမှ (၁) ဦး စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁) ဦးဖြစ်သည်။ ကနီမြို့ပေါ်မှ (၃) ဦးမှာ ညီအစ်ကိုများဖြစ် ပြီး သရက်တောရွာရှိ ဆွေမျိုးများထံ တောင်သူအလုပ်လုပ်ရင်း မီးသွေးဖုတ်နေကြသူများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု သိရသည်။
တွေ့ရှိရသည့် ရုပ်အလောင်းများအနက် (၃) လောင်းတွင် မျက်နှာနှင့် ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အနှံ့ ညိုမည်းဒဏ်ရာများဖြစ်ပေါ် နေခြင်း၊ ဦးခေါင်းနှင့် ရင်ဘတ်များတွင် သေနတ်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်ထားခြင်း၊ မျက်နှာများအား ဓါတ်ဆီလောင်း မီးရှို့ ထားခြင်းစသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများလည်းတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပြီး အလောင်းများမှာလည်း ပုပ်ပွလျက်ရှိသည်။
ထိုအခင်းဖြစ်ပွားပြီး နောက်ဆက်တွဲအနေနှင့် ကနီမြို့နယ် ကင်းတောင်အုပ်စု ခိုတွင်းကျေးရွာနေ ဦးမောင်မြင့်က စစ်အုပ်စု၏အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် စိတ်ဖေါက်ပြန်သွားပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက် ဩဂုတ်လ (၁) ရက်နေ့ ညနေတွင် ကနီမြို့ပေါ်ရှိ အထက ကျောင်းနားသို့ ဆိုင်ကယ်ဖြင့် သွားရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် ကျောင်းအတွင်း စခန်းချနေသော အကြမ်းဖက်တပ်သားများကို “မင်းတို့တွေကြောင့် တို့ပြည်သူတွေ သေရတာ” ဟုအော်ဟစ်ပြီး ကျောင်းအုတ်တံတိုင်းနားသို့ ကပ်သွားစဉ် မည်သည့်လက်နက်မျှမပါသော ဦးမောင်မြင့်အား အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့၏ တပ်သားများမှ ပစ်သတ်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အလောင်းအား ညတွင်းချင်းဖျောက်ဖျက်လိုက်ကြကြောင်း မိသားစုထံမှ သိရ သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်သော လူမဆန်စွာကျူးလွန်မှုများမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနေရာအနှံ့အပြားတွင် နေ့စဉ် နှင့်အမျှ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေလျက်ရှိပြီး အထက်ပါ ကနီမြို့နယ်ဖြစ်စဉ်များမှာ တိကျသော သက်သေအထောက်အထား များဖြင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရသည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်များမှာ အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ် မှုအပါအဝင် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးရက်စက်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်ပြီး မြန်မာပြည်သူ လူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို စစ်အုပ်စုက အကြီးအကျယ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သက်သေခံလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ၎င်းတို့ ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တာဝန်ယူ၊ တာဝန်ခံရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများသည် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေအရ အမြစ် ပြတ် သုတ်သင်ရှင်းလင်းရေးလုပ်ရပ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ (၁၉၄၉) ခုနှစ် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းနှင့် (၁၉၇၇) ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၈) ရက်နေ့၌ ထပ်မံ ဖြည့်စွက်ထားသော နောက်ဆက်တွဲစာချုပ်များတွင် ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပ စစ်ပွဲများကြောင့် အရပ်သားနှင့် အရပ်သားများ၏ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ၊ ဘာသာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အဆောက်အဦများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထားမတိုက်ခိုက်ရန် အစရှိသည့် စံနှုန်းများကိုလည်း တိကျစွာ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။
ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူ စာချုပ် (၄) ဖြစ်သော စစ်အတွင်း၌ အရပ်သားများကိုကာကွယ်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာသဘောတူစာချုပ် (၁၉၄၉) ၏ အပိုဒ်(၃၂) အရ စစ်ပွဲအတွင်း ကာကွယ်ပေးရမည့်ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအား ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနာကျင်မှုဖြစ်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်မှု (သို့) အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သော ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တားမြစ်ထားသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ ရိုက်နှက်အပြစ်ပေးခြင်း၊ ဆေးပညာ (သို့) သိပ္ပံပညာအတွက် အသုံးချခြင်းတို့ကို အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ သာမက စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာအေးဂျင့်များကပင် ပြုလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။
ကနီဖြစ်စဉ်သည် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းချိုးဖောက်ပြီး အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ အမြစ်ပြတ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် ထိုသို့ လူသားမျိုးနွယ် အပေါ် ကျုးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ပြစ်တင်ရှုတ်ချရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ထိထိရောက်ရောက် တရားစွဲဆိုရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့သော ဖြစ်ရပ်များမှာ ကနီဒေသ တစ်ခုထဲတင်မဟုတ်ဘဲ ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ်နှင့် အခြားသော မြို့နယ်များ တွင်လည်း ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည်ကို သိရှိရပြီး အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဆက်လက် ထုတ်ပြန်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
ဒုတိယဖြစ်စဉ်တွင် အသက် (၆၀) ကျော် (၂) ဦးနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူ (၁) ဦး သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအတွင်းတွင် အားနွဲ့ပြီးထိခိုက်အလွယ်ဆုံးဖြစ်သည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူများကိုပင် ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာ ခံစားလွယ်သော လူအုပ်စုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည်ဟု တိကျသော ကတိကဝတ်များ ပြုထားသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံပေါင်း (၁၈၂) နိုင်ငံက အတည်ပြုခဲ့ရေးထိုးခဲ့သည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မသန်စွမ်းသူများ အခွင့် အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူစာချုပ် အပိုဒ် (၁၅) ၌ “စာချုပ်အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများသည် မသန်စွမ်းသူများအား ညှဉ်းပန်း နှိပ်စက်ခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်ရမည်” ဟု အသေးစိတ် ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ထိုသူများအား လိုအပ်သော အကာအကွယ် ပေးမှုရရှိစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိမှုကို စောင့်ထိန်းလိုက်နာရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော ကိစ္စရပ်များအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို အရေးယူ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန်လိုအပ်သည်ကို ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း တွေ့နိုင်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်း ကို ငြင်းပယ်ရမည်မှာ အသေအချာပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တဆက်တည်းတွင် မြန်မာပြည်သူတရပ်လုံး၏ သဘောထားကို ထင်ဟပ်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (National Unity Government) ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အဖြစ် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ သတ်မှတ်ပေးရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ NUG အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့်လည်း ရောမ စာချုပ်ကို အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုတရားရုံး (International Criminal Court, ICC) သို့ တင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သလို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (International Court of Justice, ICJ) ၌လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုပေးရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica and Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.43 MB
more
Description:
" People arrested:
In Karenni State the total number of people arrested since the coup has increased from 135 to
150 during the past two weeks. Three villagers were arrested on August 6, from Kayan
Thayar village in Loikaw Township. Their names were Khun Nyein Chan, Khun Bey and
Khun Poe O. They were tortured while being detained on suspicion of being connected to the
KNDF. They were released on August 7.
On August 11, another three youth from Daw U Khu quarter in Loikaw township were
arrested at their homes by SAC. It appears they were arrested on suspicion of connections
with a PDF.
On August 14, four male villagers from Daw Takleh and Htee Phoe Kaloe village in
Demawso township, including a 15-year-old boy, were arrested while they were going back
to their village from an IDP camp to get some rations for their families. They were tied up
with rope and brought to the SAC camp on Daw Tadah Mountain.
On August 14, SAC troops came to the home of social worker Roselynn (also known as Ma
Ei) in Naung Yang, quarter of Loikaw Town and arrested her mother and brother and 3
young volunteer aid workers who were in the house. The SAC troops said that if Ma Ei gave
herself up, they would free those who were arrested.
Ongoing military aggression
The SAC has declared it is continuing its unilateral ceasefire from August to October, but in
practice, it has increased clearance operations into the areas where the KNDF and IDPs are
staying, and clearly has no intention of stopping its military offensives in Karenni State.
On August 3, SAC troops under Infantry Division 66 clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops
four times while moving from Tah Leh village to Marcrawshay village in Pruso township. 11
SAC soldiers were killed and over 20 were injured during the clashes. At 4 pm, the SAC
shelled and fired machine guns into Nan Peh village in Bawlake township for no apparent
reason, then entered the village and looted goods and money from shops.
On August 4, SAC troops under Infantry Division 66 were carrying out an operation against
the KNPP and KNDF, when they clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops between Kupra
mountain and Bethu (upper) village in western Demawso township. 3 SAC soldiers were
killed and some injured.
On August 4, at 8:45 am, SAC troops entered Naung Yang quarter of Loikaw town and shot
at some houses without giving any reason. Some houses were damaged, and a young woman
was wounded in her knee by an explosive shell.
On August 6, at 10 pm, two youths riding a motorbike in Loikaw town were shot from behind
by SAC troops. One was hit in the back and one was wounded in one arm.
On August 8, 300 SAC troops clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops between upper Bethu
village in Pekhon township and Domoko village in Pruso township. 10 SAC soldiers were
killed during the clash.
On August 9, in the evening, fighting took place between SAC and KNPP/KNDF troops near
Beya village in western Pruso township. On the same day, while carrying out military
operations, SAC troops from Pinlaung township in Shan State clashed with KNDF troops
near Lawei village and Kaung Ei village in Pekhon township, Shan State
On August 10, over 120 CDM staff from Loikaw Teik Chauk Lone building (government
housing) were evicted by SAC.
On August 12, SAC troops clashed with KNPP/KNDF troops near Htee Klu Daw village in
Pruso township. Five SAC soldiers were killed and three were injured. During this clash,
KNDF reported that they seized some small guns and one mortar from the SAC. After this,
on the same day, SAC troops started deploying more soldiers in and around Pruso town. A
clash took place near Kadah Lah village, close to Pruso town, between SAC and
KNPP/KNDF troops. LIB 102 and LIB 531 based in Demawso township launched artillery
shells to support their troops in Pruso township, injuring a woman from Htee Por Hso village
in Pruso township in her thigh, and a male villager in his arm from Nyow Khone village,
Demawso Township.
On August 14, at 7 am, SAC troops together with PNO troops from Pinlaung township
entered Pekhon township, and clashed with combined troops from Pekhon PDF, Moebye
PDF, KNDF and KNPP near Pin Pon village and Lahwei village. The fighting lasted about 11
hours. Two of the PDF were injured, and five SAC soldiers and six PNO soldiers were killed.
On August 15, 100 SAC troop reinforcements in 35 military trucks were heading from
Loikaw to Pekhon, when they were ambushed by KNPP and KNDF troops at Kaung Maing
village near Moebye town.
Situation of IDPs and humanitarian aid
The number of IDPs continues to increase due to the ongoing fighting. Following the fierce
SAC offensive around Pruso town on August 12, a further 674 villagers from nearby villages
fled to the jungle as IDPs. The growing number of IDPs is causing increased humanitarian
needs. Apart from the need for food and shelter, medical aid is urgently required due to the
growing spread of Covid 19 in IDP camps. In Hsin IDP camp, in eastern Loikaw township,
47 Covid positive cases have been found during the past two weeks..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni Civil Society Network
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Karenni State, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
669 KB 765.94 KB
more
Description:
"As of 18 August, (1006) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 18, a total of (5730) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Terrorist junta’s soldiers who were drunk pointed a gun to the temple of Zaw Myo Myint and shot him dead at close range among people at a port in Minkin Town, Sagaing Region on the evening of August 17. Junta troops beat and then shot Zaw Myo Myint for not wearing a face mask while he was sitting and chewing the betel nut in the port. Zin Mar Win from Min Sar village in Minkin Township who heard the sound of gunshots and witnessed Zaw Myo Myint’s dead body, died on the spot from a heart attack.
Terrorist junta’s troops raided Kyauk Khel Tat Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township and arrested three villagers named Bo Aung, Chit Lwin and Phoe Toke on August 16. They killed these three villagers on August 17 and concealed the bodies in Chindwin River.
Hla Myint Oo, living in Thapyay Yay Village in Magway Region Pauk Township, who had opened a shop, was shot with a tumee (traditional hunting) rifle used by junta troops on the evening of August 13. The junta then set a bomb on an old motorbike in front of his shop.
In addition, junta troops raided Paline, Gonetan and Kanthar Villages in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township, then arrested and shot dead a local from Gonetan Village called Nan, on August 12. The incident happened at a school in Paline Village where they had set up camp after they questioned Nan who came past but failed to reply.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.41 MB 5.54 MB 1.84 MB
more
Description:
"The death toll as a result of Myanmar's Feb. 1 coup topped 1,000 on Wednesday, according to an official of the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP) activist group, which has been recording killings by security forces.
A spokesman for the ruling junta did not respond to a call to request comment. The military authorities have previously said the AAPP figures, widely cited by international organisations, are exaggerated.
The army has also said scores of members of the security forces have been killed. The AAPP does not include them in its count.
"According to AAPP records, 1,001 innocent people have been killed," AAPP secretary Tate Naing told Reuters. "The actual number of victims is much higher."
The Southeast Asian country has sunk into chaos since the coup, with protests continuing daily, insurgencies flaring in border regions and widespread strikes that have severely damaged the economy.
The army overthrew elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alleging irregularities in an election swept by her National League for Democracy party in November 2020. The then electoral commission and international monitors said the army accusations were wrong.
The military authorities say their seizure of power should not be called a coup because it was in line with the constitution..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The ethnic army says it will do whatever it takes to beat the junta and form a federal union.
Description:
"The ethnic Karenni Army (KA) marked the 73rd anniversary of its founding Tuesday vowing to “fight to the end” to rid Myanmar of its military dictatorship and create a federal union with like-minded groups in the multi-ethnic country.
The KA is one of at least 16 ethnic armed organizations thought to be active in Myanmar, a country of 54 million people with 135 official ethnic groups. The insurgent groups control territory along Myanmar’s borders with Bangladesh, China, India, and Thailand. Their histories – and grievances with the national military – stretch back to when the then Burma gained independence from British colonial rule in 1948.
“We were once a separate state but came under the rule of Burmese dictators,” KA leader Col. Phone Naing told a ceremony in in territory in Kayah state it controls along the border with Thailand, referring to the junta that has led Myanmar for nearly 50 of the country’s 73 years of independence.
“Under their rule, everyone knows how we have suffered bullying and oppression. The world knows. The reason for the formation of KA was to free ourselves from that situation and live in peace.”
Phone Naing said that the Karenni had always been able to overcome military invaders in the past and would do so again with the current junta, which seized power from Aung San Suu Kyi’s democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a Feb. 1 coup.
The KA, the armed wing of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) with a force estimated at 1,500 troops, was joined by representatives of KA allied groups and members of the anti-junta Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).
The KNPP urged its military wing to stay dedicated to the goal of forming a federal democratic union in Myanmar along with allied groups.
Collaboration between anti-junta movements made up of ethnic majority Bamars and longstanding ethnic armies, including military training in remote regions, has enabled opponents of the military regime to inflict casualties on better armed junta troops and sustain opposition to the coup, analysts say.
Speaking to RFA’s Myanmar Service after Tuesday’s ceremony, a CDM police officer who joined the KA after the Feb. 1 coup said nothing would deter the ethnic army from its fight against the military regime.
“For more than 70 years, we have been fighting to regain a Karenni state,” said the officer, speaking on condition of anonymity.
“Together with the Karenni people, we will fight together to the end.”
A young KA soldier told RFA that a federal union is the only way to ensure adequate representation for Myanmar’s many indigenous groups.
“Only through such a system would we be able to protect our basic rights and achieve equality,” he said.
“We have made our decision to fight until the end to get rid of the military dictatorship.”
Peace efforts
The KNPP signed a regional state-level ceasefire agreement on March 7, 2012 under previous President Thein Sein’s military-affiliated civilian government, but has yet to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) that 10 other ethnic parties have signed beginning in 2015.
The 10 rebel groups that signed the NCA suggested in June that the deal—inked in the presence of international observers and Myanmar’s highest legislature—remains in place, despite an already flailing peace process that was all but destroyed by the unpopular junta’s coup. However, they say they will not pursue talks with the military, which they view as having stolen power from the country’s democratically elected government.
Kayah state was relatively free of fighting until late May, when the military launched an offensive in the region. There are now daily clashes between junta troops and Karenni forces in the state’s Demawso, Phrusoe and Mobye townships, as well as in Phekone township on the border with southern Shan state.
An activist who declined to be named for safety reasons recently told RFA that around 1,000 refugees have fled to Karenni refugee camps on the border with Thailand since the last round of largescale clashes in the region, although he said that many more are living with close relatives or in the jungle to avoid the fighting.
“There are a lot of people left in the jungles since the last big clashes,” he said, adding that many are living in makeshift camps there because they “don’t dare return home.”
“Others have no home to return to. Some are staying in the forests because their families are separated. Some did not return because their loved ones were killed during the fighting.”
RFA has documented that more than 170,000 people have been displaced by fighting in Kayah state in the more than six months since the coup.
They join more than 500,000 refugees from decades of conflict between the military and ethnic armies who were already counted as IDPs at the end of 2020, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, a Norwegian NGO.
The junta says a landslide victory by the NLD in the country’s November 2020 general election was the result of voter fraud, but has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed widespread protests, killing 999 people and arresting 5,712 since the coup, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
Amid nationwide turmoil, the military has stepped up offensives in remote parts of the country that have led to fierce battles with several local militias..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karenni (Kayah) - cultural, political, Armed conflict in Karenni State, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"In over (70) years of civil war in Burma, ethnic nationalities have suffered torture, extrajudicial killings, massacres, rape, villages burned to the ground, and residents forced to flee their homes in indiscriminate junta military so-called ‘Military Clearance Policy’. Human rights and civil society organizations across Burma have repeatedly called for action to end this military’s impunity. The UN formed a fact-finding mission in 2017 to investigate the repeated human rights violations. And yet, the junta has continued to perpetrate human rights abuses, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.
The military junta seized power and arbitrary arrested the country’s elected leaders on February 1, 2021. People across the regions and states have been resisting the junta in various ways. Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region is known as a prominent area of opposition to the coup. The juntas’ response has been to target and destroy areas in Kani Township, and surrounding villages and forests with shootings, arrests, and raids in military incursions. Thousands of residents have fled to nearby villages and forests. The junta has also entered these villages and killed buffaloes, cows, and looted property from the villages.
44th and 99th Light Infantry Division, including battalion 228th based in Kale Township, have attacked almost every village in Kani Township, using some thousand troops in three different strategic divisions. Many locals have endured inhumane atrocities by the junta. Arbitrary arrest, torture, and sometimes being killed through torture. It has also been reported that internal displaced persons are suffering from food and medical shortages. The terrorist (junta) group has been collecting money through extortion, as well as assaulting, intimidating, and beating locals like with rifle stocks when they travel to Monywa Township to purchase necessities.
Ooredoo and Telenor tele-com operators’ internet and phone lines were suspended on July 9, and MPT was cut off on August 2 in some villages in Kani Township. According to locals, only the military owned Mytel internet and phone line are currently available in some villages. The junta has been uses its four cuts doctrine to indiscriminately target civilians. In July alone, the junta committed 4 massacres in Kani Township villages. At least 43 people have been discovered killed in this way.
First massacre (4 fatalities)
Four men were arrested, tortured, and shot in the head on July 1, between 4 – 6 pm in Shitkoetat Forest between Mone O Village and Ywar Thar Village, Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region. According to locals, the (4) corpses were found headless from shootings on July 3. Some (25) motorcycles were found burned in a nearby fire. The (4) men were each from Sein Kone Village, Phan Khar Kone Village, Sule Kone Village, and Inn Chaung Village.
Second massacre (16 fatalities)
The junta stormed Yin Village and Kone Thar Village, located on the eastern bank of Chindwin River. They entered the village, forcing residents to flee to Kyauk Hle Ka Village on July 9 and 10. Missing were twenty-six villagers. When locals went searching for them, (15) dead bodies were discovered in the valley on Khin Tan Shay Hill, east of Yin Village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, and (1) dead body was found in another nearby village. According to locals from Yin Village, the dead bodies were found on July 11 and 12 on the hill east of Yin Village.
The (16) murdered persons were from Yin Village (13), Kone Thar Village (1), Paluzawa Village (1), and from Htauk Kyan Kone Village (1). Most of the victims were men, aged between (30) and (50), one of the victims was a male in his 60’s. All the corpses were found with signs of severe torture, some with cuts and bruises on faces and necks.
Third massacre (12 fatalities)
A clash between the military junta and People Defense Force (PDF) happened near Zee Pin Dwin Village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, on the evening of July 26. Some villagers and PDF went missing. Five dead bodies were found in the first search, by the paddle field behind Zee Pin Dwin Village, and another seven dead bodies were found in a second search. Total of (12) corpses were discovered on July 27.
During the second search, the villagers dug a pit and found (4) victims, (1) hanging from a tree, and (2) lying on the ground. Of these (7) fatalities found in the second search, (2) were elderly over the age of 60, (1) was disabled, and (4) others were aged between 18 – 30.
The (12) fatalities from this third massacre were from Zee Pin Dwin Village (2), Chin Phone Village (1), Thamin Zat Village (1), Tha Lauk Village (1), and Monywa Township (7). According to locals all the victims were found with wounds and injuries from beatings and torture.
Fourth massacre (11 fatalities)
Junta troops raided a small village near Htoo Village, Taungpauk Village Tract, Kani Township. A local People Defense Force (PDF) from Kani Township resisted the attack and a clash unfolded on July 26 and 27. On the morning of July 28, the junta raided Ko Aung Kyaw Myint’s house, a farmer from Thayat Taw Village, who was working in Kyat Chaung Taw Tike. (11) men, including Ko Aung Kyaw Myint, were detained, and his house burned down by the terrorist group. According to one of the victims’ wives, she heard (10) gunshots around 10 am close by to Ko Myint Thein’s farm, a local in Thayat Taw Village.
On July 31, the villagers went on a search and found (11) men massacred in Ko Myint Thein’s farm, in Thayat Taw Village. (2) motorbikes had also been set on fire at the intersection of Kyauktaga and Kyat Creeks, Taungpauk Village Tract, Kani Township.
The (11) victims were all men and from Kho Dwin Village (1), Thayat Taw Village (6), Kani Township (3), and Nyaung Thu Village (1). The (3) from Kani Township were brothers working as farmers in coal manufacturing in their relatives’ village. Among the dead, (3) had bruises on their faces and all over their bodies, they had been shot in the head and chest, with burns on their faces from gasoline. All the bodies were rotting by the time they were found.
In the aftermath of the incident, U Maung Myint, a resident from Kho Dwin Village, Kintaung Village Tract, Kani Township, was mentally distressed by the massacre and drove his motorcycle to a high school in Kani Township where junta troops were based on the evening of August 1. U Maung Myint shouted “civilians died because of you”. He went close to the school’s wall unarmed, the junta then shot. According to his family, junta troops disappeared the body over the night.
Atrocities committed by this terrorist group are happening across Burma daily. The massacres in Kani Township are but incidents which have emerged with concrete evidence. These events testify that the junta is committing crimes against humanity. It is the junta which is responsible for these crimes threatening the lives and property of civilians all over Burma.
The massacres in Kani Township are an act of extermination under the international law. The (1949) Geneva Convention and its June 8, (1977) additional protocols established international humanitarian law norms such as protection of the civilian population, objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian, cultural objects and places of worship due to international or non-international armed conflicts.
According to article (32) of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the Geneva Convention related to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, taking any measure of such a character as to cause the physical suffering or extermination of protected persons in their hands is prohibited. This applies not only to murder, torture, corporal punishment, mutilation and medical or scientific experiments not necessitated by the medical treatment of a protected person, but also to any other measures of brutality whether applied by civilian or military agents.
The Kani Township massacres and targeting of civilians is a clear violation of the Geneva Conventions. The junta’s torture and murder of civilians in Kani Township must be condemned by the international community as crimes against humanity and litigated accordingly. Similar incidents to Kani Township occurred in Depayin Township and other townships. These incidents will consequently be examined by civil society organizations.
(2) persons over the age of 60, and (1) disabled person were killed in the second massacre. This junta has repeatedly committed torture towards the most vulnerable members of society, such as children and the disabled. Groups which the international community has made specific pledges to protect.
Article (15) of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ratified by (182) countries, including Burma, states that “States Parties shall protect persons with disabilities from being subjected to torture”. The international community must adhere to its vital responsibility to ensure these groups are protected.
It is therefore necessary for the international community to act against this terrorist group and reject a murderous junta and illegitimate coup at the United Nations General Assembly. At the same time, the National Unity Government, with legitimacy granted by Burma’s people, must be recognized and given appropriate credentials by the international community as the legitimate government in Burma.
Upon ratifying the Rome Statue, the NUG must refer the junta to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and represent Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ)..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica and Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.47 MB
more
Sub-title:
Students are attending classes while local schools remain closed due to armed conflict and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Description:
"Teachers who joined Myanmar’s civil disobedience movement following the military coup in February have set up a school for children displaced by conflict in a temporary camp in a rebel army-controlled area of eastern Kayah state near the Thai border.
The internally displaced persons (IDP) camp where the school is located hosts more than 1,000 civilians, mostly ethnic Karennis, who fled their homes to escape fighting between the Myanmar military and Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) troops since May.
The KNDF is a new network of civilian resistance fighters that includes existing ethnic armed groups in the state and Karenni organizations.
Violent clashes between rebel and junta forces erupted in Kayah state’s Loikaw, Demoso, and Shadaw townships after the military coup on Feb. 1 overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Some 100,000 residents have fled their homes amid fighting in the state, taking shelter in Buddhist monasteries or in nearby hills and jungles.
The Education Department of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the dominant ethnic political organization in the state, opened the school to provide uninterrupted instruction to the children, said Hsu Bu Rel, the department’s vice minister.
Children displaced by the conflict have not been able to attend classes for a year because of the coronavirus pandemic, which hit Myanmar in March 2020 and now is in its third wave. They then lost a second year of education because of political unrest in the country, Hsu Bu Rel said.
“We want the IDP children in our camp to have an opportunity for schooling,” he told RFA. “In addition, this school gives us opportunities to learn from the CDM [civil disobedience movement] teachers and to try out the new curriculum and teaching methods of the Karenni Education Department.
For security reasons, RFA is identifying the location of the camp school only as being in a KNPP-controlled area near the Thai border in Kayah state.
School principal Hla Moe Myint said more funding is needed for educational materials for the IDP children, school buildings, and additional teachers.
“Teachers can perform fully only if they have these materials in hand,” she said. “There are so many needs. Besides, we want to set up a library as they [the teachers] have expected. We have difficulties in fulfilling their needs.”
Teacher Hsu Khu Rel said the school serves students from grades one through 11 and uses both a national curriculum and a new one created by the Karenni Education Department.
Another teacher named Josephine said many educators from government schools, who walked out of work to join the CDM protests against the junta and fled arrest in their hometowns have joined the school.
“They have different teaching methods and a different schooling system,” she said, pointing to the teachers’ more sophisticated grading system that makes it tougher for students to pass tests because it is not based on traditional rote learning.
About 265 students had enrolled in the IDP camp school by the end of June, though additional ones were incoming, teachers said.
Eighth-grader Cherry Phaw said she was pleased to continue her education at the school.
“For more than two years I couldn’t go to school,” she told RFA. “We were on the run whenever there was fighting, so I couldn’t go to school. I am grateful to the teachers for enabling me to learn in school. I am happy here.”
Thoe Mel, the parent of students who attend classes at the school, said she is glad that she could enroll her children in school at a time when other schools across the country are closed because of ongoing crackdowns by the military regime and the COVID-19 pandemic.
“My children haven’t gone to school for two years,” she said. “I am so happy now they are going to school. I am very optimistic.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Children, Anti-coup protesters, Children's rights: resources and organisations, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
As part of an ongoing monthly analysis, WLB would like to share our July briefer on the situation of human rights amid the military coup in Burma/Myanmar and the recent outbreak of COVID-19.
Description:
"Six months have passed since the Burmese Army seized power in
a coup. Since that dark day, the people of Burma/Myanmar have
continued to suffer the consequences. In the months following
Feb 1, it has become abundantly clear that the terrorist junta has
neither the political will nor the ability to govern with compassion
and humanity. Something must be done to reverse the devastation.
But dismantling the junta’s legacy of violence and impunity is not
without its challenges. Yet, the on-going civil movements and
growing calls for action alongside campaigns for accountability,
signals that the struggle for freedom, equality and peace for the
people of Burma/Myanmar will continue.
The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated an already devastating
political, economic and social climate. At the time of this writing,
the country has reported over 300,000 confirmed cases Ethnic
areas are also seriously affected by the pandemic. Exploitation of
the pandemic has led to countless preventable deaths. The junta’s
negligence has been made clear in their hoarding of oxygen tanks
for themselves as they threatened health care workers, forcing
many to go underground.
Pharmacies have been forced to close due to insufficient stock,
and those that remain open are inaccessible to many due to price
inflation. For displaced populations and refugees, their situation
comes with a lack of direct access to healthcare facilities.
Children and the elderly are facing many difficulties because of
the COVID-19 pandemic.
The ‘war on health’ is the latest battle the people of Burma/
Myanmar are now facing. The military is moving backwards by
arresting health care workers who share anti-coup views. According
to recent statistics, the majority of health workers involved in the
Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are women, and they too are
putting themselves at risk providing medical services to the infected.
In this new struggle, women are disproportionately impacted.
Across generations, women take on many responsibilities in the
household, including being a primary caretaker. As they give their
energy to their infected loved ones, they put themselves at more
risk of catching the virus.
Meanwhile, unlawful arrests and persecution of pro-democracy activists
continues. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners,
1,084 women have been arrested and 65 killed since Feb 1. Another 100
youth have been killed by the junta, including 75 children. Additionally,
1,000 young people between the ages of 10 and 19 have been detained.
Of those arrested, 65 have been sentenced to death through military
tribunals, including four women. Burma/Myanmar has not evoked the
death penalty since 1988. These sentences are excruciatingly punitive and
they lack legitimacy. Peaceful protest is not a crime, and yet under the
junta’s control, those with different views are persecuted.
Impact of the Military Coup: The junta continues to deny and dismiss the severity of the multiple
crises unfolding within the country. International intervention to curb
the rate of infections and carry out an effective humanitarian response
is urgently needed.
Women and children have suffered enormous consequences since the
junta’s ruthless takeover. Surviving under an authoritarian regime has been
immeasurably difficult for the most vulnerable. In Burma/Myanmar, women
are unfairly recognized as the weaker gender. The military often treats them
with severe disrespect, abusing and intimidating them to maintain their
control. Since the military overthrew the democratically elected government,
sexual harassment, rape, and arrests have increased. There is no compassion
shown for the elderly, the sick, people with disabilities or young. To the
Burmese Army, they are simply the threats to their new political order. Women
have also been threatened by the junta for their pro-democracy activities.
A weak legal system has undermined all prospects for justice and
accountability. Women’s access to justice referral pathways is also
limited by patriarchal and cultural stereotypes. Isolating civilians from
life-saving services is another branch of the junta’s deceitful tactics.
Many of the victims of their atrocities are from low-income communities
who lack the financial capacity and legal literacy to access services.
The junta has a long history of committing sexual abuse against young
women and girls. The abuse leaves survivors traumatized, often without
reparations for the crimes committed against them. In detention,
prisoners are allowed limited access to water. Due to the unsanitary
conditions, women in the prison often take contraceptives. Even though
there may be consequences to their health, women political prisoners
in Dawei Township have no choice but receive the contraceptive
injections through the clinics in the prison. Inadequate access to sanitary
conditions while unlawfully detained is yet another violation they are
forced to endure.
As tens of thousands of positive cases and hundreds of deaths from
COVID-19 are being reported, prisons throughout the country are
also affected by the coronavirus. Making it worse is the military’s
unwillingness to contain the pandemic and provide proper medical
care. Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the Director of the National Immunization
Program and one of the leading experts on COVID-19 in Burma/
Myanmar, who was arrested with her family on June 20, is now
infected with the virus. While two women reportedly died in Insein
Prison in the month of July due to being denied medical care. One
was Moe Thu, a 42-year-old anti-coup protest leader from Khayan
Township in Yangon Region, whose colleagues believed she died of
COVID-19. In response to the negligence of the prison’s management
over the deteriorating COVID-19 pandemic and its discriminatory
medical treatment within prison, women from the two female
detention blocks in Insein Prison staged a protest in the morning of
July 23 spreading across the prison.
Young children are not exempt from this horrendous treatment. Ko Soe
Htay, a Burmese human rights activist, says his five-year-old daughter
was arrested and detained in his place with his wife and elder daughter.
The family was forced to endure stress positions by the junta. Since her
release, he says his young daughter has been traumatized. His eldest,
who remains in prison, is suffering from life-threatening injuries..."
Source/publisher:
Women’s League of Burma
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
808.61 KB
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The fatal fall of Wai Wai Myint—or “Apple” to her friends—was testament to her refusal to give in to injustice
Description:
"In early August, 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint and her 35-year-old husband Soe Myat Thu decided to leave Yangon for a short trip to Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin.
The couple, who had recently recovered from Covid-19, just wanted a break from the stress of life in Myanmar’s largest city, where post-coup political tensions and anxiety over the third wave of the pandemic seemed to be coming to a head.
They took their much-needed vacation and were due to return to Yangon by plane on August 10. However, when they learned that their flight would be delayed until the afternoon, they decided to rent a car the day before so they could get back to Yangon by morning. It proved to be a fateful decision.
Just hours after they arrived at their home on 45th Street at around 9am, Wai Wai Myint—known to her friends and family as “Apple”—would be lying dead in a nearby alleyway.
After resting from their journey, Wai Wai Myint went out at around 3pm to meet with friends who lived a short distance away on 44th Street, according to her husband.
“She took 10 or 15 thousand kyat with her to give to her friends. It was soon after she left that it happened,” he recalled.
“I can’t help but blame myself. If only we taken the plane, we wouldn’t have arrived until 6pm,” he said as he tried to make sense of the tragic events of that day.
Lost hope
Soe Myat Thu learned about his wife’s death on social media.
There were reports that five people had fallen from the rooftop of a three-storey apartment building on 44th Street. The details were unclear, but it appeared that they had been trying to escape from a raid by junta troops looking to arrest members of the anti-coup resistance movement.
It was believed that the 50-foot fall had left at least some of the wanted activists dead. Photos shared on Facebook showed seemingly lifeless bodies lying in an alley behind No. 38, 44th Street, including one of a woman in a blue and yellow dress, like the one worn by Snow White in the classic Disney movie.
It was the sight of this dress that shook Soe Myat Thu to the core.
“I kept hoping that it wasn’t her, but at the same time, I could see that the woman in the photo was wearing the exact same dress as my wife,” he said.
Even in the face of this evidence, he couldn’t quite bring himself to believe that it was Wai Wai Myint. He posted something on Facebook to see if he could get more information, and it slowly began to sink in that it was true: his wife was dead.
But this did not end his quest for some glimmer of hope. The following morning, he contacted a doctor he knew at Yangon General Hospital to ask if she had been admitted there. When this failed to yield any new leads, he went directly to the hospital’s emergency department, only to be told that they hadn’t seen any patients fitting Wai Wai Myint’s description.
"The Facebook post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person."
He then went from one cemetery to another, beginning with the Kyu Chaung Cemetery in Shwepyithar Township, where the military often takes the bodies of its victims. Next he went to the Kyi Su Cemetery in South Dagon, and then the Yay Way Cemetery in North Okkalapa.
As his grim search continued, he read on Facebook that the five people who had fallen from the building the day before had all been taken to the 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township, where one was said to still be clinging to life.
“The post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person,” said Soe Myat Thu.
But the thought that he might see Wai Wai Myint alive again proved short-lived. Friends at the hospital confirmed that she had died. Four hours later, he would see this with his own eyes when he went to identify her.
After making a futile request for permission to take her body, which was tightly wrapped in white cloth, for burial (she had often said that she didn’t want to be cremated), he was denied another last wish: to keep her ashes.
“We couldn’t take her body home. And we couldn’t have her ashes,” he recalled sadly.
“They said that they couldn’t make any exceptions—that everything had to be done according to the orders from the higher ups.”
‘A peculiar girl’
He still hasn’t told their five-year-old daughter, Nan Hteik Yati, what happened to her mother.
A gemstone dealer by profession, Wai Wai Myint was often away on business. Perhaps that is where their daughter thinks she is now, Soe Myat Thu suggested, before adding that that may no longer be the case.
“I think she found out about her death this morning while we were praying with the monks. She started crying while she was praying,” he said.
Wai Wai Myint was a devoted mother who would only bend her will to please their daughter, Soe Myat Thu recalled, remembering his wife as the sort of person who would never give up in a fight.
“When we argued, she would only start talking to me again if our daughter told her to,” he said.
Wai Wai Myint had lost both of her parents—her father when she was just a child, and her mother while she was in university.
Perhaps it was this that made her so fiercely independent, and at the same time protective towards those who had suffered some injustice, according to some of her closest friends.
“Many people called her Apple. She was such a peculiar girl. She couldn’t stand injustice. She was fierce, and tall—she always wore high heels,” said Htet Arkar Kyaw, a former classmate.
“By fierce, I don’t mean she fought with or bullied people. She was a brave girl. Everyone at school knew that. She used to fight with teachers known to act like dictators with students,” he recalled.
"She always stood on the side of the weak."
An honours graduate with a degree in English language from Dagon University, she always spoke up when she had to.
“She would always ask the teachers questions, and never gave up until she got an answer that satisfied her. And she was never afraid to tell the truth,” said her close friend Soe Soe.
Seen as “mouthy” by some, to those who really knew her, she was best known for being always ready to come to the aid of those in need, Soe Soe added.
Her husband said this applied as much to strangers as to friends.
“There were many times when she would yell at restaurant managers for scolding waiters,” he said. “She always stood on the side of the weak.”
‘No interest in politics’
Until the coup in February, however, Wai Wai Myint’s strong sense of justice never really extended to the political sphere.
As relatively well-off members of Myanmar’s middle class, she and her husband had friends who supported both the now-ousted National League for Democracy and the army’s proxy party, and they felt no desire to pick sides.
“We weren’t interested in politics at all before the coup. We weren’t on either side,” said Soe Myat Thu, noting that he and his wife both preferred to put most of their energy into their work, which in his case was running a private dental clinic.
But that changed just over a week after the military takeover, when a young protester in Naypyitaw became the first casualty of the newly installed regime’s brutal efforts to crush opposition to its rule.
Mya Thwe Thwe Khine was just 19 years old when she was shot in the head during an anti-coup demonstration in the capital on February 9. Her subsequent death a few days later made a deep impression on Wai Wai Myint.
“It shattered her when Mya Thwe Thwe Khine died,” Soe Myat Thu said about the change in his wife’s political views.
Over the ensuing months, she joined many protests, even when the junta was massacring dozens or even hundreds of civilians on a daily basis. She did so against her husband’s wishes, and eventually stopped telling him what she was doing, he said.
Much of her activity involved cooking and donating food to protesters, according to her friend Soe Soe. In April, she was briefly detained for her involvement in the resistance movement.
"She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice."
During her detention, she suffered a spinal injury after she was slapped and kicked by her captors. But more than that, it pained her that she was released while others were forced to remain behind bars.
“She wasn’t happy, because only she and a few other people were freed. She felt guilty about that. She’d come to me and cry about it,” said Soe Soe.
“She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice,” she added.
Through her work in the movement, she made many new friends, including those who were with her on the day she died. According to the junta, Wai Wai Myint was guilty of supporting a group of youths who were making explosives.
Soe Myat Thu said he didn’t know any of the people she was with when the apartment she was in was raided. The four others who fell that day were all young men.
In Soe Myat Thu’s mind, there is no doubt about who is responsible for his wife’s death. She herself had told him that she would take her own life before she allowed herself to be captured and tortured again.
“I’m not the only one crying now. It’s all the system’s fault. My wife wouldn’t have had to die if it wasn’t for that,” he said, laying the blame for her death squarely on the shoulders of Myanmar’s military rulers..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"As of 17 August, (999) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Kyauksei Township in Mandalay Region died on August 16 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 17, a total of (5712) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Than Sein, a local villager from Kyauk Sauk Kalay Village in Kyauksei Township, Mandalay Region, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop around 10 am on August 15, died on the morning of August 16 due to severe beatings. Three of his teeth fell out due to the punching, and beating with wire and bamboo sticks because Than Sein did not open his phone lock. Than Sein was beaten this way until in the evening, according to locals. Than Sein was actively involved in his community and in-hiding after the terrorist junta came to search and arrest NLD supporters. He was arrested because a junta-appointed administrator informed that he had arrived home from hiding.
Kyaw Thiha, a protest leader with the Mandalay Boycott Forces Column, was hit by a private car driven by the terrorist junta’s troop wearing plain clothes yesterday. Kyaw Thiha was beaten and arrested at gunpoint at 5pm on August 16 on his way driving a motorbike. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided houses where protestors were hiding and Pi Ti, one of the protestors in that boycott column, was arrested that day.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.4 MB 5.5 MB 1.83 MB
more
Sub-title:
Kyaw Thiha, the youth head of an alliance of multiple protest columns, was stopped on his motorbike, beaten and arrested at gunpoint by plainclothes junta soldiers
Description:
"A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force, was arrested by the junta’s forces while driving near Mandalay University at around 5pm on Monday.
Plainclothes soldiers, arriving in domestic vehicles, stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha—who is in his 20s—beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness.
Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township at 8pm that night.
“They also raided the place where we were staying. We’re all on the run now. I still don’t know about our other comrades, but I’m in a safe place now,” Thura Aung told Myanmar Now.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance.
Junta vehicles drove into the protest column in both May and June, injuring demonstrators. Six protesters including a university lecturer were arrested near Mandalay University on the morning of June 14 after the column was hit by a car driven by military personnel.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan.
Thura Aung said that they would not be stopping their resistance to military rule.
“They can arrest us all they want but they can’t break our revolutionary spirit. We’re not backing down, not by an inch. We will fight for the truth until the end,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The military has arrested more than 300 party members, including 98 lawmakers, since February.
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta is targeting members of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD), including its leader Aung San Suu Kyi and dozens of lawmakers, in a bid to disband the party and secure its tenuous hold on power six months after overthrowing the government, ousted lawmakers and analysts said Monday.
A member of the NLD’s Central Committee told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the military regime has arrested a total of 324 NLD members—98 of whom are members of parliament (MPs)—since its Feb. 1 coup d’état. Among the detained are 15 members of the NLD’s Central Committee, as well as five regional and state chief ministers, the committee member said, speaking on condition of anonymity due to security concerns.
Other senior NLD members have died in detention since the coup, including Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal attorney Nyan Win on July 20 and Bago region MP Nyunt Shwe, who died of COVID-19 in prison on Monday. Three party members—Khin Maung Latt and Zaw Myat Lin of Myanmar’s largest city Yangon and Kyaw Kyaw from the capital Naypyidaw—were allegedly tortured to death at interrogation centers, according to the committee member.
Meanwhile, 10 people, including Magway Region Chief Minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, have been sentenced by the military to between two and three years in prison and face additional charges. NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, former president Win Myint, and several other party leaders remain in detention on a variety of anti-state charges after being rounded up in the aftermath of the coup.
The Central Committee member told RFA that the junta is targeting the NLD with the goal of removing the party from politics altogether.
“The junta is afraid of losing the state authority it unlawfully seized,” they said.
The committee member said they believe the military’s leadership was unhappy with the socio-economic development, transparency, and other reforms that the NLD delivered after winning the country’s 2015 elections, and afraid of being held to account for the corruption and other crimes it had committed during its 1962-2011 rule.
“That must be why they are trying to completely remove the NLD from Myanmar politics, hoping that afterwards they’d be free to do what they want,” the committee member said.
“[NLD] party leaders and party members are being unlawfully persecuted, and people are being brutally suppressed so that they cannot interact with the party.”
Holding on to power
The junta says a landslide victory by the NLD in the country’s November 2020 general election was the result of voter fraud, but has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed widespread prot4ests, killing 998 people and arresting 5,711 since the coup, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
The regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC) announced on July 26 that the 2020 election results had been officially annulled, although the NLD has dismissed the decision as illegal, saying it invalidates the will of the people. The military has called for a change in the format of the election to include proportional representation ahead of a new ballot.
Political analyst Than Soe Naing told RFA that the military’s actions are aimed at holding on to power.
“It doesn’t matter when elections are held—as long as the people wholeheartedly support the NLD, it will be difficult for the military to maintain power,” he said.
“This is why the junta is working towards the abolition of the NLD and the long-term imprisonment of its leaders.”
In the aftermath of the coup, the military raided NLD offices across the country, confiscating documents and office equipment and destroying party signboards. Party officials say grassroot-level NLD offices have since removed all signs, citing security concerns.
Aung Kyi Nyunt, a member of the NLD Central Committee, said that despite the military’s efforts, the party will endure because it continues to represent the will of the people.
“I don’t believe that the people will accept the annulment of the election results or participate in new elections, as they already made their decision,” he said.
“As long as the people are there, the party will be there.”
Little hope for justice
Meanwhile, family members of imprisoned NLD lawmakers told RFA on Monday that they have little hope for justice while the junta remains in charge of the country.
Lin Naing, the husband of jailed Taungup township MP Ni Ni May Myint, said that the military had arrested his wife and many other NLD members with complete impunity.
“We didn’t know where people were interrogated after being taken away—most were taken to court from interrogation centers and imprisoned straight away,” he said.
“There is no transparency. Those arrested were not allowed to speak with their lawyers and were jailed on random charges. Almost all the cases are like that. Anyone who is charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code [for ‘defamation of the military’] has no legal protection.”
Ni Ni May Myint was arrested in Yangon on May 12 along with NLD youth leader Chit Chit Chaw and sentenced to three years in prison for defaming the military. The pair have been denied visits with family members, Lin Naing said.
Thant Zin Tun, a Pyithu Hluttaw member from Dekkhina Thiri township, has been in detention in Naypyidaw Prison since March 2, when he was arrested in the capital along with Naypyidaw Council Development Committee member Min Thu, NLD MP Kyaw Min Hlaing, and Amyotha Hluttaw member Maung Maung Swe.
A member of Thant Zin Tun’s family, who declined to be named, said the junta has been devoting a significant amount of effort to building a case against the MP.
“We were allowed to see him 12 days after his arrest, but we haven’t seen him since,” the relative said.
“They are meticulously constructing a case so that they can sentence him to prison. They have called in ‘witnesses’ that they want to testify in the case. There is nothing we can do for him.”
Attempts by RFA to reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Monday..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"၂၀၂၁ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၁)ရက် နေ့မှစ ၍ မြန်မာ စစ်တပ်သည် နိုင်ငံအတွင်းအင်တာနက်သုံးစွဲမှု့ကို ရုတ်ချည်း ပိတ်ပင် ခဲ့ပါသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုမှ မည်သည့်ဖိနှိပ်မှုနည်းလမ်းများအသုံးပြုခဲ့ပါသလဲ ၊ သူတို့အောင်မြင်ခဲ့ပါသလား နည်းပညာ ဆိုင်ရာ ကုမ္ဗဏီများ နှင့် ထည့်ဝင်လှူဒါန်းသူ များက အာဏာသိမ်းအပြီး မြန်မာပြည်တွင် ပေါ်ထွန်း လာသည့် ဒီဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေးမှု့ကိုမည်သို့တုန့်ပြန် ကြပါသလဲ ယခုထင်မြင်သုံးသပ်ချက် သည် အင်တာနက် အသုံးပြုပုံ နှင့် အရပ်ဖက် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းတော်လှန်ရေး ၏ အဓိကနယ်ပယ်များ အကြောင်းကို RightsCon 2021 တွင် သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူ (၃)ဦး ၏ ဆွေးနွေးချက်များ ပေါင်းစည်း တင်ပြထား ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဆွေးနွေးပွဲ ကို ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်လုံခြုံရေးသုတေသန၊လေ့ကျင့်သင်ကြားရေးနှင့် အားလုံးအတွက် ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သောဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်အနာဂါတ် ဖြစ်လာစေရန်မြေတောင်မြှောက် ပေး သည့် ကနေဒါနိုင်ငံ အကျိုးအမြတ်မယူသောအဖွဲ့အစည်း SecDev Foundation မှလက်ခံကျင်းပပေး ခဲ့ပါသည်။
“သူတို့တရားဝင်ဖြစ်တည်ရေးအတွက် ကြိုးစား ရာမှာ အင်တာနက် က အသက်တမျှအရေးကြီးတယ်ဆိုတာ စစ်တပ်က ကောင်းကောင်းသိပါတယ်” ဟု သုတေသီနှင့် တသီးပုဂ္ဂလအကြံပေးဖြစ်သူ အဲလက်စ် အောင်ခန့် ကပြော ကြားသည်။ အဲလက်စ်နှင့်အတူ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အခွင့်အရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူနှင့် မြန်မာ အိုင်စီတီ( သတင်းနှင့်ဆက်သွယ် ရေး နည်းပညာ) MIDO Development Organisation မှ ယခင် ပရိုဂရမ် မန်နေဂျာ ဖြစ်သူ မျိုးမင်းအောင်၊ အာဏာ မသိမ်းမီက ရန်ကုန်အခြေစိုက် နည်းပညာ ဗဟိုတွင် နည်းပညာစီစဉ်သူအဖြစ် ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သူ Saijai Liangpunsakul တို့ဆွေးနွေးပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။
ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် ခေတ်အတွင်း လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာ နှစ်စဉ်ညီလာခံ ကျင်းပသည့် RightsCon တွင် သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူ (၃)ဦး ၂၀၂၁၊ ဇွန်လ ၉ ရက်နေ့က အွန်လိုင်း ၌ တွေ့ဆုံကြပါသည်။ သူတို့က ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီ (၁)ရက်နောက်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်ပေါ်ပြောင်းလဲလာသည့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အခင်းအကျင်း တွင် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကောင်စီ(စစ်ကောင်စီ ဆိုသည်မှာ အာဏာသိမ်းအဖွဲ့က သူတို့ကိုယ်သူတို့ ပေးထားသည့် ဂုဏ်ပုဒ်အမည်)ဆန့်ကျင်ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်သူများ နှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိက ကဏ္ဍ တို့မည်သည့်နည်းဖြင့် ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းနေကြသည်ကို ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြပါသည်။
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ဖိနှိပ်သည့်နည်းလမ်းများကို တန်ပြန်ခုခံသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းအပြီး တက်ကြွသောဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေး မှုု့တရပ်ထွန်းကားလာခဲ့သည်ကို ဆွေးနွေးပွဲက ရှင်းလင်း ပြသခဲ့ပါသည်။ သို့
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ဖိနှိပ်သည့်နည်းလမ်းများကို တန်ပြန်ခုခံသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းအပြီး တက်ကြွသောဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေး မှုု့တရပ်ထွန်းကားလာခဲ့သည်ကို ဆွေးနွေးပွဲက ရှင်းလင်း ပြသခဲ့ပါသည်။ သို့သော် စစ်တပ်၏စောင့်ကြည့် ထောက်လှမ်း နိုင်စွမ်းအရ အာဏာသိမ်းဆန့်ကျင်သည့်လှုပ်ရှားမှုများမှာ အသိပညာကွာဟချက်များကြောင့်ကန့်သတ်ခံနေရသေးသည်။ ပြည်သူများ၏အင်တာနက်ရယူသုံးစွဲနိုင်မှုကိုဆက်လက်တည်တံ့အောင်ထိန်းထားပေးရန်နည်းပညာကုမ္ဗဏီများ နှင့် ထည့်ဝင်လှူဒါန်းသူများ က မိမိတို့၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍ ကို ပြန်လည်စဉ်းစားပေးဖို့ သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူများမှ တောင်းဆိုကြပါသည်။[1]
စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် ဖိနှိပ်မှု့
အင်တာနက်ပိတ်ချခြင်းသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ဖိနှိပ်မှု့ဗျူဟာများတွင်လူသိအများဆုံးဖြစ်သည်။ အင်တာနက်ချိတ်ဆက်နိုင်မှု့ကို အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးအချိန်အနည်းငယ်အတွင်း စစ်တပ်မှပိတ်ဆို့လိုက်သည်။ ထို့နောက်တွင် ညပိုင်းအင်တာနက်ပြတ်တောက်မှုဆက်တိုက်ဖြစ်လာသည်မှာအနည်းဆုံးရက်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကြာမြင့် ခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ဧပြီလ မှစပြီး ဖိုင်ဘာအော့ပ်တစ်ကေဘယ်လ်မှလွဲ ၍ အခြားမည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှအင်တာနက်ချိတ်ဆက်မရအောင်စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ပိတ်ဆို့ထားခဲ့သည်။ အဓိပ္ဗါယ်မှာ ကုန်ကျစရိတ်နဲသောမိုဘိုင်းလ် ကွန်ယက်များနှင့် broadband ဆက်သွယ်မှုများကိုသာအားထားနေရသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သားအများစု အင်တာနက် လုံးဝချိတ်ဆက်မရတော့ခြင်းပင်။ ဖိုင်ဘာအော့ပ်တစ်ကေဘယ်လ်များမှာ လည်း မြန်နှုန်းလျော့ချခံထားရသည့်နှုန်းဖြင့်သာ ဝန်ဆောင်မှု ပေးနေရသည်။
အင်တာနက်ပြတ်တောက်ခြင်းကိုအရေးထားရန် တောင်းဆိုနေချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီကမြန်မာ့ဆိုင်ဘာ နယ်ပယ်ကို ရုတ်ချည်း လုံးဝထိန်းချုပ်လိုက်နိုင်သည်ဆိုသည့်အချက်ကိုတော့သုံးသပ်ဆွေး နွေးသူများမှ ကွဲပြားသည့်အမြင်ကိုတင်ပြကြသည်။ ဥပမာ တစ်ခုအနေနှင့် အင်တာနက်အမှောင်ချခံရခြင်းမှာ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသည် မဟုတ် ဟု မျိုး က ထောက်ပြသည်။ ၂၀၁၉ ခုဇွန်လ နှင့် ၂၀၂၁ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီ အကြားကာလ တွင် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့်ချင်းပြည်နယ် ၉ မြို့နယ် တို့ ၌ တင်းမာသည့်လက်နက်ကိုင် ပဋိပက္ခများဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်ကြားက အင်တာနက်မှောင်ချထားရန်အမိန့်ကိုအမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီ ပါတီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် NLD အစိုးရမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။အခြားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်အတူ MIDO နှင့် ဖန်တီးရာ တို့ကအင်တာနက်ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်းကို ရပ်ဆိုင်း ရန် ကာကွယ် ပြောဆို ခဲ့ကြသည် ၊ သို့သော် အာဏာသိမ်းသည့်ရက်မတိုင်မီ ( ၁ ) ရက်အလိုမှ ရပ်ဆိုင်း သွားခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်တပ်က အာဏာသိမ်းရန်အတွက် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်တွင် အကြိုလေ့ကျင့်နေပုံရသည်ဟု မျိုးကပြောသည်။ ၂၀၂၀ နိုဝင်ဘာလတွင်လည်း Information Controls Fellow of the Open Technology Fund ဖြစ်သူ ဖြူဖြူကျော် မှ NLD လက်ထက်တွင် အွန်လိုင်းတားမြစ်စီစစ် ချက်များ၊စောင့်ကြည့် အကဲခတ်မှုများ ကိုလှစ်ဟပြခဲ့သည်။သူ၏ လေ့လာချက်တွင်မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားသော ဖိနှိပ်မှု ဗျူဟာများ သည် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်တွင် အလုံးအရင်းနှင့် ကျင့်သုံးခဲ့သော ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် ကိရိယာများသိမ်းဆည်းခြင်း၊ ပစ်မှတ်ထားသည့်ဝက်ဘ်ဆိုက် များကိုပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်း စသည့် ရှိနှင့်ပြီး ဗျူဟာ အမျိုးမျိုး ကို ရှေ့ပြေး နိမိတ်ပုံ ထင်ဟပ်စေသည်။[2]
အာဏာသိမ်းမှု့မတိုင်မီ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ဖိနှပ်မှု့များ အပေါ်ထပ်လောင်းထားသည့် များပြားလှသောရင်းမြစ်များ အကြောင်းကိုလည်း သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူ များက အလေးအနက်တင်ပြကြသည်။ တရုတ်၊ ဥရောပနှင့်အမေရိကန်နိုင်ငံ တို့မှတင်သွင်းလာပုံရသည့် တပ်မတော်၏ စောင့်ကြည့်ထောက်လှမ်း ခြင်းနည်းပညာ အကြောင်းကိုအဲလက်စ် မှဆွေးနွေးခဲ့သည်။ အများတကာသွားလာနေ သည့်နေရာတွင် လူမျက်နှာသွင်ပြင်ကိုမှတ်မိနိုင်သည့် တရုတ်နိုင်ငံ၏ နည်းပညာ ပစ္စည်းများ တပ်ဆင်မှုကို အဲလက်စ်မှ အထူးစိုးရိမ်သည်ဟုဆိုသည်။ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများဖြင့်သက်ဝင်လှုပ်ရှားနေပြီး အကြမ်းတမ်းဆုံး ဖြိုခွဲခံရသောနေရာများဖြစ်သည့် မန္တလေး၊ နေပြည်တော် နှင့်ရန်ကုန် မြို့ကြီး (၃) မြို့ တွင် ထိုသို့တပ်ဆင်မှု့ကို၂၀၂၀ နှင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်တို့တွင်စတင်ရန်ရည်ရွယ် ခဲ့သည်။ NLD အစိုးရ မှ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ၄့၆သန်း ကိုလူမှု့ကွန်ယက်စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာရေးနည်းကိရိယာများအတွက် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်တွင်သုံးခဲ့သည်ဟုဖြူဖြူကျော်၏ သုတေသန ပြုချက်ကိုမှီငြမ်း ၍ မျိုး မှလည်းပြော ဆိုသည်။ NLD အစိုးရသည် ၂၀၁၉ – ၂၀၂၀ အကြား ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ကြားဖြတ်သတင်းယူနိုင်သည့် စံနစ်ကိုတည်ထောင်ရန် အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၄သန်းဝန်းကျင်ကို လျာထားသုံးစွဲ ခဲ့သော်လည်း ယခုချိန်အထိ ထိုစံနစ်မှာတည်ရှိ ပေါ်ပေါက်မလာသေးဟု မျိုးမှဆက်လက်ပြောကြားသည်။ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ကြားဖြတ်သတင်းယူခြင်းဆိုသည်မှာ ပုံမှန်အားဖြင့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု့များကို ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံသားများအချင်းချင်းပုဂ္ဂိုလ်ရေးရာကိစ္စ များ ပြောကြားခြင်း ကို သတင်းရယူရာ၌ အကန့်အသတ် မရှိခွင့်ပေးထားသည့် ဥပဒေမူဘောင်ကိုရည်ညွှန်းသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ထိုသို့အကာအကွယ်အထိန်းအကွပ်မဲ့ခြင်း က ဥပဒေအရမည်သို့မျှတန်ပြန် အရေးယူခံရမည်မဟုတ်သဖြင့် နိုင်ငံသားများအပေါ် စိတ်ကြိုက် လွတ်လပ်စွာသူလျို ထောက်လှမ်းနိုင်ရန် စစ်ကောင်စီကို အခွင့်ပေးလိုက်သကဲ့သို့ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီမှ အင်တာနက် နှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် လုံခြုံရေး ထိန်းချုပ်ရန် သူတို့ဖာသာ ကျင့်သား ယူထားပြီး၊ ကြိုတင်ကြံစည် တွေးထားပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူများမှ သံသယ များစွာဖြစ်ဖွယ်မရှိပါ။
မည်သို့ဖြစ်စေ အမြင်ကျဉ်းမြောင်းစွာအင်တာနက်အမှောင်ချခြင်းက အခြားနည်းဖြင့်ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ဖိနှိပ်မှု့ကိုအာရုံစိုက် ခြင်းမှသွေဖယ်သွားစေသည်ဟုမျိုးကဖြည့်စွက်ပြောကြားသည်။ စစ်ဆေးရေးနေရာများတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီအရာရှိများက လူထုထံမှဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ကိရိယာ (လက်ကိုင်ဖုန်း)များကိုစစ်ဆေးပြီး အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်ကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်သည့် ပို့စ်များ တင်မတင်စစ်ဆေးဖော်ထုတ်သည်။ “ပထမဆုံးသူတို့ကြည့်တာကတော့ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်၊နောက်ပီးတော့ (ဓါတ်ပုံတွေ)သိမ်းထားတဲ့ဖိုင်နဲ့ မက်ဆင်ဂျာပဲဗျ “ဟုမျိုးကပြောသည်။ “ဘာတွေပါနိုင်မလဲ ဖြစ်နိုင်ခြေရှိသမျှ အမျိုးစုံ သူတို့ရှာတယ် ၊ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းတာကိုထိခိုက်တာ တခုခုတွေ့တာနဲ့ ဒီအရာရှိတွေက( ဖုန်းပိုင်ရှင်ကို) ဖမ်းတော့တာပဲ။ စစ်ကောင်စီ က လူငယ်ဆိုလျှင် ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော် သူများဟုမှတ်ယူ ထားသဖြင့် ယင်းသို့ နှောင့်ယှက်မှုကိုအများဆုံးကြုံတွေ့နိုင်ခြေရှိသူများမှာ စစ်ဆေးရေးနေရာများကို အုပ်စုလိုက် ဖြတ်သန်း သွားလာနေကြသောလူငယ်များဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ဖုန်းများစစ်ဆေးသည့်လုပ်ရပ် ကိုဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်လှုပ်ရှား သူများ နှင့်သတင်းထောက်များ က စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်ဆုံး ဖြစ်သည် ဟု Saijai ကဖြည့်စွက်ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့သည်။ “ဒီလိုလုပ်တဲ့နည်းကပြည်သူ လူထုအကြားမှာ ကြောက်ရွံ့ ထိတ်လန့်မှုတွေ ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေတယ်၊ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူခေါင်းဆောင်ပိုင်းတွင်သာမက ရိုးရိုးပြည်သူ တွေကပါ ကိုယ့်ဖုန်းနဲ့ကိုယ် အပြစ်ရှိတဲ့ ရာဇဝတ်သားဖြစ်မှာကြောက်နေကြတယ်”
စစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် ဖိနှိပ်မှုတွေ ကပြီးပြည့်စုံရဲ့လား
အင်တာနက်ကိုလုံးဝဥဿုံ ထိန်းချုပ်ရန် အမျိုးမျိုးလုပ်ဆောင်နေရသော်လည်း အခက်အခဲများနှင့်သာရင်ဆိုင်နေရ သောစစ်တပ်အခြေအနေ ကိုထောက်ပြပြီးမြန်မာပြည်တွင် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ဖိနှိပ်မှုမှာ မပြည့်စုံကြောင်း သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေး သူများမှ တသဘောတည်း တင်ပြကြသည်။ပထမဦးစွာ- စတီဖင် ဖဲလ်စတိန်း အခေါ်အရပြောရလျှင် “အာဏာရှင်များ၏ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အကျဥ်းအကြပ်” တွင်စစ်ကောင်စီ ချောင်ပိတ်မိနေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယင်းမှာ အာဏာရှင်ဆန်သည့် အုပ်ချုပ်သူများ မိမိတို့ ဖိနှိပ်မှုမှရရှိသည့်အကျိုးအမြတ်နှင့် အင်တာနက်ဖွင့်ပေးလိုက်ရသည့်အတွက် ရလိုက်သော အကျိုးအမြတ်ဆုံးရှုံးမှု့တို့ အကြား အလဲအလှယ် အပေးအယူဖြစ်သည်။ လူအများလက်ခံထားသကဲ့သို့ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီ (၁)ရက်နေ့ နံနက်စောစော စစ်တပ် စတင် ဝင်ရောက်နေရာယူချိန်မှ စပြီး အင်တာနက်ပိတ်ခံရသည် ဆိုခြင်းမှာမဟုတ်ပေ၊ သူတို့အာဏာသိမ်းတပ်အချင်းချင်း ချိတ်ဆက်နိုင်ရန် အင်တာနက်ကို သုံးနေရ ၍ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု အဲလက်စ် ကထောက်ပြခဲ့ပါသည်။ တကယ်အင်တာနက်ဖြတ်ခံရချိန် ကနံနက် ၇နာရီခွဲ ခန့်ဖြစ်ပြီး လူထုထံမှ မကျေနပ်သံများ ချက်ခြင်း ပေါ်ထွက်လာသည်။ညစဉ် ညဉ့် ၁နာရီ မှ မနက် ၉ နာရီအထိအင်တာနက် ဖြတ်တောက်ခြင်းက ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ( ၆) ရက်နေ့မှစတင်သည်ဆိုခြင်းမှာလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏သူတို့ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်အကျဉ်းအကြပ်ကို တနည်းအားဖြင့် ဖြေရှင်းခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ နေ့ပိုင်း ပုံမှန်ရုံးချိန်တွင် လုပ်ငန်းများလုပ်ဆောင် နိုင်ရန်အင်တာနက်ခွင့်ပြုပေးထားပြီး ညအချိန်တွင် အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းမိုးစေရန်၊အရပ်သားများကိုအကြမ်းဖက်ရန်၊ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများ အချင်းချင်း ချိတ်ဆက်မှုကိုဖြတ်တောက်ဖြိုခွဲရန် ဆိုသည့်တန်ပြန်ဆန္ဒကိုအကောင်အထည်ဖော် နေသည့် ထိုအချက်နှစ်ချက်မှာ အဲလက်စ်၏ သုံးသပ်ချက်အရ အလုပ်လုပ်ချင်သူများကို ဖော်ရွေလိုက်လျောပါသည် ဆိုသည့်ပုံရိပ်ကို အတင်းထိန်းထားနိုင်ရေးအတွက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏အထူးအားစိုက်ကြိုးစားထားရသည့် ရလာဒ်များ ဖြစ်သည်ဟုဆိုသည်။
ထို့အပြင် စစ်တပ် သည်လည်း အင်တာနက် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အများနှင့်အတူရောပြီးအင်တာနက်အကုန်ပိတ်သွားသည့်အတွက် တပ်အချင်းချင်းဆက်သွယ်ရန် မဖြစ်နိုင်တော့ပဲ မြေပြင်တွင်တာဝန်ကျနေသောစစ်သားများ၏စိတ်ဓါတ်ရေးရာ ကိုပါ အတားအဆီး အနှောက်အယှက်ဖြစ်လာစေသည်။ “ဖုန်းတစ်လုံးနဲ့ တစ်တော့ ဆော့နေကြပီး နားနေကြတဲ့စစ်သားတွေ ကျွန်တော်တို့အားလုံး တွေ့ဖူးကြတာပဲ” ဟုအဲလက်စ်ကပြောသည်။ ထိုတစ်တော့ ဗီဒီယိုများမှာ ကြည့်ရှုသူအတွက် အဆိပ် အတောက် မရှိသည်မဟုတ်ချေ၊ လူမှု ကွန်ယက်တွင်တင်ထားသော ဓါတ်ပုံများ၊ အသက်ကိုခြိမ်းခြောက်သည့်ပို့စ်များသည် စစ်တပ်အတွင်း ရာထူးအဆင့်အလိုက် အရေးမယူ၊ ဒဏ်မခတ်သည့် ထုံးစံ တရပ်ကိုပြန့်ပွားစေသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စီးပွားရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့်အကျိုးစီးပွားနှင့် သူတို့တပ်အချင်းချင်းအကြား တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ်ပြုခံရမှုသည်လည်း အင်တာနက်ချိတ်ဆက်ရရှိနိုင်ခြင်း အပေါ်တနည်းနည်းဖြင့်မှီ နေသောကြောင့်လုံးဝအပြီးသတ်ပိတ်ချလိုက်ရန်မှာ ဖြစ်နိုင်ဖွယ်မရှိပါ။
စီးပွားရေး လုပ်ငန်းများလုပ်ဆောင်ရန်နှင့် စစ်တပ်အကျိုးစီးပွားကို အထောက်အကူပြုသည့် အင်တာနက်သုံးစွဲမှု ပုံစံကိုချဲ့နိုင်သမျှတိုးချဲ့ပြီး ၊ တော်လှန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေသည့် အင်တာနက်စွမ်းအင်ကို ချုံ့ နိုင်သော အဆင့်မြင့် ဆန်းကြယ်သည့် ထိန်းချုပ်နည်းများ စစ်ကောင်စီမှအကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်မည်လားဟုမေးစရာရှိသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် ဒုတိယ အခက်အခဲများ ကိုလည်း သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူများကထောက်ပြခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၎င်းမှာ စစ်တပ်တွင် အလုံးစုံလွှမ်းခြုံသည့် စောင့်ကြည့် ထောက်လှမ်းခြင်းဗျူဟာချမှတ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းမရှိခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ မျိုး၏ဆွေးနွေးချက်အရ “စစ်တပ်ရဲ့စောင့်ကြည့်ထောက်လှမ်း နိုင်တဲ့စွမ်းရည်ဘယ်လောက်ရှိလဲအပြည့်အစုံမသိရပေမယ့်သေချာတဲ့ အချက်တစ်ခုကစစ်တပ်က ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာတွေ ဝယ်ယူပြီး ဆော့ဖ်ဝဲများတပ်ဆင်လိုစိတ် တော့ အလွန်ပြင်းပြနေတယ် ။ဒီအရင်းအမြစ်တွေ ကို စစ်အဖွဲ့မှညွှန်ကြားအသုံးပြုနိုင်ခြင်းရှိမရှိကလည်း အလွန်မေးခွန်းထုတ်စရာကောင်းနေတယ့်သူတို့မှာ ဗျူဟာမဲ့နေတယ်”ဟုဆိုသည်။ မျိုး ဆိုလိုသည်မှာ စစ်တပ်က ပြဿနာကိုဖြေရှင်းရာ တွင်ရှေ့အနာဂါတ်ကိုကြိုတွေးသည့်ဗျူဟာထက် ငွေကိုသာပုံအောသုံးတတ်ပုံရသည်ဟုဆိုလိုခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ယင်း၏ရလာဒ်မှာ ပြည်သူပြည်သားများ၏ ကျရာအခြေအနေတွင်ဖြစ်အောင်လိုက်လျောညီထွေနေတတ်မှု နှင့် ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံနိုင်သည့် စိတ်ဓါတ်တို့ကို စစ်တပ်က တသမတ်တည်း လျှော့တွက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အလုံးစုံလွှမ်းခြုံမှု ဗျူဟာမဲ့နေခြင်းကို အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးစမှ ၅လအတွင်း ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်းကိုဆက်လက် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နေ သော ၎င်းတို့၏ ဗရမ်းဗတာလုပ်တတ်သည့်စရိုက်တွင် တွေ့နေရသည်။ ကနဦးတွင် အင်တာနက်ပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်းကို အချိန်အတိအကျ လုပ်ဆောင်သည်။ တဖန် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်နှင့် တွစ်တာကဲ့သို့ ထင်ရှားသည့် အချို့ဝက်ဘ်ဆိုက်များကိုပိတ်ပြီး အင်တာနက်ကို လိုင်းပေါ်ပြန်တင်ပေးပြန်သည်။ မကြာသေးမီ ၂၀၂၁မေလ က Zoom၊ LinkedIn နှင့် အခြား မိုဘိုင်းလ် ဘဏ်ဝန်ဆောင်မှု့များကို မိုဘိုင်းလ်ဒေတာမှ လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန် “ခွင့်ပြုစာရင်း” ဗျူဟာ သို့ပြောင်းပြန်သည်။ အခြားအင်တာနက်သုံးစွဲမှုပုံစံများမှာ ဖိုင်ဘာချိတ်ဆက်မှုလိုနေသေးပြီး စောစောကတင်ပြခဲ့သည့် “နာမည်ပျက်စာရင်း”တွင်ပါသည့် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် နှင့် တွစ်တာ တို့မှာ VPN (Virtual Private Network)မရှိပဲ ချိတ်ဆက်အသုံးပြု ၍ မရသေးပေ။ မိုဘိုင်းဒေတာဖြင့်သုံးနိုင်သည့် “ခွင့်ပြုစာရင်း” ဆိုသည်မှာလည်း ကျရောက်လာမည့် စီးပွားရေးကပ်ကို ဟန့်တားနိုင်ရန်မျှော်လင့်ပြီးခွင့်ပြုခြင်းဖြစ်နိုင်သည်။ မည်သို့ပင်ဖြစ်စေပို၍အကြမ်းစား နည်းပရိယာယ်များကိုသုံးနေဆဲပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ခု ဇွန်လ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင်ကျင်းပသော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပထမဆုံး သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲပြု လုပ်နေချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီမှတနိုင်ငံလုံး အင်တာနက်မရအောင် ဖြတ်တောက် လိုက်သည်။ ယခုလိုစစ်တပ်က သိမ်းကျုံး ရန်မူသည့်နည်းပရိယာယ်များ နှင့်အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့်လှုပ်ရှားသူများမှ ယင်းပရိယာယ်တို့ကိုရှောင်လွှဲ ကျော်လွှားနိုင်မည်ဟုမျှော်လင့်ချက်ကို ပိုမိုနားလည်ရန် လိုသည်ဟု မျိုး ကပြောကြားသည်။ “ဒါက ကျွန်တော်တို့ တွေ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူတွေ ၊တော်လှန်ဆန့်ကျင်သူတွေအားလုံးပိုမို လေ့လာရမယ့် နယ်ပယ်ပဲ” ဟုမျိုးကဆိုပါသည်။
အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေးမှု့
မျိုး၏စကားအတိုင်းဖော်ပြရလျှင် “ စစ်တပ်ကအောင်မြင်ခဲ့ပါသလား ဒီမေးခွန်းရဲ့အဖြေကိုကျွန်တော်ဖြေရရင် မအောင်မြင်ပါဘူး လို့ပဲပြောပါမယ့်”ဟုဖြစ်သည်။ ယင်းမှာ ဖဲလ်စတိန်းပြောသည့် “အာဏာရှင်များရဲ့ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်အကျဉ်းအကြပ်” ကို ကိုင်တွယ်ရမည့် လမ်းကြောင်း သိနိုင်စွမ်းမရှိသည့်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အရည်အချင်းညံဖျင်းမှုကြောင့် တစိပ်တပိုင်းဖြစ်သလို၊ ဖိနှိပ်ခံရမှု့များကိုရှောင်ကွင်း ဖောက်ထွက်နိုင်သည့် အရပ်သားများ၏ အရည်အချင်း ကြောင့်ဟုလည်းပြောရမှာဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဖိနှိပ်ခံရလျက်နှင့်ပင်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်း ရှိအင်တာနက်သုံးစွဲသူများ မှ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေးမှု့ကိုအောင်မြင်စွာဖြစ်ထွန်းစေခဲ့ပြီး ထိုမှတဆင့် ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်သည့်နည်းသစ်များ ၊ လူမှု့ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများစွာပေါက်ဖွားစေခဲ့ပြီး အချင်းချင်းလည်း အန္တရာယ်မှလုံခြုံစေရန်စောင့်ရှောက်နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများ၏ ဖန်တီးနိုင်မှုအရည်အချင်းကို နိုင်ငံတကာက သတိထားမိခဲ့ကြရာဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်လောကထဲသို့ပါ ပျံ့နှံ့ရောက်ရှိလာသည်။ထိုအကြောင်းအရာနှင့်ပတ်သက် ၍ Saijai က အချက်(၃)ချက်သတိပြုမိသည်။ ပထမအချက်မှာအရပ်သားများ ကဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံစေရန်နှင့်ပိတ်ဆို့မှုကိုရှောင်ကွင်းရန် အင်တာနက်သုံးကြသည်၊ ဥပမာ စောင့်ကြည့်ထောက်လှမ်းခံရ မည်ကို စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မှုများမြင့်မားနေသည့်ကြားက တဖက်နှင့်တဖက် လျို့ဝှက်ပြောဆိုနိုင်သည့် Signal ကို အရပ်သားများ ပြောင်းသုံးကြသည်။ ဒုတိယ အချက်အနေနှင့် သုံးစွဲနိုင်သည့်application ပေါ်မူတည်ပြီး အရပ်သားများမှ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်သည့်နည်း ကိုပုံစံပြောင်း ကြသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းကာလတွင် တွစ်တာ အထူး လူသိများထင်ရှားလာသည်၊ အကြောင်းမှာ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများ တွစ်တာမှတဆင့် ပြင်ပကမ္ဘာနှင့်ဆက်သွယ်ရာတွင်ပိုမိုထိရောက်သည့်အတွက်ဖြစ်သည်ဟု Saijai ကဥပမာ ပြသည်။ သတင်းမီဒီယာမှထုတ်ပြန်သည့် သတင်းများပိတ်ပင်ခံရသည့်အချိန်တွင် မိမိ တွစ်တာ အချင်းချင်း မှဖြစ်စေ တရားဝင်ရှိနေသောတွစ်တာသတင်းဌာနများမှ ဖြစ်စေ အရပ်သားများက တွစ်တာကိုသုံးပြီး သတင်းရယူကြသည်။
#whatshappeninginmyanmar ကဲ့သို့ ခေတ်နှင့်အညီ Hashtag များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ပြည်သူများ၏စိတ်ခံစားမှု့ကိုသက်သေထူချက်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများ က တွစ်တာကိုသုံးပြီးနာမည်ကျော်သတင်းထောက်များ ကိုလည်း tag တွဲသည်၊ ထိုနည်းဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် “နိုင်ငံတကာမှအာရုံစိုက်လာစေရန်” ဖြစ်သည်။ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများက တွစ်တာ၏ တစ်ဦး မှ တစ်ဦး သို့ဆက်သွယ်ခြင်း နှင့် အများ မှ အများသို့ဆက်သွယ်ခြင်း နှစ်မျိုး စလုံးကို အကျိုးရှိရှိထိရောက်အောင် အသုံးပြုကြသည်။ တတိယအချက် တွင် အင်တာနက်ကိုသုံးပြီး ဆန္ဒပြသူများ တစ်ယောက်နှင့်တစ်ယောက် အားပေးကူညီ ကြကြောင်း Saijai ကဆွေးနွေးခဲ့သည်။ ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်သူများသည်မြို့ကြီးများတွင် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့တည်နေရာကို လမ်းကြောင်း ရှာဖွေနိုင်သော OpenStreetMap မြေပုံကိုသုံးသကဲ့သို့ Way Way Nay app သည်စစ်တပ်နှင့်ဆက်စပ်မှု့ရှိသည့်လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များလုပ်ငန်းများကိုဖော် ပြသဖြင့် သပိတ်မှောက်လှုပ်ရှားမှုများလွယ်ကူစေပြီး ချိတ်ဆက်ရ လည်း လွယ်ကူစေသည်။ ထို app များသုံးခြင်းက အွန်လိုင်း ချိတ်ဆက်မှု့များသည် လိုင်းပေါ်မှာမရှိသည့် ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများကိုမည်သို့ ဖြည့်တင်းကူညီရာရောက်သည်ကိုပြနေသည်။ လိုင်းပေါ်မှာမဟုတ်သည့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းတမ်းစွာ ဖြိုခွင်းမှု များကြားကပင်၊ အွန်လိုင်းပေါ် ကလူမှု့ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကိုလည်း ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများကလှုံ့ဆော်နိုင်ကြောင်းပြသည်။ “ လူငယ်တွေဟာ စိတ်မကျေနပ်မှုကို အခြားတမျိုး နဲ့ဖော်ပြပြီး ဒေါသကို အသစ်အဆန်းတွေအဖြစ် ဖန်တီး ပြောင်းလဲယူ နိုင်ကြတယ်၊ သူတို့အချင်းချင်း အားပေးကူညီနေတာတွေ့ရတာလည်းကျွန်တော့် ရင်ထဲတကယ်ခံစား ရတယ် “ဟု Saijai ကပြောပါသည်။
မြို့ကြီးများတွင် ခေတ်မီစမတ်ဖုန်းများ ကိုင်နိုင်ခြင်းကလည်း၊ သတင်းထောက်ဆိုလျှင် ပြည်တွင်းဖြစ်စေ ပြည်ပသတင်းမီဒီယာ ကဖြစ်စေ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်း၊ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း နှင့်ထောင်ကျ ခြင်း တို့ကြုံရသည့်မီဒီယာကို မုန်းတီးရန်ရှာသည့်အခြေအနေ တွင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများမှသတင်းထောက်များကို ကူညီနိုင်ခွင့်ရစေသည်။ နှိမ်နင်းဖြိုခွဲပုံဗီဒီယို ဓါတ်ပုံများကိုရိုက်ကူးပြီး လိုင်းပေါ်တင်ကာ လူမှုကွန်ယက်တွင် မျှဝေသည်။ ယင်းမှာ မီဒီယာအသုံးပြုသူများနှင့် သတင်းထောက်များ၏ဆက်ဆံရေး အပြောင်းအရွေ့ဖြစ်သည်ဟု အဲလက်စ် ကရှင်းပြသည်။ သတင်းထောက်များအနေဖြင့် အန္တရာယ်အလွန်ကြီးမားသဖြင့် လူအုပ်ထဲတွင်မိမိမည်သူမည်ဝါဖြစ်ပါသည်ဟုပြောဆိုရသည့်အခါ မိမိမှ သတင်းပေးသည်ထက် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ၏ သတင်းပေးချက်အပေါ် မှီခိုအားထားနေရသည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများဖက်ကလည်း သူတို့ လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည့်အပိုင်းကိုချက်ခြင်း အဆင်ပြေအောင်ကူညီကြပါသည်။ သတင်းထောက်များကို ပြည်သူမှပေး သောဗီဒီယိုများမှာ အာဏာသိမ်းခါစကာလ ကပေးသောဗီဒီယိုများထက် ယေဘုယျအားဖြင့် ပိုကြည်လင်ပြီး သတင်းထောက်များလိုချင်သည့်အချက်များဖြစ်သည့် နေ့ရက်၊အချိန်၊နေရာတို့ပါ ပါဝင်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ဗီဒီယိုများမှာ အရေးပါသော်လည်း အရပ်သားများအတွက် အန္တရာယ်ကို ဖိတ်ခေါ်နေသည်။ ဥပမာ ဆန္ဒ ပြသူများ ပေးသည့် ဗီဒီယို မှ မြေပြင်အမှတ်အသား၊ မည်သည့်နေရာဆိုသည့် အတိအကျပုံရိပ်ဖမ်းစံနစ်တို့ပါဝင်သဖြင့် နှိမ်နင်းဖြိုခွင်းရန် နှိုးဆော်နေသကဲ့သို့ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းအလွန်ကာလ မြန်မာပြည်တွင် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်လုံခြုံရေး အသိမှာ ထိတ်တန်းအရေးကြီးကြောင်း ယင်းအန္တရာယ်များက ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း ညွှန်ပြနေသည်။
အင်တာနက်သည် အာဏာသိမ်းအပြီး ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရာတွင် အသွင်တမျိုးဖြင့် ဆက်သွယ်ပေးလေသည်၊ ထိုအရာမှာလျို့ဝှက် စာရွက်စာတမ်းများပေါက်ကြားခြင်းပင်။ ဤနည်းဖြင့်ပေါက်ကြားနိုင်ခြေမြင့်ကြောင်းအဲလက်စ် က TOTAL ပြင်သစ်ရေနံကုမ္ဗဏီနှင့် ဥပမာပြသွားသည်။ စစ်တပ်နှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်သဖြင့် TOTAL အကျိုးအမြတ်မည်သို့ရနေပုံကို မေလဆန်းတွင် Justice for Myanmar ဆိုသည့် လှုပ်ရှားတက်ကြွသည့်အဖွဲ့က၊ ပေါက်ကြားသည့်မှတ်တမ်းစာရွက်စာတမ်း များကို အသုံးပြုပြီး ပြသသွားသည်။ TOTAL လည်းဖိအားပေးခံရသဖြင့် ထိုအချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်တပ်သို့ အမြတ်ငွေကြေးခွဲဝေပေးခြင်းကို ရပ်ဆိုင်းခဲ့သည်။ “ဒီလိုသတင်းအချက် အလက်တွေက ပေါက်ကြားစေချင်သူမရှိပဲ ကျွန်တော်တို့ဘယ်လိုမှ ရနိုင်မှာမဟုတ်ဘူး၊ လူမှုမီဒီယာကွန်ယက်မှတဆင့် ပေါက်ကြား သည်အထိသတင်းကိုလုံလုံခြုံခြုံနဲ့ နာမည်မပေါ်အောင် ထုတ်သွားနိုင်တာဟုအဲလက်စ် က ပြောဆိုသည်။ယခုသုံးသပ် ဆွေးနွေးပွဲကို နိုင်ငံတကာမှ နားထောင် နေသူများကိုလည်း မီဒီယာကဏ္ဍ (ပုဂ္ဂလိကပိုင် လုပ်ရင်) လွတ်လပ်မှာ ပါဟု အနောက်နိုင်ငံ ဒီမိုကရေစီ အတွေ့အကြုံများကိုအခြေခံသည့် ယူဆချက်များကို မေ့ထားလိုက်ရန် အဲလက်စ်ကတိုက်တွန်း လိုက်သည်။ အရေးကြီးသည့် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို အများတကာကြည့်ရှု နိုင်သည့် မီဒီယာအားပြည်သူများလက်လှမ်းမမီနိုင်သည့် မြန်မာပြည်တွင် လက်ရှိဖြစ်ပျက်နေသည်များကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားရန်လိုအပ်ချက်ကိုလျှော့တွက်၍ မဖြစ်ပေ။
နောက်ဆုံးတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဗရမ်းဗတာ အင်တာနက် ပိတ်ဆို့မှု့များရှိသည့်ကြားကပင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအွန်လိုင်းပေါ်ဆက်လက် နေနိုင်အောင် ကြံဖန်နိုင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဥပမာ – အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးပထမသီတင်းပါတ်လောက်ကစ ၍ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်နှင့် အခြား ပိတ်ထားသော ဝက်ဘ်ဆိုက်များသို့ဝင်ရန်VPNs များသုံးပြီး အကွာအဝေးတို ဆက်သွယ်ပြောဆိုရန်အတွက် mesh network ကဲ့သို့အကွက်ကွန်ယက် ကိုသုံးသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးရက်များအတွင်း ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အခွင့်အရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများက မိုဘိုင်းဒေတာထက်စာလျှင်တာတို Bluetooth နည်းပညာကိုသုံးပြီး အကွက်ကွန်ယက် မက်ဆေ့ချ်စာပို့နိုင်သော Bridgefy app ကိုသုံးရန် ဆော်သြခဲ့ကြသည်။ အွန်လိုင်းပေါ်ဆက်ပြီး နေနိုင်အောင်အားထုတ်ကြိုးပမ်းကြသည့်ပြည်သူပြည်သား များ၏ အောင်မြင်မှုကို ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလမှ ဧပြီလ အတွင်း နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းဆင်နွှဲခဲ့ကြသည့် အကြောင်းအရာ ခေါင်းစဉ်အလိုက် ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်ပွဲများတွင်တွေ့မြင်နိုင်သည် ဟုအဲလက်စ်က ဆက်ပြောပါသည်။ လမ်းပေါ်တွင် ဆန္ဒပြသူများက သူတို့၏စည်းလုံးညီညွှတ်မှု့ကို ချိတ်ဆက်မှုရှိရှိ နည်းဗျူဟာများ၊ သင်္ကေတများဖြင့် ပြသ သွားခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၎င်းတို့တွင် ဖရဲသီးများ၊ ဆေးခြယ်ထားသည့်ကြက်ဥများ နှင့် ဖိနပ်များ ပါဝင်သည်။ ယင်းသို့ အားလုံးတညီတညာ တည်းကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်မှာ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအွန်လိုင်းပေါ်ရှိမနေပဲ မည်သို့မှမဖြစ်နိုင်ပေ။ တခါသုံးပြီး လွှင့်ပစ်လို့ရသည့်ဖုန်းများနှင့် မိမိနေထိုင်ရာအိမ်ကို ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းရှာဖွေခံရချိန်နှင့်စစ်တပ်၏စစ်ဆေးရေးနေရာများတွင် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် ဆက်သွယ်ချက်များကို ဝှက်ထားနိုင်သည့် Android app Second Space များတွင်ကျယ်စွာအသုံးပြုလာခြင်းကိုလည်း မျိုးကထောက် ပြသည်။ အင်တာနက် တင်းကြပ်ခြင်းပြဿနာကိုဖြေရှင်းနိုင်မည့် စိတ်ကူးကောင်းများကိုလည်း လှုပ်ရှားတက်ကြွသူများက ထပ်မံရှာဖွေ နေလျက်ရှိသည်။ “ ‘StarLink ’ ကတော့အကောင်းဆုံးနောက်တနည်းဖြစ်မယ်ထင်တယ်” ဟု SpaceX မှ ဦးဆုံးလမ်းပြခဲ့သည့် ဂြိုလ်တု အင်တာနက် စံနစ်ကို မျိုးကရည်ညွှန်းခဲ့သည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူပြည်သားများကို StarLink ပေးရန် တွစ်တာဖြင့်စည်းရုံး လှုံ့ ဆော်ပေးခြင်း ရှိခဲ့သည်။ ဤ နယ်ပယ်တွင် ဆယ်စုနှစ်တစ်ခုခန့် အလုပ်လုပ်ခဲ့သူ မျိုး အနေဖြင့် “ယခု အကြပ်အတည်းကာလအတွင်းအဆိုးထဲက အကောင်း လို့ ဆိုရမှာက ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် လုံခြုံရေးအကြောင်း ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်သိရှိမှုမြင့်တက်လာတာပဲနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာမြန်မာ ပြည်ထဲကို စမတ်ဖုန်း တွေ ဝင်ရောက်ထိုးဖောက်လာတဲ့ နှုန်းက မြန်မာလူဦးရေရဲ့ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာသိနားလည်မှုနှုန်းကို ကျော်နေခဲ့တာ့အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် လုံခြုံရေးက အသက်ရှင်ရပ်တည်ရေးပညာတစ်ခု လိုဖြစ်လာတဲ့ဒစ်ဂျစ် တယ်လုံခြုံမှု့ အကြောင်းမသိရင် အပြင်ထွက်လို့မရဘူး” ဟုပြောပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲများကို စိတ်ကူးယဉ်မဆန်ကြဖို့ သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူအားလုံးကသတိပေးပါသည်။ အဲလက်စ်ပြောသကဲ့သို့ပင် “မြန်မာပြည်မှာဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အသိပညာဆိုတာ လိုအပ်ချက်အရမွေးဖွားလာတာဆန်းသစ်တည်ထွင်ယုံသက်သက်မဟုတ်ဘူး ” ဆန္ဒပြသူများအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စောင့်ကြည့် ထောက်လှမ်းနိုင်စွမ်း ကို ပိုသိဖို့လိုပြီး သို့မှသာ အွန်လိုင်းပေါ်တွင်အမြဲနေနိုင်မည့် နည်းလမ်းများကိုလည်း ရှာဖွေနိုင်မည် ဟု မျိုးက ဆက်လက်ထောက်ပြသည်။ ထိုအခါမှသာ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် ယဉ်ကျေးမှု့ ဆက်လက်တည်တံ့နိုင်မည် ဖြစ်သည်။
ကမ္ဘာ့ ထိပ်တန်းနည်းပညာ ကုမ္ဗဏီကြီးများ နှင့် ထည့်ဝင်လှူဒါန်းသူများ ဘာဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်မလဲ
နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်း က တိုင်းပြည်၏အစိုးရနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကိုသာအာရုံစိုက်နေစဉ်တွင်ပုဂ္ဂလိက ကဏ္ဍအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေး လမ်းခရီးတွင် အရေးပါသောအခန်းမှဝင်ရောက် ပါဝင်နိုင်ကြောင်း သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူများက အလေးအနက်ပြောကြ သည်။ ” ကျွန်တော်တို့သိထားရမှာက နည်းပညာကုမ္ဗဏီကြီးတွေဆိုတာလက်ရှိအစိုးရထက်ပိုမကြီးတောင်မှ နီးပါး ကြီးမားကြတယ် ဆိုတာပါပဲ့့ဒါကြောင့် ဒီလုပ်ငန်းကြီးတွေရဲ့တာဝန်ခံမှုကို အစိုးရတွေ လို တန်းတူ ထားသင့်တယ့့်ကြားနေတယ်ဆိုပြီး စစ်တပ်က မကောင်းဆိုးဝါးလုပ်ရပ်တွေ လုပ်ချင်တိုင်းလုပ်နိုင်အောင်လမ်းဖွင့်ပေးနေတာကို ကျွန်တော်တို့မြင်တွေ့ခဲ့ရပီ” ဟုအဲလက်စ် ကပြောပါ သည်။
အချို့နည်းပညာ ကုမ္ဗဏီ တည်ထောင်သူများမြန်မာပြည်သို့လာရောက်ခဲ့ဖူးကြသည်။ ၂၀၁၈ ခုနှစ်တွင် တွစ်တာ၏ အမှုဆောင်အရာရှိချုပ် Jack Dorsey မြန်မာပြည်တွင် တရားစခန်း ဝင်ခဲ့ရာ ရိုဟင်ဂျာဆန့်ကျင်ရေး စိတ်ဓါတ်ကိုဆွပေးသည့်လူမှုမီဒီယာကွန်ယက်၏ အခန်း ကဏ္ဍကို ပေါ်လွင်တောက်ပြောင်လာစေသည်ဟုသူပိုင်တွစ်တာပေါ်တွင်ပင် ဝေဖန်ခံရသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး တွစ်တာ ကအချိန်အတော်ကြာ တိတ်ဆိတ်မြဲတိတ်ဆိတ်နေသည်။တစ်တော့ခ် မှာ စစ်တပ်၏ဝါဒဖြန့်ချီရေးပို့စ်များ စီးဆင်းနေခြင်းကို စီမံ ထိန်းကွပ်ရန်မနည်း ရုန်းကန်နေရသည်။ “အေးဆေး ကောင်းမွန် နေတဲ့အချိန်တွေတုန်းကတော့ ကျွန်တော်တို့ဟာ သူတို့ကို သစ္စာရှိစွာ အားပေးခဲ့သူ တွေပေါ့ဒါနဲ့ပတ်သက်လို့ လူတိုင်းလည်းစိတ်ချမ်းသာကြပါတယ်၊ မြန်မာကလည်းဒီလုပ်ငန်းကြီးတွေကို အားပေးခဲ့တယ်၊ ကျွန်တော်တို့လည်းဒီဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ပလက်ဖောင်းပေါ်တက်ခဲ့ကြတယ်၊သူတို့အမြတ်အစွန်းတွေအများကြီးရခဲ့ကြတယ်၊ မြန်မာပြည်ဟာ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်နဲ့ပတ်သက်လို့ထိခိုက်နစ်နာ လွယ်တယ်ဆိုတာမသိတာလား၊ ဂရုမစိုက်တာပဲလား မြန်မာပြည်မှာခြေကုပ်ရသွား ခဲ့ကြတယ်။ အခု အခြေအနေတွေကပြောင်းပြန်ဖြစ်ကုန်ပီ၊ (ဒီဂျစ်တယ် ပလက်ဖောင်းတွေကို) ကျွန်တော်တို့ဖက်မှာရပ်တည်စေချင်တယ်။ ဒီတော့ မေးခွန်း က- သူတို့ဘယ်မှာရပ်တည်မှာလဲ “ ဟုအဲလက်စ်ကပြောပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အင်အားအကြီးဆုံး လူမှုမီဒီယာဖြစ်သည့် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် မှာအခြား လူမှုမီဒီယာကုမ္ဗဏီကြီးများထက်ပိုမိုခက်ခဲ ရှုပ်ထွေးသည့် အခြေအနေတွင်ရှိနေပါသည်။ လေ့လာသူများက ၂၀၁၃ ခုနှစ်တွင် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် စာမျက်နှာများပေါ်၌ ရိုဟင်ဂျာဆန့်ကျင်ရေး သဘောထား များတွေ့မြင်နေရသည်ကို သတိပေးခဲ့သော်လည်း သူတို့က အလေးအနက်မထားခဲ့ပါ။ ၂၀၁၅ နှစ်ဆန်းတွင် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်သုံးသူမြန်မာ ၇သန်းကျော်ရှိသော်လည်း မြန်မာစကားတတ်သူ ၂ ဦး သာ အကြောင်းအရာဖတ်ရှလေ့လာစောင့်ကြည့်သူအဖြစ်ခန့်ထားခဲ့သည်။ အန္တရာယ်ဖြစ်စေသည့် အကြောင်းအရာများကိုဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်၏ အလိုအလျောက် စုံစမ်းထောက်လှမ်းသည့်စံနစ် က မြန်မာဘာသာဖြင့် အလုပ်မဖြစ် နိုင်ပေ။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာ( ၇) သိန်းရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်မှစွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အချက်အလက်မှန်ဖော်ထုတ်ရေး အဖွဲ့ကဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်သည်အမုန်းတရားများပျံ့ပွားအောင်လုပ်ရာတွင်အသုံးတည့်သော အရာဖြစ်သည်ဟု ၂၀၀၈ တွင် အစီရင်ခံတင်ပြ သောအခါမှ သာ ဆတ်ဆတ် ထိသွားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ယခု စစ်ကောင်စီခေါင်းဆောင်ဖြစ်သူ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်လည်း ထိုအချိန်နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်မှ ဖယ်ရှား ခံလိုက်ရပြီး နိုင်ငံတစ်ခု၏ စစ်တပ် သို့မဟုတ် နိုင်ငံရေးအကြီးအကဲတစ်ဦးအား ပထမ ဦးဆုံး တားမြစ်ပိတ်ပင် လိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်သည် သူ၏အမှားများမှ သင်ခန်းစာရခဲ့ပြီ ဟု Saijai နှင့် မျိုး တို့ကသတိရှိစွာဖြင့်အကောင်းမြင်ဝေဖန် ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်၏ ချဉ်းကပ်ပုံ ၃မျိုး ကို Saijai က အကောင်းဖက်မှမြင်ကြည့်ပါသည် -၎င်းတို့မှာ စစ်တပ်၏ကြမ်းတမ်း ရက်စက်မှုများနှင့်ဆိုင်သည့်ပို့စ်များကိုဖြုတ်ချခြင်း၊ စစ်တပ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့်သူများ နှင့် တပ်ပိုင်စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ၏အကောင့်ကို တားဆီးထားခြင်း၊နှင့် မိမိအကြောင်းပရိုဖိုင်းလ်ကို သေ့ာခတ် သိမ်းထားနိုင်သည့် တီထွင်ဖန်တီးမှု့အသစ် ပါရှိခြင်းဖြင့် မိတ်ဆွေ မဟုတ်သူ များမှတစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်၏ပို့စ်များဓါတ်ပုံများကိုဝင်ရောက်ကြည့်ရှုခြင်းမှာကာကွယ်ပေးထားခြင်းတို့ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံအတွင်း ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် က တိုင်ပင်ဆွေးနွေးခြင်းကို ဝမ်းသာရသည်ဟု မျိုးကလည်းပြောပါသည်။
သို့သော် ယခုသုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးပွဲအပြီး တပါတ်အကြာတွင် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် ၏ အယ်လ်ဂိုရစ်သမ် များမှမြန်မာပြည်အတွင်းထိခိုက်နစ်နာ စေသည့်အကြောင်းအရာများကိုမည်သို့မည်ပုံ ဆက်လက်တင်ပြနေကြောင်း အစီရင်ခံစာ ကိုGlobal Witness မှ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်ကိုထောက်ခံသောအကြောင်းအရာများ၊ အချို့ သော ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်သူများ၏ အမည်၊ဓါတ်ပုံနှင့်တကွ အသက်အန္တရာယ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခံရမှုများကျယ်ကျယ်လောင်လောင် ပျံနှံ့နေသည်ကို ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်သုံးသူများမှ အလွယ်တကုူ ကြည်ရှု့နိုင်ကြောင်း Global Witness မှ မှတ်တမ်းပြုထားသည်။ ထိုသို့အကြောင်းအရာများမှာ ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်မှလိုက်နာပါသည်ဟုပြောသည့် လူ့မှုကျင့်ဝတ်စံနှုန်း လေးစားခြင်း ကိုဆန့်ကျင်ဖောက်ဖျက်နေသည်။ ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာကဏ္ဍ နှင့်ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ်အပါအဝင်၊ မည်သူမဆို လူမှုမီဒီယာကွန်ယက်မှတဆင့် အများ ပြည်သူအပေါ်သက်ရောက်စေသည့် ဂယက်မှာ မည်မျှအထိတာသွားသည်ကို အပြည့်အစုံသိနိုင်ရန် ခက်ခဲကြောင်း ဤအရှုပ်အထွေးများက ပြနေသည်။ Saijai နှင့် မျိုးတို့မှ ထောက်ပြ သွားသည့် အာရုံစိုက်ရမည့် ဗျူဟာများ မှာလုံးဝ ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေရှိသော်လည်း သူ့ကိုယ်ပိုင်အယ်လ်ဂိုရစ်သမ်ဖြင့်ပင် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် မှာပြန်ပြီး ဒုက္ခရောက် နေရဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ယခုသုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေး ပွဲတွင် အချိန်မရသည့်အတွက် တိုင်းရင်းသားပဋိပက္ခနှင့် ဖေ့စ်ဘွတ်ခ် တို့ဆက်စပ်မှု့အကြောင်းမဆွေးနွေးလိုက်ရပေ။ ထိုကိစ္စမှာလည်း ပိုရှုပ်ထွေးသည့်အကြောင်းအရာများနှင့် ပြည့်နေဦး မှာဖြစ်ပြီး သတင်းအချက်အလက်မပြည့်စုံခြင်းကလည်း ရှိနေသေးသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းသည့်အချိန်မတိုင်မီက လေ့လာသူများ မှာ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအကြောင်း ကိုသာ မလွတ်တမ်းပြောနေကြပြီး စစ်ဒဏ်ခံ အခြားတိုင်းရင်းသား အုပ်စုများအပေါ် လူမှုမီဒီယာကွန်ယက်နှင့် အင်တာနက်တို့ ၏ သက်ရောက်မှုကိစ္စ ကို ကျော်သွားကြသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နည်းပညာခေါင်းဆောင်များ အနေဖြင့် သူတို့အချင်းချင်းအကြားသော်လည်းကောင်း၊သူတို့နည်းပညာကိုအသုံးပြုသူ ဖောက်သည် များ အကြားသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ အာဏာ အကြီးအကျယ် မညီမမျှ ဖြစ်နေခြင်းကို နည်းပညာခေါင်းဆောင်များမှ ကုစားဖို့ အဓိကအရေးကြီးကြောင်း စဉ်းစားရန်အဲလက်စ်က ထောက်ပြသွားသည်။ နည်းပညာကုမ္ဗဏီများ အနေနှင့် အာဏာမညီမျှမှုကို အစဉ် အလေးအနက်ထားစဉ်းစားသည့် နေရာတွင်ရှိသင့်ပြီး သူတို့နည်းပညာကိုသုံးစွဲသူများ၏ အသံကိုလည်းနား ထောင်နိုင်သင့်သည်။ ပထမ ခြေလှမ်းအနေနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှတိုင်းရင်းသား ဘာသာစကားများတတ်ကျွမ်းသူတို့ကို ငှားရမ်းပြီး နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်း ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ် အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့များနှင့်ချိတ်ဆက်စေရမည်။
နောက်ဆုံးအနေနှင့် အခက်အခဲကြားမှထွက်မသွားကြဖို့လည်း ပါဝင်လှူဒါန်းသူများကို Saijai ကတောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။ ရှေ့ပိုင်းက ဆွေးနွေးသွားချက်များမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေးမှုမှာသူ့ချည်း သက်သက် ဖြစ်ထွန်း ပေါ်ထွက်လာသည်မဟုတ်၊ သို့သော် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်၏ပုံနှိပ်မီဒီယာချုပ်ကိုင်မှုကို တုန့်ပြန်ရင်း၊ ဒီဂျစ်တယ်ခေတ် အတွက်တံခါးဖွင့် ထားခြင်း နှင့်မြန်မာပြည်မှ ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်သူတို့၏ဇွဲနပဲ ကြောင့်သာလျှင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုနည်းတူစွာ အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ယဉ်ကျေးမှုတည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲရေးမှာ လူထုတရပ်လုံး ကျန်းမာရေးကောင်းမွန် ရန်နှင့် ဖန်သားပြင်ကမ္ဘာ၏အပြင်ဖက်တွင် အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်း အလုပ်များ ဆက်လက်ထိန်းထားနိုင်ရေးတို့အပေါ်တွင်မူတည်သည်။ ဥပမာ စစ်ကောင်စီ ပညာရေးစံနစ် မဟုတ်သည့်Virtual Federal University နှင့် Spring University Myanmar ကဲ့သို့ အသစ်ပေါ်ပေါက်လာသော အခြားနည်းများ ဖြင့်လူအများ ပညာသင်ယူနိုင်ရန်မှာ VPN နှင့်စမတ်ဖုန်းများအတွက်ငွေကြေးအကုန်အကျခံနိုင်ခြင်းပေါ်မူတည်နေသည်။ လောလော ဆယ်ရှိနေသည့် အသိပညာ ကွာဟချက်များကို ဖြည့်ပေးရန်လိုအပ်ကြောင်း ကိုလည်း သုံးသပ်ဆွေးနွေးသူများမှ အရေးတကြီးပြောဆို ကြသည်။ နိုင်ငံ၏ စောင့်ကြည့်ထောက်လှမ်း နိုင်သည့် စွမ်းရည် နှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ကာလ မြန်မာ့လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း နှင့်စီးပွားရေးတွင် နည်းပညာ ကုမ္ဗဏီများ ၏အခန်းကဏ္ဍ ကို စစ်ဆေးရန် ငွေကြေးထည့်ဝင်သူများ ကို ငွေကြေးထောက်ပံ့ ဖို့တောင်းဆိုကြပါသည်။ ငွေကြေးထည့် ဝင်လှူဒါန်းသူများစွန့်ခွာသွားကြခြင်းမပြုပဲ လိုက်လျောညီထွေရှိသင့်ပြီး၊ ငွေသားရရန်အခက်အခဲအပါအဝင်ပြောင်းလဲ နေသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေ ကိုတုန့်ပြန်ရန် ပြောင်းလွယ်ပြင်လွယ်အနေအထားတွင် နေသင့် ပါသည်။ ”မြေပြင်မှာ တကယ် ကောင်းကောင်းမွန်မွန် ဆောင် ရွက်နေကြတဲ့ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေအများကြီးရှိပါတယ်”ဟု Saijai ကပြောပါသည်။ ထိုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ တဖွဲ့နှင့်တဖွဲ့ ချိတ်ဆက်နေနိုင်မည်လော၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းကိုလူထုက ဆက်သွယ်နိုင်မည်လော ဆိုသည်ကမေးစရာဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
‘If anyone who wanted to could desert right now, there would only be the commander-in-chief and the flagpole left in the barracks,’ said one captain
Description:
"Around 1,500 soldiers have now defected from the Myanmar military to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the junta, a former Tatmadaw captain who is helping fellow deserters told Myanmar Now.
The new figures from Lin Htet Aung, who abandoned his post at the 528th Light Infantry Battalion in eastern Shan State in April, indicate that soldiers are now defecting faster and in greater numbers than before.
The number of deserters has almost doubled in a little over two months. In early June, four months after the military seized power, around 800 soldiers had defected.
Among the defectors, about 1,000 hold ranks ranging from private to sergeant while hundreds more are majors, Lin Htet Aung told Myanmar Now.
Most have arrived in areas controlled by rebel groups but have yet to fully earn the trust of others involved in the movement against the junta, he said.
“We’re still in the process of monitoring and assessing them, so we can’t go on the offensive now,” he added, referring to plans for defected soldiers to wage war against the junta.
“But many are found to be enthusiastic about taking part in whatever role possible once we go on the offensive,” said the soldier, who graduated with the 54th batch of the Defence Services Academy (DSA).
Lin Htet Aung has been making introductions between defectors and the National Unity Government (NUG) while reaching out to soldiers within the army to encourage more defections.
Potential defectors contact Lin Htet Aung every day, he said, and are in constant danger of being discovered.
Pro-junta soldiers, he added, refer to would-be deserters as “watermelons” because they see them as green on the outside and red on the inside; a reference to the colours of the military and the National League for Democracy party.
“Many do not want to work for the military council anymore as more and more soldiers lose faith in their leaders,” Lin Htet Aung said.
Lin Htet Aung and another captain who has not defected told Myanmar Now that the military had recently restricted the movements of soldiers and their families. Senior officers claim this is a bid to curb the spread of Covid-19 but it is in fact meant to prevent defections, they said.
“If anyone who wanted to could desert right now, there would only be the commander-in-chief and the flagpole left in the barracks,” said the second captain.
Lin Htet Aung agreed that large numbers of soldiers want to leave. “If it was approved that anyone could resign, even a new soldier who just graduated from the DSA would leave,” he said.
In an interview with Myanmar Now earlier this month, NUG defence minister Yee Mon urged junta soldiers to defect.
“You don’t have much longer to decide whether you’re going to be on the people’s side or not,” he said. “So join the people’s defence force if you can. If you can’t, stop taking orders from the military council. Stop oppressing the people.” .....
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စွမ်းအင်ကဏ္ဍ၏ မြန်မာ့ရေနံဓာတုဗေဒလုပ်ငန်းရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အောက်ပါအရာရှိများကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၁၆ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၀/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Electricity and Energy
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
843.09 KB
more
Sub-title:
Junta Packs Jails with Opponents as Virus Thrives
Description:
"Myanmar’s Covid-19 crisis is spiraling out of control, as the coronavirus spreads among the most marginalized populations, including those in the country’s prisons.
The escalation of politically motivated arrests since the February 1 military coup has corresponded with a surge in infections in the country’s overcrowded and unsanitary prisons, where access to health care is poor.
Over 600 Covid-19 cases have been reported in Myanmar’s prisons. The Ministry of Health estimates there are almost 4000 new infections daily across the country. But due to lack of testing and little information coming forward from a military junta that claims it has the situation under control, the real figures are likely much higher.
On August 8, prisoners held a protest inside Mandalay’s Obo prison after the Covid-19 related death of a pro-democracy activist in custody. Maung Maung Nyein Tun, a 45-year-old doctor who had been detained on June 13 for participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement, was initially held in a military interrogation center, then transferred to a police station before being taken to Obo prison despite showing severe symptoms. He later died at Mandalay hospital.
On July 23, a protest erupted at Yangon’s Insein prison due to a worsening coronavirus outbreak there and the death from Covid-19 of Nyan Win, 79, a prominent National League for Democracy member. As of August 9, at least 12 inmates at Insein had died after having been infected with the virus.
According to local media reports, only 600 of the 9000 prisoners at Insein prison have received a vaccine. To quell the rapid spread, officials at Insein, Taungoo, and Myaung Mya prisons have ordered lockdowns. Inmates who show symptoms are quarantined but few are tested or receive adequate medical treatment. Released detainees have told us that few measures are taken to stop the spread of the virus, that masks are insufficient, and sanitary conditions are abysmal. Prison authorities have apparently also not taken any special measures to protect groups at higher risk such as older inmates and those with preexisting medical conditions.
At a minimum, Myanmar’s prison authorities need to carry out widespread testing of inmates, release all prisoners who pose little security risk, and make information on the prevalence of Covid-19 in prisons public. Otherwise, the virus and loss of lives among prisoners will continue unchecked..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"As of 16 August, (998) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (27) fallen heroes today. (1) was an MP from Bago Township in Bago Region who died today and (26) from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, Bago Township in Bago Region, Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 16, a total of (5711) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Nyunt Shwe, MP of Bago Region Hluttaw in constituency No. (1) of Bago Township and also executive committee chairman of the NLD in Bago Township, contracted COVID-19 in prison and died in the early morning of August 16 from the disease while at Bago Hospital receiving medical treatment. Nyunt Shwe had been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained in Bago Prison.
A civilian named Aung Yu from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, who was arrested on the night of August 11, died on August 14, three days after his arrest. His wife was informed Aung Yu died due to COVID-19, but his wife has denied that her husband caught the disease.
On the night of August 14, a young man playing a game on a bench in front of a shop panicked and ran into the house in front of him when he saw a junta soldier patrol in Paya Gyi Town, Bago Township, Bago Region. The other young man in that house named Ye Htet Ko was shot dead in his left chest as the junta troops opened fire into the house with the door closed.
Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye who suffers from mental illness and lives in Pa Dan Village, was beaten by the terrorist junta’s appointed night guards and died on the spot. The incident happened in front of the Ward (20) administrator’s office in Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region at 2:30 am on August 13 while Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye was returning from his mother’s home.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.39 MB 5.82 MB 1.83 MB
more
Sub-title:
More than a third of the population of Kayah State has been displaced by clashes
Description:
"The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) has called on local and international aid groups to provide urgent help to tens of thousands of people affected by both fighting and surging Covid-19 cases in Kayah (Karenni) State.
Junta troops have been raiding villages to break into homes and loot property, while also hampering local efforts to stop the spread of the virus in the state, the group said in a statement on Friday.
The KNPP’s armed wing, the Karenni Army, have clashed with the junta’s forces numerous times in Bawlakhe Township and elsewhere since early May. They have fought alongside the newly formed Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) on some occasions.
Some 100,000 people – more than a third of the population of the state – have fled their homes because of the violence.
The Karenni people are facing hardship in every aspect of life, the KNPP’s statement said, adding that people were in need of food, shelter, and healthcare.
Many of those displaced are living in forests without adequate shelter from this year’s monsoon rains.
“We have been helping the refugees by providing some food, shelter and medication,” said Khu Daniel, a secretary of the KNPP. “We can’t provide them with complete protection as of now, so we need donations for shelters, since it’s the rainy season, as well as food and medication.”
Locals in Hpruso and Demoso townships are also fleeing their homes as fighting intensifies in the area.
A resident of the state capital Loikaw, which is about 20km from the town of Demoso, said that around 1,000 locals from the east of Demoso fled their homes on Friday evening.
She could hear gunshots almost every night and has been preparing to flee as well in the event that the fighting comes closer to her, she added.
“Everything’s hard now considering both the pandemic and the war are here,” she said. “We are just staying in our houses.”
She added: “We have to be prepared to flee as we don’t know when the war will arrive. We’ve got some beds and food ready so we can flee anytime.”
Residents of Loikaw recently set up Covid-19 checkpoints in each neighbourhood but were ordered to stop by the junta last week, she added.
Between June 29 and August 12 there were 729 Covid-19 cases reported in Loikaw, six in Hpruso, 39 in Bawlakhe and 251 in Hpasawng, making up to a total of 1,025 cases including 47 deaths, according to a report in The Kantarawaddy Times.
Dozens of Myanmar military soldiers have been killed in fighting in Kayah in recent months, according to the KNDF, including 80 who died in a battle in early June.
This month 18 junta soldiers have been killed and 20 injured so far, the group said. It has not released full details about casualties among resistance fighters..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"An online lottery created by Myanmar’s parallel government has been so well received that all tickets put up for sale were sold out in just over one hour on the launch day despite the regime’s official threats to punish anyone who plays.
Intended to raise funds for civil servants who are on strike to protest against the regime, the “Victorious Spring” lottery, named after Myanmar’s popular revolution against the junta that started in February, was introduced by the National Unity Government (NUG) on Sunday.
Many government staff—at least hundreds if not thousands—have left their jobs in the wake of the coup in February to protest against military rule. The junta has retaliated against them by either jailing or sacking them, or issuing arrest warrants for them, prompting many to go into hiding.
Their Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has proven so impactful that the regime is still struggling to run the country properly. The NUG said 70 percent of the proceeds from the lottery would go to support the strikers, while the remainder would be kept by the winners. The NUG was formed by lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy government and other ethnic representatives in April and has enjoyed popular support at home and abroad.
The move—the sale of lottery tickets by a shadow government to raise funds—is unprecedented in Myanmar’s history. So is the public support it has garnered.
All 50,000 lottery tickets were sold out online in just over an hour after their launch on Sunday, earning the NUG 100 million kyats (about US$60,760).
“Thank you very much for the eager support. We request that you please be patient as there are many people who want to play the lottery,” organizers said on the lottery’s Facebook page, soothing people who didn’t have a chance to buy a ticket.
The lottery comes as the regime’s national lottery has been left almost shattered following the coup. In pre-coup days, it was hugely popular for its lucrative 1.5-billion-kyat first prize. However, it was reduced to one third that amount in March as the public boycotts payments of any kind to the government, including paying taxes and buying government lottery tickets.
For most of the people playing the NUG lottery, gambling is the last thing they have in mind. Instead, they see it as a way to give as much financial support as they can to the government they believe in. In other words, it means lending a helping hand to topple the regime.
“I am just contributing what I can. I am not interested whether I win or not,” one supporter in Yangon said on condition of anonymity.
He had good reason to remain anonymous; in the days before the lottery’s launch, the regime issued threats, via state-run newspapers, of legal action against anyone who participated.
In an interview, U Nyi Nyi Hlaing, a director of the Aung Balay national lottery, called the NUG’s lottery “illegal” and said anyone involved—operators as well as players—could be punished.
“As the payment is made online, the Central Bank would take serious action against those involved in financial transactions,” he said, referring to the country’s nascent digital payment system.
Unsurprisingly, his warnings fell on deaf ears.
On Monday, the second day, the NUG had to abruptly halt ticket sales as the system was overwhelmed, requesting people to hold their generosity a while as it needed to process more than 70,000 tickets sold as of that afternoon..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Six-and-a-half months after Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and his generals staged a coup and launched a brutal crackdown on popular resistance to the power grab, it is becoming increasingly clear that Myanmar is seeing a return to the dark old days of pre-2011 junta rule. It is particularly evident in the abolition of the freedom of expression and press freedom that the people of Myanmar were given a taste of for almost a decade. That also means that the military has killed the hopes and aspirations of millions, young and old—and that civil-military relations, a favorite subject of national and international studies, are beyond repair. The military has become the country’s most hated institution, and the political gobbledygook it produces in print and online to justify its actions would be laughable, if not for the tragedy that surrounds the bloody coup and its aftermath.
The appointment of an ex-military officer who writes under the peculiar name Chit Naing (Sate Pyin Nyar), or Chit Naing (Psychology), as the Information Minister after the coup was a clear indication of what to expect. Mischievous people with a sense of humor usually refer to him as Chit Naing (Sate Yaw Ga), or Chit Naing (Mental Case). His literary credentials rest primarily on the quantity of books he has produced, rather than their quality. Vendors who used to sell his writings on pavements in the old capital Yangon stopped doing that after the coup, while pictures on social media show the books being torn apart both by booksellers and angry customers. Chit Naing (Psychology) was promoted to “Minister of the Union Government Office” when Min Aung Hlaing formed a “Caretaker Government” on Aug. 1, which may mean that we will see more of his writings being churned out by the military’s propaganda machine.
The junta’s first lengthy attempt at disseminating its version of events to the outside world came in the form of a 118-page book that was produced in time for Min Aung Hlaing’s trip to Jakarta on April 24 to meet representatives of ASEAN. Titled “The Current Political Situation in Myanmar” and written in quaintly jumbled English, it contains accusations of protester violence including alleged attacks on the police, details of supposed fraud in the 2020 election, several references to the 2008 constitution to “prove” that the military, known as the Tatmadaw, had not broken any laws—and then an assertion and a pledge: “the Tatmadaw always keeps its promise” (sic) and “we can reassure all the member states that we will be fully cooperating with all of friendly member states including other countries across the world.” (sic) Then, the supposed author, Min Aung Hlaing, added a caveat: “We can vividly learn that the interesting issues have emerged in all respective ASEAN member states…I kindly remind all of you that we may possibly face with certain difficulties, it we miss something at the certain corner.” (sic)
Before that, the military produced much shorter newsletters called “Information Sheet” with headlines such as “Containing Riotous Situations in Some Townships in Line with Rules and Regulations”, “The Rioters’ Conducting Anarchic Mob like Activities and Sabotage Activities”, and “Findings on the Announcement of UEC [Union Election Commission] regarding the Inspection of the Voter Lists and Withdrawal/Receipt/Use Remaining Ballot Papers.” An amnesty announcement from the military’s “information team” published in the official newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar on April 2 was headlined: “Re-invitation to Myanmar citizens who have arrived at various regions for many reasons.”
While it may be easy to make fun of the military spokespersons’ lack of proficiency in English, their mumbo jumbo doesn’t make any more sense in Burmese, thus echoing the disinformation campaigns of old juntas, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), which was set up after the 1988 massacres and in 1997 became the more palatably named State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
In the late 1980s, the military published collections of speeches by SLORC chairman General Saw Maung, and, at the same time, a book titled “A Skyful of Lies” (sic) accusing the BBC, the VOA and other foreign broadcasters of reporting falsehoods about the situation in Myanmar. But street vendors were soon forbidden to sell both books at the same time because crafty street vendors would first hold up one of the them, saying “General Saw Maung’s speeches!”, then lower their hand and raise the other holding the book about the broadcasters: “All lies!” So it became “General Saw Maung’s speeches! All lies!” It is unclear whether any vendors were arrested for making this rather humorous protest against military rule.
In fact, the lies begin on the front page of The Global New Light of Myanmar and its Burmese edition, Myanmar Alin. “Founded in 1914” has at last been taken off the English edition but it remains on the Burmese version. While it is true that a vernacular newspaper called Myanma Alin with The New Light of Myanmar on the front page also in English was founded in 1914, it has nothing to do with today’s paper of the same name. The real New Light of Myanmar was very outspoken against colonial rule and, from 1920 to 1947, managed by U Tin, a well-respected newspaperman who became independent Myanmar’s first Minister of Finance and Revenue. But that paper was shut down by the military in 1969.
After general Ne Win’s coup in 1962, his ruling Burma Socialist Program Party began publishing its own, tabloid-sized propaganda sheet called The Working People’s Daily in English and Loktha Pyithu Nezin in Burmese. That name was not in line with the new, ostensibly free-market oriented policies that were introduced after 1988, so the name of the state organ was changed to The New Light of Myanmar and Myanma Alin respectively. U Tin would turn in his grave if he knew about this theft of the name of his paper. Its website claims that it is “Myanmar’s oldest English daily” and the lie has even made it into Wikipedia, where it says that “the newspaper was founded in 1914.”
How many others this has fooled is hard to say, but it can’t include many of those who are familiar with the history of the media in Myanmar. Successive attempts by the generals at presenting themselves in a more favorable light have been equally unsuccessful. After the February coup, the latest junta, the State Administration Council (SAC), hired Dickens & Madson, a firm headed by Israeli-Canadian lobbyist Ari Ben-Menashe, to help polish its image. According to documents filed with the US Justice Department, the contract Dickens & Madson signed with Myanmar’s military leadership is worth US$2 million and is designed to explain “the real situation in the country” and to communicate with the United States and other counties who had “misunderstood them.”
Ben-Menashe’s own record is far from stellar. A former Israeli intelligence officer, he was arrested in the US in 1989 for violating the law by trying to sell three C-130 Hercules transport aircraft to Iran, but was later acquitted. After that, he worked as a PR agent for Zimbabwe’s strongman Robert Mugabe and Zimbabwe-born drug trafficker Paul Le Roux (who after his arrest in the US agreed to cooperate with its Drug Enforcement Administration), and Sudanese warlord General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, whose forces committed crimes against humanity in Darfur in 2014-15.
Ben-Menashe’s involvement in Myanmar goes back to the 1990s when he, according to internal documents in my possession, tried to sell sophisticated military equipment to the Tatmadaw, including missiles and attack helicopters. Nothing came of those attempts, but his standing with the Tatmadaw doesn’t seem to have been shaken by those shenanigans. Even so, his $2-million deal with the SAC appears to have come to nothing. In mid-July, Ben-Menashe announced that he had ceased working with the generals because sanctions prevented him from being paid.
The track records of previously employed PR firms also leave little hope for Myanmar’s generals. Few, if any, of those efforts to gloss over Tatmadaw atrocities had any influence on US and other Western opinions. The first was also the worst of several ill-fated attempts at improving the image of the Tatmadaw. It involved Edward von Kloberg, whom many described as “a lobbyist from hell”. Prior to representing the Myanmar Embassy in Washington after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, he had defended Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, Liberian coup maker Samuel Doe, Romania’s tyrant Nicolae Ceausescu and Zaire’s dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Alexander Cockburn and Ken Silverstein write in their book Washington Babylon about von Kloberg that “even within the amoral world of Washington lobbying, [he] stands out for handling clients that no one else would touch.” Sick and broke, von Kloberg committed suicide in 2005 by jumping from the walls of the Castel Sant’Angelo in Rome.
Next in line was Jefferson Waterman International, then headed by Ann Wrobleski, who had served as assistant secretary of state under President Ronald Reagan in 1986 and was instrumental in denying Myanmar US anti-narcotics aid following the 1988 massacres. At that time, she said Myanmar was unlikely to make progress in fighting narcotics “until a government enjoying greater credibility and support among the Burmese people than the current military regime [is] seated in Rangoon.” As a PR agent for the generals, Wrobleski advertised Myanmar as a “beautiful and exotic country” and repeated the generals’ claim that the US had engaged in terrorism by supporting pro-democracy groups outside the country. That did not help the military dictatorship burnish its reputation in the US or elsewhere; nor did endeavors by the Atlantic Group, a lobbying group that was working more directly to help overturn US sanctions, or the DCI Group, which was hired for the same purpose.
The sad state of the media in Myanmar under military rule does not do justice to the country’s rich literary and intellectual traditions. Prior to the 1962 military takeover, the country had more than 30 daily newspapers. Apart from the leading ones in Burmese and English, there were also five in Chinese, two in Hindi, and one each in Urdu, Tamil, Telugu and Gujarati, apart from magazines and journals in Shan, Kachin, Karen and other ethnic minority languages. The vitality of Myanmar’s press was effectively undermined at the beginning of 1964 when the Law to Protect National Solidarity was promulgated. All privately owned newspapers were to be banned and all their property and assets confiscated. Printing, the military stated, had to be done only in English or Burmese. Apart from The Working People’s Daily and the Loktha Pyithu Nezin, there were three papers—the Guardian, Kyemon and Botahtaung—that had been nationalized by the then junta, Ne Win’s Revolutionary Council, and ceased being independent publications.
Nothing changed until the August-September 1988 uprising, when the traditional creativity of the Myanmar psyche flourished again after 26 years of silence. New privately produced publications appeared, some daily, some intermittent, with fanciful names such as The Light of Dawn, The Liberation Daily, Scoop, Victory and The Newsletter. But that brief period of freedom ended when the military stepped in on Sept. 18 to reassert power and announced the formation of the SLORC. People were gunned down in the streets of Yangon and elsewhere, thousands were arrested and former activists fled to Thailand and India, where new publications—first printed and later online—began to appear. One of them was The Irrawaddy, which first appeared as a newsletter in Bangkok in 1990, published by exiles from Myanmar.
It was not until after the 2010 election and the appointment the following year of a quasi-civilian government headed by Thein Sein, a former general, that Myanmar experienced another rebirth of its proud media traditions. But that too has now come to an end, as the military is tightening its grip on the nation. Journalists especially have become targets of the SAC’s efforts to try to crush all opposition to its self-imposed rule. Many journalists, poets and other writers are languishing in jails all over the country. Many more are in hiding while a fortunate few have managed to flee to other countries. The Committee to Protect Journalists stated in a July report that Myanmar has become “one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists.”
At the same, two things are evident: Myanmar’s generals don’t realize they have no credibility, and they have not learned from the past. They are yet again printing crude propaganda and wasting huge amounts of money on feeble and fruitless attempts at defending their violent repression of a population that does not want to live under yet another dictatorship. The independent press is back in exile, now using the internet to disseminate their work and, in that way, reaching many more people inside the country than the printed publications ever did after the 1988 crackdown, when there was no digital media.
It is anybody’s guess how long it may take before the exiled journalists can return to Myanmar and continue the work they were doing before the coup. But the formation of a “caretaker government” with Min Aung Hlaing as its prime minister and characters like Chit Naing (Psychology) in charge of publicity is a clear sign that the military is determined to exercise absolute power for many years to come. “Free and fair” polls in 2023 and then a transfer of power to a popularly elected government, as the Tatmadaw has promised? Only fools, and perhaps the military’s ASEAN allies, would believe that is a likely scenario. It is, to quote what the street vendors in Yangon said in the late 1980s, “All Lies!”
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Military History, Political History
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Myanmar, a nation whose young democracy began only a decade ago, is currently facing a threat it may not recover from. On February 1st of 2021, the military of Myanmar staged a coup d’état in the Southeast Asian country, overthrowing the democratic government and issuing a year-long state of emergency. Orchestrated under the idea that the nation’s November election was fraudulent, a claim that lacks any substantial evidence, the armed forces took control and arrested senior members of the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) party. The situation was exacerbated by the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, a pro-democracy activist and Nobel Prize winner, who led the NLD. The country’s state of emergency has been extended for another two years under the direction of Min Aung Hlaing, a leading army general who declared himself to be the nation’s prime minister at the beginning of August. Now, after months of violence and oppression, Myanmar is confronted with the same military regime that it suffered under previously.
The populace of Myanmar has expressed their outrage over the return to military rule in the form of extensive protests. The demonstrations first became lethal on February 20th, when two unarmed protestors were killed by militant forces—by the 22nd, millions of civilians were marching in the streets, and the movement has since expanded into a large civil disobedience campaign. According to Reuters, at least six separate protests recently occurred on August 8th, the anniversary of a 1988 uprising against the earlier military junta. Across all of these events, violence has only escalated. Responses from the installed government have included rubber bullets, water cannons, and live ammunition – which has had deadly consequences. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has documented the deaths of 965 protestors since the military’s coup, along with the arrests and sentencings of over 5500. Furthermore, reports from the International Rescue Committee have detailed the disruption of social media and online communications in the country, systems that protestors rely on to organize.
The humanitarian crisis caused by the military takeover has left Myanmar crippled. The large-scale fighting has impeded civilian access to public services and basic life necessities, such as food and water. Businesses and financial institutions have closed, leaving people out of work and fleeing from cities while Myanmar’s economy collapses. On top of the thousands of refugees that the coup has created, COVID-19 continues to ravage the nation. Reuters announced that the United States alone has given Myanmar $50 million in aid for coronavirus relief. The situation is intensified by the government’s detainment of medical professionals who have spoken out against the military and participated in civil disobedience. According to the Wall Street Journal, almost 200 doctors have been imprisoned and many more are facing warrants for their arrest. Despite this, hospital workers and practitioners continue to toil in secret to help people suffering from COVID-19. The restraints imposed by the government have impaired Myanmar’s ability to respond to the virus and the destruction it brings, leaving millions at risk.
International reactions have been consistent in the condemnation of Min Aung Hlaing and his military government. Multiple actors, including the United States and the European Union, have issued sanctions on the government’s martial officers. Other countries in the region, especially those within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have worked to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. Even with these endeavors, finding an answer to end the government’s crackdown and move towards peace has been difficult. ASEAN held a summit in April at which General Min Aung Hlaing agreed to abandon the fighting and engage in communication. While this connection indicated progress, the unstable agreement lacks substance and the international denunciation of the coup has not pushed the government back towards any semblance of a democracy. The human rights abuses in Myanmar have expanded and the military government has only raised the death toll higher. As violence persists and the country’s humanitarian crisis grows, the need for progress towards a secure and peaceful state is increasingly apparent.
Amidst the disorder and dangers, Myanmar is struggling with the problem of democratic backsliding; the nation’s government has gone from the bare minimum of democracy to a military junta. The electoral system only lasted a decade, having been founded in 2011, and the country has now regressed to the same militant regime that held Myanmar for over half a century. Despite the promise of General Min Aung Hlaing to return to “a free and fair multiparty general election” in the future, the chances of this happening are slim. The deconstruction of their budding democracy has only increased the trials that the public faces, and the new regime is unlikely to promote the welfare of the populace. Myanmar’s survival as a democratic government has been limited even further. With development towards a liberal democracy halted, if not completely destroyed, the future of Myanmar stands in the balance.
In order for there to be a resolution to this crisis, the international community needs to create an environment conducive for peace and a strong electoral government. This involves promoting discourse between the military leadership, the opposing political party, and other countries in Southeast Asia. External actors need to use their power to influence the military regime and push them away from violent crackdowns and towards a conflict-free outcome. Isolating the administration and refusing to engage in dialogue will only aggravate the issue. Moreover, avoiding economic repercussions is crucial, as the citizens of Myanmar do not deserve and cannot handle the additional pressure that such actions would cause. The country’s current condition is perilous and requires the world’s attention, but beyond what has already occurred, there are few options that emphasize the protection of the public.
The consideration of these restricted possibilities highlights a fundamental aspect of the situation that must be improved upon: intensifying the level of international accountability that Myanmar’s military is facing. Authoritarians and armies cannot be allowed to continue discrediting democratic proceedings for their own gain. Questioning the integrity of voting systems and using that as an excuse for a takeover, such as what happened in Myanmar, damages the electoral institution from the inside. It threatens the reliability and stability of democracies around the globe, and when no punitive action is taken against the perpetrators, it opens up the prospect to other abusers worldwide. The increase in democratic backsliding and corrupt leadership that can be seen in the recent past demonstrates how great the need is to encourage a resolution to this crisis.
Should democracy in Myanmar be restored, returning the country to its previous state of affairs is not the most beneficial outcome. If international efforts to reestablish peace and democracy can succeed and result in the rehabilitation of the nation’s government, it cannot end with the implementation of what existed before the coup. Myanmar’s democracy was under the influence of the army before the coup. In 2017, the Myanmar government initiated a military operation against the Rohingya, a Muslim minority group. The Council of Foreign Relations approximates that 700,000 Rohingya people were forced to flee the country and become refugees. Returning to that quasi-democracy will not improve human rights or the nation’s state of affairs. World leaders need to work on building up Myanmar and giving them enough support to create a government and national order that will last. With the revival of the country’s military control, outside organizations must help in the reinforcement of democratic values and norms. Offering financial and political backing to the civilians of Myanmar throughout the myriad of crises they face is essential. While the military government will be resistant to change, combining the condemnation of democracy’s decline and the provision of aid to victims of oppression are ways in which peace and stability can at least be encouraged..."
Source/publisher:
The Organization for World Peace
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Since the 1 February coup, Myanmar’s military government is attempting to gain international recognition and legitimacy while the country’s people continue to oppose it. The international community has emphasised the need for a peaceful resolution. Against the backdrop of this political impasse, the politics of recognition is taking centre stage — but is this helping anybody?
The contentious situation is challenging governments if and how they should engage with Myanmar’s military regime. The international community represented by member states at the United Nations appears unable to arrive at an effective consensus towards the turmoil in Myanmar. As states navigate diplomacy and realpolitik, their engagements with Myanmar are coming under increasing scrutiny.
The impasse is drawing attention to any diplomatic signs of movement in the international community towards Myanmar, such as Myanmar’s relationship with the United Kingdom, China’s position and the composition of Myanmar’s participation in April’s ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. It boils down to the politics of recognition and who can speak on behalf of whom.
In the realm of diplomacy, nuance matters. There is a diplomatic practice that countries recognise states, not governments. This practice provides countries flexibility in their diplomatic engagements, particularly when dealing with a state whose military has taken control of government and is deemed illegitimate by its own people and the international community.
It is over this point that the diplomatic world and the public are diverging. Many people see any recognition of a military appointee as affording the military with recognition to run the country at the expense of its democratically elected government.
Back in April, ASEAN faced this challenge over whether the presence of a military representative at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting would constitute the regional body officially recognising the military as the government of Myanmar. At the meeting, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended in his position as Commander-in-Chief but was not afforded official recognition as Head of Government.
While this diplomatic ambiguity allowed ASEAN to initially agree on a regional approach to help address the Myanmar crisis, it is yet to break the impasse towards a peaceful settlement. The only agreement that the five permanent members of the UN Security Council have reached through public statements is that the international response to the situation in Myanmar should be led by ASEAN.
Six months after the coup, over 900 people have been killed and over 5300 arrested, charged or sentenced by the military. COVID-19 is rampant, and many are going without the medical attention they need. Some vaccines and medical equipment are supplied by China, the European Union, Singapore and Japan, but not nearly enough for those most in need. Food prices are also rising and the devastating impact of insufficient access to necessities is taking hold.
As Myanmar faces the grim consequences of dual political and pandemic crises, more questions will be raised about the ability of the international community to help people who are suffering. Pressure will continue to mount on ASEAN to act and see through the implementation of its Five-Point Consensus.
So it will be for other countries like the United Kingdom that have been at the forefront in opposing the military regime. China has supplied two million vaccines to Myanmar and 10,000 to the Kachin Independence Army-controlled areas as well as the Wa autonomous region on its border. China has interests and levers to influence the military in Myanmar and concurrently engages with ethnic army-controlled areas as local authorities. How these countries will calibrate their diplomatic engagement with the military regime in Myanmar while attempting to alleviate the worsening humanitarian situation remains to be seen.
Given the efforts initiated by ASEAN to break the impasse in Myanmar, the international community should work with the regional body to fulfil the Five-Point Consensus to support those most in need. The focus needs to be people-centred to engage entities that can deliver assistance directly. This means engaging established networks with access to affected people like China has done in its vaccine distribution. The international community can use trusted partners like the Red Cross Movement, relevant UN agencies and local partners. ASEAN has the potential to provide a platform for engagement to facilitate access to support these efforts.
ASEAN is supported by the international community to facilitate engagement with all parties including the military, the National Unity Government, the Civil Disobedience Movement and ethnic armed groups de facto recognised in the Five-Point Consensus. The Five-Point Consensus provides the framework for action — it is time now for ASEAN to provide a supportive ecosystem to move from words to actions.
While the people of Myanmar remain resilient in the face of adversity, their neighbours and the rest of the international community must focus on helping them deal with the crisis beyond the politics of recognition. While the world of diplomacy is defined largely by the nuanced positions states take for national interest, actors must balance this ambiguity with the need to invest in a more substantive and consistent agenda to find a political resolution and support the people in Myanmar.
Alistair DB Cook is Coordinator of the Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Programme and Senior Fellow at the Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies, S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
Mely Caballero-Anthony is Professor, President’s Chair in International Relations and Security Studies and Head of the Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"As of 14 August, (971) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Falam Township in Chin State, Waingmaw Township in Kachin State and Myaung Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 14, a total of (5604) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
A woman called Lang Pyung was shot by the 58th Infantry Battalion after returning from purchasing groceries from Waingmaw on the evening of August 13 when their motorbike passed through a road in front of the 58th Infantry Battalion, her husband managed to escape. The couple, from Wu Yan village in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. Lang Pyung died at Waingmaw Hospital from a gunshot wound from left to right rib.
On August 12, Joshua from Parmun Chaung village in Falam Township, Chin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop, and shot dead in the back of the head.
On the night of August 10, the terrorist junta’s troop raided Kyi Kone village in Sagaing Region’s Myaung Township and beat unprovoked a local villager called Nyi Nyi Latt. The junta soldiers shot him to death when he then ran away. The body of Nyi Nyi Latt was found in a port in the village with many injuries on his body, and gunshot injuries to the neck and head, according to locals.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.37 MB 5.35 MB 1.82 MB
more
Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime, which has dubbed itself the State Administration Council since the February 1 coup, recently proclaimed that it was inaugurating a caretaker government which will step down after cleaning up the mess left behind by what the junta regards as an incompetent and corrupt National League for Democracy (NLD) administration. An election is supposed to follow sometime in 2023 and a new government will then be inaugurated.
The term ‘caretaker government’ invokes remembrance of times past and the first of four military interventions following independence. Between 1958 and 1960, a highly successful, if authoritarian and dictatorial, military administration governed. It was formed on the basis of a “constitutional coup”, as military control seemed inevitable but was in fact approved by the legislature. Following that interregnum, the military held free elections, in which its preferred party lost, and the military retired [temporarily], returning the government to the then Prime Minister U Nu.
In 1960, the military proclaimed its outstanding success. On terminating its ruling role, it specifically likened its accomplishments to Hercules cleaning out the Augean Stables. Its Ministry of Information acclaimed its deeds in the volume: Is Trust Vindicated? A Chronicle of a Trust, Striving, and Triumph. Being an Account of the Accomplishments of the Government of the Union of Burma, November 1, 1958-February 1, 1960. In the estimations of today’s internal or external observers, will this present caretaker regime succeed as the first caretaker government did in 1958-60? As Eliza Doolittle said in My Fair Lady, “Not bloody likely”.
The origins and conditions of both coups are different. In 1958, the politically ubiquitous Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League was split by personal rivalries and civil war was feared by the military, which was already fighting two communist insurgencies and a Karen rebellion. It was a peaceful transfer of power, with little overt dissent, at least among the majority Bamar people, because of the blatantly ineffective civilian administration.
The military substituted army officers in critical positions throughout the government and they were uncorrupt and effective, if demanding and insensitive to local feelings. But there were no political arrests and no one was killed. What was a loss for democratic governance was compensated for by a string of successful economic, political and even international measures.
Prices were forcibly lowered in the bazaars, the military efficiently ran an extensive series of economic ventures, some 170,000 squatters were removed to the outskirts of Rangoon, the legal prerogatives of the Shan sawbwas were terminated, education was improved and a Burmese Oxford professor became vice-chancellor of Rangoon University, while a border agreement was negotiated with China. This period may have provided both the rationale and belief for the military that it could effectively run the country for a longer period. History has proven this to have been an illusion.
Present conditions are counter to those of 1958. The NLD’s sweeping victory in the November 2020 election may not have been an endorsement of the rather ineffective Daw Aung San Suu Kyi government, although it probably was an endorsement of her personally, but it evidently reflected the widespread distrust of another potential administration influenced or controlled by the military. The extensive nationwide violence against the subsequent coup, whose opponents straddle all classes and regions, is an indication that the fairly extensive reforms of freedom over the previous decade have inoculated the population against repression. The military has responded with over 900 civilian deaths and more than 5,000 arrests and the people are equally vehement in their rejection of the coup. The deaths, violence, and unrest associated with the current state of play in Myanmar will not go unremembered in the future.
In 1958, the military was uncorrupt, vigorous and motivated by a sense of patriotism in saving the state from unprincipled civilian politicians it regarded as bent on their own aggrandizement or, in the case of Prime Minister U Nu, adhering to his unrealistic Buddhist-based sense of governance. The same cannot be said today, with the generals in control of much of the economy and retired members of the military and their cohorts ensconced in positions of economic advantage. Shared poverty was once a national characteristic. It isn’t now.
Today’s resistance to the military is unprecedented in modern Burmese history, surpassing the failed people’s revolution in 1988. Then, the slaughter by the military was far greater but resistance was not founded on violence. Today, the widespread opposition has discarded Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s former insistence on non-violence. Death tolls on all sides continue to climb. As hostilities on both sides continue, the purist moral position of the opposition will probably suffer.
Some talk of the beginnings of civil war or a Syrian-style debacle. These seem extreme views but, even if the military were able to prevail until their supposed departure from office in 2023, public acquiescence is far more difficult. The exposure to freedoms built over the previous decade vaccinates against easy compliance with any new government the military would be willing to tolerate. Its objective is evidently to destroy the NLD and render Daw Aung San Suu Kyi politically demolished for her remaining vital years either in jail, under house arrest or under legal and political restrictions that the military will enact.
The next two years, whatever the outcome, will be difficult and destructive. The caretaker government concept is more akin to a warden monitoring the activities of the state’s confined inmates, alas, than the nurturing of the needy.
David I. Steinberg is distinguished professor of Asian studies emeritus, Georgetown University..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
Even after six months of horrifying news from Myanmar, it is an incident that's shocked the country - five people who chose to jump from a building they were hiding in, some to their deaths, rather than face arrest.
Description:
"The police have condemned the group as terrorists, but the husband of one victim tells the BBC she was a compassionate wife and mother who felt she was working to alleviate the people's suffering.
This is the tale of her untimely death.
It was on Tuesday afternoon that eight young activists found themselves trapped by a police raid.
The military had seized power months earlier in February, throwing the country into turmoil as millions protested against the coup.
At least 900 people have been killed by the military's violent response, and thousands more arrested.
Wai Wai Myint was one of those caught up in the movement opposing the military junta.
She was one of the five who jumped off a commercial building in downtown Yangon as the police charged in, falling onto a concrete pavement. She and at least one other person died at the scene.
The other three have been taken to a military-run hospital.
In the first photograph of Wai Wai Myint that began circulating on social media after news of her death, she stands ramrod straight, looking defiantly at the camera. Her fingers are raised in the three-finger Hunger Games salute that has become the trademark gesture used by young dissidents in South East Asia.
The military authorities have described the group she was with as terrorists who were planning to plant bombs.
They have published confessions by two of the activists who did not jump and were arrested there, and photographs of what they say were ingredients for explosives.
But that is not the image painted by her husband, Soe Myat Thu.
He had to say goodbye to Apple, as he calls her, at a military-organised mass cremation for her and four other people, including the young man who died with her when they jumped.
No photographs were allowed, and the families were not permitted to take away the ashes.
The military junta in Myanmar has been trying to restrict the funerals of those killed in the uprising against the coup, as they often turn into anti-military demonstrations - sometimes cremating bodies in secret rather than returning them to their relatives.
Soe Myat Thu held up a flower for her, and took that back home in place of her remains.
The move towards politics
They were a comfortably middle-class couple, both ethnic Chinese, with a six year-old daughter. Soe Myat Thu is a dentist, and Wai Wai Myint was a gems and jewellery trader.
She had been brought up by two aunts, he told the BBC, and always had plenty of money to enjoy life.
Photographs of her show a well made-up young woman posing in stylish clothes.
She liked going out clubbing with girlfriends, he says, but had a strong social conscience, regularly donating money to poorer neighbours or to animal welfare groups.
He said the couple had not been interested in politics at all, with Wai Wai Myint even saying that they should stay away because it could be dangerous.
When the coup happened, she did not react much at first.
But she was kind-hearted, he says, and became upset when the first protester to die, a young woman called Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing, was fatally shot in the capital Nyapyitaw a week after the coup. Her death was widely mourned and triggered further anger against authorities.
The shooting of a young protester
Wai Wai Myint donated money to Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing's family, and began posting on her Facebook page about other victims of the increasingly violent military response to the civil disobedience movement.
He said the couple both knew they could not change things themselves, but when she saw people being shot by the military she became more outspoken in her comments. He describes her as a bold character who was more ready to take risks than he was.
Soe Myat Thu says she was arrested once during a protest, and he had to negotiate to get her out of custody.
She was very angry about that, he remembers, because of the way she had been kicked and beaten.
He had then warned her not to go to any more protests, reminding her that she had a daughter to care for.
After that, he believed that his wife was no longer involved with the opposition. It has evolved from a non-violent protest movement in the weeks after the coup to an underground resistance which today uses handmade guns and bombs, and is believed to be behind the assassination of officials who co-operate with the military.
He says he knew the other activists who were caught with Wai Wai Myint, in the building where they were staying on 44th Street in downtown Yangon, not far from their home.
They were all members of the Pzundaung Botahtaung Young Strike Committee, one of many groups formed in Yangon in the first days after the coup to resist it.
She used to hang out with them, he says, and sometimes brought them to their house to eat and use their internet.
"I admired and felt sorry for them as they were prepared to go out and face danger when I would not," he said.
But he had no idea she was going to join them in their hideout on Tuesday; she had only told him that she was going out for a little while, and left the house without changing her clothes and putting on make-up, as she usually did.
It is not clear what Wai Wai Myint's role was in the group, or whether she was even a member. It was possible that she was only paying the rent and offering other kinds of material support.
Activists opposing the coup in Myanmar have to keep moving from place to place to avoid arrest.
Soe Myint Thu believes it was what she felt about the suffering of the people, and her determination not to accept the military junta, that eventually drove her to her fate..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"As of 13 August, (968) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 13, a total of (5571) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
A young girl around one-years-old was shot in the head and stomach and died on the spot in the morning of August 12 at Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region when the terrorist junta’s soldiers opened fire on three young men on motorbikes near the child’s house. In addition to this, Nyein Chan, father of the child, was shot twice in the arm, and the mother was also shot in the leg.
On August 5, junta soldiers and the Pyu Saw Htee detained five Than Pauk villagers near Obo village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township allegedly for being involved in the anti-coup revolution. A 26-year-old was beaten to death, called Hlaing Wai Oo, right in front of the detained persons at a school in Pan Sat village. Two sons had taken their mother to Yar Village which is close to Pan Sat village because she was suffering from illness. A total of five people including two sons and their mother and two other men were arrested while returning together. Hlaing Wai Oo was killed in front of his mother. A few days later, three of the villagers were released, but nothing has yet been heard about the one remaining villager.
Win Zaw was arrested when terrorist junta troops wearing plain clothes did not find his son when they searched his home in Dawei, Tanitharyi Region on the morning of August 12.
Myint San, MP of Magwe Region Hluttaw in the constituency No. (2) of Pauk Township and also NLD party member, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and had a warrant issued against her, was arrested in Nattalin Town in Bago Region on the night of August 11 by local junta police.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.36 MB 5.38 MB 1.81 MB
more
Description:
"Joint Statement by the Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs & Ministry of Human Rights Affairs of the National Unity Government of Myanmar
3/2021
13th August 2021
We view that the peaceful protests erupted across prisons – one at Insein prison of Yangon on July 23, 2021 and another at Oh Pho prison of Mandalay on August 8, 2021 on the 33rd anniversary of the 8888 Democracy Uprising – were caused by the junta’s mismanagement, especially of the coronavirus pandemic in those prisons. We pay tribute to those rights activists who have been wrongfully arrested in the first place for exercising their right to free speech and for opposing the terrorist military council, and who have fearlessly demanded for their unalienable rights, including access to healthcare, despite being imprisoned.
We understand that prison authorities have yet to provide an equal access to healthcare and treatment for prisoners even though authorities had agreed to increase Covid-19 prevention measures in prisons as demanded by protestors. We do not have further information about the condition of those activists who had staged recent prison protests. We are deeply concerned by the reports of the high rate of Covid-19 cases in Insein prison, and of the recent deaths of several senior political leaders. We are also highly concerned by the reports of military vehicles entering into Oh Pho prison in the wake of the protests last night.
Therefore, it is of utmost importance that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is allowed to visit prisons in Myanmar as soon as possible to assess the worsening conditions of prisoners in order to take necessary measures to stop the further spreading of coronavirus.
Hence, we strongly urge the international community to increase their pressure and demand the terrorist military council to implement the followings:
Ensure equal access to healthcare for all Covid-19 patients in prisons, and access to adequate medicines, protective materials and resources for the prevention of Covid-19;
Allow prisoners infected with coronavirus to notify their families;
Lift the ban on family visits, mails and packages to prisoners;
Ensure an access to adequate water supply and health care for women’s personal hygiene and their health;
Ensure an unrestricted access to ICRC for political prisoners and CDM public servants through individual or group meetings to present their needs;
Ensure that prison authorities respect the dignity of prisoners and not to resort violence and to fulfil the needs of prisoners on a humanitarian basis.
We believe that only through the concerted efforts can we adequately pressure the junta to respect the rights of those who are unjustly being imprisoned. Thus, we appeal to you to speak up for those activists behind the bars and demand for their rights with one united voice.
-------------------------
National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ် နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီး ဌာန နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
ပူးတွဲကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၁
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လိုင်လ ၅ ရက်
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၃)ရက်နေ့တွင် ရန်ကုန်မြို့ ၊ အင်းစိန်ထောင်အတွင်းဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုနှင့် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၊ သြဂုတ်လ (၈)ရက်နေ့ ၊ ရှစ်လေးလုံးဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတော်ပုံ(၃၃)နှစ်ပြည့်အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့တွင် မန္တလေးအိုးဖိုအကျဥ်းထောင်တွင်ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုများသည် ထောင်အတွင်းဆိုးဝါးလှသည့် ကိုဗစ်၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါကူးစက်မှုကျန်းမာရေးအခြေအနေအပေါ် စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုညံ့ဖျင်းခြင်းနှင့် အခြားသောစီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုညံ့ဖျင်းခြင်းများကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု မိမိတို့ သုံးသပ်သည်။
လွတ်လပ်စွာဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်မှုနှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဆန့်ကျင်မှုတို့ကြောင့်မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံရသော တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူတို့သည် ထောင်အတွင်းအကျဥ်းကျခံနေရသော်လည်း လူသားတိုင်းရရှိခံစားခွင့်ရှိသော ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တခြားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် အန္တရာယ်ကိုမကြောက်မရွံ့ဘဲ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ချီးကျူးဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင်းဆန္ဒပြမှုမှ တောင်းဆိုထားသည့် ထောင်တွင်း ကိုဗစ်ကာကွယ်ရေး အစီအမံမြှင့်တင်ပေးရေးကို အကျဉ်းဦးစီးအာဏာပိုင်များဖက်က လိုက်လျောပေးမည်ဟု ပြောခဲ့ဆိုသော်လည်း လက်တွေ့တွင် လူတိုင်းတန်းတူညီမျှစွာနှင့် လုံလောက်စွာ ကုသမှုရရှိအောင် ထိထိရောက်ရောက် မလုပ်ဆောင်သေးကြောင်း မိမိတို့ သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ဆန္ဒပြရာတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သော တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၏ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေကို တိတိကျကျမသိရသေးချေ။
ထောင်အတွင်းရှိ အကျဥ်းသားများအကြား ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကူးစက်ခံရမှုနှုန်း အထူးမြင့်မားနေသည့်သတင်းများထွက်ပေါ်နေပြီး ဝါရင့်နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်းဆောင်တချို့ သေဆုံးခဲ့မှုနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် အထူးစိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မိသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ဆန္ဒပြစဥ်က စစ်ကားများ၀င်ရောက်သွားပြီးဖိနှိပ်ခဲ့သည့်အတိုင်း အလားတူပင် မန္တလေးအိုးဖိုအကျဥ်းထောင်အတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြသည့်ဖြစ်စဥ်တွင် ထောင်အတွင်းမှ သေနတ်သံ(၂)ချက်ထွက်ပေါ်လာမှု၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ဆန္ဒပြကြွေးကြော်သံများထွက်ပေါ်လာပြီးနောက် အိုးဖိုထောင်အတွင်းသို့ စစ်ကားများ၀င်ရောက်သွားမှု၊ စသည့်အခြေအနေများအရ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများအပေါ် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေများမှ ဆိုးရွားစွာဖိနှိပ်မည်ကို အင်မတန်စိုးရိမ်မိပါသည်။
ထို့ကြောင့် လက်ရှိထောင်တွင်းအခြေအနေများကို အမှန်အတိုင်းသိရှိပြီး ထောင်တွင်းဆိုးဝါးလှသည့်အခြေအနေများ အထူးသဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါကာကွယ်တားဆီးကုသနိုင်ရေးအတွက် လုပ်ဆောင်ရန်လိုအပ်သော အစီအစဥ်များအား အမြန်ဆုံးလုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကြက်ခြေနီကော်မတီ (International Committee of Red Cross) ကို ထောင်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်ခွင့်ပြုပြီး လုပ်ဆောင်ခွင့်ပြုရန် အထူးအရေးကြီးသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လူကြီးမင်းတို့၏ အစိုးရနှင့် သံရုံးများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အောက်ပါအချက်များ လုပ်ဆောင်လာအောင် ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ပေးကြရန် ပန်ကြားအပ်ပါသည်။
အကျဉ်းသားများအားလုံး တန်းတူညီမျှစွာ ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါကုသခွင့်ရရှိစေရေးနှင့် ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါကူးစက်ပြန့်ပွားမှုထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကာအကွယ်ပစ္စည်းများ၊ ဆေးဝါး၊ အသုံးအဆောင်များကို တိုးမြှင့်စီစဉ်ပေးရန်၊
ကိုဗစ် ကူးစက်မှုခံရသော အကျဉ်းသားများအား မိသားစုထံသို့အသိပေး အကြောင်းကြားခွင့်ပြုရန်၊
ထောင်ဝင်စာတွေ့ခွင့်ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်းကို ပယ်ဖျက်ပေးပါရန်၊
အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ တကိုယ်ရည်သန့်ရှင်းရေးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးဆိုင်ရာကျန်းမာရေးတို့အတွက် ရေအလုံအလောက်သုံးစွဲခွင့်ရရှိရန်နှင့် အမျိုးသမီးအတွက် လိုအပ်သော ကျန်းမာရေးအခွင့်အရေး၊ အသုံးအဆောင်ပစ္စည်းများရရှိခွင့်ပြုရန်၊
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၊ စီဒီအမ်ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် ICRC နှင့် တဦးချင်းစီသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ အုပ်စုလိုက်ဖြင့်သော်လည်ကောင်း တွေ့ဆုံပြီး လိုအပ်ချက်များ တင်ပြခွင့်ကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ခွင့်ပြုရန်၊
အကျဉ်းသားများ၏တောင်းဆိုမှုများအား ထောင်ဦးစီး၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများက လူသားဆန်စွာလေးစားမှုပြသပြီး ဆက်သွယ်ပြောဆိုညှိနှိုင်းပေးရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်းမပြုရန်။
ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် ထောင်တွင်းရှိ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးအကျဥ်းချခံရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ၏ အခွင့်အရေးအတွက် ဝိုင်းဝန်းပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင်မှသာလျှင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား လုံလောက်သောဖိအားပေးနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့်အထက်ပါ အချက်အလက်များနှင့်တကွ အဖမ်းအဆီးခံအကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ထောင်တွင်းအခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် အတူတကွ စုပေါင်းအသံလွှင့်ပေးကြရန် နှင့် တောင်းဆိုပေးကြပါရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ရပါသည်။
အရေးတော်ပုံအောင်ရမည်။
-------------------------
အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ် နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs and Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
110.1 KB 253.49 KB
more
Sub-title:
The junta’s clumsy attempts to exploit COVID-19 and strengthen its control at the grassroots level by appointing compliant local officials are being thwarted by resistance that ranges from non-cooperation to assassinations.
Description:
"Coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing marked the six-month anniversary of his putsch on August 1 by announcing the formation of a provisional government with himself as prime minister – a move seen by many as an effort to strengthen and legitimise his rule.
As the junta consolidates its power at the top, it is also moving to strengthen its administrative reach at the grassroots level, partly through policy decisions involving the fight against COVID-19, which has spread rapidly throughout the country over the past month.
In a speech on July 12, Min Aung Hlaing had warned his opponents not to exploit the shortage of oxygen needed by those with the most serious cases of COVID-19. Yet the regime has done exactly that – it has sought to take political advantage from the most recent wave of infections by granting junta-appointed local authorities powers over oxygen distribution and movement restrictions.
Min Aung Hlaing’s speech came two days after the military council introduced informal restrictions on the sale of oxygen. In Yangon, it followed that up on July 20 by further strengthening grassroots administration through the creation of township and ward-level “oxygen support committees” to issue recommendation letters to the public for buying oxygen and managing supplies. Township committees are headed by the township administrator and comprise other officials, community leaders and representatives of social welfare groups.
Since forming the committees, the junta has also introduced restrictions on private oxygen plants in Yangon Region, banning them from filling cylinders unless the customer has a recommendation letter from the local authorities.
Wishful thinking vs reality
On July 24, U Hla Soe, the chair of Yangon Region Administrative Council – appointed by the provisional government as the regional chief minister on August 1 – wrote on his social media page that the township oxygen support teams were formed in collaboration with local authorities and charity groups.
“Anyone can ask at township general administration department offices about receiving oxygen free of charge. They do not need a recommendation letter (from their ward or village tract administrator) or to pay money. They can get oxygen easily by filling in the patient’s name, address and telephone number on the request form,” Hla Soe wrote.
Authorities said the main reason for forming the committees was to reduce the number of outlets selling oxygen and ensure there was enough for patients in need.
However, a ward administrator in Yangon Region’s Mayangone Township, who asked not to be identified, said the situation described by Hla Soe bears little resemblance to reality.
The administrator said he is being overwhelmed with requests for oxygen that he can’t satisfy, because the township oxygen distribution committee is only allocating his ward one 40-litre cylinder a day. There are also some days when he receives nothing.
“How can I meet demand with a 40-litre cylinder a day?” he asked, adding that he was receiving requests to refill up to 25 cylinders daily. “I have to ask my friends and other sources if they can provide oxygen,” he said.
According to the administrator, all the requests he receives are to refill cylinders and he has yet to be asked to provide a recommendation letter to buy from a private outlet.
“If I can’t help with oxygen, I refer them to charity groups,” he said, adding that one of the most reliable sources in Yangon is a social welfare group called Seitta Arrman.
“Volunteers from this group go around Yangon to find oxygen. When they do, they share it with the needy,” he said.
A village tract official in Yangon Region’s outer northern Hmawbi Township said he has not been allocated any oxygen by the township committee and has been issuing recommendation letters to volunteers or charity groups on request.
“I am yet to be asked by a resident for a recommendation letter. They ask for oxygen, but I can’t help. So I refer them to local charity groups,” said the official, who requested anonymity.
Even before all the new restrictions, it was extremely difficult to get oxygen tanks refilled because of the high demand during this third wave of infections. Occasional attacks by the junta’s forces on people lining up at oxygen plants have also been reported.
Rather than effectively addressing the oxygen shortage, the formation of the township oxygen support teams has been criticised for making it more difficult for individuals and charity groups to acquire urgently needed medical oxygen.
Charity groups told Frontier that some factories refuse to sell oxygen without a recommendation letter from township administration committees. They are also often told by the factories that they must have a letter from a township doctor or local official to show that they have a genuine need for oxygen. On the other hand, some factories are selling oxygen to those without recommendation letters, but prioritising those with letters. The unpredictability of the situation is leading to even more resistance to working with the oxygen committees.
In Mayangone Township, Ko Aung Aung Oo and a group of friends are helping to provide oxygen to those in need and say demand is very high because of the junta’s incompetence and the limited supply being allocated to the junta-appointed township oxygen distribution committees.
However, even those with recommendation letters from local authorities still find themselves having to queue for hours to receive oxygen from a plant, Aung Aung Oo said. Even many of the charity groups that have allied with township committees have to queue to get oxygen due to the high demand. So some, like Aung Aung Oo, don’t bother with going through the process to get a recommendation letter.
“They just want to flex their power. If we can get oxygen without queuing just by showing a recommendation letter, we don’t hesitate. It’s just a piece of paper and it does not help to acquire oxygen. So, why should we waste time getting the letter,” said Aung Aung Oo.
It’s a similar situation outside of Yangon. U Kyaw Ko Ko, the leader in Mandalay Region’s southern Meiktila Township of the Myosatthit Myat Parami Social Welfare Association, which is providing treatment to COVID-19 patients, said it makes its own arrangements to acquire oxygen. “We have not received help from the local authorities. We do everything ourselves, including acquiring oxygen,” he told Frontier.
Factories under pressure
On July 28, township General Administration Departments ordered factories in Yangon Region to provide oxygen only to those with a recommendation letter from local authorities. Queues largely disappeared at oxygen plants after the order was issued. Some oxygen plants in Insein and South Okkalapa townships posted signs saying that anyone wanting to refill cylinders must have a recommendation from ward administrators.
The junta’s apparent strategy of using oxygen distribution to regain control over local administration has created difficulties for some private oxygen factories. Previously, there were no formal restrictions applied on sales of oxygen, only informal directives to stop selling to individuals.
Factories owners told Frontier that their respective township administrative councils have told them that they must prioritise requests for oxygen from those affiliated with the SAC, including oxygen support committees, state-owned hospitals and quarantine centers.
After the township oxygen distribution committees were established, they allocated quotas based on the production capacity of the factories in their township. In addition to quotas, some factory owners were told by their township administrative council that the first priority for sales were government hospitals, followed in order by COVID-19 treatment centres, and sales to social welfare groups and individuals. Factories were also prohibited from selling outside their region or state.
With factory owners feeling the pressure from the soaring demand and the junta’s rules and regulations, confusion reigns.
Some owners say there is no ban on the sale of oxygen to the public without a ward endorsement, but will require a doctor’s recommendation for emergency cases that want to jump the queue ahead of those on the SAC’s list of priorities.
“Some people say factories will not sell if they do not have a recommendation letter from a ward administrator, but that’s not true,” said an oxygen factory owner in Yangon who asked not to be named.
“We have to do it first for them [SAC’s list of priority institutions],” he said, “We have to show evidence for why we paused providing oxygen to them and refilled emergency oxygen cylinders instead. So people should bring medical documents if the situation is an emergency.”
The Mate Sate oxygen plant in Yangon’s South Dagon Industrial Zone has the capacity to produce enough to fill 700 small cylinders (between 5 litres and 20 litres capacity) and 120 40-litre cylinders a day. It is supplying nearly 500 small cylinders to the oxygen distribution committees in six Yangon Region townships. It is also filling 40-litre cylinders for hospitals and COVID-19 treatment centres.
However, the factory’s managing director, U Tin Aung Lwin, said the township distribution teams and their affiliated social welfare groups were unable to take the oxygen reserved for their use because they do not have enough cylinders to hold the oxygen.
“They are only able to refill about 350 cylinders a day, so we sell the rest to people who need it,” he told Frontier on August 3.
Tin Aung Lwin said he was in a difficult position as a factory owner because he has to coordinate with junta-appointed authorities to facilitate the demands of both the military and the public.
“Factories are operating under their administration,” he said, referring to the junta-appointed bodies. “We have to coordinate and negotiate with them for the welfare of the people. Sometimes we have to do as they say. We also sell to everyone without discrimination,” he said. “In an emergency, it’s better to have a doctor’s recommendation of medical documents.”
Although the junta is restricting the operations of private oxygen plants, it is selling oxygen from a military-owned plant in Yangon’s Mingaladon Township without buyers having to show recommendation letters. State-run media has reported that the “Mindama Air Separation Oxygen Plant” owned by the Tatmadaw’s Myanmar Economic Corporation is selling oxygen to the public.
In an interview with Tatmadaw-run Myawaddy Television on July 14, the head of the factory said anyone wanting oxygen needed to bring a cylinder but there was “no need to bring letters of recommendation”. The factory was selling oxygen for 10-litre and 20-litre cylinders between 9am to 6pm to buyers who needed to show a Citizenship Scrutiny Card. Customers said the factory was selling oxygen refills for 5-litre and 10-litre cylinders for K2,000 and was not filling up 40 litre cylinders.
“We can buy oxygen cheaply here and many people are relying on the factory,” said Ma Moe, 50, who was in a queue of about 100 people waiting to buy at the factory on August 2.
However, when asked many people do not know who owns the factory.
Restricting movement
Controlling access to oxygen is not the regime’s only strategy for strengthening the power of its appointees at the community level. COVID-19 prevention is also being used to impose restrictions on freedom of movement.
In some townships throughout the country, residents need cards issued by junta-appointed ward or village tract officials for permission to travel. In those townships, residents have to show the card to gain entry to wards or village tracts and are only allowed to leave their home for limited periods. All shops except pharmacies must close at noon, after which time residents need a recommendation letter from a junta-appointed ward or village tract official to leave the area where they live.
These restrictions do not apply throughout the country, but only in areas where the ward or village tract administrators have been appointed by the junta. One such area is Yangon’s outer northern Hmawbi Township, where the population includes a large number of military personnel. The travel card system is also reported to have been introduced in some townships in Bago and Mandalay regions, as well as Shan State. But people living in downtown Yangon say officials have not tried to introduce it there.
A junta-appointed ward administrator in Mandalay city’s Aung Myay Thar Zan Township said the card system was being used to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. He said no action has been taken against residents who do not follow the rules.
“People are critical of whatever we do,” he said. “But we are doing our best to prevent an epidemic. Oxygen is also being distributed through local social welfare groups. They get oxygen faster with my letter of recommendation.”
Distrust and even hostility towards junta-appointed local officials is affecting the COVID-19 vaccination rollout as well. Many do not want vaccines if they are provided by the junta and their officials. On top of this, residents wanting to be inoculated are required to provide their CSC and household registration list.
“We have to give them our names to be vaccinated, so I decided not to be vaccinated under the military regime, and so has my mother. We have no reason to have anything to do with people working for the military,” said a woman who owns a restaurant in Yangon’s Ahlone Township, who asked not to be identified.
Terror and resignations
The junta’s efforts to spread its tentacles of power and control over everyday people have been frustrated by the mass resignations of local administrators who fear joining a growing list of assassination victims.
One of the most significant such events occurred on July 4 in Sagaing Region’s Kawlin Township when at least 10 village tract administrators and township General Administration Department officials resigned en masse in messages posted on social media.
The latest fear-driven resignations have included those of nine village heads in Sagaing Region’s Pale Township who resigned in early August after receiving a warning from the People’s Defence Force-Pale. It warned that they would be attacked for “betraying the people” if they continued to serve the regime.
In Butalin Township, also in Sagaing Region, five village tract administrators quit on August 1, saying they had received death threats.
Regime spokesperson General Zaw Min Tun told a news conference on July 12 that 173 ward and village tract administrators, USDP members and people accused of being military informers had been killed as of the end of June.
He admitted that the regime cannot provide full security for local officials and suggested they inform the relevant authorities when they travel and not travel alone. He said unarmed security groups were being established in wards and villages to provide information and warnings ahead of the violence, and that the groups had already been established in almost half of the country.
Elected officials purged
After it seized power on February 1, the regime council terminated the appointment of about 16,800 village tract and ward administrators who had been elected by their communities under reforms spearheaded by the NLD government in 2016 and 2017.
Some of them were reappointed but most were replaced by supporters of either the Tatmadaw or its proxy party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party. The appointments were met with widespread public opposition, which resulted in many of the appointees resigning within days of being appointed. As a result, some townships do not have ward or village tract administrators.
Regime-appointed administrators now receive a monthly salary of K50,000 plus K20,000 for office costs. They are required to submit detailed reports to township GAD offices, including on suspected resistance activists in their areas.
“Underground revolutionary activists are hiding in urban areas. The military does not have the capacity to get intelligence on their activities so it relies on administrators to gather information. We have to eliminate the administrators who are working as dalan,” a member of a Yangon-based PDF told Frontier, using the Burmese term for informers.
The trust and cooperation that elected administrators had enjoyed in their communities was destroyed when they were replaced by junta appointees. This contributed to the military’s flailing response to the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic: one of the reasons the response to the first and second waves was more effective was because local officials had the strong support of the public.
A plea for understanding
A ward administrator in Mayangone Township who was reappointed after the coup admitted that he could not work as effectively as he had under the NLD government. “Some people want to help me but are afraid of being criticised by others and accused of working for the military if they help us,” he said. “I am helping as much as I can. No matter what anyone says, I hope [residents] understand me.”
It is clear that despite the efforts of the regime, it has failed to secure complete control over local administration since it seized power. Many local administrators seem to be taking care not to create problems for residents of their communities out of fear for their lives. The situation means that many 100-household and 10-household community officials are having to assume the responsibilities of administrators. Meanwhile, the regime is having difficulty filling vacant administrative roles.
It is also having to provide extra security for some administrators, especially known military supporters.
A ward administrator in Mandalay’s Aung Myay Thar Zan Township who is known to enjoy good relations with the military told Frontier he is guarded at his office by 10 soldiers.
“We are doing good work, but no matter how good we are, there will always be those who want to attack us. So it is better to have security,” said the administrator, who served previous military regimes but resigned in 2016 when the NLD introduced elections for local officials. He was reappointed by the regime in mid-February.
On July 27, an official in a sub-ward under his administration was shot and injured by a man who visited his office on the pretence of needing a recommendation letter.
“I have not yet received any death threat, but I’m very worried about my security after the shooting on July 27,” said the administrator. “Anything can happen at any time.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Myanmar's military junta, which has branded itself as caretaker government, has
announced the extension of ceasefire with conditions. However, taking advantages of
the uniliteral ceasefire, the junta has deployed more troops across Karenni (Kayah)
State who are thre atening lives and properties daily as follow;
1. Claiming to pursue local people resistance forces, junta’s troops have entered
villages and threatened residents, broken into their homes, and looted their
properties including chicken and pigs.
2. Jungle patrols and searches in villages by junta’s troops pose increased danger to
lives and safety of villagers who are in hiding from recent fighting and villagers
who are faming, and cause further displacement.
3. Jungle patrols and attempts to control more areas by junta’s troops have also
increased the number of daily armed clashes with Karenni Amy.
4. Servaral incidents have also been reported on junta’s troops' orders to remove and
p rohibit Covid-19 p revention facilities and programs initiated and supported by
locals in their communities.
Karenni National Progressive Party is very concerned over Burmese military junta's
activities that have endangered community peace, the rule of law, and public safety and
have worsened the risk of starvation among the affected populations.
Therefore, Karenni National Progressive Party urges humanitarian assistance groups in
the country as well as international governments and organizations to pro vide speedy
assistance and take measures to protect the people..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Karenni State, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
39.1 KB 293.93 KB
more
Description:
"Both the National Unity Government (NUG) and the military junta seek to represent Myanmar in the United Nations.
At the UN General Assembly in New York, Myanmar is currently represented by Permanent Representative Kyaw Moe Tun, who has held the position since 2020. Now affiliated with the NUG, on 26 February 2021 in the General Assembly he called on States not to recognise or legitimise the military coup of 1 February.
A “Credentials Committee” of nine UN Member States will review the issue of Myanmar’s representation from mid-September, when the General Assembly opens its annual session.
The decision on Myanmar’s representation will occur in the General Assembly, by vote if necessary. It will affect Myanmar’s representation in all UN forums, including at the International Court of Justice.
By December 2021 at the latest, the General Assembly is expected to have come to a decision. It could “accept the credentials” of the representative of the NUG or the junta, enabling one to represent Myanmar in the UN. But it could be a more complicated outcome, such as a deferred decision.
This briefing paper: Myanmar’s Representation in the United Nations by SAC-M, outlines the processes of the Credentials Committee and possible scenarios in the current case of Myanmar.
Download the Briefing Paper: SAC-M Briefing Paper Myanmar’s Representation in the UN ENGLISH
It concludes that an acceptance of the military junta’s credentials in the current circumstances would be unprecedented in the UN. Furthermore, any action fully depriving the State of representation would likely be contrary to the UN Charter..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
427.73 KB
more
Description:
"As of 12 August, (966) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Botahtaung Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 10 and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
In relation to the apartment raid by the terrorist junta on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, today, AAPP added Wai Wai Myint a.k.a Apple to our fatality list as we confirmed she had died then. AAPP will continue to verify and report information regarding this incident.
As of August 12, a total of (5562) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
At least five philanthropists including Naing Lin and Jue Mar were arrested on the morning of August 11 whilst they were planning to provide rice to the poor in Wakema Town, Ayeyarwady Region. A local said it is unknown why they were arrested.
On the evening of July 31, Poe Ei Khaing, the wife of Aung Kyaw Htet and his one-year-old daughter were arrested as hostage when the terrorist junta did not find Aung Kyaw Htet from Mandalay who is accused of having relations with the PDF. Poe Ei Khaing was suffering from an illness when she was arrested. The one-year-old daughter was released on August 2 two days after her arrest. The day his one-year-old daughter was released, the police station announced they would allow part-time breastfeeding, but they did not end up allowing this the next day, at which point they said Poe Ei Khaing contracted COVID-19. After this, he did not hear anything about his wife, according to Aung Kyaw Htet.
The nephew of Nay Myo named Myat Noe Lwin was detained as a hostage when the junta did not find Nay Myo, NLD Ward and Village Secretary of Kyauk Gyi Su Ward in Bago at home on the night of August 5. Nay Myo is charged under Section 505 of the Penal Code. In addition to this, the parents and son of Han Tun were detained as hostages when the junta did not find Han Tun, NLD campaigner of Pyan Kya Village in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township on the afternoon of August 8.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.36 MB 5.33 MB 1.82 MB
more
Description:
"Aug. 12, 2021: Adani Ports & SEZ Ltd has requested that the United States’ Department of Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) grant a general licence for their container terminal currently being developed under a build-operate-transfer agreement with Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), a conglomerate owned by the Myanmar military. MEC is a US sanctioned entity.
In its Q1 FY 2022 report, Adani Ports states that: “APSEZ believes that it is not in violation of any sanction guidelines issued by OFAC, and has, therefore, applied to OFAC for a general license to operate the Port.”
In response, the Australian Centre for International Justice (ACIJ) and Justice For Myanmar have written to the OFAC this week to urge that Adani Ports’ request for a general licence is denied, given the company’s continuing commercial ties with a military conglomerate, the MEC, that finances the military to conduct operations that involve war crimes and crimes against humanity. In addition to Adani Ports’ lease payments, the container terminal will become a future asset for the Myanmar military on completion of the lease.
In March 2021, the US government introduced sanctions against the Myanmar military’s two conglomerates, including the MEC. Adani Ports’ direct business ties with MEC raise serious questions about the company’s complicity with the Myanmar military’s egregious human rights abuses, some of which amount to serious crimes under international law.
ACIJ and Justice For Myanmar reiterate calls for Adani Ports’ shareholders to divest from the company. Adani Ports’ direct business with MEC exposes shareholders to major legal and reputational risks.
Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar says: “It is abhorrent that Adani Ports is continuing to build a port for the MEC in Yangon, a company which finances the Myanmar military, which is carrying out a campaign of terror against the people that has killed over 960 people since the illegal military coup. The US Treasury should take a firm stand against Adani Ports and strengthen measures to stop the flow of revenue to the Myanmar military. Don’t give Adani Ports a licence to whitewash their business with war criminals.”
Rawan Arraf, Executive Director of the Australian Centre for International Justice said: “We call on the US Department of Treasury to deny Adani Ports a licence to continue its business with MEC. Because Adani Ports is creating a lucrative future asset for the MEC – this should raise serious concerns about whether Adani Ports is providing material assistance to a US sanctioned entity. Adani Ports has an obligation to respect human rights and it has consistently failed to disengage from their business with the Myanmar military, as was recommended by the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar.”
Note to editors
Our 30 March 2021 report, Port of Complicity: Adani Ports in Myanmar, provided compelling evidence detailing Adani Ports’ ties to the Myanmar military and its repeated failure to respond to accusations of complicity in international law violations through its business in Myanmar.
Adani Ports has continued to provide misleading statements about its business with the MEC. See press release here.
In April 2021, Adani Ports was removed from the Dow Jones Sustainability Index over its links with the Myanmar military and Australia’s Carmichael coal project. See press release here.
A number of institutional investors have announced divestment from Adani Ports as a result of its links with the Myanmar military and Australia’s Carmichael coal project, including SEB, Nordea and DNB..."
Source/publisher:
Australian Centre for International Justice and Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
172.06 KB
more
Sub-title:
Fighting has raged between junta troops and Peoples Defense Forces in recent months, with police and soldiers storming villages after every clash and arresting and killing local residents.
Description:
"More than 80 civilians have died during clashes in nearly four months of fighting between local militia members and junta forces in one strife-torn township in northwestern Myanmar’s Sagaing, said the local militia in a statement that accused regime troops of killing 46 in three massacres.
Fighting has raged between junta forces and the Kani People’s Defense Force in Kani township in recent months, with police and soldiers storming nearby villages after every clash and arresting and killing local residents, local sources say.
Junta forces also set fire to homes, take away valuables, farming tools, and agricultural produce, and slaughter cattle, sources say.
A total of 82 township residents have lost their lives, the Kani People’s Defense Force said on Aug. 8 on its Facebook page. Of these, at least 46 people were killed in three separate massacres by Myanmar troops, including 31 members of the militia, it said.
There have been 35 clashes in 31 different places in which 31 of our comrades were killed, and there were three massacres of civilians by the military in which 51 died,” one militia member said.
“The clashes took place on both sides of the Chindwin River in our township,” he told RFA, speaking on condition of anonymity.
At least 50 Kani residents have also been arrested in the past four months, he said.
Since the beginning of the fighting in April, junta forces have set up checkpoints along the Monywa-Yargyu-Kalewa road in Kani township and are closely monitoring all passing pedestrians and motorbikes, local sources say.
“While we were fleeing the fighting, all incoming and outgoing traffic was blocked, and it became very hard to find food,” one township resident said, adding that access even to medicines used to fight fever had been cut off.
“There is no way to buy even a single pill of paracetamol for when you are sick, and cash and over donations from wellwishers can only be carried in small amounts on a motorcycle,” he said. “We have had to share food for the past several days.”
“If this situation continues for much longer, there will be famine. Even now, many people are just eating rice porridge, and some have not been able to cook anything now for a day or two,” he added.
Locals also said that they are fleeing the war during the rainy season, which is usually the farming season, and that this could lead to even more food shortages during the coming winter.
Fear of famine
One villager in Kani township said that some villages lying west of the Chindwin River will face famine in the next one to two months.
“We are facing different difficulties at all levels,” he said.
“People from the western part of the Chindwin River are coming to the eastern villages to ask for food. Most of them are day laborers and bamboo traders, and in the next one or two months they will find it very hard to survive.”
“Some people have had to carry their elderly relatives on their backs because the military were setting fire to the villages. How can you not hate them?” he asked. “The only reason people are suffering like this is because they are helpless.”
“If I could, I would give my life to end all their suffering,” he said.
At the end of July, villagers found the body of a man hanging from a tree in a forest outside of Kani town center, and that a closer investigation revealed four graves containing the remains of at least 10 people.
On July 11 and 12, residents of Kani township found the hog-tied and severely beaten bodies of at least 15 people scattered in the jungle, days after a government military unit left the area.
On Feb. 1, Myanmar’s military overthrew the country’s democratically elected government, claiming voter fraud had led to a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD party in the country’s November 2020 election.
The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule.
According to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 966 civilians were killed by police and soldiers between Feb. 1 and Aug. 12..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more
Sub-title:
The father of one of those who died said witnesses told him his son survived the fall and was beaten to death by police.
Description:
"Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured in Myanmar when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by junta authorities, witnesses said Wednesday, while the father of one of those killed said he was told his son survived the impact and was beaten to death by police.
Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives Tuesday night when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city.
The three who survived the jump—Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set, and Poe Kyaw Kyaw—were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon.
Tin Zaw—the father of Ye Min Oo, who died Tuesday—said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall.
"Immediately after the fall, my son was dying, not dead. Then police officers beat them up, and my son died after the beating,” he told RFA in an exclusive interview. “I got that information from witnesses and residents.”
A neighborhood resident told RFA on Wednesday that two of those who jumped called out three or four times for water and then died, while the other three remained motionless after they hit the ground.
“Because they fell from a height, they must have broken their limbs,” he said.
The neighbor, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeling activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings.
“You could climb up to the roof, and the kids must have thought they could run across the rooftops. But there were only four buildings you could run across like that,” he said.
“There was a five-storey building blocking their path on one side and an eight-storey building on the other, and they must have run this way and that, and finally when they couldn’t escape they must have jumped,” he said.
Dead and injured taken to hospital
Military forces ordered community service workers to take both the two who died and the three survivors to a 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon, a member of the Lin Let Social Welfare Association told RFA.
“The two who died were dead when we got there,” the charity worker said.
“We were sure they were dead because we made all the necessary checks required to see if they were still alive,” she said. “One of the injured had a broken leg, and another had a head injury and had to be taken to the hospital’s neurology center.”
Soe Myat Thu, the husband of 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint, said he hopes the military will give him back his wife’s body so that he can bury her according to her own request.
“I’m trying to get my wife’s body back, but we are under the rule of a military coup, so what can I do?” he asked. “If they refuse to release her body, there is nothing we can do about it.”
“She always said, ‘Don’t cremate my body when I die. Please bury me in a grave,’ and I want to fulfill that last wish. I don’t care about anything else,” he said.
A police report now circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling Military Council, while a military press release on Wednesday confirmed that two had been killed and three injured in the operation, with hand grenades and bomb-making materials recovered during the raid.
An independent scout
Ye Min Oo, who was born in 1994, was not connected with Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), People’s Defense Force (PDF), or any other formally organized group, his father said.
Instead, he had worked independently with friends in a scouting unit gathering intelligence on pro-junta informers and other military targets, Tin Zaw said.
“He never expressed any political opinions, but after the February coup, he became actively involved in anti-coup protests, and although I did not forbid this as a parent, I warned him to be mindful and careful,” he said.
“My son stood and fought for his beliefs, and now he has fallen in the fight,” he said.
Tin Zaw said Ye Min Oo’s fate was the outcome of the military overthrow of the country’s democratically elected government on unfounded claims of voter fraud in the country’s November 2020 election.
The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule. According to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 948 civilians were killed by police and soldiers between Feb. 1 and Aug. 10.
“These kids were pushed into the struggle by the Feb. 1 coup. They were pure and innocent youths. I am very proud of my son,” Tin Zaw said..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Local URL:
more