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Title: Briefing Paper: Effective Control in Myanmar
Description: "5 September 2022: The National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) has the greatest claim to effective control in Myanmar, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) explains in a new briefing paper, published today. The illegal military junta in Myanmar does not have effective control of the country and cannot continue to be engaged with by the international community on the assumption that it does. “The world needs to wake up to the reality that a new Myanmar is already taking shape,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The National Unity Government is not a shadow government or a government in exile. It is the representative of the people’s revolution and resistance to the military junta, the combined forces of which control the majority of the country.” The briefing paper “Effective Control in Myanmar” applies international standards to the NUG and allied resistance organisations as well as the military junta to determine which entity best meets criteria used to establish effective control of a state. SAC-M’s analysis finds that the NUG and resistance organisations have effective control over 52% of the territory of Myanmar. The junta is being actively contested in a further 23% and can only claim to have stable control over 17% of the territory. The trajectory of the conflict favours the resistance, and the junta is losing what control it does have at an increasing rate despite the continued use of mass atrocities by junta forces. “The resistance is holding Myanmar together in the face of the junta’s barbaric killing and wanton destruction. It is paramount that ASEAN, lest it be relegated to total irrelevance, and other regional actors understand and recognise this if they genuinely want to facilitate a return to peace and stability in the region,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “A process could now be undertaken through which the gains made by the democracy movement in Myanmar can be formalised, such as a people’s election or referendum held in resistance territory.” The junta has forced Myanmar’s former central administration to the brink of collapse. The junta is unable to govern and is reduced to an occupying military force in a diminishing amount of territory. Resistance organisations including the NUG, Ethnic Resistance Organisations (EROs), people’s administrative bodies, the Civil Disobedience Movement and other civil institutions and movements are administering an increasing range of government functions and delivering services to millions of people. The combined capacity of the resistance is an essential lifeline as the acute humanitarian crisis in Myanmar worsens and the international community continues to fail to deliver aid at scale. “The NUG is the legitimate government of Myanmar and should have been recognised formally as such long ago. But instead, there is a complete mess in the international system when it comes to Myanmar’s representation. That is depriving the Myanmar people of their voice at a time when they need it the most,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The revolution in Myanmar will succeed. But history will not look back kindly on how we in the international system failed to stand with the people.” Armed resistance to the junta has now saturated wide swathes of townships across most states and regions in Myanmar, demonstrating the strength of the population’s rejection of the military playing any further role in the nation’s politics. The NUG is guided by the Federal Democracy Charter, a roadmap that seeks to realise Myanmar’s long-held federal and democratic aspirations..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-09-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-05
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Title: Historic Yangon villa where Aung San Suu Kyi was held for 15 years under threat
Sub-title: Ousted leader’s estranged brother has won a court case allowing villa, considered a symbol of democracy in Myanmar, to be sold
Description: "The future of the lakeside villa in which Aung San Suu Kyi spent 15 years under house arrest is feared to be in jeopardy, after a court ruled in favour of her estranged brother, allowing the property to be sold. The colonial-style house at 54-56 University Avenue, which stands besides Yangon’s Inya Lake, is – for many in Myanmar – a symbol of the country’s struggle for democracy. For decades, however, Aung San Suu Kyi has been locked in a legal battle with her older brother Aung San Oo, an engineer who lives in the US, over ownership of the house. He first filed a legal suit in 2000, and the case has been examined by the courts multiple times since. The latest hearings proceeded as Aung San Suu Kyi, 77, was again imprisoned. She has been detained since February 2021, when the military ousted her government and took power in a coup. She has been accused of dozens of charges, which rights groups say are politically motivated. Hillary Clinton and Aung San Suu Kyi walking together on the lawn in front of the villa Hillary Clinton and Aung San Suu Kyi in the grounds of the house in 2011. Photograph: Saul Loeb/AP Aung San Oo told the Guardian that the recent decision by Myanmar’s supreme court in Naypyidaw had supported an earlier 2012 ruling that he was entitled to an equal share of the property. “In 2012 it was stated that if we cannot agree how to physically divide it up then it will be legal to auction off and split whatever money … The last court hearing a few weeks ago was to confirm that,” he said. Aung San Oo declined to confirm whether he has plans to sell the property, saying this was a private matter. He disagreed that it was a site of historic significance. The two-acre (0.8-hectare) property was given by the government to their mother, Khin Kyi, after their father, the independence hero general Aung San, was assassinated in 1947. Khin Kyi died in 1988, shortly after the military’s brutal crackdown on huge pro-democracy uprisings, which Aung San Suu Kyi had helped lead. Aung San Suu Kyi pictured in December 2019. Aung San Suu Kyi given six extra years in prison on corruption charges Read more Aung San Suu Kyi was first placed under house arrest in 1989, and would spend 15 years in the villa until 2010. Cut off from the world, she would listen to BBC radio for hours each day, read books and meditate. At weekends, she would give pro-democracy speeches from the villa, standing on top of a table to address vast crowds gathered outside the gate of the compound. Hundreds or even thousands would gather to hear her speak. Advertisement Later, President Barack Obama and then-secretary of state Hillary Clinton travelled to the villa to meet Aung San Suu Kyi during a historic visit. She has not lived in the house since her release in 2012. The property, though in a dilapidated condition, is estimated by Aung San Oo’s lawyer to be worth $90m, according to reports. Aung San Oo was unable to share court documents. Local media also reported the court had ruled in Aung San Oo’s favour. Last week, the national unity government (NUG), which was formed by elected lawmakers as well as civil society activists in opposition to the coup, said it had declared the house a site of national heritage, which would prevent its sale or destruction. Such a declaration cannot be enforced until the military junta is overthrown, however. “This is not just a house or property, this is the place where she was held for more than 15 years in her life,” said Dr Sasa, a spokesperson for the NUG. “This is a powerful symbol of hope for the people of Myanmar.” Aung San Suu Kyi was not given representation during the court’s latest proceedings regarding the house, he added. The court case is one of many Aung San Suu Kyi has faced over the past 18 months. A series of convictions in military-controlled courts since the coup have led to a total prison sentence of 20 years. Further cases against her are continuing and could lead to decades more time in prison..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2022-09-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-05
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Title: UN Envoy Warns of ‘Multidimensional Catastrophe’ in Myanmar, Urges Global Action
Description: "The UN Special envoy on Myanmar has warned of a “multidimensional catastrophe” if the regional and international communities don’t make a serious effort to support the Southeast Asian country, which has descended into conflict since last year’s military coup. Myanmar has been politically and economically devastated since the coup. Far from bringing the whole country under its control, the regime is still struggling with nationwide popular armed resistance against its rule. The economy has been in a downward spiral, with fuel in short supply and foreign reserves dwindling. “We cannot wait. A multidimensional catastrophe will emerge in the heart of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN] unless we as a regional and international community come together to seriously find new ways to support this Myanmar-led process towards an inclusive society and democratic future,” said the envoy, Noeleen Heyzer, in her remarks at a seminar at the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore on Monday. Myanmar is an ASEAN member. The warning came after her controversial mission to Myanmar last month during which she met with regime chief Min Aung Hlaing in an attempt to mediate the crisis, including calling for an immediate end to the junta’s violence against the Myanmar people. However, after receiving a low-grade reception from the junta she made no breakthrough. Instead, it became another failed UN mission in Myanmar, used by the regime to promote its legitimacy as well as to express its displeasure over the UN’s actions against it. However, the envoy insisted that her visit was part of the UN’s broader efforts to support an effective and peaceful Myanmar-led political pathway to return to civilian rule based on the will of the people, saying, “My mandate as an impartial actor [is] to engage with all stakeholders in Myanmar, the region and globally, consistent with the principles of the United Nations.” In her remarks at the seminar on Monday, the envoy said there was no clear path out of the crisis and that there would be no easy solutions. During her visit to Myanmar, she wasn’t allowed to meet detained popular leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and she said on Monday that “If I ever visit Myanmar again, it will only be if I can meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.” She also admitted that in the case of Myanmar, the limitations of the United Nations and the international community are also clear, adding that continued differences in the positions among member states of the UN was also a factor, according to highlights of the seminar released by the envoy’s office. “Thus, I will continue to appeal to all governments, regional organizations and other key stakeholders, to listen to the will of [the] people and be guided by that will,” she said. Despite its condemnation of the coup and the regime’s killing of more than 2,000 people so far, the UN has still failed to take serious action against the Myanmar junta. The UN Security Council still hasn’t been able to pass any resolutions due to resistance from China and Russia, the junta’s major allies. At the regional level, ASEAN has tried to mediate the Myanmar crisis since last year with its peace plan, which includes an immediate cessation of violence against civilians. However, the junta ignored the plan. At the same time, both the UN and ASEAN have failed to “officially engage” with Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed by the elected lawmakers of the ousted National League for Democracy and their ethnic allies, and commands the loyalty of the vast majority of Myanmar people. Following the envoy’s meeting with Min Aung Hlaing , the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), a group of former UN experts on the country, urged Heyzer to engage with the NUG instead. The NUG also called on the envoy to publicly strengthen partnerships with it, as well as with ethnic armed organizations and civil society, and to truly listen to and respect the aspirations of the Myanmar people..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-09-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-05
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Title: Could Myanmar’s opposition forces unseat the junta?
Sub-title: Rebel ranks grow, presenting a viable threat to the military’s grip on power
Description: "Over the past 18 months, the military junta has ruled Myanmar with extreme brutality, driving the country’s economy into the ground and creating a public health and refugee nightmare. The army has been accused of widespread massacres and has jailed thousands, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. It has shown no mercy, recently executing four democracy activists, including one former lawmaker. Although the military, which has ruled directly or indirectly since 1962, has reportedly massacred members of ethnic opposition groups as well as the Kachin and Rohingya minorities over the years, the executions were actually the first official death sentences carried out in Myanmar in more than 30 years. The executions, in the face of condemnation by the international community and pleadings from officials from other Southeast Asian states, show that the military has fully embraced a scorched earth approach to its rule of the country. The military has shown it will brook no compromise, doesn’t care about how its neighbors view it and that it will spare nothing to remain in power, whether massacring civilian populations in the hinterlands of the country or executing more prominent activists. The people of Myanmar believe the army has no interest in compromise and would rather see the country burn to the ground than give an inch. Consequently, these same people are stepping up their opposition. As longtime Myanmar specialist David Scot Mathieson has noted, the fighting, which had erupted after the coup last year in more outlying areas, has now spread to cities, which are turning into potential sites for vicious urban warfare, as are parts of the country such as the Sagaing and Magwe regions that previously had experienced little fighting. Urban areas are poised to explode, making the likelihood of conflict even more intense. And yet the military may be running scared despite the brutality of its rule. While the army boasts hundreds of thousands of soldiers and heavy weaponry from Russia, it is looking like it could possibly lose its grip on power. This would be a scenario that, in its wake, would leave great uncertainty but would undoubtedly be better for the people of Myanmar. For one, the military underestimated the power of the guerillas, known as the People’s Defense Force. Many members of this group are from Myanmar’s heartland, who fled to the hinterlands after the coup and joined armed ethnic organizations. These guerillas have proven more effective at attacks on the military than the army imagined and have regularly cornered military convoys, launched effective attacks and captured several military bases, embarrassing the armed forces. Furthermore, guerilla attacks on military officers and outposts in various parts of the country have been effective at striking fear into army personnel, sometimes undermining the military’s chain of command. The army has responded to the insurgency with brutal tactics such as indiscriminate aerial bombings, burning of towns and other atrocities. However, such tactics are often ineffective against the People’s Defense Force, causing more of the population to turn against the army and join the guerillas Meanwhile, the armed forces, which had managed for years to keep their troops isolated from the general public, with a parallel social welfare system and little interaction with the populace, now seem to be suffering a large number of defections from their ranks. Ordinary soldiers are beginning to recognize the army’s atrocities, in part because of the opposition’s effective social media campaigns targeting the military, and these soldiers are defecting to the People’s Defense Force or just leaving altogether. Indeed, Myanmar’s armed forces are finding it difficult to recruit new officers and are struggling to fill military academies. This reflects a lack of morale in the army, and some analysts believe the number of soldiers on call in the military is far lower than the high estimates that are often given. As morale drops, and more and more guerilla attacks successfully target officers, there may be a point at which the Myanmar military begins to splinter. The top brass will likely never give in — they would surely face an international tribunal for crimes against humanity — but the lower and middle-ranking levels of the military are looking much weaker against the People’s Defense Force and their partners in the armed ethnic organizations for more than a year. Although the military has access to weapons, the armed ethnic organizations also are becoming better armed than they were just a year ago, as is the People’s Defense Force. Meanwhile, the exile National Unity Government has been making progress on a number of fronts. After a somewhat shambolic beginning, it has begun to organize itself and seems to have accepted that Myanmar will have to be a truly federal state in future — a conclusion that represents a major step forward. Its officials have met with senior leaders from the United States and other countries. Canberra has allowed the National Unity Government to open its own representative office in Australia, essentially a step toward Canberra dealing primarily with the government and increasingly alienating the junta. The French Senate and Czech Republic have also recognized the National Unity Government. Some analysts have argued that the United States and other major democracies should openly recognize the National Unity Government — as well as arm Myanmar opposition forces — if the government in exile can provide a road map toward a future, democratic and federal Myanmar. At the very least, the time has come for major democracies to recognize the National Unity Government diplomatically, since the military regime has shown it has no limit to brutality. And since the anti-junta forces are clearly holding their ground and the military is unaffected by sanctions and doesn’t appear interested in compromise, the opposition has a real possibility of ending military rule themselves..."
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Source/publisher: Japan Times
Date of publication: 2022-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-31
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Title: Myanmar’s Ethnic Groups Must Unite to Topple the Military Regime
Description: "On August 26, BBC Bangla covered the Chin refugees living in India’s Mizoram State. BBC reporter Subhajyoti Ghosh visited several refugee camps and reported that nearly 31,000 Chin, who are ethnically related to the Mizo people of Mizoram, have fled Chin State for neighboring Mizoram since last year’s coup in Myanmar. Moe Tallui, a primary school teacher in Myanmar, is one of the refugees who is facing an uncertain, precarious future. He is one of the many millions of Myanmar people whose future and dreams have been destroyed by the Myanmar military. Similar tales of dashed hopes can be found in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh. The Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of ethnic cleansing in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State resulted in 760,000 Rohingya fleeing Rakhine for Bangladesh. Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations (UN) High Commissioner for Human Rights, spoke with Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar on August 16. One Rohingya teacher told the commissioner how she had excelled at school in Myanmar and had a dream of becoming a doctor. But after being forced out of her country by the Myanmar military, she has instead spent the last five years in a refugee camp. “I still get emotional at night when I think of my dream. My Buddhist friends are now physicians in Myanmar,” she told Bachelet. Typically, the purpose of a nation’s military is to defend the country from external threats. Since the coup, though, the Myanmar military has been targeting and killing its own people. The military continues to act as if it is a state within a state, despite supposedly being the servants of the people, hungry for power and ready to slaughter its own people to achieve that end. History shows us that this desire for dominance originates with one person or group, such as the coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who then manipulates others to further their own interests. Since the military takeover, the junta has killed at least 2,249 people, detained another 15,000 and burned down over 28,000 houses. The victims of the violence include many Bamar, the majority ethnic group in Myanmar and traditionally the people who make up the ranks of the army. The barbarity on display is beyond comprehension. The hopes of the Myanmar people are being shattered by the violence of the military. Students are unable to continue their studies adequately. Teachers who support the Civil Disobedience Movement have been detained or even killed. Some educational institutions have been torched by the military regime. Around 800,000 people have become internally displaced since the coup, with no idea when they will be able to resume their regular lives. To scare the population and break the links between the armed resistance and civilians, aid workers have been killed. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights found that the junta routinely commits substantial and severe violations of international humanitarian law, including crimes against humanity and war crimes. With the military continuing to conduct raids in the Bamar heartland of Sagaing and Magwe regions and in Chin, Karen and Kayah states, the human rights situation is deteriorating all the time. Air and artillery strikes are increasingly being used against civilian targets: villages and the residential areas of towns. And now that clashes are breaking out in Rakhine State between the ethnic Rakhine Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military, the last region of the country that was relatively peaceful is now in danger of becoming home to armed conflict. Rohingya communities have regularly found themselves caught in the middle of battles between the military and the AA, as well as being specifically targeted by attacks. There are still 600,000 Rohingya residing in northern Rakhine. The majority of them spend their days in camps for the internally displaced, where international organizations are prohibited from operating because of limitations put in place by the Myanmar military. If new battles start in Rakhine, the locals may end up in a similar situation to the civilians in Sagaing and Magwe regions and Chin, Karen and Kayah states. So how can the Myanmar people get rid of the military that eats its own like a cannibal and which is causing the whole country to fall into ruin? There is only one solution and that is to eradicate all forms of inhumanity from the institution. A united Myanmar can destroy evil in any of its institutions. The moment has come for the Bamar, Kachin, Karen, Shan, Karenni, Arakanese and all the ethnic groups in Myanmar to band together and overthrow the tyranny of military dictatorship. Myanmar’s beauty becomes apparent if you picture it as a united country. In every region of the nation, people from many different ethnic groups coexist. Equality amongst all peoples and religions is a stated goal of the civilian National Unity Government. Perhaps one day, Myanmar’s wealth of natural resources may enable the country to develop into an economic power in Southeast Asia. The creation of a united Myanmar will lead to the realization of the Myanmar peoples’ aspirations. We hope that the people of Myanmar will unite to fight against the military oppressors by channeling their sorrow for their lost brothers and sisters into strength. Only then will they achieve victory and regain their freedom..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-31
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Title: Myanmar’s junta in a serious but not desperate fight
Sub-title: Reports suggesting Tatmadaw is becoming ‘desperate’ in face of adversity misread its remarkable cohesion, discipline and defiant resolve
Description: "Born of Europe’s 19th century wars, it was a quip that neatly captured the difference between the hard-boiled Prussians of the north German plain and the fun-loving Viennese of the Austro-Hungarian Empire: the Prussian says the situation is serious but not desperate; the Viennese says it’s desperate but not serious. Which of today’s Southeast Asian militaries would be most at home in the old Hapsburg capital is a matter of debate. But there should be no doubt that Myanmar’s military is stamped entirely in the Prussian mold. Much as Western and some local pundits have deployed the word in recent commentary, “desperate” in the face of adversity is simply not in the DNA of the Myanmar armed forces, or Tatmadaw, that seized power in Naypyidaw early last year and has every intention of continuing to steer the nation’s destiny. Indeed, the response of the military’s ruling State Administration Council (SAC) junta to challenges its leaders would undoubtedly view as more serious than anything faced in six decades of army rule needs to be recognized for what it is: a display of defiant resolve, a doubling-down on base-line political positions and an unwavering determination to crush popular revolt – all underpinned by a remarkable level of internal cohesion and discipline. The SAC’s current intransigence is arguably grounded in at least two mindsets. At a day-to-day level, it is almost certainly fueled by the insulation of the “command bubble” – the intrinsic disconnect between a military high command directing strategy on big maps in air-conditioned war rooms and subordinate elements mired in the mud and blood of combat in the field. Rigidly hierarchical militaries such as Myanmar’s, where bad news travels up the chain of command usually slowly and sometimes not at all, only exacerbate that separation and the distorted – even delusional – perceptions it can breed. At a sub-conscious and undoubtedly more dangerous level is a deeply ingrained mindset peculiar to Myanmar’s armed forces in which the centrality of the military to the state makes it all but impossible to conceive of strategic retreat, let alone outright defeat. Throughout the military’s ruling caste from the senior echelons of the officer corps to rank-and-file infantrymen is an unblinking assumption that there can be no Myanmar without the Tatmadaw; indeed, that in a perverse, almost mystic sense, Myanmar is the Tatmadaw. As international pressure has mounted in recent weeks this proprietary and fundamentally xenophobic worldview has given rise at almost every turn to anger and belligerence rather than hesitancy or a willingness to compromise. Desperation is nowhere in sight inside the Tatmadaw. The SAC’s response to efforts within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to push for real movement on the ill-starred Five Point Consensus of April 2021 has been dismissive, even contemptuous. Diplomatic anger has been pointedly reinforced by defiant steps on the domestic front: the slapping of a further six-year sentence on toppled and imprisoned State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, the execution of four opposition activists in the face of international consternation and appeals, and most recently the jailing of the United Kingdom’s former ambassador Vicky Bowman and her husband Htein Lin on an immigration technicality. At the international level, the SAC has been able to draw strength from high-profile recent visits from both Russian and Chinese foreign ministers, both of whose countries have pledged to support the Naypyidaw regime to weather the storm and ultimately prevail. Preparations for elections scheduled for August 2023, meanwhile, have moved forward undeterred. Defined by the SAC as the preferred gateway to a return to “multi-party disciplined democracy” that guarantees the military a guiding role, largely unreported moves have involved the drawing up of voter registration lists and changes to the administrative map that will influence the electoral process. The junta’s resolve has been no less striking on the battlefield. Remarkably, this year the rainy season which typically imposes a marked reduction in operations between May and October might as well not be happening as the military ratchets up the war. Despite heavier than normal rainfall brought by this year’s monsoon, the operational tempo on the ground has scarcely slackened while air strikes by both Russian-built helicopter gunships and fixed-wing jets suitable for close air support (CAS) operations also increased in intensity through July and August. Notable, too, has been the repeated resort to airmobile operations inserting small contingents of troops in Mi-17 transport helicopters supported by gunships into guerrilla-controlled territory mostly in the hard-fought western regions of Sagaing and Magway. At the same time, the military has rolled out a new program to formalize and streamline local militia loosely known as Pyu Saw Htee into better organized and armed Peoples Security Teams (PSTs). Drawn from pockets of traditional support such as the Myanmar Veterans Organization, the Fire Service, hardline Buddhist groups and activists from pro-military political parties, the PSTs are intended primarily to provide static security and free up regular security forces for offensive operations. But while the generals are clearly gearing up a war that is certain to escalate in the dry season beginning at the end of the year, they are also no doubt aware of their most salient vulnerabilities in the field that the coup has only accentuated. Undermanned and over-extended as never before, the army’s effective combat units are unlikely to number much more than 100,000 men stretched across a nationwide theater of operations from Putao in the far north of Kachin state to southernmost Kawthaung on the Andaman Sea. And far more than defections, casualties are hemorrhaging those units daily, particularly in the western and eastern regions of the country where resistance mounted by anti-regime People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and their ethnic insurgent allies is increasingly well-armed and aggressive. Wild claims from opposition sources that the security forces have lost nearly 10,000 men in the first half of 2022 can be safely dismissed as propaganda. But a sober analysis of the spread and frequency of hostilities this year suggests that on average the military is losing at least 20-25 men each day, either killed or seriously wounded. That almost certainly conservative estimate translates to between 550 and 700 men each month – or around three to four Myanmar Army-sized battalions. Short of a regular and robust recruitment intake and efficient training regime, this level of attrition with the steady drain on morale it implies is simply not sustainable over the long term. But as various leaked documents since last year indicate, recruitment into the regular services has dropped markedly since the coup, particularly at the critical level of junior and non-commissioned officers (NCOs), the glue that holds a combat unit together. Whether current efforts to assemble PSTs can produce a reasonably effective urban security force capable of freeing up regular police and army battalions for the escalating war in the countryside is also a decidedly open question. If Myanmar’s recent history is any yardstick, people’s militia units traditionally raised in areas of ethnic minority insurgency have never achieved any level of operational effectiveness or autonomy. It is doubtful whether hastily recruited, ill-trained PSTs in urban centers liable to daily bombings and shootings by underground resistance cells will do much better. Yet to what extent Myanmar’s opposition forces can succeed in exploiting and building on these regime vulnerabilities over the coming months is far from obvious. Broad assessments are inevitably complicated by the sheer size and diversity of the country and by the stark absence of impartial reporting from any of its battlefronts. Two facets of the mid-2022 balance of conflict are not in doubt though. First, PDF forces have successfully survived the military onslaught during the dry season months between January and May this year, marked by campaigns of raiding and wholesale pillaging and burning of villages that swept Sagaing, northern Magway and areas of eastern Kayah State and displaced tens of thousands. Secondly, indications have emerged during the current monsoon season that notably better-armed and coordinated PDF forces are increasingly capable of pressuring the peripheries of regime-held township centers, and occasionally conducting sustained attacks on police stations and other hardpoints inside towns. These assaults are frequently supported by aerial bombing deploying commercially available drones to drop small munitions. At the same time – and despite the difficulties imposed by rainfall – the use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to interdict road communications which began in mid-2021 has escalated sharply in recent months, most notably between key urban centers in the center and west of the country. Matthew Arnold, one of the most perceptive independent analysts of PDF activity, notes that “the Mandalay-Monywa axis is turning into IED Avenue.” The near-daily struggle to hold open that avenue linking central Myanmar’s largest city with the military’s Northwestern Command in Sagaing has centered largely on the townships of Chaung-U and Myinmu, where even large convoys are regularly attacked and military mine disposal (EOD) teams often operate under fire. Apparently as the result of both PDF guerrilla tactics and rain, military operations have meanwhile become increasingly static and reactive. As offensive raiding and burning targeting PDF-dominated village communities during the dry season has waned, security forces have fallen back on random harassment and interdiction (H&I) fire from dug-in artillery and, when possible, better-targeted air strikes to relieve pressure on embattled strongpoints. Quick-fix insertions of heliborne troops supported by gunships have, as noted, also increased, but usually appear to have been responses to PDF encroachments rather than offensive thrusts aimed at carrying the war to enemy base areas. Limited by the availability of Mi-17 transport helicopters (typically two or three per mission) and thus manpower (around 30 soldiers to each helicopter), these airmobile forays appear seldom, if ever, to deal significant blows to an elusive enemy, let alone achieve sustainable gains. The logic of this military dynamic is compelling: it suggests that short of a major injection of fresh manpower (that is nowhere in sight) or a willingness to free up existing manpower by prioritizing certain regions over others (a stark challenge to the military’s belief in its all-of-Myanmar mission), larger shifts on the battlefield may emerge sooner rather than later. The coming year is likely to see the regime beginning to withdraw from exposed positions and possibly losing outlying townships in contested parts of Sagaing and Magway and in ethnic states on the national periphery. Indeed, in western Rakhine and Chin states where the military’s ceasefire with the powerful Arakan Army (AA) all but collapsed in August, that process appears to have already begun with the army evacuating or losing a string of embattled positions at the end of the month and able to supply others only by air. At the same time, as “IED Avenue” between Mandalay and Monywa suggests, the regime’s ability to secure key north-south communications arteries between Yangon and Naypyidaw and Mandalay and Myitkyina is also likely to emerge as a dangerous vulnerability and a further drain on manpower. The threat is particularly real in the east of the country where elements of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) have reportedly moved out of the hills to reach the Sittang River, possibly crossing it near Kyauktaga on the old highway between Yangon and Naypyidaw. (The newer motorway lies 15 kilometers further west). Any capacity by the KNLA and allied PDFs to operate on the west bank of the Sittang not only elevates the threat to north-south road and rail links but also implies an ability over time to establish bases in the Bago Yoma, the strategically critical spine of mountains that bisects central Myanmar. Meanwhile in northeastern parts of Sagaing and adjacent southern townships in Kachin state, holding open the main highway and rail line to Myitkyina for military traffic is already a daily struggle that has forced a growing regime reliance on riverine convoys up the Irrawaddy. These, too, come under regular rocket fire from joint Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and PDF forces operating along the riverbanks. Viewed strategically, these emerging challenges confronting Myanmar’s military junta represent a sea change set against the situation only a year ago, when the survivability of still fledgling PDFs in the face of overwhelming army firepower was in real doubt. For at least the coming year, however, Myanmar’s escalating civil war will likely remain in the balance. As the military struggles to contain an array of growing threats on multiple fronts, it will continue to hold two crucial and interlocking advantages that resistance forces still lack and will almost certainly be unable to achieve: unity of command and unity of strategy backed by an instinctive and very Prussian determination to fight. But whether these will be enough for the Tatmadaw to stem the rising onslaught remains anything but clear..."
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Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication: 2022-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-31
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Title: It’s Time to Help Myanmar’s Resistance Prevail
Sub-title: The country’s brutal coup regime is no candidate for political compromise.
Description: "The international community can be divided into three camps in dealing with Myanmar’s brutal coup regime. One consists of a shameless group that includes Russia, China and India that supports the junta and, in the case of Russia and China, supplies weapons to further their own narrow national interests. A second is a divided ASEAN that cobbled together and continues to promote the so-called “five-point consensus,” an incoherent initiative that was dead on arrival more than a year ago. The third is the West, which has imposed sanctions, offered humanitarian aid and taken a strong rhetorical position opposing the coup, yet criticizes armed resistance and avoids bold action, favoring instead the cautious, ineffectual path of supporting ASEAN’s failed plan. Such is the international picture as Myanmar’s junta wages unrestrained warfare on its own public in a desperate attempt to hold onto power. The people of Myanmar ask with growing frustration why the international community isn’t doing more to help them. It’s an appalling situation, with the military’s brutality, hunger for power and economic incompetence responsible for thousands of deaths and arrests and widespread destruction — not to mention massive instability, an economy on the precipice and a horrific humanitarian crisis. There is no end in sight. Myanmar’s future will be determined largely by what happens inside the country, but the international response matters and could be critical in the runup to rigged elections next year that the junta hopes will legitimize its rule. During that period, one can expect the Myanmar military to continue trying to cow the population into submission with indiscriminate violence and terror while it prosecutes — if not murders — its political opponents. The National Unity Government (NUG) and the diverse Myanmar resistance, in turn, will no doubt continue their struggle, hoping to win more international support and sufficiently weaken the junta so that it looks for an exit. On balance, the net impact of the international community’s efforts to date has been neutral. The substance of China, India and Russia’s support for the junta, including arms, has balanced the rhetoric, moral outrage toward the junta and public support of much of the rest of the world for the Myanmar people. If this trend continues, it is possible, if not probable, that the regime will succeed in using next year’s sham elections to gain some international legitimacy, likely extending its reign of brutality. Either way, the Myanmar people will continue to suffer and ask why the world — particularly the West — is so willing to help Ukraine but not assist them against a force that is every bit as brutal and evil as Putin’s invading army. The Need to Back a National Uprising It is time for the West, led by the United States and ideally joined by at least a few ASEAN members disgusted by the junta’s behavior, to step up its contribution with the express goal of helping the resistance movement prevail. The effort needs to start with a clear analysis and understanding of the situation inside the country. This is not a typical power struggle between two rival political communities. It is a national uprising against a hated, corrupt and bloodthirsty military that has waged war against ethnic minority communities for decades, committed genocide against the Rohingya population, and is now operating with a brutality and cruelty not seen in Southeast Asia since the Khmer Rouge. ASEAN’s five-point consensus to promote dialogue and end the violence was doomed because it failed to reflect this reality. There was never any chance that the military would stop committing violence against the people, nor was there ever any hope that the ASEAN special envoy (or anyone else) would persuade General Min Aung Hlaing and his compatriots to be reasonable. It was impossible even to imagine a dialogue producing a political compromise that would be acceptable to the Myanmar people, until and unless the military felt under such duress that it was compelled to make dramatic concessions. The junta’s decision to execute four opposition actors on July 25 — explicitly rejecting ASEAN’s pleas — should make it crystal clear to all concerned that after 15 months of failure, the ASEAN five-point consensus is dead and should be given a proper burial The only way for Myanmar to emerge from this crisis with any hope of peace and stability is for the military to be forced out of power, or at least forced into a position of such weakness that it seeks a face-saving departure from power to preserve itself. There is no other path. The military’s bogus elections planned for 2023 aim only to transform Myanmar into a single-party state, or what the junta refers to as “disciplined democracy.” Bolder Policies Could Help the Resistance Those members of the international community who care about the Myanmar people — or at least want to see the country return to stability and the hope of progress — need to step back, rethink their approach and pursue much bolder policies that increase the resistance’s chance of success. Specifically, they should consider the following: As suggested by Malaysia, formally scrap the ASEAN five-point consensus, which at this point is doing more harm than good by perpetuating the illusion that a viable political process exists, which confers a degree of legitimacy on the junta. Sharply increase public and private engagement with the NUG and other key actors who are active against the junta, including the critically important ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and leaders of the civil disobedience movement. At least double the amount of assistance to civil society organizations supporting core resistance groups, including the NUG, National Unity Consultative Council, state-level consultative councils, local governance actors, civilian wings of ethnic armed groups, strike committees, and civil disobedience movement groups, among others. Find creative ways to provide funding for the NUG and allied groups, including funds aimed at encouraging defections from the military. Significantly expand fellowship or other opportunities for resistance actors in the United States, and bolster funding for education of Myanmar students in-country (either online or via NUG or EAO-supported schools), in Thailand and India, and elsewhere. Coordinate targeted sanctions by coup-opposing governments and devote the resources needed to identify and, where possible, block or freeze the flow of funds to the junta. The United States should reconsider joining EU sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, which accounts for much of the junta’s revenue. Such sanctions pose a supply problem for U.S. ally Thailand, but a dedicated team should be seeking creative ways to address the issue. Stop all humanitarian assistance that goes through the junta. Instead, the U.N. secretary-general should lead an international campaign to create humanitarian assistance corridors via Thailand and India. Redouble efforts to pursue international legal action against the junta, including by joining Gambia’s case at the International Court of Justice, which accuses Myanmar of genocide against Rohingya. Finally, countries that host NUG offices should step up coordination and cooperation, as former U.K. Ambassador to Myanmar Derek Tonkin has suggested. In pursuing these steps, the international community should recognize that while the urgent task is helping the resistance push the military out of power, even that will not be sufficient. Myanmar will still face a monumental struggle to rebuild from the devastation of the past 18 months, to obtain accountability for current and past abuses, and perhaps more importantly, to build trust between the country’s many ethnic minority groups — including the Rohingya — and the majority people. There is no guarantee that such a program supporting resistance and rebuilding will work. Lots could go wrong. But it offers at least the possibility of success. So long as the military remains in power, there is simply no hope for Myanmar..."
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Source/publisher: United States Institute of Peace
Date of publication: 2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
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Title: Statement by Students' Unions regarding United Nations Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, Ms. Noeleen Heyzer's Visit to Myanmar
Description: "On August 16, 2022, the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General Ms. Noeleen Hazer, came to Myanmar and met with the junta leader, Min Aung Hlaing, and military associates. This trip is said to be a follow-up visit of the request for the immediate cessation of all violence in Myanmar and the delivery of humanitarian aid to those in need. Although it had been announced that the Special Envoy, Ms. Noeleen Hazer, would meet with stakeholders and leaders from various sectors in Myanmar during this trip, she only met and discussed with the military junta. She did not meet with the oppressed people and political prisoners, who are pertinent to the demands for delivery of humanitarian assistance and release of unjustly detained political prisoners, and she did not meet with democracy activists either. While the United Nations have declared that they do not recognize the military regime as the legitimate government, this visit by Ms. Noeleen Hazer is apparent to be in recognition of the military council. Therefore, we regard Ms. Noeleen Hazer’s visit as an unfair meeting which did not involve equal discussions with stakeholders from different sectors and only had one-sided discussions with the terrorist military, and hence, we strongly condemn this visit. We would like to apprise the United Nations of the need to carefully prevent more activities as this - which appear to be in recognition of the military junta and neglecting the consent of Myanmar people. As the United Nations is an organization committed to peace and justice, we earnestly urge the Special Envoy Ms. Noeleen Heyzer to meet as soon as possible with the National Unity Government (NUG), which has received the support of Myanmar people, the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), composed of pro-democracy alliances, as well as stakeholder groups. The military junta has also published the discussions between Special Envoy Ms. Noeleen Hazer and the military council. We urge the Secretary-General to release a clear statement on whether these publications are accurate, and whether they are consistent with the stance of the United Nations..."
Source/publisher: Student Union Representatives Committee
Date of publication: 2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
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Title: ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် မစ္စနိုလင်းဟေဇာ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့လာရောက်ခဲ့ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် စစ်အုပ်စုအပေါင်းအပါတို့အား တွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ခြင်းအပေါ် ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများမှ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "Statement by Students' Unions regarding United Nations Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, Ms. Noeleen Heyzer's Visit to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Student Union Representatives Committee
Date of publication: 2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Uses UN Envoy for What It Craves: Legitimacy
Description: "The UN Secretary General’s special envoy for Myanmar has been used by the country’s military regime to enhance its legitimacy—something it has otherwise been denied by the international community due to its coup against the country’s elected government last year and the regime’s ongoing bloody crackdowns on its opponents. The envoy, Noleen Heyzer, is now in post-coup, conflict-torn Myanmar. The UN said she “will focus on addressing the deteriorating situation and immediate concerns as well as other priority areas of her mandate.” She met with the country’s military regime chief Min Aung Hlaing on Wednesday afternoon and was not allowed to see the country’s ousted leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is now in solitary confinement in a regime prison. Shortly before her meeting with the regime chief, however, the junta’s spokesperson said at a press conference that the meeting was the “Myanmar government’s official meeting.” “I will repeat, the UN envoy is meeting officially with the current Myanmar government,” said spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun. Following the coup in February last year, millions of Myanmar people took to the streets to reject the military takeover and refused to accept the junta as their government. The international community also declined to accept the junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar. It has refused to engage with the generals, with the exceptions of China, Russia, Japan and India. Even the UN has declined to recognize them. Instead, the world body has continued to recognize Myanmar’s ambassador from the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government as the country’s representative. Since then, the regime, which has now killed more than 2,000 people in the country, has been desperately seeking recognition from other countries as Myanmar’s rightful government. Making matters worse for it, it’s also facing a contesting claim by the National Unity Government (NUG) formed by elected lawmakers from the NLD and their ethnic allies. Now, Heyzer, as the UN Secretary General’s special envoy, has helped to satisfy the regime’s craving for legitimacy. For Min Aung Hlaing, a visit by the UN envoy at a time when most of the world has turned away from him means a lot. He will simply be thinking that the UN would not bother to see him to discuss the country’s issues if it did not see him as the head of government. That’s why he invited her—and she came. Then the regime hurriedly proclaimed the event as an official meeting with the “current Myanmar government.” Heyzer has failed Myanmar’s people once again, after insulting them in February by saying they seek “negotiation” with the country’s military—the institution that has been killing them. Her visit comes at a time when diplomatic efforts to resolve the Myanmar crisis led by the UN and regional bloc the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have made little headway, with the generals refusing to engage with their opponents. After Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and his Foreign Minister-cum-ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar Prak Sokhonn, Heyzer is the third dignitary working on Myanmar issues to meet the junta leader. It must be enough to make her predecessor Christine Schraner Burgener, envious. The latter’s highest achievement before leaving the position in September last year was having phone calls with the regime’s second man, Soe Win. So far, efforts by Hun Sen and Prak Sokhonn to convince the regime to stop killing its own people—a part of ASEAN’s peace plan for Myanmar—have borne no fruit. Prak Sokhonn recently admitted that not even Superman could fix the Myanmar crisis, as the regime has kept committing atrocities against civilians. Under these circumstances, Heyzer flew to Myanmar and snapped up Min Aung Hlaing’s invitation after, as the UN says, “extensive consultations with actors from across the political spectrum, civil society as well as communities affected by the ongoing conflict.” From the moment the trip was announced, however, it set alarm bells ringing. U Kyaw Zaw, spokesperson for the NUG, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that although the shadow government understood Heyzer is trying to do her job as a special envoy, “the UNSG special envoy must avoid giving legitimacy to the coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and [his governing body] the State Administration Council.” The NUG’s seriousness on the issue was evident, with its foreign minister and deputy minister also making comments on the same day. The trio of NUG officials said now is not the right time for Heyzer to visit the country, given the regime’s recent sentencing of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and democracy activists to further jail terms, as well as the executions of four activists in July. They cautioned the UN envoy to be aware of the failure of her ASEAN counterpart’s visits. In fact, after she was condemned for her power-sharing comments in February, Heyzer became the first international envoy to meet with the NUG’s parliamentary body and its relief and resettlement minister Dr Win Myat Aye to discuss issues including humanitarian assistance for Myanmar. It’s not clear if she has had more meetings with the NUG. At the time of reporting on Wednesday, details of the meeting between the UN envoy and Min Aung Hlaing were not known. Even if she did push the junta leader during the meeting to stop his soldiers from killing civilians and torching their homes, her words will be ignored. Prior to his meeting with the envoy on Wednesday, Min Aung Hlaing said at his governing body meeting on Tuesday that “if terrorist attacks continue to be carried out, we will act in accordance with our policy of anti-terrorism.” By “terrorists” he was referring to the NUG and People’s Defense Force (PDF) groups, which are waging an unwavering campaign of armed resistance against the regime across the country. His remarks imply that the junta has no plans to stop its violence. When Heyzer landed in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw on Tuesday, Scot Marciel, the former US ambassador to Myanmar, tweeted that while she was in an impossible situation, he didn’t see any value in going to meet the generals. “I mean how many senior UN and foreign officials need to be rudely rebuffed by the junta before the world stops trying to ‘persuade’ the generals to be reasonable?” the former ambassador’s Tweet reads. On the same day, the NUG said in an announcement that the UN special envoy’s visit must be directed at ending the junta’s violence, its weaponization of aid, its persecution of political prisoners, and its impunity. “Anything short of this would be an appeasement of war criminals,” it said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-17
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Title: (၇၄) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်နီတပ်တော်နေ့ အခမ်းအနားသို့ ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ၊ ပါတီဗဟို ဌာနချုပ်၏ ပေးပို့သော သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: “မိမိတို့ ယနေ့ဆင်နွှဲနေတဲ့ ခုခံတော်လှန်ရေးဟာ ကရင်နီတစ်မျိုးသားလုံးရဲ့ ပျောက်ဆုံးနေတဲ့ အမျိုးသား ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာတွေကို ဖော်ထုတ်ဖို့အပြင် မဟာစစ်ဝါဒီတွေရဲ့ မတရားတဲ့ ကျူးကျောက်စစ်ကို ပြန်လည် တွန်းလှန်ခုခံတော်လှန်နေတဲ့ တရားမျှတသော လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးဖြစ်တယ်။ မိမိတို့ဟာ နယ်ချဲ့စစ်အာဏာရှင်များရဲ့ လက်အောက်မှ ကရင်နီပြည်ကြီးရဲ့ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို လက်လွတ်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပြီး လူမျိုးတစ်မျိုးရဲ့ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာ၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုနဲ့အတူ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးတွေကို ပျောက်ကွယ်လာခဲ့ရတာ နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၄) နှစ် တိုင်တိုင် ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ် . . . မိမိတို့ရဲ့ သမိုင်းပေးတာဝန်တွေ မပြီးဆုံးမခြင်း ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင် နေရဦးမှာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ် . . .”
Source/publisher: Karenni National Progressive Party
Date of publication: 2022-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-17
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Title: Amidst military rule, UN envoy travels to Myanmar for first time
Sub-title: UN special envoy for Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer travelled to the country for the first time since taking up her appointment last October.
Description: "Her visit follows the Security Council’s latest call for an end to the violence and unimpeded humanitarian access to the Southeast Asian nation. Ms. Heyzer, a women’s rights activist from Singapore, will focus on addressing the deteriorating situation there, according to the UN. News agencies cited security officials who wished to remain anonymous in reporting that Ms. Heyzer, landed in Naypyidaw on Tuesday afternoon. Ensconced in chaos Myanmar has been in chaos since the military overthrew the elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi early last year followed by a bloody crackdown on protests against the coup. Despite that in April 2021 Myanmar’s military rulers had agreed to a five-point plan of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that would restore peace and stability to the country, little effort has been made to implement it. The State has since slipped into a situation that some have characterized as a civil war. Peace efforts Efforts by Myanmar’s Southeast Asian neighbours to revive peace have also been hampered by the country’s recent execution of four political activists, including two from the pro-democracy movement. The Security Council, including allies Russia and China, condemned the executions. Earlier this month news media said that Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, who also serves as special envoy to Myanmar for the 10-member ASEAN, warned that further executions would force the regional group to reconsider how it engages with the country. Crimes against Humanity In its annual report released in early August, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Burma found that a growing body of evidence that crimes against humanity were being committed in the country. Since the military coup, more than 2,100 civilians have been killed and nearly 15,000 arrested, according to news reports. Ms. Heyzer’s visit comes a day after a court in the military-run State convicted the ousted leader on four extra counts of corruption and added six more years in prison to her previous 11-year sentence. The UN had no details as to whether Ms. Heyzer will meet with Myanmar’s military rulers or Ms. Suu Kyi – a longtime UN demand, First visit The UN envoy’s visit follows extensive consultations with actors from across the political spectrum, civil society and communities affected by the ongoing conflict. From 1994 to 2007, Ms. Heyzer had headed the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), which focuses on promoting women’s economic advancement, and from 2007 to 2014, served as the first woman Executive Secretary of the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP)..."
Source/publisher: United Nations News Service
Date of publication: 2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
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Title: Don’t Bet on Myanmar Junta No. 2 Ousting His Boss
Description: "It is delusional to think that the Myanmar junta’s No. 2 man will seize power from the junta boss and release the country’s detained civilian leaders. But some observers like to imagine that deputy military chief Vice Senior General Soe Win would take it upon himself to purge junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, given all the mistakes he has been making. But time and again, Soe Win has proved that he would never take such a step, and retains allegiance to his senior. Since seizing power last year, Min Aung Hlaing has made two long trips to Russia. The first was in June 2021, just four months after the February coup, demonstrating his trust in his deputy. He also made a long visit to Russia in July this year, but the coup some people dreamed of did not materialize. Soe Win’s loyalty to his senior means he has lost the opportunity to salvage his name from the list of coup co-conspirators. Most importantly, while Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, as the junta chief, is taking the helm in managing the regime’s administrative affairs, his deputy Soe Win, as the deputy commander-in-chief of defense services and the commander-in-chief (Army), is responsible mainly for overseeing offensive operations against all armed groups ranging from ethnic armed organizations to People’s Defence Force groups (PDFs) to urban guerrilla units launching hit-and-run attacks against regime targets in the cities, according to military sources. Over the past 18 months, Soe Win has proved to be a Min Aung Hlaing loyalist, committing himself to crushing all anti-regime forces by launching airstrikes and deploying combatants. “The deputy military chief is responsible for [waging] the war. Thanks to Soe Win, Min Aung Hlaing has been able to maintain his position,” former captain Nyi Thuta, one of the first military personnel to desert the military, recently told The Irrawaddy. Captain Nyi Thuta formed the “People’s Goal” group to help military personnel wishing to join the Civil Disobedience Movement, and has contact with active personnel. Aside from Soe Win, other top generals include Chief of General Staff (Army, Navy and Air) General Maung Maung Aye, Defense Minister General Mya Tun Oo, Lieutenant General Moe Myint Tun, and Lieutenant General Ye Win Oo. But none of them are likely to want to risk their current status as well as the dominant position of the military, which has control over everything in Myanmar, to purge Min Aung Hlaing and hand power back to civilian leaders. “The military officials do not like civilian rule, because their privileges were restricted,” said former captain Nyi Thuta. Min Aung Hlaing’s subservient junior Soe Win surprisingly secured the No. 2 position in Myanmar’s military over more senior generals, just like Min Aung Hlaing did. Min Aung Hlaing was part of the 19th intake of the Defense Services Academy, while Soe Win was from the 22nd. When former military dictator Than Shwe stepped down, he made a surprising choice and handed the military to Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win despite having many other generals to choose from. Than Shwe’s thinking was that the military chief would have to retire after the five-year term of the first elected government. The deputy military chief would then have to lead the military to maintain its role during the power transfer to the second elected government, a follower of Than Shwe told The Irrawaddy. “But then, Min Aung Hlaing breached that rule,” he said. Min Aung Hlaing refused to retire after reaching 60 and had the retirement age extended through a directive of the defense council, which he controls. Since the putsch, he has made himself the country’s de facto military leader for life, while also removing the age restriction for the deputy military chief, in this case, Soe Win. In other words, Min Aung Hlaing unfairly blocked Soe Win from becoming the military chief. But Soe Win seems to be comfortable and has apparently never thought about using his position to turn against his boss. Besides being second in command of the entire armed forces, Soe Win is also commander-in-chief (Army), a position that is more powerful than those of his Navy and Air Force counterparts. Rather, has has been busy attempting to crush the resistance for Min Aung Hlaing while sharing his political stand. “He is content with being the second man. He is only too satisfied to drink and fight,” said a retired military officer. In the not very distant past, in 1992, then deputy military chief General Than Shwe purged his senior, military chief Senior General Saw Maung, who had a mental disorder. He also objected to Saw Maung’s public statement that the army would return to the barracks after handing power over to a winning party in the 1990 election. The National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in the election but was not allowed to take power. In Myanmar’s modern military history dating back to 1962, no deputy chief or other high-ranking military officer has ever seized power from his chief to hand it back to an elected government. Soe Win, the silent killer Soe Win holds the highest rank among his classmates from the 22nd intake. But he was not as popular as his friends. U Ye Htut, who served as the spokesman and information minister under the U Thein Sein’s government, was for a long time the best-known figure from the intake. Other well-known individuals include retired Navy chief Admiral Thura Thet Swe, former Home Minister Lieutenant-General Kyaw Shwe, former Defense Minister Lieutenant-General Hla Min, Energy Minister U Zeya Aung and Lieutenant-General Yar Pyae, who leads the regime’s peace negotiation team. Soe Win is known as an inscrutable and quiet man. But he is a silent killer. He is responsible for the ongoing violence against civilians and for the clearance operations against the Rohingya in 2017. The US-sanctioned officer does not seem to have any regrets about any of those atrocities. “The deputy military chief has become even more active since the coup,” said a former military officer. Soe Win was born in 1960. He joined the 22nd intake of the Defense Services Academy in 1976, and served in various positions including commander of Light Infantry Battalion 379 in Minbya in northern Rakhine from 1981 to 2001. He became a tactical commander at North-Western Command in 2003, the commander of the 10th Military Operations Command in 2005, and the commandant of the combat training school (Ba Htoo) in 2006. He was appointed the commander of Northern Command in 2008. In 2010, he was brought back to Naypyitaw as the chief of the Bureau of Special Operations and promoted to lieutenant general. He became the deputy military chief in March 2011. Will Soe Win become military chief? Min Aung Hlaing’s presidential dream is an open secret. If he were to take the presidency, he would only leave someone he can trust as the military chief. There is no one else except Soe Win. Though Lt-Gen Moe Myint Tun was previously widely tipped to be the next military chief, Min Aung Hlaing would not take Soe Win into the cabinet as vice president, a position that does not have any power, and leave the military to a young and inexperienced general. The third-most powerful men, chief of general staff (Army, Navy and Air) General Maung Maung Aye and Defense Minister General Mya Tun Oo are from the 25th intake of the Defense Services Academy and neither is likely to become the military chief. Soe Win has probably foreseen that the military chief position is waiting for him once Min Aung Hlaing steps down, and thus has no reason to want to purge Min Aung Hlaing. Soe Win has kept a low profile and has made sure he does not appear to be ambitious. In reality, he is a not only co-conspirator behind the coup and protector of Min Aung Hlaing, but also the key general overseeing the bloody military offensive against EAOs, PDFs and civilians in the country. So, for those delusional people who have not already done so, it is time to discard any wishful thinking that Soe Win would stage a coup against Min Aung Hlaing, let alone hand power back to the ousted NLD government..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
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Title: Myanmar executions revive pressure for more sanctions
Sub-title: Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the U.S. and other governments to impose further sanctions on its army-controlled government
Description: "BANGKOK -- Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the United States and other countries to impose further sanctions against military leaders who ousted an elected government early last year. Human rights advocates and comments by U.S. lawmakers suggest the Senate is inching toward passage of the Burma Act, legislation already passed by the House of Representatives. Among other actions, it would pave the way for sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, or MOGE, a state-controlled company that is a vital source of hard cash for the impoverished nation. That makes MOGE a key target in the push to cut off funding for the military’s efforts to quash a widespread public backlash against its February 2021 seizure of power. Myanmar, also called Burma, has been ruled by the military for most of the past 70 years. The army’s takeover interrupted a gradual transition toward democratic civilian government and a more modern, open economy and resulted in a slew of sanctions against the military, which controls many industries, army family members and cronies. The hangings in late July of four political activists prompted condemnation and stronger calls from U.S. lawmakers and others f or Myanmar’s neighbors, especially the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to exert more pressure on the country’s military rulers. “It is time for them to impose meaningful consequences on the junta in Burma that is literally getting away with murder,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a supporter of ousted Myanmar civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said in a recent statement. If Myanmar’s neighbors and ASEAN won’t do more, the U.S. should “turn up the heat” on the army and its sources of financial support, he said. “This should include sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise,” McConnell said. In February, the European Union announced sanctions against MOGE, saying the military’s control means the company is “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma.” Two of the other biggest Myanmar state companies, Myanma Economic Holdings Ltd. and Myanmar Economic Corp., already have been designated for U.S. sanctions. Advocates of sanctions say they could make a difference if they are well-targeted and enforced. So far, Myanmar's economy has been insulated somewhat from the penalties imposed by the U.S. and other Western governments after the military takeover. Most of its trade — especially lucrative sales of gems, rare earths and timber — is with nearby countries, especially China, which has been signaling growing support for the military-controlled government. Most big Western energy companies already have pulled out of oil and gas projects in the country. That leaves only financial levers. Exports of oil and gas to China and Thailand earn about $2 billion a year, according to reports in its state media, and are a key source of the foreign exchange Myanmar needs to pay for imports of all kinds, including weapons used to fight opposition forces who took up arms after the army crushed peaceful protests. The EU sanctions led the Bank of China to advise operators of the Shwe oil and gas field in northwestern Myanmar that it will not handle payments in euros to MOGE out of concern they might fall afoul of those restrictions, according to activists briefed by two of the companies operating the project, Posco International and Kogas. Two other people familiar with the situation confirmed that euro payments to MOGE were being kept in escrow accounts. The people spoke on condition they not be identified out of concern over risks for themselves, family members and associates. The billions that other global banks have paid for violating sanctions against other countries are a strong incentive for compliance. The EU, in announcing its sanctions, said that since MOGE was controlled by and generates revenue for the military, it was “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma." A 770 kilometer (475 mile) pipeline connects the Shwe field to China’s Yunnan province. It is the only major project whose contracts call for revenue from gas sales to be paid in euros, rather than U.S. dollars. A spokesman for Posco International, which has a 51% stake in the project, confirmed that those revenues were being paid into an escrow account. Posco is being paid its share as normal, Song Chan, the spokesman, said in an emailed reply to questions. He said he could not comment on the status of payments to the other companies participating in the oil and gas pipeline. Otherwise, the project was operating as normal, he said, referring further questions to China National United Oil Co., which buys gas from the Shwe project and pays sales revenue. That company, a subsidiary of state-owned China National Petroleum Corp., did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Neither did CNPC nor the Bank of China. Korea Gas Corp., which has an 8.5% stake in the Shwe fields, did not reply to a request for comment. The fact that the Shwe project has continued to send gas to China suggests that sanctions can be implemented without disrupting livelihoods or supplies of natural gas in Myanmar, said Keel Dietz, a policy adviser at the environmental non-profit Global Witness. Critics of sanctions have often contended that they might harm employees of companies involved in the projects or worsen power shortages in the country. The Burma Act itself calls for assessing the potential impact of any sanctions against MOGE on people in Myanmar. The president could impose such sanctions if they would hinder abuses by Myanmar's military after ensuring they would be in the U.S. national interest, with benefits outweighing any harm. Even though the EU sanctions, imposed in February, have only affected the Shwe project, “it’s clear that EU sanctions had a meaningful impact on the thinking of at least one bank in a way that at the very least has raised costs for the junta in accessing their money," Dietz said. “All of this was done with zero negative humanitarian impacts in Myanmar and Thailand." A lack of impact on gas supplies to Thailand from other projects would alleviate concerns that U.S. sanctions against MOGE might harm relations with Bangkok. The executions that Myanmar carried out recently have deepened frustrations for its neighbors. Human rights advocates say dozens of democracy activists remain on Myanmar’s death row. “If more executions are conducted, then things will have to be reconsidered,” said Prak Sokhonn, Cambodia's foreign minister and ASEAN's special envoy for Myanmar. Outside ASEAN, the countries with closest ties and most sway over Myanmar, China and Russia, have signaled support for the military and are unlikely to do much to apply pressure. The nine other ASEAN members are waiting to see what happens in coming months ahead of an annual summit meeting in November, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah told reporters in Bangkok last week. Saifuddin acknowledged that ASEAN countries, which tend to refrain from imposing economic sanctions against other members, are discussing that option as they search for ways to exert leverage on Myanmar's military leaders. “We did discuss this measure, but there was no conclusion," Saifuddin said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "ABC News" (Sydney)
Date of publication: 2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Tatmadaw’s outreach to armed organisations: Extending an olive branch?
Description: "The lack of technical details and progress of the peace talks amid ongoing land and air incursions in the borderlands has drawn criticism that the negotiations are superficial and hollow. The Tatmadaw’s outreach to Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) in Myanmar for peace talks has drawn much domestic and international attention. The rare conciliatory tone towards rebel groups could be driven by growing international pressure to focus reconciliation efforts as constant fighting with these groups has resulted in heavy losses. Although many resistance groups adopted a wait-and-watch approach after the military takeover in 2021, the junta has managed to convince 10 out of 21 EAOs (both signatories and non-signatories to the 2015 nationwide ceasefire agreement) to enter into a ceasefire—mostly those that are not in a direct conflict with the regime. Both SSA and UWSP have sought to further consolidate their positions in the Shan state amidst the ongoing competition amongst the EAOs there. The Tatmadaw’s engagement with the EAOs is more on an individual basis rather than on a group level. The country’s Army General Min Aung Hlaing held individual meetings in May 2022 with leaders of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), and the United Wa State Party (UWSP). Both SSA and UWSP have sought to further consolidate their positions in the Shan state amidst the ongoing competition amongst the EAOs there. While the SSA is facing resistance from other rebel groups in the state, the UWSP has a stronghold in areas under its command, supported by Beijing across the border. Meeting the EAOs individually is easier for the junta to attend to their separate and unique demands. However, some EAOs including the Karen National Union (KNU), Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Chin National Army (CNA), which have engaged in violent clashes with the regime in recent months, have refused to join the latest round of peace talks. They have said that the negotiations lack inclusion given that the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) and People’s Defence Force (PDF) were not invited. The junta has denounced the PDF, NUG, and Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) as terrorist groups and refused to include them in the peace talks. The recent round of military operations in Karen State in June 2022 could also play a role in dissuading the KNU from reciprocating the peace overtures. The Arakan Army (AA) has also expressed cynicism about the talks given that the Tatmadaw has waged offensives, occupied religious buildings, and set up military posts in public spaces in Rakhine. The EAOs adopted divergent reactions to the February 2021 coup, only some expressed willingness in joining forces with the NUG to fight the Tatmadaw while a few ended up switching sides. Historically, most EAOs have played a minimal role in anti-coup movements given that they have neither had a loyalty to the Tatmadaw nor the National League for Democracy (NLD). Many rebel groups felt that the NLD deprioritised their interests and well-being when they entered into a power-sharing arrangement with the junta in 2015. Therefore, the EAOs adopted divergent reactions to the February 2021 coup, only some expressed willingness in joining forces with the NUG to fight the Tatmadaw while a few ended up switching sides. For instance, although the SSA-S supported the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) following the coup in 2021, it has now changed its position and was the first EAO to accept the junta’s recent ceasefire offer. EAOs will likely continue their strategy of hedging for individual mileage. Figure 1: A map of Myanmar showing key areas contested by Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) Superficial engagement rather than a genuine outreach The lack of technical details and progress of the peace talks amidst ongoing land and air incursions in the borderlands has drawn criticism that the negotiations are superficial and hollow. There are three possible reasons for the peace overtures. First, the reconciliation efforts appear to be a smokescreen to conceal the junta’s real intent of continuing their brutal crackdown against those directly and indirectly affiliated with the resistance—from the PDF soldiers to political dissidents to anti-regime netizens. Second, it could be a ruse to sow discord amongst the groups and find ways to dissuade the EAOs from aligning with the NUG. It could also be a “divide and rule” policy to delegitimise and instigate conflict given that some of these EAOs continue to have a factitious relationship with one another. It could also be a distraction to prevent them from aligning with the NUG. Third, the ongoing land and aerial attacks could be a strategy for the junta to come to the negotiating table from a position of power and strength. It may be using its military aggression against rebel fighters and civilians to have an upper hand at these talks. The negotiations are unlikely to lead to a new and lasting ceasefire agreement given the junta’s tendency of not sticking to its own commitments in the past and the lack of group unity during these peace talks. Accepting the junta’s offer for peace talks, however, not only legitimises the regime but also serves as a reminder that rebel groups do not have much agency in Centre-peripheral relations. The regime’s vision for nation-building and national unity resulted in processes of discrimination and subordination of minority groups. It remains to be seen what roles would play in the coming years, and whether they will receive more autonomy in the country. After all, the Tatmadaw perceives itself as guardians of the unitary state and strongly opposes efforts toward federalism or equal distribution of power between the Centre and the peripheries. It is also uncertain whether the junta will continue its conciliatory and accommodating stance toward the EAOs once it has consolidated more power across the country. The negotiations are unlikely to lead to a new and lasting ceasefire agreement given the junta’s tendency of not sticking to its own commitments in the past and the lack of group unity during these peace talks. The recent developments do not bode well for the NUG which wants EAOs to play ball with them, either through an alliance or by remaining neutral. Efforts by the ousted government to encourage rebel groups to align with them appear to be challenging given the trust deficit between the two sides. Several “peace conferences” in recent years have done little to overcome the deep resentment and distrust between Bamar and ethnic groups. The KIO’s efforts to encourage EAOs who do not want to join the peace talks to side with the NUG and PDF have had limited success as well. The lack of positive engagement with the NUG raises the question of how far the ousted government will go to keep its legitimacy intact on the domestic and international levels. At the moment, some Burmese still think that the NUG is their legitimate government and a few western countries continue to engage with them informally. There are also concerns about whether the international community has provided sufficient support to these pro-democracy forces to ensure that Myanmar does not slide into the zone of neglect, indifference, and silence given the disproportionate attention given to the Ukraine crisis..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Observer Research Foundation
Date of publication: 2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: U Tin Tut, Elder of Myanmar’s Democracy Movement, Dies Aged 92
Description: "U Tin Tut, who was one of the “elders” and original members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), as well as a former parliamentarian, former political prisoner, and former student leader, died at his home in Sydney, Australia, on Aug. 8 at the age of 92. U Tin Tut was my father’s first cousin, someone I called “aba” or “older uncle.” He was also the first “political prisoner” I ever met, the person whose life inspired my scholarship on Myanmar’s democracy movement. When I was reunited with my Uncle Tut in 2014, after many years apart, I would ask him to tell me stories about his political struggles and his run for parliament in 1990. After dinner, when the entire family would sit around the living room, my uncle’s middle son, who seemed just as excited to talk about the topic as I was, would say: “Dad, tell her about Aung San Suu Kyi; do not forget about that,” or “What about the meetings you had with the Thakins, tell her about that.” Thakins were members of the influential Burmese nationalist group Dobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association) set up to oppose British colonial rule in the 1930s. My Uncle Tut would lean back in his chair, smile, and nod, but said relatively little about politics or his participation in it. Instead, we talked about other family members—my father, my other uncles, my aunts, my cousins—what they were doing, who was pursuing this or particularly talented at that, and how much they reminded him of other relatives I had never met. “And what about Thant,” he would say, “He is just like his father. And May Than, oh your grandfather loved her so.” I knew Uncle Tut needed time and space to tell his story—away even from his children and grandchildren—and in the right moment, he would recount what he knew. So, after many nights in Sydney, I walked with my uncle and aunt to the hotel where I was staying, a half-mile from where they lived. My aunt had knee surgery a few years back and my Uncle Tut, his hips failing him, also walked with a cane. I did not want them to walk such a great distance. I told them that I would hire a taxi even for a few blocks, but they would not have it. Then I told them we could do it on another occasion. I told them that we had plenty of time; I could come back to Sydney next summer and spend more time with them. But once my uncle had it in mind that he would tell me what he knew, he could not be persuaded to turn back. Born in the Irrawaddy Delta in 1931, in the village of Einme, U Tin Tut lived through British colonialism; lived through the Japanese occupation and their eventual overthrow; lived through the era of the Thakins and the fight for independence; lived through the parliamentary era; lived through General Ne Win’s dictatorship; lived through the 1988 pro-democracy movement and Ne Win’s own overthrow; his own election to parliament in 1990; six years in prison; and then migration to Australia. U Tin Tut’s father was the headmaster of a government school, first in Einme, and then in Pyinmana, where Uncle Tut received his primary education. He recalled to me in 2014 that “living in Pyinmana made all the difference, because there were a lot of politically active people, you see. There was not any one political cause that they all gathered around, but because my father was a teacher at the [government-run school] we always entertained guests from different places. And when they met they would talk about political issues. Even though at first I did not understand what they were saying, I would sit on the floor and listen to them. In that way, I came to be interested in politics.” During the Japanese occupation, Uncle Tut was not able to attend school, but continued to be politically socialized by his father’s friends: “Many political types continued to come to our home in the evenings, drank tea, and talked about the occupation with my father. There was the Dobama Asiayone led by the Thakins. The Thakins from Dobama were actually older people, not terribly educated or intellectual, unlike the Thakins who were university students, but I learned a lot from them nevertheless.” After the war ended, Uncle Tut was sent to Pathein to attend high school at the Cosmopolitan Po Karen High School. It was in Pathein that Uncle Tut first became involved with the student union. This was how Tin Tut became part of the long tradition of student leaders (the kyauntha gaungzaungs as they are called) and activists in Myanmar. After he entered university, his involvement in a student strike in 1953 landed him his first stint in prison. Uncle Tut recounted that his experience of imprisonment in the 1950s did not have the same dehumanizing qualities that he would later experience as a political prisoner under the military regime known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Doctors made regular visits to the prisons and as the resident physician felt Uncle Tut was too thin, he was put on a regiment of fresh cow’s milk. He recalled that prisoners were not only allowed to read, but that books and newspapers were plentiful, and they could order whatever they needed from the outside. Indeed, he seemed to recall this period of his life with great fondness. My own father, who was six years younger than Uncle Tut, and tasked with bringing food and supplies to the prison, remembered it differently. He told me that they would both sit and cry during the prison visits. In 1988, Uncle Tut once again became involved in national politics. Along with U Win Tin, with whom he was contemporaries and had a close, lifelong friendship, he became one of the earliest members and leaders of the NLD. During this period, he spent copious amounts of time in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s home. In 1990, he ran for parliament as the NLD candidate for Einme. He won a resounding victory against his military-backed opponent but was never allowed to take office. Instead, along with hundreds of other elected parliamentarians, U Tin Tut was illegally detained and then imprisoned for six years, much of which he spent in solitary confinement. At different points during his imprisonment he found himself crossing paths with a younger generation of activists, including members of the 88 Generation, such as Ko Jimmy, who was among the four democracy activists hanged by the regime in late July, Ko Pyone Cho, and Ko Min Ko Naing. Ko Pyone Cho recalled in interviews I conducted with him in 2013 that much of his own political socialization during his first year in Insein Prison involved listening to my Uncle Tin Tut talk with his contemporaries, including figures such as Dr. Maung Maung Kyaw, who had been chair of the Student Union in the 1950s, and the leftist writer and former student leader U Lay Myint. Uncle Tut seemed to have a particular soft spot for Ko Jimmy, often recalling with dismay how the prison guards would not let him share some of his food provisions with his younger prison mate. Both in the movement and in prison, Uncle Tut was known for his quick temper, raspy voice, passion, and authenticity. He was also known for his loyalty and warmth as a friend and comrade. U Tin Tut was one of the few parliamentarians who made the difficult decision to migrate out of Myanmar. After his release from prison in 1996, his wife beseeched him to leave and he reluctantly agreed. Indeed, were it not for his wife, I believe Uncle would have stubbornly stayed on in Myanmar, continuing to struggle against the dictatorship, as many of his peers and comrades did, until the very end. While he never fully articulated it to me, I do not doubt that it pained him to go into exile. Yet, if he had never migrated out of Myanmar, he certainly would not have lived until he was 92, such that he could pass away peacefully at his home, with his wife by his side, and his four children and six grandchildren close by. He would not have seen his sons marry, his grandchildren graduate. And he certainly would not have been able to tell me—his “niece”—about his time in prison. His stories would have never planted a seed inside of me that grew into the many friendships that I would have with democracy activists and former political prisoners. His narratives of political strife and imprisonment would not have compelled me to return to Myanmar to search out his history and, in doing so, to document the democracy movement in the many imperfect and incomplete ways that I have. I am told that had my Uncle Tin Tut died in Myanmar before the coup, the community of political prisoners in Yangon would have gathered and given him the hero’s burial that he deserved. His coffin would have been draped in a flag of the NLD, for all the sacrifices that he made. Responsible members of the community would have read proclamations that the political organizations to which he had belonged over the course of his lifetime, including the NLD and student unions, released him from all future obligations and duties, allowing his spirit to be set free. While I cannot perform this rite for him, there is a part of me that recognizes that, in the last decades of his life, he needed no such release, no such liberation. He had become free on his own terms..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Atrocity Alert No. 312: Myanmar (Burma), Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory and DR Congo
Sub-title: Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
Description: "NEW REPORTS REVEAL EVIDENCE OF ATROCITIES IN MYANMAR Crimes against humanity continue to be systematically committed in Myanmar (Burma), according to a report released by the UN’s International Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on 9 August. Violent conflict -which has engulfed Myanmar since the military launched a coup in February 2021 – is disproportionately affecting women and children. The IIMM documented evidence of sexual and gender-based crimes, including rape and other forms of sexual violence, as well as crimes against children perpetrated by members of the security forces and armed groups. Children in Myanmar have also been tortured, conscripted and arbitrarily detained, including as proxies for their parents. “Crimes against women and children are amongst the gravest international crimes, but they are also historically underreported and under-investigated,” Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the IIMM, said in a press release. “Perpetrators of these crimes need to know that they cannot continue to act with impunity. We are collecting and preserving the evidence so that they will one day be held to account.” The IIMM’s report was released two weeks before the five-year anniversary of the so-called “clearance operations” by the military against the Rohingya, a distinct Muslim ethnic minority, in Rakhine State. The operations were characterized by brutal violence and grave human rights violations on a mass scale. As a result, over 700,000 Rohingya were forced to flee to Bangladesh. Severe violations of universal human rights and the risk of atrocity crimes persists for the Rohingya population remaining in Myanmar as the military continues to perpetrate widespread and systematic human rights violations and abuses against civilians, particularly those from ethnic minority populations. On 4 August Reuters released an investigative report based on a cache of thousands of official documents that provides significant insight into how Myanmar’s military planned the Rohingya genocide. The documents, collected by the Commission for International Justice and Accountability, reveal discussions and planning by senior military officials weeks before the “clearance operations” began, as well as their efforts to hide the operations from the international community. Liam Scott, Myanmar Expert at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said, “these reports clearly show that the previous government of Myanmar and the military systematically targeted populations within their borders, and that the military junta continues to do so. Based on the growing evidence of past and ongoing atrocity crimes, the UN Security Council should urgently refer the situation to the International Criminal Court and impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar. Moreover, additional states should formally intervene in The Gambia v. Myanmar Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice.”..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication: 2022-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Japan-Trained General Linked to Abusive Forces
Sub-title: Tokyo Should Suspend Training, Cut All Military Ties
Description: "(Tokyo) – A Myanmar army general who received military training in Japan served as a high-ranking officer in a regional command that has been implicated in serious abuses in ethnic minority areas, Human Rights Watch said today. From August 2021 to July 2022, Brig. Gen. Tin Soe was based at Eastern Command headquarters, which oversees operations in southern Shan and Karenni (Kayah) States and whose forces were responsible for a massacre of civilians and other atrocities. The Japanese government should immediately halt its training program with Myanmar and investigate whether program participants have been involved in operations violating the laws-of-war. “Myanmar graduates of Japan’s military training program are serving in conflict areas where Myanmar military abuses are rampant,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government should stop playing with fire and immediately end its support of Myanmar’s military.” Then-Colonel Tin Soe received training at Japan’s Ground Self Defense Force Staff College from August 2016 to March 2017, based on information from the All Japan Defense Association and a Defense Ministry document. Tin Soe served as military attaché for the Myanmar embassy in Tokyo from 2019 to 2021, according to a source with direct knowledge of the matter and state media reports. Two sources said that Tin Soe left Japan after the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar and was appointed a brigadier general. He was deployed to the Eastern Command headquarters in Shan State’s Taunggyi in August 2021. In July 2022, Tin Soe was relocated to Myanmar’s capital, Naypyidaw, a source said. The Eastern Command, one of 14 regional commands of Myanmar’s armed forces, controls more than 40 infantry battalions in southern Shan and Karenni States, areas that have had increased fighting since the coup. Since the renewal of military operations in the region in May 2021, the United Nations, human rights groups, and independent media outlets have documented extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, looting, and arson, as well as offensives targeting civilians, indiscriminate attacks, and use of landmines by Myanmar forces under the Eastern Command. On December 24, 2021, in Karenni State’s Hpruso township, security forces summarily executed at least 39 people, including 4 children and 2 staff members from the international aid group Save the Children. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that many of the victims were bound, gagged, and showed signs of torture, and some may have been burned alive. “It is one of the most shocking and depressing things I have ever experienced,” said a doctor who performed autopsies on the victims. In February, the European Union sanctioned Brig. Gen. Ni Lin Aung, head of the Eastern Command and Tin Soe’s superior at the time, stating that he “directly commands the units in the State of Kayah, including those responsible for that massacre.” The EU also sanctioned Lt. Gen. Aung Zaw Aye, the commander of the Bureau of Special Operations No. 2, which oversees the Eastern Command. Light Infantry Battalion 531, which operates under the Eastern Command, was implicated in the massacre, as was Light Infantry Division (LID) 66. A LID 66 commander told Amnesty International that all ground operations in Karenni State were overseen by the Eastern Command. Other abuses against civilians have been reported in military operations against anti-junta armed groups and ethnic forces in Karenni State. The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar reported in March, “Instead of limiting its attacks to combatants from these groups, the military has targeted civilians, including by striking the region’s larger towns. The military has also pursued civilians as they flee, launching attacks on places where IDPs [internally displaced persons] are sheltering.” In May, Amnesty International reported on abuses carried out during Eastern Command operations including “unlawful attacks, village burning, pillage, enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment, and persecution of ethnic Karenni communities.” Infantry Battalion 102, under an Eastern Command combat division, committed several indiscriminate shelling attacks. Amnesty also reported on the military’s use of antipersonnel landmines “on a massive scale” in Karenni State, which the Karenni Human Rights Group said were responsible for killing or seriously injuring at least 20 civilians since June 2021. In May, the Shan Human Rights Foundation identified four infantry battalions under Eastern Command linked to human rights violations in southern Shan State’s Ywangan township, including the massacre of nine villagers in mid-April. Since 2015, the Japanese government has accepted cadets and officers from Myanmar under article 100 of the Self-Defense Forces Act, which permits training and educating foreign nationals in Defense Ministry facilities with the defense minister’s approval. In 2021, following the Myanmar coup, Japan accepted two cadets and two officers from Myanmar. In 2022, Japan again accepted two cadets and two officers from Myanmar for training. Previously, Human Rights Watch and Justice For Myanmar identified Hlwan Moe, a Myanmar Air Force lieutenant colonel trained by the Japanese government who was based at Magway Air Base in Magway region. Aircraft from the air base have been implicated in possible indiscriminate airstrikes since the coup. The Myanmar military has also committed summary executions, arson, and other abuses in Magway region. Human Rights Watch in December 2021 said that the Japanese government should immediately suspend the training program because it risks making Japan complicit in military atrocities. A Japanese Defense Ministry official responded that the ministry did not have any information about what the cadets and officers trained in Japan were doing once back in Myanmar. However, on April 26, during a parliamentary committee session on security, a defense official said the ministry “knows to a certain extent” what “positions” these program participants currently hold, but declined to disclose any details due to Japan’s “relationship” with “the other country.” On June 22, during an ASEAN defense ministers meeting, Japanese Defense Minister Nobuo Kishi said it will be “difficult to accept” officers for training if they are “complicit in oppression against civilians” once back in Myanmar. For decades, the Myanmar military has been responsible for war crimes in long-running armed conflicts with ethnic armed groups, and crimes against humanity and acts of genocide against ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, Human Rights Watch said. The Japanese government has called for a restoration of democratic rule in Myanmar and the release of elected government officials, including Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto Myanmar leader prior to the coup. On March 28, 2021, Japan’s Defense Ministry issued a joint statement with 11 other countries criticizing the military’s attacks against “unarmed civilians.” The Japanese government halted new non-humanitarian Official Development Assistance projects earlier in 2021, while allowing existing aid projects to continue. The Japanese Diet passed a resolution in June 2021 that condemned the coup and called for a “swift restoration of the democratic political system.” “The longer the Japanese government continues to train Myanmar soldiers and officers, the more harm it does to its own international reputation, as well as the lives of Myanmar people,” Kasai said. “As a country that wants to be recognized for promoting human rights, Japan should stand up for the rights of Myanmar’s people and cut defense ties with the junta.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2022-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Urgent Statement on Political Prisoners and Prison Conditions Across Burma
Description: "August 9, 2022 At present, news on prison conditions in the country is under a blackout. The outside world is likely unaware of the real situation inside prisons – of human rights violations, torture, and murder. Monitoring Inside Prisons by Military Security Affairs Forces and Police The terrorist junta have ordered Military Security Affairs Forces (SAF) and police forces, to directly manage the prisons, as well as closely monitor the prisoners with strict rules to prevent information from getting out. Prisons Visits Banned In many of the places, including Yangon, and Obo (Mandalay) Prison, political prisoners have been denied visitation access by relatives since the terrorist junta seized power. As a result, prisoners are deprived of food, medicine and of contact with the outside. Transfer of Political Prisoners to Different Prisons; Torture and Extortion During the month, political prisoners have also been transferred to other prisons. In Monywa Prison, political prisoners were transfered twice in July and August, to Myingyan Prison, Nyaung Oo Prison, and Shwe Bo Prison. We also know that on August 5, more than 120 political prisoners from Insein Prison were transferred to Tharrawaddy Prison. Last July, around 100 political prisoners from Hpa-an Prison were transferred to other places, including Insein Prison. Among the political prisoners transferred, members of the Hpa-an Student Union were beaten and tortured on a daily basis. In Magway Prison, political prisoners were beaten daily without reason, both the family members and prisoners faced challenges because they were not informed before of the transfer to another prison. Political prisoners are also forced to do hard work such as carrying sewage and sacks of rice. In addition, they are beaten by a group of other prisoners without cause, until they were severely injured and made to sleep near the putrid sewage. If political prisoners refuse to do this, there are unfair demands like how much money they must pay. Whilst criminal prisoners are ordered to beat political prisoners. Increased COVID-19 Infections Within Prisons Increasing numbers of prisoners are catching COVID-19, they are being isolated without medical treatment. Around 50 political prisoners are infected in Obo Prison. Since they are not allowed to see relatives, they find it difficult to get medicine and food. At least three political prisoners are in serious pain and life-threatening condition. Hunger Strikes Political prisoners who have been sentenced to death, as well as families, are concerned, they are victims of severe mental stress following the execution of four political prisoners including two prominent activists. Particularly since the terrorist junta force’s announcement that “more death row prisoners are to be executed”. Following this, there have been reports that political prisoners in some prisons are on hunger strike. We are particularly concerned about the danger to these lives due to solitary confinement, and the severe beatings of political prisoners. There is, therefore, an urgent need to reveal the true situation. AAPP has been told that since a hunger strike in Obo Prison on August 4 and August 5, two gunshots were heard from the prison. Families of the detained are worried. We, AAPP, strongly condemn these human rights violations, torture, and killings concealed within the prisons. We urge the United Nations, international governments, human rights organizations monitoring the political situation, the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as ASEAN member states to demand the genuine prison conditions, as well as take action to prevent such targetted and widespread human rights violations..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 293.55 KB
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Title: နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်း အကျဉ်းထောင်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအခြေအနေများနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "ရက်စွဲ။ ။ ဩဂုတ်လ ၉ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် လတ်တလောအချိန်ကာလတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း အခြေအနေများကို ပြင်ပကမ္ဘာမှ မသိရှိစေရန် သတင်းအမှောင်ချထားပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှု၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုနှင့် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ ဆိုးရွားစွာ ဖြစ် ပေါ် နေကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း စရဖနှင့် ရဲများဝင်ရောက်၍ စောင့်ကြည့်နေခြင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အကျဉ်းထောင်များအား စစ်ဖက်ဆိုင်ရာ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ (စရဖ) နှင့် ရဲများက အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်း ဝင်ရောက်၍ တိုက်ရိုက်စီမံခြင်း ပြုလုပ်နေသည့်အပြင် အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်းရှိ သတင်းများ အပြင်သို့ မပေါက်ကြားစေရန် စည်းကမ်းများ အထူးတင်းကြပ်ထား၍ အနီးကပ် စောင့်ကြည့်ခြင်း များပြုလုပ်နေကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ ထောင်ဝင်စာ ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်း ရန်ကုန်၊ အိုးဘို (မန္တလေး) နှင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်အများစုတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု အာဏာလုယူပြီးချိန်မှ စ၍ မိသားစုနှင့် ထောင်ဝင်စာတွေ့ခွင့် ပိတ်ထားသည်မှာ ယနေ့တိုင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အကျဉ်းသားများမှာ အစားအသောက်နှင့် ဆေးဝါးများ မရရှိဘဲ ပြင်ပနှင့်လည်း အဆက်အသွယ် ဖြတ်တောက် ခြင်း ခံထားကြရသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ထောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့ခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းနှင့် ငွေညှစ်ခြင်း ယခုလပိုင်းအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ထောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့ခြင်းကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ မုံရွာ အကျဉ်းထောင်မှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား ဇူလိုင်လ နှင့် ဩဂုတ်လတို့တွင် နှစ်ကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင် ထောင် ပြောင်းရွှေ့ခဲ့သည်။ မြင်းခြံ၊ ညောင်ဦး၊ ရွှေဘိုထောင်များသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့ကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ ဩဂုတ်လ ၅ ရက် နေ့တွင် အင်းစိန်ထောင်မှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၂၀ ကျော်ကို သာယာဝတီထောင်သို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့လိုက်ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ဇူလိုင်လအတွင်း ဖားအံထောင်မှ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ခန့် ကို အင်းစိန်ထောင် အပါအဝင် အခြားထောင်များသို့ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းများအနက် ဖားအံ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင်များကို နေ့စဉ်နဲ့အမျှ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရိုက်နှက်ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရ သည်။ မကွေးထောင်တွင်လည်း ဇွန်လအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို နေ့စဉ် အကြောင်းမဲ့ ရိုက်နှက်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထောင်အပြောင်းအရွှေ့ပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် မိသားစုများကို ဆက်သွယ် အသိပေးခြင်းများ မပြုလုပ်ဘဲ သတင်းအမှောင်ချ၍ ထောင်ပြောင်းရွှေ့မှုများကြောင့် မိသားစုဝင်များအနေဖြင့်ရော အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရသူ အနေ ဖြင့်ပါ အခက်အခဲများစွာ ကြုံတွေ့နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို မိလ္လာထမ်းခိုင်းခြင်း၊ ဆန်အိတ်များထမ်းခိုင်းခြင်းကဲ့သို့ ပင်ပန်းကြမ်းတမ်းသော အလုပ်များ ခိုင်းစေလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အကြောင်းမဲ့ အုပ်စုလိုက် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသည်အထိ ရိုက်နှက် ခြင်း၊ ရာဇဝတ်အကျဉ်းသားများကို ရိုက်နှက်ရန်ခိုင်းစေခြင်း၊ အကျဉ်းဆောင်အတွင်း အနံ့အသက်ဆိုးဝါးသော မိလ္လာနားတွင် အိပ်စက်ရန် နေရာချထားခြင်း တို့ကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ မလုပ်ချင်၊ မနေချင်ပါက မည်ရွေ့မည်မျှ ငွေကြေးပေးရမည်ဆိုသည့် မတရားငွေတောင်းခံမှုများလည်း ရှိနေသည်။ အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း COVID–19 ကူးစက်သူ ပိုမိုများပြားလာခြင်း COVID-19 ကပ်ရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံနေရသူများ များပြားလာပြီး ဆေးဝါးကုသမှုလုံးဝ မပြုလုပ်ပေးပဲ အခန်းခွဲထား သည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။ အိုးဘိုထောင်တွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၅၀ ခန့် ကူးစက်ခံနေရပြီး မိသားစုနှင့် တွေ့ခွင့် မရသည့်အတွက် ဆေးဝါးနှင့်အစားအသောက်များ မရရှိဘဲ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား အနည်းဆုံး ၃ ဦးမှာ ဝေဒနာ ဆိုးရွားစွာ ခံစားနေရပြီး အသက် အန္တရာယ် စိုးရိမ်နေရသည်။ အစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြခြင်း ထင်ရှားသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားနှစ်ဦးအပါအဝင် ၄ ဦးအား သေဒဏ်စီရင်လိုက်ခြင်း (သတ်ဖြတ်လိုက်ခြင်း)၊ နောက်ထပ် သေဒဏ်ကျအကျဉ်းသားများအား ဆက်လက်၍ ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ရှိကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ထုတ်ဖေါ်ပြောဆိုချက်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများနှင့် မိသားစုများ အနေဖြင့် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မှုများ မြင့်တက်လာပြီး စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာထိခိုက်မှုများ ကြီးမားစွာ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခံစားနေကြ ရသည်။ ထိုအဖြစ်အပျက်၏ နောက်ဆက်တွဲအနေဖြင့် အချို့သော အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်းရှိ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား များလည်း အစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြလျှက်ရှိကြောင်းလည်း သတင်းများ ထွက်ပေါ်နေသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ထိုသူများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း၊ တိုက်ပိတ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်များ ချမှတ်နေကြောင်းလည်း သတင်းများဖြစ်ပေါ်နေရာ ထိုသူများ၏ အသက်အန္တရာယ်အား အထူးစိုးရိမ်ရပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် သတင်းအမှန် ကို ထုတ်ဖေါ်ရန် အရေးတကြီး လိုအပ်နေသည်။ အိုးဘိုထောင်တွင် ဩဂုတ်လ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် အစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ ကြောင်း ကြားသိရပြီး ဩဂုတ်လ ၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထောင်တွင်း သေနတ်သံ ၂ ချက်ထွက်ပေါ်လာသည့်အတွက် အကျဉ်းသားမိသားစုများမှ အလွန်စိုးရိမ်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့ကဲ့သော အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း သတင်းအမှောင်ချထားကာ တရားလက်လွတ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများ၊ သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများအား မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း အနေဖြင့် အပြင်းအထန် ရှုတ်ချကန့်ကွက်ပါသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အစိုးရများ၊ မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေ မှတ်တမ်းယူ စောင့်ကြည့်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ကြက်ခြေနီအဖွဲ့နှင့် အိမ်နီးချင်း အာဆီ ယံ နိုင်ငံများအနေနှင့်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျဉ်းထောင်များ၏ အခြေအနေအမှန်ကို သိရှိခွင့်ရရန် တောင်းဆို ရမည့်အပြင် ထိုသို့ ကြီးမား ကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ကျူးလွန်နေသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို အမြန်ဆုံးနှင့် အထိရောက်ဆုံး ကာကွယ်၊ အရေးယူကြပါရန် အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 142.34 KB
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Title: After 34 Years, ’88 Generation Continues to Inspire, and to Sacrifice
Description: "Myanmar’s military shot dead 16-year-old student activist Ma Win Maw Oo during the pro-democracy popular uprising in 1988, which turns 34 years old on Monday. Nearly 34 years after her death, the same military killed Ko Jimmy, who was also a young pro-democracy student activist back in 1988. Myanmar’s new regime, which is run by the military, hanged the 53-year-old veteran democracy activist in Yangon’s Insein Prison last month for his anti-regime activism against the current junta. The killing of the two contemporary activists by the same military under different generals 34 years apart paints a grim picture of the reality Myanmar faces today. Myanmar erupted into a nationwide pro-democracy protest on Aug. 8, 1988 to end the 26-year rule of dictator General Ne Win’s authoritarian regime. The protests continued until the military staged a coup in September and the army violently gunned down the protesters. At least 3,000 democracy supporters were killed. While it failed to end military dictatorship in the country, the popular uprising paved the way for Myanmar’s short-lived democratic period, which was ended by another military takeover in February 2021. The Myanmar people’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi established per political reputation in the ’88 uprising, out of which her National League for Democracy (NLD) was born. Then came the party’s landslide victory in the 1990 general election, whose result the military refused to honor. Fast forward more than two decades and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was leading a democratically elected civilian government until it was ousted by the putsch last year. Were it not for the ’88 pro-democracy movement, it would have been difficult for any of the above to have come into existence. The spirit of ’88 keeps Myanmar moving forward and striving for democracy even today, under Min Aung Hlaing’s dictatorship. When the army staged a coup last year, millions of people defied military rule just as in 1988. True to its old self, the army brutally cracked down on the protesters, as it did in 1988. After more than three decades, the military’s barbarism has not diminished. So far it has killed more than 2,000 civilians. Its repression has been even crueler this time, including sending Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to solitary confinement in a prison, hanging Ko Jimmy and three other democracy activists, and launching airstrikes against civilians and anti-regime armed resistance forces. But the people of Myanmar have undergone a radical change: no longer do they seek reconciliation with the military. Infuriated by their sudden loss of freedom and democracy, which were hard won through the sacrifices of the ’88 pro-democracy movement, as well as the junta’s day-to-day atrocities against them, they are now determined to root out the military dictatorship in the country by any means necessary. What they have in common with the ’88 generation is their craving for democracy and freedom. That’s why Ko Jimmy, a veteran of the 1988 uprising, paid with his life for his beliefs and for the country, just as Ma Win Maw Oo confronted the soldiers as they sprayed bullets on the streets of Yangon 34 years ago. The young anti-regime resistance fighters, whether in the Myanmar heartland or along the borders, feel the same. So do the urban guerrilla fighters in Yangon. The ’88 pro-democracy uprising tried to kindle the torch of democracy in Myanmar. Today, 34 years on, it is inspiring a new generation to keep the torch aflame, whatever it takes..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Dragging Russia Into the Myanmar Conflict
Description: "It might sound cynical, but with Myanmar becoming more like Syria or South Sudan every day, it seems only fitting that Russia’s foreign minister visited Naypyitaw last week to provide some much needed moral and political support to the condemned regime. When Myanmar held its Armed Forces Day on March 27 last year, commander-in-chief and coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in his speech called Russia a “true and loyal friend”. Why? Russian Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin was the highest-ranking foreign dignitary at the event in Naypyitaw. Two days later, Russia called Myanmar a “reliable ally and strategic partner.” When Russia invaded Ukraine, the regime backed the Kremlin, its spokesman saying that Russia was still a powerful nation that plays a role in keeping the balance of power for world peace. To this day, Russia remains one of the key arms suppliers to Myanmar’s military, while Russia has provided a postgraduate education to at least 7,000 Myanmar officers since 2001. Moscow has provided fighter jets, helicopters and air defense systems to Myanmar and it is no secret that the regime leaders prefer military hardware from Russia over China. But now, bilateral ties are not limited to military-to-military relations. Moscow seeks to deepen diplomatic, economic, trade and security relations with Myanmar. Last week, Moscow’s top diplomat Sergey Lavrov visited Myanmar and met with top leaders including Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. Isolated Myanmar’s leaders, shunned from a regional ministers’ meeting that was being held in Cambodia at the same time, welcomed Lavrov with broad smiles, to demonstrate that the regime has a powerful friend. However, the handshake between Lavrov and Min Aung Hlaing looked more like a meeting of partners in crime. Lavrov’s stopover in Myanmar before the minister’s attendance at the ASEAN regional meeting no doubt set alarm bells ringing in regional capitals and for Myanmar’s opposition. During his brief visit, which was held amid high security, the regime laid out the red carpet for Lavrov, with two military helicopters escorting his convoy from the airport to the hotel and his meetings. During his working visit, regime Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin also hosted a working luncheon for the Russian delegation at the Aureum Palace Hotel, owned by Myanmar crony Teza, one of the main brokers of arms deals between the Myanmar military and Russia. Lavrov made clear where Moscow stands to Myanmar ministers, who could not conceal their delight at the working luncheon. He said the Russian government was “in solidarity with the efforts aimed at stabilizing the situation in the country,” adding, “We appreciate the traditionally friendly nature of our partnership, which is not affected by any opportunistic processes.” Russia and Myanmar established diplomatic relations in 1948 and next year the two countries will celebrate the diamond jubilee anniversary of their ties. Lavrov described Myanmar as a “friendly and longstanding partner”, adding that the two nations “have a very solid foundation for building up cooperation in a wide range of areas”. Calling Russia, a “true and loyal friend” is not wrong; in fact, Russia (along with China) has been loyal in backing the regime at the UN Security Council. As permanent members of the council, the two major allies have exercised their veto power to block international sanctions against the Myanmar regime. In his remark, Lavrov made no mention of the junta’s daily brutal campaign and air raids against civilians and the opposition, which is understandable; Russia’s sophisticated jet fighters and helicopters have been deployed to attack the population, villages and armed resistance in Myanmar. The regime in Myanmar is isolated and faces sanctions, as well as condemnation at home and abroad. It has also struggled to counter an armed resistance over the past year. Since the Ukraine invasion, Moscow faces Western sanctions and is in a long and costly military campaign there. Min Aung Hlaing has chosen to wreak utter devastation. He has sent government leaders to prisons, including ousted State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Last month, he ordered the execution of prominent activists including a lawmaker. There is no turning back. He was pleased to receive Lavrov at the Presidential Palace to show that he has a friend in a high place. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar described the two nations’ ambitions to become “permanent friendly countries and permanent allies” who will aid each other to “manage their internal affairs without external interference.” But… Dragging Russia into the conflict in Myanmar will have major consequences. Three major players are now involved in the conflict in Myanmar: the West (chiefly the US), Russia and China. Perhaps it is easy to read the US reaction, but how Beijing sees Lavrov’s visit will be intriguing. In June, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi told Wunna Maung Lwin that China pledged to support the military regime “no matter how the situation changes” in Myanmar over the coming months and years. China’s substantial economic and strategic interests in Myanmar are vast; moreover China’s influence and political clout is, compared to Russia, extensive. Still, while Beijing isn’t betting on the regime alone, its unequivocal support for the junta suggests its analysts believe the regime will eventually prevail over the anti-coup resistance, that outside support for the resistance movement will only prolong the inevitable, and that the regime offers the most likely route towards the stability necessary for the advancement of China’s substantial economic and strategic interests in the country. Beijing has allies in the country, while it is expected that Moscow will stick with the regime. Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations in the north have forged closer relations with China and depend on the powerful neighbor. China can only increase its support to these groups. On the Taiwan issue, meanwhile, China has halted cooperation with the US over critical issues and it will be difficult to seek any understanding on Myanmar due to the escalation of tensions. Last year, the United States and China brokered an agreement that will effectively block Myanmar’s military rulers from addressing the United Nations’ General Assembly, dealing a blow to the junta’s quest for international legitimacy. For its part, the West (including the US) supports the democratic opposition and shadow civilian government, the National Unity Government, but so far, no arms support has been involved. The US has however increased its humanitarian assistance and support for opposition and civil society groups since the coup. The US recently asked countries in the region to engage with the NUG, which has urged the international community to provide arms to its forces fighting against the country’s military regime. In June, the US State Department’s counselor urged the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to engage with the NUG, saying the country’s political crisis cannot be resolved by engaging only with the military regime. The US’s political support is limited, however. But the opposition in Myanmar has urged Washington to do more. Meanwhile, Russia’s assertive engagement with the regime in Naypyitaw only deepens. Myanmar has become a playground; dragging Russia in to play a bigger role in Myanmar sounds very ominous..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement on the death sentence for political activists, including (9) women Burmese Women's Union
Description: "Unjustly sentenced to death, Jimmy, Phyo Zayar Thaw, Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung were actually killed, the military council announced on July 25. Despite warnings and objections from the international community, the decision was made without informing the families of the political prisoners who were killed. In addition, there are reports that other people who have been unjustly sentenced to death are being prepared for execution. We, the Burmese Women's Union, strongly condemns the unlawful killing of these political activists in prison. Currently, there are 77 people who are unjustly sentenced to death, including 9 women. In the view of BWU, the jurisdiction under military council was unjust and all the sentences were biased. In the current situation, the sentences themselves should be regarded as crimes and murders. From the perspective of international human rights, the act shows no respect for justice and human rights in terms of law. Furthermore, the right to life does not allow the death penalty to be imposed on anyone. The action is also obviously against the essence of democracy. BWU is seriously concerned that the terrorist military council is in a position to carry out more executions. So, now is the time for us to unite more to prevent such kind of actions. The actions of the Terrorist Military Council ignore the interests of the people and risk the sweat, blood and lives of many people to maintain their power. Therefore, in eradicating the military dictatorship, the related alliance groups, Democracy and human rights activists and all the people should work together in harmony, hand-in-hand. Although the international community, including ASEAN, warned and protested against the execution of political activists, the Terrorist Military Council did not recognize and acted against it. The heinous actions of the Burmese military council proves that it is time for the international community, including ASEAN, to take more practical measures to bring changes in Burma. Therefore, it is important to immediately stop the inhumane acts of Burmese military. And, we the Burmese Women Union, would like to urge international governments to put more and severe pressures against Burmese military to stop its unlawful actions..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
Date of publication: 2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 47.92 KB 262.17 KB
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Title: ရှစ်လေးလုံးနေ့ (၈.၈.၈၈) (၃၄) နှစ်မြောက် အထိမ်းအမှတ် သဝဏ်လွှာ။
Source/publisher: Karenni State Consultative Council
Date of publication: 2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: အမျိုးသမီး (၉) ဦးအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများအား သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်မှုအပေါ် မြန်မာ့အမျိုးသမီးသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "Burmese Women’s Union (BWU), a statement on the death sentence for political activists, including (9) women..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
Date of publication: 2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 370 KB
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Title: (၃၄) နှစ်မြောက် ၈၈၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံ နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့အထိမ်းအမှတ် ၈၈မျိုးဆက် (ငြိမ်းချမ်း‌ရေး နှင့် ပွင့်လင်း လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း) ၏ သ‌ဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ယနေ့သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြွေးကြော်သံများကို ကိုင်စွဲကာ နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ ရဟန်းရှင်လူ ကျောင်းသား ပြည်သူ လူထု လူတန်းစားအလွှာအသီးသီးမှ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသော ၈၈၈၈ (ရှစ်လေးလုံး) လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးကြီး၏ (၃၄) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်သော နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့ အခါသမယ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရှစ်လေးလုံးအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီသူရဲကောင်းများစွာ၊ ရဟန်းရှင်လူ ပြည်သူ မြောက်များ စွာတို့၏ အသက်သွေးချွေး ဘဝများ စတေးခဲ့ရပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ မတရားဖိနှိပ် ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများကို အံတုကာ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြတ်ရေးအတွက် ပုခုံးထမ်းတင်ပေးခဲ့သော မြန်မာ့ ဒီမိုကရေစီခရီးလမ်း၏ ဂုဏ်ရောင် ပြောင်မြောက်သည့် သမိုင်းစာမျက်နှာတစ်ခုလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ၁၉၅၈ မှ စတင်ခဲ့သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်/တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အဆက်ဆက်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ၁၉၆၂ မှသည် ၁၉၇၄-၇၅-၇၆ စသော ရှေ့မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီး၏ တော်လှန်ရေးတာဝန်ကို လက်ဆင့်ကမ်း ကျေပွန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အပြင် ၁၉၉၆-၉၈လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ၊၂၀၀၇ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး စသည့် နောင်မျိုးဆက်များကိုပါ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ခရီးတွင် ခြေကုပ်မြဲစေရန် မျိုးစေ့ချပေးနိုင်ခဲ့သည့် ပြယုဂ်တစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ အချိန်အခါသည်လည်း ရှစ်လေးလုံးလူထုအရေးတော်ပုံ အပါအဝင် ရှေ့မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီးမှ လက်ဆင့် ကမ်းခဲ့သော တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်လံကို နွေဦးတော်လှန်‌ရေးတွင် ယနေ့မျိုးဆက်သစ်များမှဆက်လက် သယ်ဆောင်၍ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးစုပေါင်းကာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ် ရှင်သန်ထွန်းကားရေးအတွက် မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီး လက်တွဲတိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေသော ကာလ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီးသည် လက်ချင်းတွဲ၍ ကျရာ သမိုင်းပေးတာဝန် များကို ကျေပွန်စွာ ထမ်းဆောင်လျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ ရက်စက်ရမ်းကားမှုများကြောင့် အသက်သွေးချွေး ဘဝများ ရဲရင့်စွာ ပေးဆပ်သွားခဲ့ကြသည့် သူရဲကောင်းများလည်း ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ တရားမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပြီး နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ အကျဥ်းထောင်များ စစ်ကြောရေးများတွင် မတရားချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသော တော်လှန်ရေးညီအစ်ကိုမောင်နှမများသည်လည်း အကျဥ်းသားအခွင့်အ‌ရေးများ မရရှိသည့် အပြင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ တရားလက်မဲ့ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ ဆိုးဝါးစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခံရ လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်မှုများ ကြားမှပင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံ တော်လှန်ရေး ညီအစ်ကိုမောင်နှမများသည် ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရှိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ပြည်သူများနှင့် တသားတည်းရှိကြောင်း ပြသသည့်အနေဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးတိုက်ပွဲများ ဆက်လက်၍ ဆင်နွှဲနေကြလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အသက်နှင့်ဘဝများ ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့သည့် သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ စွန့်လွှတ်မှုနှင့် အခက်အခဲများကြားမှပင် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေသော ဖမ်းဆီးခံတော်လှန်ရေးမောင်နှမများ၏ အသံများကို ကြီးမြတ်စွာ ဂုဏ်ပြုသည့်အားဖြင့် ပြည်တွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရှိ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မျိုးဆက်အသီးသီးမှ ထိုအင်အားများကို ဆက်လက်ကိုင်စွဲ၍ ဤနိုင်ငံမြေပေါ်မှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြတ် ပပျောက်ပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ် ရှင်သန်ထွန်းကားသည်အထိ အတူလက်တွဲ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ကြပါမည်ဟု လေးနက်စွာ ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။ “မပြီးဆုံးသေးတဲ့ ရှစ်လေးလုံး လူထုလွတ်မြောက်ရေး ဒို့အတူရုန်း” “စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ် မုချ ကျဆုံးရမည်” “အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်ကိုအောင်ရမည်” တော်လှန်ရေးသစ္စာဖြင့် ၈၈မျိုးဆက် (ငြိမ်းချမ်း‌ရေး နှင့် ပွင့်လင်း လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း)..."
Source/publisher: The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society
Date of publication: 2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
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Title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအပေါ် သေဒဏ်စီရင်နေခြင်းကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ထောင်တွင်းအစာငတ်ခံဆန္ဒပြခြင်းများနှင့် ပတ်သက်သော သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of publication: 2022-08-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-07
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Title: This Year’s Summit Make or Break for ASEAN on Myanmar
Description: "6 August 2022: The next annual Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Leaders’ Summit in November is critical for the escalating crisis in Myanmar and ASEAN’s response to it, following the outcome of this week’s ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Foreign Ministers from nine of the ten ASEAN Member States concluded a three-day meeting in Phnom Penh on Friday 5th August. No representative for Myanmar was present at the meeting. The representative of the illegal military junta in Myanmar was barred from attending the meeting, while ASEAN has not yet recognised the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). The Foreign Ministers agreed in a Joint Communiqué issued after the meeting to recommend that the ASEAN Summit in November decide on next steps to be taken by ASEAN to address the crisis. Decisions can be made by the ASEAN Summit in situations where consensus between the ten ASEAN Member States cannot be achieved, according to Article 20 of the ASEAN Charter. “The outcome of the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting has put the ball firmly in the court of the ASEAN Leaders in November,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The Summit must be the turning point for ASEAN. The longer ASEAN does nothing the greater the pain and suffering of the Myanmar people. At an absolute minimum, the violence must stop. There must be consequences for the junta’s actions and all eyes will be on the Summit to act.” The Foreign Ministers called on ASEAN Leaders to assess progress towards the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus by the junta between now and the November meeting to guide decision-making. The Five-Point Consensus was reached between junta-leader Min Aung Hlaing and ASEAN Leaders in April 2021. Until now, Min Aung Hlaing has failed to adhere to a single point of the agreement and continues to flout the consensus with impunity. The junta leader has repeatedly and deliberately instrumentalized any attempt by the bloc and its current chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, to push forward on the consensus to mislead the international community as to the reality of the situation in Myanmar. “ASEAN needs to come up with a new formula as the Five-Point Consensus clearly has not worked,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “ASEAN leaders need to stop waiting in vain for Min Aung Hlaing. His coup failed, his forces are being defeated everywhere across the country, and he has no strategy other than the commission of mass atrocities.” The NUG, People’s Defence Forces (PDF) and allied Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations (EROs) hold more of Myanmar’s territory than Min Aung Hlaing’s military junta and are gaining more ground where junta forces are being pushed back. The NUG has repeatedly expressed its commitment to working with counterparts in ASEAN towards finding a durable solution to the military junta-crisis. “ASEAN does not need the consent of Min Aung Hlaing to seek a new solution to the crisis in November, that much is very clear,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “But ASEAN needs to work with the NUG. The NUG is the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people, increasingly the de facto authority in the country as well as the de jure government, and the proper party for ASEAN to be engaging with.”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-08-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-06
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Title: BURMA COUP WATCH FOR THE MONTH OF JULY 2022: Junta’s executions spark global outcry as opposition promises payback
Description: "As of 29 Jul, there had been at least 14,070 armed clashes and attacks, resulting in the displacement of some 866,400 people since the coup began. Junta troops continued to slash their way through the country in July, torturing and killing civilians, burning people alive, and torching villages. • Junta forces have killed at least 2,138 civilians and arrested 14,917 as of 29 Jul. The regime continued to target former officials and NLD members, as well as perceived opponents and their families. Reports suggested that the junta was installing facial recognition CCTV systems in several cities to beef up its surveillance capabilities. • The regime sparked global outcry by executing four political prisoners, including an MP, the first executions in decades. Opposition forces staged protest actions and vowed to step up resistance, as local media sources said the junta was preparing to execute 41 more inmates in Yangon. • Local civil society reported an increase in violence against women since the coup, with 1,835 cases documented in 2021 and 1,158 during Jan-Jun 2022. Women in conflict-affected areas reportedly suffered some of the most horrific abuses. • The ICJ dismissed the regime’s preliminary objections in The Gambia vs Myanmar case, allowing the proceedings to move forward. The NUG welcomed the ruling, saying it stood ready to cooperate with international accountability efforts. • The World Bank projected a mere 3% growth in 2021-22, warning that political and economic uncertainty had severely damaged Burma’s financial system. The junta further damaged the economy by tightening forex restrictions as inflation continued to hit all sectors hard. • French oil and gas firm TotalEnergies withdrew from Burma after transferring some of its shares to junta-controlled company MOGE, thus ignoring civil society calls to exit responsibly. • The junta hosted its first high-level regional meeting, which was attended by China’s Foreign Minister. • ASEAN barred the regime from attending a high level meeting while allowing it to chair another. Malaysia further hardened its stance against the junta, repeating calls for the bloc to engage with the NUG..."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma,  Asia Democracy Network,  Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development,  Burma Human Rights Network,  Initiatives for International Dialogue,  International Federation for Human Rights,  Progressive Voice and US Campaign for Burma
Date of publication: 2022-08-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-05
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Title: Coming to Terms with Myanmar’s Russia Embrace: Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°173, 4 August 2022
Description: "What's new? Myanmar's coup and Russia's invasion of Ukraine have brought these already friendly countries closer together. Myanmar's regime has positioned itself as Russia's most uncritical post-invasion partner in Asia, while Russia has readily backed Myanmar's junta, diplomatically and with arms. They are now gearing up for tighter economic and trade relations. Why does it matter? Russia has thrown Naypyitaw a lifeline as it struggles to quash domestic resistance and secure international legitimacy, thus further antagonising countries pushing for Myanmar's return to democracy. The West worries that Moscow could use these ties to dodge sanctions. Foreign governments supporting positive change in Myanmar have few good options. What should be done? With few realistic ways to disrupt Russia-Myanmar relations, foreign governments should continue imposing targeted sanctions on the Myanmar regime and strengthen enforcement of bilateral arms embargoes. They should press ASEAN to keep excluding the regime from high-level meetings but avoid prematurely ending consensus diplomacy at the UN Security Council. Overview Myanmar's relations with Russia have moved into higher gear in recent years with regular high-level exchanges and closer cooperation. Naypyitaw has also grown increasingly reliant on Moscow for advanced weapons systems and technical training of military officers. Myanmar's February 2021 coup and Russia's invasion of Ukraine a year later have deepened the trends: facing stronger international sanctions and diplomatic isolation, the two countries are actively exploring ways to strengthen their security and economic ties. Countries trying to promote positive change in Myanmar, many of which have adversarial relations with Russia, are concerned that the growing bond undermines efforts to sanction both, but there is little they can do to change it. Instead, they should continue imposing targeted sanctions on Myanmar's military regime, enforcing bilateral arms embargoes, and pressing Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members to continue excluding the regime from high-level meetings to dent its legitimacy. At the UN, however, they should avoid diplomatic moves that might break the Security Council's fragile modus vivendi on Myanmar. Over the past two decades, the Myanmar military has tried to hedge its reliance on China as a diplomatic ally and arms supplier by forging stronger links with Russia. This trend stalled when the country drew closer to the West starting in 2011, and then accelerated following the army's violent expulsion of the Rohingya in 2017, which undermined its nascent engagement with Western militaries. Since then, the two countries have grown closer, with Myanmar Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing making annual visits to Russia. Moscow has so far looked at Naypyitaw primarily as a military and technical partner, with Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu leading the effort to position Russia as Myanmar's main supplier of sophisticated weapons, such as helicopters, fighter jets and air defence systems. Russia has also provided postgraduate education to at least 7,000 Myanmar officers since 2001. Beyond military ties, Shoigu also sees advantages in securing a strongly committed partner where South and South East Asia meet, in addition to Russia's longstanding partnerships with India and Vietnam. Until recently, the two countries' economic and non-military trade relations remained modest, but they appear to be deepening. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov's 3 August visit to Naypyitaw may accelerate that trend. Following the Myanmar military's coup and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, both countries have become more heavily sanctioned and diplomatically isolated, increasing the importance of their relations with each other. Russia has provided unstinting support for the junta in Naypyitaw following the coup, as well as continued weapons shipments, and the Myanmar regime has in turn positioned itself as Russia's most uncritical friend in Asia, vocally supporting the invasion of Ukraine. In recent months, the two countries have been developing direct banking and finance channels to support greater bilateral trade, including Myanmar purchases of Russian energy products..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication: 2022-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-04
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Title: Extending Emergency Rule Shows Junta has no Control Over Myanmar
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has extended emergency rule for another six months, a tacit admission that its coup has failed. On Sunday, the regime summoned a meeting of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), the highest authority in Myanmar. Under the 2008 military-drafted constitution, the chief of the Myanmar military can order a state of emergency for one year and then renew the order twice more for a period of six months each time. The latest extension means the state of emergency will last for at least two years, a sign that coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has failed to restore normalcy to the country. Last February, the military seized power in a coup, justifying its power grab by alleging massive voter fraud in the 2020 general election which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) Party won in a landslide. Min Aung Hlaing’s laughable statistics Min Aung Hlaing told the NDSC meeting that there have been over 7,000 mine blasts, 6,000 attacks and 1,000 arson attacks by the parallel National Unity Government and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Forces, in the 18 months since the putsch. If those figures are regarded as true, it shows that the military, which swallows up the lion’s share of the country’s annual budget, is disproportionately weak. Sagaing Region saw the most resistance activity with over 4,000 attacks, according to the junta boss, while Yangon saw nearly 2,500 attacks, Mandalay over 2,000 attacks and Magwe over 1,300 attacks. Stability has yet to be restored in those regions. Over 3,000 civil servants, including administrative staff as well as junta supporters, have been killed since the coup and around 3,000 more injured, said Min Aung Hlaing. It appears that he has included slain members and supporters of the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in those figures. When UDSP Chair U Than Htay met the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Special Envoy on Myanmar last month, he told him that more than 1,800 USDP members had been killed by anti-regime forces. But Min Aung Hlaing made no mention of the air and artillery strikes, arbitrary killings and arson attacks carried out by his soldiers. More than 2,000 people have died at the hands of the junta, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, and some 15,000 have been detained since the coup. Across the country, over 1.2 million people are currently displaced, including nearly 866,400 people displaced by the conflict since the military takeover, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Myanmar. The coup leader made himself a laughing stock as he told the NDSC meeting that Myanmar has run a US$1 billion trade surplus under his rule. Myanmar is dependent on imports and has always run a trade deficit under successive governments. Thanks to Min Aung Hlaing’s wild monetary policies, Myanmar is now facing a severe shortage of US dollars and Myanmar’s currency the kyat has slumped against the greenback, with the exchange rate hitting around 2,800 kyats to a dollar in the open market now. Sham NDSC, sham election After reading out those statistics at the NDSC meeting, Min Aung Hlaing proposed extending military rule for another six months and the country’s acting president U Myint Swe, a former Lieutenant General, nodded in agreement. Since the coup, the nominal president has only appeared in public three times, when Min Aung Hlaing held three NDSC meetings to declare and renew the state of emergency in an effort to pretend that the coup is in accordance with law. Another person who has only appeared at NDSC meetings is former Lower House speaker T Khun Myat. He has been involved in politics since the 2008 constitution was drafted, and will go down in Myanmar history as a politician who cares only about keeping his seat in parliament, regardless of the country’s situation under successive governments, whether Senior General Than Shwe’s former junta, U Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government or the current regime. All the other NDSC members are generals. Even the foreign minister, which is supposed to be a civilian position in the NDSC, is a former colonel. So the meeting was just a sham to fool people into believing that emergency rule was extended in accordance with law. Also a sham is the proposed election that the regime has promised to hold in August next year. Few people believe that any poll staged by the junta will be free and fair. The regime has appointed U Thein Soe as the chairman of Union Election Commission to oversee the upcoming election. The former Major General previously oversaw the 2010 general election, which is widely believed to have been rigged in favor of the USDP. The NLD, which enjoys overwhelming popular support in Myanmar, has said that it will boycott the proposed junta-organized election. As the regime is planning to introduce proportional representation in the upcoming election, it will need time to educate voters about the new system and, even in normal times, one year is not enough time to do that, said observers. At the NDSC meeting, Min Aung Hlaing said that the Myanmar military will serve as the guardian of the country. Acting President U Myint Swe also asked the military to serve as the guardian for the country’s interests. Min Aung Hlaing has denied staging a coup, and has insisted instead that the Myanmar military is only playing the role of an interim government under the constitution until the next election. His lie will soon be exposed as, according to the constitution, no military chief can hold power under emergency rule for more than two years..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: McConnell Statement on Burma and Secretary Blinken’s Asia Trip
Description: "WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) issued the following statement today regarding Burma: “As Secretary of State Blinken undertakes his planned travel to Southeast Asia, I sincerely hope and expect that he will deliver a firm message to Burma’s neighbors and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations: It is time for them to impose meaningful consequences on the junta in Burma that is literally getting away with murder. “Just today, the junta ruling Burma is welcoming Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, embracing an envoy from another autocratic regime. Apparently violent pariahs flock together. The free world can expect to see more of the same if the leaders of last year’s coup are not brought to heel. “If Burma’s neighbors and ASEAN are not willing to come to the aid of the innocent people who are suffering under the junta’s brutal and illegitimate rule, the Administration must use the authorities Congress has already given it to turn up the heat on the Tatmadaw and its sources of financial support. This should include sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. “The people of Burma have suffered and waited for friends of democracy to come to their aid. Secretary Blinken must put the full weight of the Administration’s authorities squarely in their corner. It is time for less talk and more action.”..."
Source/publisher: Mitch McConnell Republican Leader
Date of publication: 2022-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: Myanmar’s Min Aung Hlaing, Russia’s Putin and Their Ilk Must Not Prevail
Description: "Russia is a major supplier of military hardware to the Myanmar regime, and enhanced military-to-military ties, which began even before the junta seized power in February 2021, have only been stepped up since the coup. With the arrival of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Naypyitaw on Wednesday for talks with junta leaders, The Irrawaddy revisits this commentary originally published in March of this year, shortly after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, examining the implications of the junta and Moscow’s show of mutual support. The generals who have engaged in brutal atrocities and applied a scorched earth strategy in Myanmar will surely be following the news from Ukraine closely. The immediate question that arises is, do they want Russian President Vladimir Putin and his invading army to succeed? Perhaps. As the invasion of Ukraine was beginning, Myanmar, a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), sounded decidedly out of step with the rest of the world when a spokesperson for Myanmar’s military council voiced support for Putin’s aggression, offering two reasons. “No. 1 is that Russia has worked to consolidate its sovereignty,” he said. “I think this is the right thing to do. No. 2 is to show the world that Russia is a world power.” Of course, this is garbage. The junta’s quick show of support for Russia’s aggression is hardly surprising; Russia is a major supplier of military hardware to the regime, and enhanced military-to-military ties have been cemented since the coup. Moscow sent a high-level military delegation led by Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu to Myanmar two weeks before last year’s coup. Moscow knew of the coup in advance and promised to supply arms, training, hardware and surveillance technology to the regime. Since the coup, the two sides have exchanged numerous visits. Indeed, the relationship has grown worryingly warm. However, this Russia-Myanmar friendship doesn’t include the Myanmar people. For their part, the oppressed people of Myanmar loathe both Russia and China, and whoever else supports the regime. On March 27 last year, the regime celebrated Armed Forces Day, which historically has marked the day the people took up arms against the occupying Japanese in the 1940s. On the same day, the regime’s forces slaughtered more than 100 people across the country, making it the bloodiest single day since the generals seized power less than two months earlier. By that point, the international community including most Western nations had long since condemned the military regime, but Russian Deputy Defense Minister Colonel General Alexander Vasilyevich Fomin chose to travel to Naypyitaw to attend the 76th annual Armed Forces Day commemorations. Soon citizens, farmers, schoolteachers and children were bearing the brunt as Russian-made jet fighters and helicopters were deployed to drop bombs and fire missiles and machine guns at them. Many have died since the regime launched a brutal war against its own people. Not only Russian but also Chinese-made weapons have killed many innocent people in Myanmar. They, too, are implicated in the post-coup human tragedy in Myanmar. Like Putin and his army, Min Aung Hlaing and his soldiers behave like foreign invaders, but they do so in their own country. The regime faces strong resistance, encountering many form of protest as well as armed rebellion across the country. A year after attempting to stage a coup, the Myanmar regime still does not control the country or the people. Did Min Aung Hlaing underestimate the Myanmar people? Since Russia launched its invasion, Ukraine’s people have displayed great bravery. This has been well noted in the international community; the reaction from the West has been tough and Russia is being cut out of the global financial system. Both Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Putin have underestimated the people they seek to subdue, and the resistance to their aggression. Should Putin fail to assert control over Ukraine, Min Aung Hlaing’s “grand strategy” of bringing Russia into Myanmar’s political landscape after the takeover will seem as delusional as his coup plan itself. He must be worried. Days after the invasion of Ukraine, after the spokesman expressed the regime’s stance in support of Moscow, top brass in Myanmar held a meeting to discuss the crisis in Ukraine and its impact on and consequences for Myanmar. The generals are worried about the West’s financial sanctions—Myanmar’s arms dealers have bank accounts in Russia—and the supply of hardware will slow. Since the coup, the West, including the US and the EU, has imposed stiff sanctions on the Myanmar military, state-owned companies and business cronies of the regime, but more needs to be done. At the meeting, it is understood that the generals were also curious about China’s position on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Details are sketchy but it seems they were mostly interested in China’s strategic goals, and how they—and future China-Myanmar relations—might be impacted if Russia botches its invasion of Ukraine. In its public pronouncements, the Chinese government has urged all sides to de-escalate tensions in Ukraine. Since the military takeover in Myanmar on Feb. 1, China has repeatedly insisted that the armed forces’ seizure of power from the democratically elected government is Myanmar’s internal affair, including at the UN Security Council (UNSC) and at Human Rights Council meetings. The Myanmar people dislike China and its stance toward the coup, just as they dislike Russia for the same reason. Since the coup, China has faced massive anti-China protests in Myanmar and boycotts of Chinese products. China-backed factories in Myanmar have been torched and threats against China-backed gas pipelines issued. Beijing has voiced serious concern over the security of its pipelines; anti-junta groups in Myanmar have countered by saying that whether or not they are blown up is an “internal affair”, mocking China’s own rationale for blocking other nations’ attempts at the UN to condemn the military takeover. In the meantime, the generals are likely to beef up security for Chinese interests and projects in Myanmar, and Min Aung Hlaing will do whatever is necessary to accommodate both Russia and China. At the end of the day, his aim is to rule the country with his blood-soaked hands, and he will make friends with either Russia or China in order to achieve this. There is some pride at stake for Min Aung Hlaing in Putin’s invasion of Ukraine: The general wants to show the people of Myanmar, and especially his opponents, that his allies are winners. If things go badly for Putin, the Myanmar people will feel vindicated and Min Aung Hlaing and his hardline thugs will feel they have attached themselves to the losing side. Since the coup, Myanmar has quickly descended into chaos. As the human and economic costs of the long and bloody coup attempt mount it will only become more difficult for the regime to exert control and consolidate its grip on the country. Min Aung Hlaing’s regime sees Myanmar’s citizens as enemies; therefore, its coup has failed. Lacking legitimacy, the regime in Myanmar today is a pariah. If murderer-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing and his military are allowed to win, the Myanmar people will forever remain slaves, subject to tyranny. Dark days lie ahead for both Ukraine and Myanmar. The resistance in Ukraine has already earned the admiration of the entire world, just as the efforts of Myanmar’s various resistance forces, including groups engaged in armed rebellion, have surprised many at home and abroad. Knowing they would be fired upon, a group of Ukrainian soldiers guarding a military facility on Snake Island in the Black Sea told a Russian warship to “go fuck yourself”. In Myanmar last year, protesters, faced with rows of soldiers and tanks, exclaimed: “Fuck the coup!” We cannot allow Min Aung Hlaing or Putin to succeed, or let one feel vindication in the success of the other..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: Ruling Myanmar: From Cyclone Nargis to National Elections
Description: "BACKGROUND ON ANU 2009 MYANMAR/BURMA UPDATE CONFERENCE: Preparations are under way for the first elections in Myanmar/Burma since 1990, to be held in 2010 as part of the military regime’s “Road Map for Democracy”. The conditions under which the elections will be held are far from favourable, although the laws and procedures under which they will be conducted have not yet been announced. Political controls remain repressive, freedom of expression and assembly does not exist, and international access is restricted by government controls as well as sanctions. Nevertheless, is this a turning point for Myanmar/Burma? Presenters at the Australian National University 2009 Myanmar/Burma Update conference examined these questions and more. Speakers were leading experts from the United States, Japan, France, and Australia, as well as from Myanmar/Burma.....ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: We greatly appreciate the ongoing and generous support of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), without whose financial support the 2009 Australian National University Myanmar/Burma Update Conference would not have been possible. AusAID’s encouragement has gone much further that just providing financial support, and helped organizers improve the focus and structure on the conference. We are also grateful for the steadfast backing we have always received from the Department of Political and Social Change, in the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, especially from the current and former Heads of Department, Paul Hutchcroft and Ed Aspinall, respectively. Finally, we thank the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore, which was once again prepared to publish the conference papers, and copy-editor John Owen for his prompt and fine copy-editing. Last but not least, this publication would not have amounted to anything without the willingness of the contributors to devote time and thought to their chapters, which makes this project worthwhile..."
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Source/publisher: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore
Date of publication: 2010-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
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Title: Myanmar: Detainees tortured to crush opposition to coup
Description: "Beatings, gender-based violence and arbitrary arrests documented Myanmar must immediately free all those unjustly detained Profound psychological trauma experienced upon release Authorities in Myanmar’s prisons and interrogation centres routinely subject people detained for resisting the 2021 military coup to torture and other cruel or degrading treatment, Amnesty International said today in a new briefing, more than a year and a half after the power grab shattered the country’s halting transition to civilian rule. Based on 15 interviews carried out in March 2022 with former detainees, lawyers of prisoners and experts, as well as a review of over 100 news reports, the briefing, 15 Days Felt like 15 Years, documents the horrific experiences of individuals from the moment they are arrested, through their interrogation and imprisonment, and after their release. Since the 1 February 2021 coup, Myanmar’s military has arrested more than 14,500 people and killed more than 2,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). From showing up without an arrest warrant and forcing confessions through torture or other ill-treatment, to enforceable disappearances, reprisals against relatives, and holding detainees incommunicado from family and legal counsel, military authorities flout the law at every stage of the arrest and detention process. This was horrifically demonstrated in the unlawful execution of four men in July, including a prominent pro-democracy activist and former lawmaker, following their death sentences by a military court. The executions were the first to be carried out in more than 30 years. More than 70 people remain on death row in Myanmar while 41 have been sentenced to death in absentia, according to AAPP. “Myanmar has stooped to unimaginable new lows in its vile and brutal treatment of detainees as part of an overall strategy intended to break their spirits and compel people to give up any resistance to the 2021 military coup,” said Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnes Callamard. “But it is having the opposite effect. The Myanmar people remain unbowed even after the litany of violations, including most recently the shameful and despicable executions of Kyaw Min Yu – also known as Ko Jimmy – Phyo Zeya Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw.” “As a matter of urgency, Myanmar’s military must free thousands of people languishing in detention simply for exercising their rights, and let them return to their families. The United Nations Security Council must increase the pressure on the Myanmar military with a referral to the International Criminal Court, a global arms embargo and targeted sanctions.” Tased and beaten Amnesty’s research reveals how prison officials kicked and slapped detainees, and also beat them with rifle butts, electrical wires and branches of a palm tree. Detainees allege they were psychologically tortured with death and rape threats to force confessions or extract information about anti-coup activities. One person was presented with a parcel delivery that contained a fake bomb. Several former detainees interviewed by Amnesty International observed that other detainees had visible injuries on their bodies, including blood, broken limbs, and swollen faces. “When they [the police] found us sleeping, they beat us. When they caught us sitting, they beat us…They pointed G3 rifles at our foreheads and threatened that they could kill us anytime,” said one student arrested in the central Magwe Region. During the interrogation, whenever I used feminine pronouns for myself, they said you are gay, so you must like this and exposed their male genitals in front of me. One woman heard security forces plunging the head of another detainee in a bucket of water and using a taser on the person several times during interrogation. A student activist told Amnesty International that he saw police bang his friend’s head against the wall. Police also used a taser on his genitals and threatened to blow them up with a grenade. Ma Kyu, who was arrested in Karenni State for protesting the coup, told Amnesty what a police officer told her after she was detained: “We can just kill you after the arrest. We do not even need to put you in jail. We can simply shoot you.” ‘They took off my clothes’ Interrogators also committed sexual and gender-based crimes. Saw Han Nway Oo is a transwoman who was arrested and detained in September 2021 by the military on suspicion of having attended self-defence training. She was taken to the Mandalay Palace interrogation centre, which has become notorious for reports of torture. Over three days, she was interrogated at the palace centre and at a police station. She said the interrogators scratched her knees with sharp objects and sprayed methylated spirit over the bleeding wounds. She was not given food or water for three days. “During the interrogation, whenever I used feminine pronouns for myself, they said you are gay, so you must like this and exposed their male genitals in front of me.” They also looked at messages with her doctor and asked if she had had a sex-change operation. They then took off her clothes, looked at her naked body and mocked her. Other LGBTI people also experienced thorough body checks of their private body parts to ‘‘ensure whether they are males or females,” according to one detainee. Humiliating and invasive body searches may constitute torture or other ill-treatment, particularly for transgender detainees. Blindfolded and cut off Arrests are typically conducted during the night. During these night raids, soldiers and police break down doors, beat residents, ransack houses, confiscate electronics such as phones and laptops, and occasionally take valuable items such as jewellery. Protest leader Ma Win was arrested while travelling on a passenger bus in Mandalay Region. She was slapped in the face, handcuffed, blindfolded and driven to an unknown location. During an interrogation lasting more than 24 hours, security forces wearing heavy boots beat and kicked her and repeatedly threatened to kill her. Lawyers who Amnesty International spoke to described facing difficulties when trying to discover their clients’ whereabouts. At times, they resorted to paying bribes to get basic information. The prison facilities are crowded, with one person describing staying with 50 people in a cell meant for 10. Detainees also found dead insects and worms in their food. Though the experience of detention has exacted a profound psychological toll on those who have survived it, many activists are determined to keep resisting. “We will never give up,” Saw Han Nway Oo told Amnesty. “We are like phones, we will recharge once we run out of batteries.”..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication: 2022-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-02
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Title: Human Rights Situation in Mon State, Karen State & Tanintharyi Region, July 2022
Description: "The Military Junta is Continuing to Perpetrate Human Rights Violation with Impunity in Southeastern Myanmar It has now been nearly a year and a half since the military junta attempted their unlawful coup. The regime has failed to honor the wishes of the people who overwhelmingly showed their support for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a landslide victory. Despite earning less than 10% of the vote, the junta claimed electoral fraud without evidence and has since continued to make decisions which have devastated the country’s economy and social, political order. In addition, a humanitarian crisis has plunged one-million civilians into deep poverty as they are forcibly displaced from their homes. Their behavior in the days and months which have passed since 1 February 2021 have been increasingly violent. As the month of July came to a close, human rights violations in target areas of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland continued to be scaled up. Homes have been deliberately scorched by the junta as arbitrary arrests and ongoing raids spark fear in local communities. The international community’s slow will to act has led civilians to fear the worst is yet to come. Without concrete action and a response that makes clear that the junta is not above the rule of law, the Burma Army will continue to commit crimes with impunity. Civilians, including the elderly have not been spared. On 26 June 2022, joint troops of the military junta and soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion No.46 raided five homes in Longlone Township, Dawei. A 60-year old couple were arrested, and had their hands tied behind their backs before being shot to death at close range. The victims were residents of Kadak Gyi village, U Thaung Win, age 61 male, and Daw Win Aye, age 62, female. Homes in Kadagyi village were also destroyed, and some valuables and banknotes were stolen. Environmental degradation is also taking a toll on civilians. Villagers in northern Yebyu township claimed that there had been no compensation for their houses destroyed by a project survey conducted by Yardanar Natural Oil and Gas group in February 2022. In February 2022, officials from the “Yadanar Natural Oil and Gas Project” conducted a survey in the village of Pauk Pin Kwin, located in Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region. The survey destroyed twelve houses, and those who suffered property losses have not received compensation. The Yadanar Natural Oil and Gas Project bought land plots in the village in 2002/2003 but the company did nothing with the land. Eventually local villagers built houses on these plots. After the coup, the company showed renewed interest in their project. Oil companies, like TOTAL, chose to withdraw from the project in light of human rights abuses conducted by the military since the coup. Only Nippon Oil and Gas Exploration and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is controlled by the military junta, continue to support the Yadanar project. Young people, including students and affiliates of the Spring Revolution continue to be targeted by the military junta. A Mawlamyine University student, Ko Myo Thura Aung, who was abducted by the junta forces on June 30th 2022, has not been contacted by his family. He was studying in his fourth year of Physics and is accused of merging with the Civil Disobedience Movement. According to the Mawlamyine University Union, at least thirty students have been arbitrarily detained by the junta since the coup from the University. One student was murdered after being shot. Additional information has been difficult to obtain as the junta is increasingly blocking access to prisons. Members of the NLD and pro-democracy affiliates also continue to be relentlessly targeted. A member of the NLD party chairman who was abducted by the junta forces on June 22, 2022 in Bilin Township, Mon State, was found dead in a ditch on 7 July 2022. According to the local villagers. U Kyaw Myo Min and his coworkers, U Pan Myint and U Ko Ko Maung were arbitrarily arrested by the junta forces in Paw Kee village, Bee Lin Township, Mon State. Based on the NLD’s Human Rights Record Group, the junta has killed nearly 50 former members of Parliament, and over 900 NLD lawmakers have been arrested since the attempted coup on 1 February 2021. Meanwhile, as the junta expands their militarized operations into civilian areas, more people are being forced to abandon their livelihoods and flee. Internally displaced people (IDPs) and war-affected refugees at the Palaw IDPs camps in Tanintharyi are facing food shortages, according to an emergency response team member. The number of IDPs in the Palaw resettlement sites and camps has increased from 1,166 last month to almost 1,950 families this month. This is a rough estimate and may be higher. Crimes such as these are continuing with impunity, and further setting a dangerous precedent that suggests the military junta is above the law. Villagers who have been murdered by the junta during their power spree must be granted justice. The military is guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. These acts have been on display for the world to witness, including news that the military junta executed four political prisoners on the morning of 25 July 2022. Situation Overview in Target Areas Karen State Worsening hostilities in Karen State have prompted calls from rights groups in Burma, including the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), who have drawn attention to the human rights situation. KHRG noted that the junta is continuing to deploy air and ground attacks in civilian areas. A lack of international action and condemnation has granted impunity to military junta soldiers who are continuing to deprive innocent people of their immunity. HURFOM observed rising numbers of displacement as the presence of the Burma Army has led to more villagers fleeing to safer areas in search of refuge and protection. Across HURFOM’s documentation, it is evident that the junta is using the same policies of scorched earth, divide and rule as well as the four cuts. The Burma Army increased their attacks particularly in Karen State, promoting calls for Karen rights groups to call for urgent action including sanctioned aviation fuel, and a global arms embargo. Airstrikes on 1 July, in Thay Baw Boe village and Dooplaya district wounded five civilians, with three in critical condition. HURFOM has documented the growing numbers of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Karen State as the junta increases their presence, despite multiple orders from the Karen National Union (KNU) for the military to immediately retreat and withdraw all their forces. The junta forces in southeastern Dooplaya have been deploying relentless attacks against local villages in the areas with heavy mortar shelling and with airstrikes. At least 7 airstrikes targeted 16 villages located in Dooplaya District. Throughout the month of June 2022 alone, HURFOM reported nearly 3,500 civilians newly displaced in Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region. Mon State The military junta has adopted its scorched earth campaign tactics in Mon State where villagers are unable to return home due to their homes being deliberately set on fire. Residents of Lim Bo Lai village, in the Karen National Union (KNU) administrative area of Thaton Township, saw 61 of their houses burnt to ashes, as well as a monastery and a school. Three villagers were also killed. The bodies of the three villagers were found in the ashes of burned houses. It is possible they were burned alive or burned after being killed. Those who were killed by the military were Saw Samu, age 39, Saw Maung Lupyo, age 55 and Htee Doh Pawee, age 54 who was also a Buddhist monk. The perpetrators of this brutal attack were the junta’s Light Infantry Division No. 44. “In this situation, even if we can return home, there are often no houses left to live in,” said a villager Light Infantry Battalion No. 9 continued to burn remaining houses, destroying more than 60 houses in 4 villages in Thaton township. More than 110 civilians’ houses in 7 villages in Thaton township have been burned to the ground since June 26, 2022. An ongoing concern for civilians in Mon State is the fear of clashes between various armed opposition groups, and the military junta as well as junta-backed militias. They are concerned over the possibility of being targeted by the regime, and subsequently investigated, arrested and tortured. During the first week of July 2022, an unknown armed group invaded No 1023 military base of the Border Guard Force (BGF) located near Htaw Pa Law village, Hla Ka Zine village track, in Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State. The BGF has since abandoned the base after it was burned down. Following this, they retaliated and conducted a search of vehicles passing through the checkpoint. There have been frequent armed clashes in Kha Lae- Da Gon Die area, and now the military base has been burnt down. Local villagers are afraid of being subjected to the junta’s brute force. “They left their houses and fled,” said a villager. Most people moved to Mudon Township, Mon State until it is more secure to move back. Another local who spoke to HURFOM said. “I’ve closed my house and just come back once a week to check its condition. I’m worried that the soldiers will burn down my empty house now that I’ve moved to Mudon.” Tanintharyi Region Tensions in the Tanintharyi region have led to growing instability as ongoing clashes threaten civilian livelihoods. The uncertainty plaguing what unknowns lay ahead has been the cause of ongoing stress and anxiety for residents, many of them displaced multiple times and in need of urgent materials. Junta forces looted and burned homes in Taung Pyouk village track, Dawei. At least ten civilian houses were burnt down between July 15 – 18, 2022, according to the local villagers: “The junta forces burnt down at least five houses only in Ah Lae Su village, which is part of the Taung Pyouk village track, located in Tha Yet Chaung Township,” a local villager told the reporter. Before burning the houses, the soldiers removed all the valuable belongings from the homes, a local source said. Another recalled, “I heard gunshots. There were no armed clashes. It’s just random shooting from one side. I moved my belongings with a truck to Thel Chaung Gyi village,” said a 35 years-old villager from Ah Lae Su village.The military juntas’ forces have bases in the Mya Nadi Mount in Taung Pyouk village track and they have been randomly shooting at nearby villages with heavy weapons every day, according to local sources. More indiscriminate attacks and firing has set course for the worst. On July 19th in the early morning, the junta battalion LIB No. 285 indiscriminately fired with artillery into the Pain-Nae-Taung village, Palaw township, Myeik, Tanintharyi. Villagers said that these attacks killed a 20-year-old man,two injured, and destroyed more than ten homes. Ko Zin Wine, age 20, was killed on the spot. The weapon hit him in the head and neck. The junta forces continued to fire heavy weapons at nearby villages and mountain areas till midnight on July 19, a male villager reported. An estimated 180 villagers fled their homes. According to additional confirmation, one woman and one man were injured because of the artillery attacks. The PDF and junta forces repeatedly clashed in Palaw township during the second week of July. At least three local defense members were killed, including a 30 year old male villager. Locals from Kyaung Shar Kwin area, Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region have told HURFOM that they had to abandon their plantation due to landmines: “A landmine exploded near my plantation. After that, I have not gone back. Another explosion can take place any time.” Between late 2019 and 2020, there have been 10 victims who suffered from landmine explosions in Yebyu Township. Five victims were from the Kyaung Shar Kwin area. Local plantation owners are frightened to go to their lands due to frequent explosions: “I’ve abandoned my plantation. I am afraid to go there. All landmine victims have been my neighbors. If I were injured, my family would be in trouble. That’s why I’ve abandoned my betel nut plantation for three years now,” said a plantation owner from A Lae Sakan village. Both ethnic armed organizations – the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Karen National Union (KNU) are active in this area, but no group has taken responsibility for the landmines. The Dawei District office released a statement on March 16, 2022 stating that both NMSP and KNU had A responsibility to find a solution. Civilians are targeted and extorted regularly on suspicions of supporting or being affiliated with People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). Kyauk-Hlay-Kar village in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei was attacked and extinguished by the junta forces, killing five villagers accused of being PDF members and supporters, according to locals. A 45-year-old Kyauk-Hlay-Kar villager, said three local people were killed when about 70 Junta troops stormed the village on July 10 2022: “They arrested two more villagers on suspicion of being PDFs. Then they shot and killed those villagers when these military columns arrived at Yaung Maw village. A total of five villagers were killed as many locals were fleeing the village. It was estimated about 200 families are fleeing to safer areas. Names of the victims; the exact personal accounts, and locations are being examined by HURFOM. In a related case, on the night of 14 July 2022, two tutors from Myeik University of Technology and Computer University were accused of being linked with the CDMs’ assets and abducted by the junta security forces. They both are female tutors: Daw Ei Ei Phyo and Daw Thi Thi Swe. Some witnesses reported that during the forcible arrest, the soldiers continued beating them. On July 15 night, a fourth year Computer University student, Ma Thuzar Win Htet, 21, was also abducted by the Junta forces with no warrant from her residence. The witnesses reported that the junta troops raided Ma Thuzar’s parents’ home and were arbitrarily arrested. All arrested Tutors and this female student were brought to unknown detention centers, and the updated information was still being investigated. Key Findings Other armed and violent groups like the Pyu Saw Htee and Black Kite Brotherhood are believed to be sponsored by the junta, and they have targeted innocent civilians, predominantly those affiliated with the pro-democracy movement. Organizations providing legal support to women and childen have reported increases in domestic assuaults and rape – particularly of children. Families are scrambling to make a living and provide for themselves and often children are left at home and subject to abuse from strangers, and even family members. Civilian fears over landmines in their villages and places where they farm and secure their livelihoods have posed threats so grave that many dare not return to work or home, in fear of being killed. Prominent pro-democracy politicians and activists, including those affiliated with the National League for Democracy, continue to be targeted by the junta. They are also increasingly being charged under draconian laws and face long, unjust sentences. Devastatingly, four political prisoners were executed by the junta at the end of the month. Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions force people from their homes. Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are regularly confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along key-routes. Civilians were forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs. Torture remains rampant in Burma, and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to grueling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information. The international community including UN bodies and ASEAN are not responding swiftly enough to the situation on the ground in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta. Military impunity remains deeply ingrained into the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only emboldens the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations. The rise of plain-clothes ‘security’ officers is backed by the military junta and have been using intimidation tactics and threats to extort civilians out of money, and their possessions. Cases have been reported across HURFOM’s main target areas. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention by the junta are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas. Recommendations The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following: ● A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court ● Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated global arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta ● Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians ● Targeted sanctions on military junta officials, as well as their families, which puts holds on their financial assets and possessions and undercuts their ability to do corrupt business dealings abroad ● Strengthened and renewed protection mechanisms which grant civilians who are vulnerable and at risk of assault in a position where they are able to access justice referral and accountability pathways ● Renewed and continued funding support for local organizations responding to the needs of their communities on the ground. Cross-border aid pathways must be accessed and all humanitarian aid in the hands of local actors. ● Foreign investors in Burma must immediately cease their operations and withdraw their involvement from all development projects in the country, including but not limited to airports, seaports, and cement businesses. ● An abrupt and immediate halt to the use of torture by the military junta, and further we call for investigations to probe the unlawful deaths of civilians in Burma who have been tortured to death, as well as those who have been forced to endure trauma and long-term injuries as a result..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication: 2022-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-01
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Title: The speech to International Community By H.E Daw Zin Mar Aung Union Minister of Foreign Affairs
Description: "Dear Friends of Myanmar the world over who stand with us in solidarity I I address you today as the Minister o f Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, i on behalf of the National Unity Government, and as a parliamentarian elected to office by the f express will of the people. 1 August 1st marked 18 months o f the people’s revolution. Eighteen months o f shared struggle of 1 resistance, of national unity against an illegal military junta bent on destroying this great beautiful T nation. 1 The darkest days are upon us. War, poverty, terrorism, economic devastation. These are the 1 hallmarks of Min Aung Hlaing and the Junta. And now, in its ever-escalating embrace of atrocities, I we grieve the execution of political prisoners. 1 Each of your calls for - expressions of concern and condemnation is from your side just regrettable 1 failure of sincere intention to facilitate moderation and de-escalation of violence. For us it is J extremely painful loss of lives. For us it is burning the houses and whole villages - destruction of 1 most basic conditions for life of tens of thousands and hundreds of thousand ordinary people who | anyhow have lived on the edge of poverty and in constant struggle to sustain their families. 1 While you are again and again calling for restrain and negotiations, Min Aung Hlaing is hardening 1 his stand. While you call for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to be released, MAH has moved her from | house arrest to prison. I While you put significant and quiet diplomacy to persuade MAH not to carry on executions, he i has killed four political prisoners and junta's spoke person in boosting that "according to law" they I will execute more. 1 Min Aung Hlaing must be stopped once and for all. The senseless and illegal execution of Ko 1 Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw is reprehensible. Once again proved Min Aung lllaing and the junta's showed absolute disregard to international norms, human rights, and amicable resolution to the current crisis. But more gravely a complete contempt and disregard for Myanmar people. Min Aung l llaing has repeatedly exploited and betrayed ASEAN's efforts to help find sustainable political solution This execution further demonstrates the Junta's disregard to the commitments it has made to the current ASEAN chair and ASEAN envoy. Indiscriminate bombings, murder, arbitrary arrests and detentions and destruction o f properties arc intolerable now for our people in every corner of our society. How many more lives docs the international community needs before it can act decisively against the junta? Weapons for Ukraine, air lifts from Afghans, and deafening silence for Myanmar people Who are we to you now? Are we expected to suffer their atrocity more than others? Endless debates on legitimacy and credentials, statements of condemnation, leveraging humanitarian access here and there. Yet nothing for our people, for our effort to restore that is rightly ours- the right to live in safetyw Four of our brothers martyred for their commitment to a free and democratic Myanmar. 41 political prisoners announced for execution. Who will be next? A bounty on the head of those democratically election in 2020 elections who dare to serve our people in health, education, humanitarian response, protection of women and girls. All the while I have respected every request to me to keep meeting secret, to be patient, to be grateful for your attention. All the while I want to scream 'help! help our people need your help'. The Preamble of the United Nations Charter states that "the People o f the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge o f war, which has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaff i rm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth o f the human person, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect fo r the obligations arising from treaties and other sources o f international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards o f life in larger freedom. "" It is time to put this into action. To the United Nations member states, security council and international community , We appreciate the statements of condemnation of the execution our friends but without practical action it is hollow words. Effective, decisive, and united collective action is needed immediately, 1. Cut the revenue streams of Min Aung Hlaing and his terrorist army as efficiently as possible. 2. Suspend all international representations of the junta and prevent any representative of the Junta in any international platforms 3. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) must act swiftly utilizing Responsibility to Protect by sending troops and weapons supplies to our united ethnic and democratic forces. 4. Immediately recognize the National Unity Government as the government of Myanmar and afford us the same right and dignity of all other democratically elected governments in the world today. We have vision for the peaceful future of our country. We have legitimacy. We have sense of responsibility. We have support of the people of country. We care for lives, for rights, for rule of law, for peace, for understanding, for accountability. We care! Start by talking with us instead of either creepingly engaging and legitimizing junta or issuing ineffective statements of regret. None of those is bringing you closer to help us and both of that is bringing us every day closer to death and destruction. As our people die in IDP camps and in people defenses forces trying to protect themselves, we compel international partners to exhaust all possible political and diplomatic means to help realize our yearning for safety, stability, peace, and freedom from the Junta' s dictatorial rule. As I close, I assure you with full voice that the people of Myanmar shall prevail. Peace and justice shall prevail. And we will restore Myanmar to its place among the vanguard of democracies. Our unshakable faith in our revolution carries at its core a commitment to our international obligations and our commitment to development, peace, and stability to our neighboring countries, to our region and to the world. I thank you..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication: 2022-07-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-30
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Title: Open Society Foundations Condemn Horrific Myanmar Executions
Description: "NEW YORK—The Open Society Foundations are appalled and deeply saddened by the recent horrific executions by the military regime in Myanmar of former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The executions are the first in Myanmar in more than three decades. The executions, which were unanimously condemned by the UN Security Council on July 27, mark a further regression in the already dire human rights situation that has prevailed in Myanmar since the military coup of February 2021. Since the coup, Myanmar’s military regime has engaged in countless human rights violations including military air assaults targeting villages of ethnic communities, burning civilian facilities, and cracking down civil society organizations inside the country. Open Society calls on the international community to step up its efforts to end the crisis in the country, with steps including: the imposition of a full arms embargo action to expand the number and type of sanctions on senior military leaders and those around them fully supporting and expediting the work of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar established by the UN Human Rights Council in September 2018 Open Society is also calling on Myanmar to allow unimpeded access to UN investigators and human rights monitors, and urges the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to adopt a more effective diplomatic response to the crisis, drawing on support from civil society and humanitarian groups. We urge G20 leaders and donors to increase support for humanitarian aid, including funding for civil society to document these heinous acts and push for international accountability..."
Source/publisher: Open Society Foundations
Date of publication: 2022-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-29
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Title: Latest Report by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Finds Crimes Against Humanity, War Crimes Perpetrated by the Myanmar Junta
Description: "Today, the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) released, “Resisting a Coup,” a new six-month report which covers human rights violations committed by the Myanmar military junta between January and June 2022. Over the course of the six-month reporting period, the regime torched thousands of homes, and murdered civilians with impunity. Against the backdrop of the violence continues to be a full-fledged humanitarian crisis that has left thousands displaced and living in poverty. ND-Burma calls for immediate international intervention including targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo. Across ND-Burma’s member target areas are cases of extreme violence perpetrated by the soldiers of the Myanmar military. The wide-spread antagonism against the junta has led to the regime responding the only way they know how – by waging more internal conflict. This is evident in the mass numbers of civilians who have been routinely internally displaced. Evidence of the military junta deliberately embarking on a ‘trajectory of terror’ suggest that the regime will not stop their merciless attacks until the masses submit. ND-Burma members have documented crimes committed by the Myanmar Army including arbitrary arrest and detainment, torture, rape and sexual violence, destruction of property, enforced disappearances, murder and others. The acts of violence that the junta has committed amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Accountability for their crimes is long overdue. Further, the ND-Burma calls for an immediate cessation in violence and a retreat of junta soldiers from civilian areas. The international community, including UN bodies, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, must take concrete steps which hold the junta responsible. ND-Burma supports a United Nations Security Council resolution on a global arms embargo, and an immediate referral of the situation of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. We call for diplomatic, political, and economic pressure on the military junta to immediately cease the targeting of the civilian population in Myanmar. Attempts for peace and reconciliation will not be taken seriously under the military junta..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of publication: 2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: Fears for more than 100 dissidents sentenced to death in Myanmar after executions spark condemnation
Description: "he executions of four men have brought into sharp focus the fate of more than 100 people sentenced to death under the regime since the coup in February last year. Student activist Minn Khant Kyaw Linn told the ABC the public was outraged. "There is fear from the family members of death-sentenced victims who are detained. Will their family members be executed in the next round?" But he said the people's hatred of the regime outweighed their fear. "It will just add more fuel to the rebellion of pro-democracy supporters," he said. Seventy-four people in detention have been sentenced to death in Myanmar since the February 1 military takeover, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). A further 41 people were handed death sentences in absentia and are not in the junta's custody, bringing the total to 115. Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation on human rights in Myanmar, has said the estimate is even higher, at around 140. AAPP said two boys under the age of 18 were also initially sentenced to death, but those sentences were revoked and they face re-trial in a juvenile court due to their age. Among the four executed at the weekend were former hip hop artist and MP Phyo Zeya Thaw and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as Jimmy. Both had travelled to Australia in the past and built connections with the diaspora community here. Reports have begun to swirl that further executions could be imminent, but the ABC has been unable to independently verify them. "There is an information blackout from within Insein Prison at the moment. But we know 41 death row political prisoners have been separated [from] other sentenced prisoners," AAPP joint-secretary U Bo Kyi told the ABC. "We do not know if it is a threat or intention to execute. Ultimately, the military does not care for any laws, so who can say." Little is known about the prisoners on death row, who were mostly convicted in closed-door military trials. The AAPP database shows most were sentenced under counter terrorism laws or section 302 of the penal code, which deals with punishment for murder. But U Bo Kyi said the country's penal institution is being "used as a weapon to oppress the people". Dr Justine Chambers, a postdoctoral researcher at the Danish Institute for International Studies, told the ABC many family members would be reluctant to speak out now for fear of painting a target on their backs. "The reason it's so hard to get information on people who are currently on death row is because a lot of their families actually don't want to draw attention to them… in case they become another symbol for the military to show their power," she said. Dr Chambers said Myanmar people had been left shaken by the executions — even under the former military regime, which was regarded as particularly brutal, death sentences had not been carried out in more than 30 years. "The military, I think, was hoping to use these executions to reassert control and instil fear in the population, but actually, it's created anger — it's galvanised people against them," she said. She added while the recent executions could be seen as an escalation in some respects, they took place in the context of the army's ongoing violence. More than 2,100 have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to AAPP, and soldiers who defected have described to the BBC how the military forces burnt people alive and raped girls. Dr Chambers said the military's unpredictability was "terrifying" for ordinary people — whether they were on death row or not. "This constant threat of violence is always there," she said. Children taken as hostages, UN rapporteur says Mr Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur, told ABC's Radio National this week that executing the four prisoners "was a desperate move by a desperate junta". Around 14,000 people have been arbitrarily detained since the coup, among them 1,400 children, he said. "As a matter of fact, 61 children are being held by this junta as hostages, so that their parents, their family members, will give themselves up," he said. "So this killing, these executions, are in the context of a very deep, horrific brutality that's become a living nightmare for people of Myanmar throughout the country." Prior to the executions, Amnesty International had labelled Myanmar's approach to the death penalty as "abolitionist in practice" but had noted a dramatic increase in the number of people sentenced to death since the military seized control. "As resistance to the coup shows no sign of waning, Myanmar's military is getting desperate, so desperate that it is willing to resume executions after more than 30 years in a despicable attempt to terrify the population into submission," an Amnesty regional spokesperson said. "The military will apparently do anything to maintain control, even if that ruins lives and destroys families. International pressure on the Myanmar military must be stepped up. "Silence and inaction will only embolden the military to commit more human rights abuses, which means more lives ruined and more loved ones lost." Australian economist Sean Turnell, an advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, remains in custody in Myanmar and faces trial under the Official Secrets Act. "The Australian government should do even more for the Australian national in arbitrary detention facing a kangaroo court," AAPP's U Bo Kyi said. He said every country in the region must condemn the "execution murders" and had a duty to put strong economic and political pressure on the regime. "The Australian government must work together with like-minded countries and pressure other countries to impose targeted sanctions and stop the flow of weapons used by a military to kill its own people," he said. The ABC understands the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade called in Myanmar's chargé d'affaires on Tuesday and made strong representations condemning the executions. Foreign Minister Penny Wong this week said Australia was "appalled" by the executions and called for an end to the violence, adding that sanctions against members of the military regime were under "active consideration". Myanmar's military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun has defended the executions, saying they were enacted under the law. "I knew it would raise criticism but it was done for justice. It was not personal," he said. Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs also slammed countries for condemning the executions. "The ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms of the Myanmar government's legal actions could be tantamount to interfering in the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism," it said in a statement..."
Source/publisher: "ABC News" (Sydney)
Date of publication: 2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the executions by the military junta in Myanmar
Description: "We, the G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, strongly condemn the four executions by the military junta in Myanmar. These executions, the first in Myanmar in over thirty years, and the absence of fair trials show the junta’s contempt for the unwavering democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. Those executed were prominent members of the democratic opposition – democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu (known as “Ko Jimmy”), former Member of Parliament Phyo Zeyar Thaw, as well as Aung Thura Zaw and Hla Myo Aung. Our thoughts are with the families of the four victims and with those of the many others who have been killed, arrested or tortured in Myanmar since the military illegitimately took over power in February 2021. We continue to condemn in the strongest terms the military coup in Myanmar and express deep concern about the political, economic, social, humanitarian and human rights situation in the country. We call on the military regime to immediately end the use of violence, to refrain from further arbitrary executions, to free all political prisoners and those arbitrarily detained and to return the country to a democratic path. We continue to support efforts by ASEAN, and call for the military to meaningfully implement all aspects of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. This includes an inclusive process of dialogue with a broad range of democratic opposition. We also continue to support efforts by the United Nations, and encourage effective coordination between the ASEAN Special Envoy and the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Canada, Government of France, Government of Italy, Government of Japan, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
Date of publication: 2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: RESISTING A COUP
Description: "Throughout the reporting period of January to June 2022, ND-Burma members witnessed the Myanmar military make a mockery of democratic norms and principles. Our findings make clear that the regime is continuing to act with deeply ingrained impunity amid a full fledged humanitarian crisis which has now seen over one million civilians internally displaced by the junta’s violence.1 When the Myanmar military orchestrated their coup on 1 February 2021, it changed the political discourse in the country. It also triggered a domino-like effect of opposition groups forming to protest the junta’s illegitimate seizure of power. Within the first few months following the overthrow of the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government, a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) which continues to show its strength, emerged. Led by the civil service sector, medics, teachers, engineers and those representing other professions, announced that they would refuse to adhere to their responsibilities under the military junta. In March 2021, the CDM was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize.2 In addition, the Spring Revolution has rallied support through strategic organizing efforts which have even exposed the military junta for violating their own Constitution in the attempted power-grab. The establishment of the National Unity Government (NUG) and the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) were formed as legitimate platforms for formal engagement and diplomacy in Myanmar. Armed opposition groups called People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) were created in direct response to the junta’s violence being deployed against civilians who rejected their illegal coup. Civilians across various backgrounds and ethnicities continue to work in solidarity in fierce opposition to the dictatorship. What has become abundantly clear throughout the reporting period is that the junta is no match against the resilience and bravery of civil society organizations and pro-democracy affiliated organizations, including EROs. While global actors have overwhelmingly failed to respond to the multiple crises in Myanmar with the urgency required, actors inside the country have exemplified bravery by sacrificing their lives for their freedom. Rather than work with trusted, long-time activists, including the NUG, some international bodies have risked legitimizing the junta by working with them..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of publication: 2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Title: လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) နောက်ဆုံးထွက်ရှိသည့် အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် မြန်မာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့်ပြစ်မှုနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိထားသည်
Description: "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ)၊ ND-Burma မှ “အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ခုခံခြင်း” ဆိုသည့် ၆ လပတ်အစီရင်ခံစာထုတ်ပြန်ပြီး ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီမှ ဇွန်လအတွင်း မြန်မာစစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ကျူးလွန် သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို တင်ပြထားသည်။ လွန်ခဲ့သည့် ၆ လအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ သည် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ခတ် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ထောင်နှင့်ချီသည့် အိုးအိမ်များအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး၍ ပြည်သူများအား သတ်ဖြတ်နေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုများကြောင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကြပ်အတည်းများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျှက်ရှိပြီး သောင်းနှင့်ချီသည့် ပြည်သူများ စစ်ပြေးဒုက္ခသည်များအဖြစ် ထွက်ပြေးရကာ ဆင်းရဲကြပ်တည်းစွာ နေထိုင်ကြရသည်။ ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ လှုပ်ရှားနေသည့် ဒေသများတွင် ဆိုးရွားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို မြန်မာ့တပ်မ တော် စစ်သားများက ကျူးလွန်နေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် ၎င်းတို့အား ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဆန့်ကျင် နေမှုအား ၎င်းတို့နားလည်သည့် တခုတည်းသောနည်းလမ်းဖြစ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဖြင့် တုန့်ပြန်သည့်အ တွက် ပြည်တွင်းပဋိပက္ခများ ပိုမိုများပြားလာသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထု အများအပြားမှာ အဆက် မ ပြတ် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးရပြီး လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်းဖြစ်ပေါ်စေသည့် အထောက် အထားများဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့မှ တမင်ရည်ရွယ်၍ ‘ကြောက်မက်ဖွယ် လမ်းကြောင်းသို့ တွန်းပို့နေသဖြင့်’ ၎င်းတို့အား လက်မခံသရွေ့ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သည့် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို အာဏာရှင်တို့က ရပ်ဆိုင်းမည်မဟုတ်ပေ။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ ကျူးလွန်သည့် အတင်းအဓမ္မဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ် စက်ခြင်း၊ မုဒိန်းကျင့်ခြင်းနှင့် လိင် ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ မတရားသိမ်းဆည်းခြင်း၊ လက်စတုန်းဖျောက်ဖျက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ လူသားများအပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ပြစ်မှုနှင့် လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု များကို ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များမှ မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု များအတွက် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံရန်မှာ အချိန်ကြာမြင့်နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာဒေသတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ ချက်ခြင်းရပ်တန့်ရန်နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တပ်များရုပ်သိမ်းရန် ND-Burma မှ တောင်းဆိုသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ASEAN အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေးအတွက် လက်တွေ့ကျသည့် အရေးယူများ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ချမှတ်သည့် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာ လက်နက်တင်ပို့ ရောင်းချမှု ပိတ်ပင်ရေးကို ND-Burma မှ ထောက်ခံကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ မြန်မာ့အခြေအနေအား နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး (ICC) သို့ လွှဲပြောင်းပေးရန်နှင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အပေါ် သံတမန်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးအရ ဖိအားပေး အရေးယူရန် တောင်းဆို ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of publication: 2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ခုခံခြင်း
Description: "ယခုအစီရင်ခံသည့် ကာလဖြစ်သည့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီမှ ဇွန်လတလျှောက် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် ဒီမိုကရေ စီ စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများနှင့် အခြေခံမူများအပေါ် မထီမဲ့မြင်ပြုနေသည်ကို ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များက မျက်ဝါးထင်ထင် မြင်တွေ့ကြရသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ အရိုးစွဲအောင် ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် ဓ လေ့နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုကြောင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကြပ်အတည်းကိုဖြစ်ပေါ်စေပြီး လူဦးရေ တသန်းကျော် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးနေရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေမှာ အကြီးအကျယ်ပြောင်းလဲသွားသည်။ ထို့အတူ တခုပြိုလဲသွားပြီးနောက် ဆင့်ကဲ ရိုက်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်စဥ်အရ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် အတိုက်အခံအင်အားစုများအ ပေါ် ရိုက်ခတ်မှုရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) သောင်ပြိုကမ်းပြို အနိုင်ရပြီး လအနည်း ငယ်အတွင်းမှာပင် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) အားကောင်းလာသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ဝန် ထမ်းများဖြစ်သည့် ဆရာဝန်၊ ကျောင်းဆရာ၊ အင်ဂျင်နီယာနှင့် တခြားနယ်ပယ်အသီးသီးမှ ကျွမ်းကျင်သူများ က စစ်အာဏာရှင်အောက်တွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်း ငြင်းဆန်ကြေငြာခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လတွင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုသည် နိုဘယ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဆုအတွက် အမည်စာရင်း တင်သွင်းခြင်းခံရ သည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အာဏာငမ်းငမ်းတက် ရယူလိုချင်မှုကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့ မူကြမ်းရေးဆွဲခဲ့သည့် ဖွဲ့ စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေကိုပင် ပြန်လည်ချိုးဖာက်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ ဗျူဟာမြောက် စုစည်း ကြိုးပမ်းမှုမှ တဆင့် ထုတ်ဖော်ပြသခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီ (NUCC) တို့ကို တရားဝင် ထိတွေ့ဆက်ဆံမှုနှင့် သံတမန် ဆက်သွယ်မှုအတွက် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ လက်နက်ကိုင် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး (PDFs) အဖွဲ့များကိုလည်း စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင် သည့် အရပ်သားများဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ခိုက်ရန် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည်။ နောက်ခံ အခြေအနေအမျိုးမျိုးနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးအသီးသီးတို့ ညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ဆန့်ကျင်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ ယခုအစီရင်ခံသည့် ကာလအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့သည် အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် EROs အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ၏ ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ခုခံမှုကို ယှဥ်ပြိုင်အံတုနိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ကမ္ဘာ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များ အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်မှုများအပါအဝင် အကြပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ တုန့်ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ပျက်ကွက်နေစဥ်တွင် နိုင်ငံတွင်းရှိ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများက စံပြအနေဖြင့် ရဲရင့်စွာ အသက်ကို ပဓာနမထားပဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည်။ NUG အပါအဝင် ကာလကြာရှည်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် လှုပ်ရှားတက်ကြွသူများနှင့် ယုံကြည်စွာ လက်တွဲ အလုပ်လုပ်ရမည့်အစား နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းအချို့သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် လက်တွဲ၍ ၎င်းတို့အား အသိ အမှတ်ပြုစေသည့် တရားဝင်မှုကို အရဲစွန့် ပေးနေသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးရုံး (OHA) နှင့် ASEAN ၏ လူသားချင်းဆိုင်ရာ ကူညီမှု အဖွဲ့သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ခြေလှမ်းပြင်နေသည်[4]။ အထောက်အပံ့ အကူအညီများကို တလွဲသုံးခြင်းနှင့် စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ၊ ရေ၊ ဆေးဝါးနှင့် အမိုးအကာများ အပါအဝင် အရေးတကြီးလိုအပ်နေသည့် အခြေခံလိုအပ်ချက်များအား ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးနေသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ နှင့် လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ လက်တွေ့မြေပြင်တွင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အားကိုးစိတ်ချ၊ ယုံကြည်ရသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လက်တွဲ လုပ်ဆောင်မည်လား? မြန်မာစစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား အရဲစွန့်၍ တရားဝင်မှုကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုမည်လား? ဟု အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက ကုလသမဂ္ဂအား မေးခွန်းထုတ် တောင်းဆိုနေကြသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများအား တလွဲအသုံးပြုနေသည်ဟု မှတ်တမ်းရှိသည့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ အကူအညီများ ပေးပို့ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့် အရှေ့တောင်အာရှနိုင်ငံများအသင်း (ASEAN) ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အား NUG ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန် ကြီးဌာနသည် ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး (KNU), ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) နှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား တိုးတက်ရေး ပါတီ (KNPP) တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ကန့်ကွက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့က လက်နက်မဲ့ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများအပေါ် စက်ဆုတ်စရာကောင်းအောင် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု များတွင် ကြံရာပါအဖြစ် အရဲစွန့် လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of publication: 2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Atrocity Alert No. 310: Myanmar (Burma), Afghanistan and Libya
Description: "Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes. FIRST EXECUTIONS IN MYANMAR IN DECADES UNDERSCORE ONGOING MILITARY REPRESSION Myanmar’s (Burma) military – also known as the Tatmadaw – announced on 25 July that it had executed two democracy activists, as well as two other men, marking the first known executions in the country since 1988. Accused of violent resistance against the military, all four men – Phyo Zeya Thaw, Kyaw Min Yu (also known as Ko Jimmy), Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw – were sentenced to death by military tribunals during closed, politically motivated trials. Since the February 2021 coup, over 100 people in Myanmar have been sentenced to death, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The executions indicate a grave escalation in the Tatmadaw’s repression. The executions received widespread condemnation from the international community, including from UN Secretary-General António Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and several governments, among others. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said, “these depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?” The executions occurred amidst growing evidence of mass atrocities perpetrated by the military throughout the country, including the scorched earth campaign in the northwest. Last week, the military killed at least ten people and burned approximately 500 homes during a raid on a predominantly Muslim village in Sagaing Region – a resistance stronghold. The victims’ bodies were found burned beyond recognition with their hands bound. Amnesty International also recently reported that the Tatmadaw is “systematically” laying antipersonnel landmines in a “massive scale” in and around at least 20 villages in Kayah State. The military has reportedly laid landmines in homes, on farmland and on church grounds, threatening the lives and livelihoods of civilians in contaminated areas. The military’s use of banned landmines likely amounts to war crimes. The international community – especially ASEAN and the UN Security Council – has a responsibility to respond to the deepening crisis in Myanmar with more than just words. The military should heed the calls of High Commissioner Bachelet by reinstating Myanmar’s de facto suspension on the use of the death penalty. All political prisoners and others arbitrarily detained must be immediately released. Member states must stop providing arms and weapons to Myanmar and support efforts to hold those responsible for atrocities to account..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication: 2022-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: [Joint Statement] Myanmar: Execution of four democracy activists highlights junta’s brutality
Description: "We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the execution carried out by the military junta against four pro-democracy activists in Myanmar. We call on the international community, including ASEAN states, to publicly denounce these grave violations committed by the junta and to hold them accountable for their crimes. The four include prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu better known as ‘Ko Jimmy’, who was arrested in October 2021 and Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a former lawmaker from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and rapper, who was arrested in November 2021 for allegedly committing “terror acts” by the junta. The other two activists are Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. The four pro-democracy activists were convicted of trumped-up charges of terrorism under the draconian 2014 Counterterrorism Law and others laws and sentenced to death in June 2022. Their closed-door trial by secretive military tribunals has been condemned due to a lack of transparency and adherence to the due process of law. Kyaw Min Yu was also allegedly tortured during his detention. We are appalled that family members of the activists were not informed ahead of time that the executions would be carried out. Since news of the executions was released, family members have only received vague answers from officers at Insein Prison, such as that the prison procedures had already been followed. Further, the military junta continues to refuse to disclose the location and condition of the bodies of those executed. When Phyo Zeyar Thaw’s mother requested for his body, the prison officers responded that there is no law that calls for the return of the body to family members. The military junta must clarify the exact date and time that the executions were carried out, as well as immediately provide information on the whereabouts of the bodies. We condemn the cruelty of the military junta and are seriously concerned about the fate of many others who have been sentenced to death by the junta. These appalling actions are serious human rights violations and should be denounced by all members of the international community with calls for justice and accountability. With a total of 117 political prisoners being sentenced to death since the coup, failing to do so will put many other detained activists at risk of suffering the same fate. The executions are reportedly the first known judicial executions for over the three decades in Myanmar. It was undertaken despite repeated calls from human rights groups and the international community to the junta to halt and reverse the decision. The junta has even disregarded the calls from the ASEAN chair, Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, to refrain from carrying out the executions. The execution was conducted three days after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) dismissed the Myanmar military government’s preliminary objections regarding the allegation of genocide against the Rohingya, giving the possibility of the investigation as requested by the Gambia to move forward. Since the coup in February 2021, human rights groups have documented the arbitrary and extrajudicial killings of more than two thousand individuals in the country. Thousands remain in detention facing torture and ill-treatment while the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate government elected by the people of Myanmar in November 2022, was declared a terrorist organisation. The junta has also weaponised humanitarian aid to undermine the resistance movement and to gain legitimacy. Various diplomatic efforts by international and regional mechanisms, including the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus that focuses on a meaningful and inclusive dialogue toward a peaceful solution, have failed to prevent the junta from committing serious human rights violations – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. While some countries have imposed targeted sanctions, others such as Australia and Japan have failed to move in that direction and have effectively relied on the Five-Point Consensus as a solution. By executing the activists, the military junta has sent a strong message that it has no interest in respecting proposals from ASEAN and the international community to uphold democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the country. The international community must urgently step up and immediately deploy stronger actions to halt this brutality and hold the junta accountable..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of publication: 2022-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Over 100 houses burned, 4,000 displaced by SAC scorched earth operation east of Moebye Lake, southern Shan State - ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်း မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ မြေလှန်ဖျက်ဆီးသည့် စစ်ဆင်ရေးကြောင့် နေအိမ်အလုံး၁၀၀ကျော်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရပြီး ပြည်သူ၄၀၀၀ခန့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်း ရှောင်နေရ
Description: "Over 100 houses burned, 4,000 displaced by SAC scorched earth operation east of Moebye Lake, southern Shan State Since mid-May 2022, SAC forces have carried out a scorched earth campaign along the eastern edge of Moebye Lake, in Pekhon (Paikhun) township, southern Shan State, burning down over 100 houses and displacing over 4,000 people from Loi Pao village tract in response to expanded PDF attacks, On May 12, PDF forces from Pekhon attacked a SAC checkpoint (jointly manned by its milita ally the Pa-O National Organisation) at Htiri village in southern Nyaungshwe township, on the main road from Nyaungshwe to Moebye. SAC responded by launching a clearance operation south along this road, deploying LIB 422 and PNO troops into Loi Pao village tract in Pekhon township, east of Moebye Lake. Clashes erupted with local PDF forces, and on May 15 the SAC launched airstrikes over the area. The over 4,000 inhabitants of Loi Pao tract fled in different directions, including north to Hsihseng, Pinlaung and Taunggyi, and south to Loikaw (Karenni State) and Thailand. On May 16, fighting broke out between the SAC and PDF troops at Se Mee Law village, at the southeast end of the lake, and further reinforcements from ID 66 were deployed along the Moebye-Nyaungshwe road, including into Loi Pao tract. On May 16 at 4 pm, SAC troops began torching the village of Hsawng Nam Kay in Loi Pao tract, even though there was no fighting there. The troops doused the houses with petrol before setting fire to them. By the morning, over 40 houses in the village had been burned down. On May 17, at 11 pm, the SAC troops stationed in Loi Pao tract fired artillery shells indiscriminately at Loi Pan Sone village on an island in the Moebye Lake. The shells damaged Loi Pan Sone temple, school, and some houses. The shells also injured two villagers sheltering at the temple. On May 20, after clashes between SAC and PDF forces in Nam Maw Long village, the SAC troops began torching houses in the village. However, due to heavy rain that evening, only three houses were burned. The same night, the SAC troops torched houses in two nearby villages: Loi Pao and Nam Maw Soam. At least 15 houses were burned down. On May 26, the SAC troops based on Loi Mong Ku Hill, east of Loi Pao tract, came down to Mark Khur Kham village and began setting fire to villagers’ houses at 7pm. Over 20 houses were burned down. On June 3, the SAC troops went to Hla Hei village and set fire to over 20 houses. During this time, SAC troops also torched several houses in Koong Mark Lang village. On June 21, SAC troops camped in Nam Maw Long village looted a motorcycle, fertilizer, and ploughing machine from the village, and torched three houses. On June 22, at around 6 pm, the SAC troops set fire to two houses in Loi Pao village. SAC troops remain camped in Loi Pao tract, so villagers dare not return home. The troops are staying in villagers’ houses, which they have ransacked as well as looted. They have also laid land mines around the villages and shot indiscriminately from Loi Mong Ku hill at civilians passing along the main road, so few dare use the road. Most of the inhabitants of Loi Pao tract are Shan, who earn a livelihood from growing rice, corn and avocado, but have been unable to cultivate their fields this year.....ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်း၊မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ မြေလှန်ဖျက်ဆီးသည့် စစ်ဆင်ရေးကြောင့် နေအိမ်အလုံး၁၀၀ကျော်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရပြီး ပြည်သူ၄၀၀၀ခန့် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနစ် မေလလယ်ပိုင်းမှစတင်ကာ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် ကျယ်ပြန့်လာသော ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ် ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့၀င်များ၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကိုတုန့်ပြန်ရန်အတွက် ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်းဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ် မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ ဘက်ခြမ်းတွင် မြေလှန်ဖျက်ဆီးသည့် စစ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကိုပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ရာ နေအိမ်အလုံးတစ်ရာကျော်ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရပြီး လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှ ပြည်သူ ၄၀၀၀ ကျော်သည် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာကာထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ခဲ့ရသည်။ မေလ ၁၂ ရက်တွင် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့မှ ညောင်ရွှေမြို့တောင်ဘက် မိုးဗြဲညောင်ရွှေလမ်း မကြီး ပေါ်ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ပအို၀့်ပြည်သူ့စစ် PNO တို့ပူးတွဲစခန်းချသည့် ထီရီကျေးရွာ ကင်းစခန်းကို ၀င်ရောက်တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ အထက်ပါတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကိုတုန့်ပြန်သည့်အနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါလမ်းကြီးတောင်ဘက်အတိုင်း နယ်မြေ ရှင်းလင်းမှုစစ်ဆင်ရေးကို ခမရ ၄၂၂ တပ်နှင့် PNO တပ်များအား ဖယ်ခုံမြို့ မိုးဗြဲအင်းအရှေ့ဘက်ခြမ်းရှိ လွယ်ပေါ ကျေးရွာအုပ်စုအတွင်းသို့ တပ်ဖြန့်ကာ စတင်ခဲ့သည်။နယ်မြေခံ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များနှင့် တိုက်ပွဲများ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲပြီး မေလ ၁၅ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သည် လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကိုလည်းပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ရာ လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှဒေသခံပြည်သူ ၄၀၀၀ ကျော်သည် နေရာအနှံ့ပြားသို့ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ခဲ့ ရသည်။ ထိုသို့တိမ်း ရှောင်ရာတွင်မြောက်ဘက်ရှိဆီဆိုင်၊ပင်လောင်းနှင့်တောင်ကြီးမြို့များသို့၄င်း တောင်ဘက်ရှိ ကရင်နီပြည် လွိုင်ကော်နှင့် ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံသို့၄င်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ခဲ့ရသည်။ မေလ၁၆ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သား များနှင့်ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ ၀င် များသည် အင်းအရှေ့တောင် ဘက်ခြမ်းရှိ ဆီမီးလော့ကျေးရွာ အနီးတွင်တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ် ပွားခဲ့ပြီး နောက် တပ်မ၆၆မှ စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအပါအ၀င် မိုးဗြဲ-ညောင်ရွှေလမ်းတစ်လျောက် တပ်များဖြန့်ကျက်ကာအင် အားဖြည့်လာခဲ့သည်။ မေလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဆောင်နန်းခဲကျေး ရွာတွင် မည်သည့်တိုက်ပွဲမှဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမရှိသော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ် သား များသည် ညနေ ၄နာရီခွဲမှစတင်ကာ လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စု ဆောင်နန်းခဲ ကျေးရွာတစ်ရွာ လုံးကိုမီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် နေအိမ်များကို ဓာတ်ဆီဖြင့်လောင်း ကာမီးရှို့ခဲ့ကြခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ နောက်တစ်နေ့မနက်တွင် ကျေးရွာအတွင်းရှိနေအိမ် ၄၀ ကျော်သည်မီး လောင်ပျက်စီးသွားခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနစ် မေလ ၁၇ ရက်နေ့ည ၁၁ နာရီ ၀န်းကျင်တွင် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုတွင်နေရာယူထားသော စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် မည်သည့်တိုက်ပွဲမှ ဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမရှိဘဲ မိုးဗြဲအင်းအလယ်တွင်ရှိသောလွယ်ပန်းစုံ (ရေလယ်ကျွန်း)ရွာကိုလက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသန်းပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့်လွယ်ပန်းစုံဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းတွင် တိမ်းရှောင်နေသာ ပြည်သူ ၂ ဦး လက်နက်ထိမှန်ကာဒဏ်ရာရှိခဲ့ပြီး စာသင်ကျောင်း၊ဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းနှင့် လူနေအိမ်အချို့ပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ မေလ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်အတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များ တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြင်းထန်စွာဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စု နန်းပေါ်လုံကျေးရွာကို ညနေ၆နာရီခန့်မှစတင်၍ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။မိုးများသည်းထန် စွာရွာသွန်းလာသဖြင့် နေအိမ် ၃ လုံးသာ မီးကူးစက်ခဲ့ပြီးပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ ထိုညပိုင်း၌ပင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် နန်းပေါ်လုံကျေးရွာနှင့်ထိစပ်လျက်ရှိသော လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာနှင့် နန်းဆွန့် ကျေးရွာရှိနေအိမ်များကို ထပ်မံမီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြရာ နေအိမ် ၁၅ လုံးထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည်။ မေလ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် လွယ်ပေါကျးရွာအုပ်စု အရှေ့ဘက်ရှိ လွယ်မကူးတောင်တွင် စခန်းချထားသော စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများသည် တောင်ပေါ်မှဆင်းလာကာ မခေခမ်းကျေးရွာမှ နေအိမ်များကို ည၇နာရီမှစ၍ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ရာ အိမ်ခြေ ၂၀ ကျော်မီးလောင်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရသည်။ ဇွန်လ၃ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လဟယ်ကျေးရွာသို့ ရောက်ရှိလာကာ လဟယ်ကျေးရွာရှိ နေအိမ်အလုံး၂၀ကိုမီးရှို့ခဲ့သည်။တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် ပိန္နဲကုန်းကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှ နေအိမ်အများအပြားသည်လည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ဇွန်လ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် နန်းပေါ်လုံကျေးရွာတွင် စခန်းချနေထိုင်သော စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများသည် နန်းပေါ်လုံ ကျေး ရွာအတွင်းရှိ နေအိမ်၃လုံးမှဆိုင်ကယ်၊ ဓာတ်မြေသြဇာနှင့်ထွန်စက်များကို လုယက်ခိုးယူပြီးနောက် နေအိမ်များကိုမီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဇွန်လ ၂၂ ရက်နေ့ ည၆နာရီ၀န်းကျင်တွင်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာရှိ နေအိမ် ၂လုံးကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် လွယ်ပေါကျေး ရွာအုပ်စုအတွင်း ဆက်လက်စခန်းချနေထိုင် လျက် ရှိရာဒေသခံ ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့်အိမ်ပြန်ရန် ကြောက်ရွံ့နေကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် ၄င်းတို့ မွှေနှောက် လုယက်ထား သော နေအိမ်များတွင်စခန်းချနေထိုင်ကြပြီးကျေးရွာပတ် လည်တွင်မြေမြုပ်မိုင်းများ ထောင်ထားခြင်း ၊လွယ်မကူး တောင်ပေါ်မှနေ၍လမ်းမကြီး ပေါ်တွင် သွား လာသော ပြည်သူများကိုရမ်းသန်း ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ကြသဖြင့်လမ်းမကြီးကို အသုံးပြုရန် ကြောက်ရွံ့နေကြသည်။ လွယ်ပေါကျေးရွာအုပ်စုအတွင်း နေထိုင်ကြသူအများစုမှာ ရှမ်းလူမျိုးများဖြစ်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အသက်မွေး ၀မ်းကျောင်းအတွက် ဆန်၊ပြောင်းနှင့်ထောပတ် တို့ကိုစိုက်ပျိုး ရာ ယခုနစ်တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ လယ်ယာလုပ်ငန်း များကိုလုပ်ကိုင်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပါ။..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
Date of publication: 2022-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Pro-Junta Mobs Attack Homes of Executed Myanmar Democracy Activists
Description: "The homes of recently executed pro-democracy activists Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw were attacked on Wednesday by mobs of pro-regime thugs who denounced the two men for their anti-junta activities. The apartment of Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s parents in Bo Aung Kyaw Street in downtown Yangon was pelted with stones and other projectiles by nearly a dozen junta-backed thugs on Wednesday afternoon. They cursed the executed activist’s parents. In a video shared by pro-junta groups they can be seen hurling projectiles at the apartment and condemning the lawmaker’s mother, Daw Khin Win May, for telling the media she was proud of her son following his execution. She confirmed to The Irrawaddy that their apartment was under attack. The regime executed Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, another democracy activist, Ko Jimmy, and two other men during the weekend after sentencing them to death under the counter-terrorism law for masterminding the armed struggle against the regime and being involved in anti-junta activities. The world has condemned the hangings. On Wednesday, pro-regime Telegram channels said “people against of violence” perpetrated the attack and shared the video online. A mob also gathered in front of the house of the late Ko Jimmy in Yangon’s Insein Township on Wednesday, hurling stones at the building while denouncing him for his anti-regime activism. Pro-junta groups on social media shared a video of the attack and called it “a demonstration by people who want peace and against violence.” The attacks came one day after the regime’s spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said at a press conference that those executed were not democracy activists, but killers deserving of their punishment. “They have committed crimes for which they should have been given death sentences many times,” said Zaw Min Tun. In response to the international condemnations of the executions, the regime’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on Tuesday that it protested “in the strongest terms on the statements issued by certain countries and regional/international organizations.” “The Ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms on the Myanmar government’s legal actions could be tantamount to interfering the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism,” it said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ၏ တော်လှန်ရေး သန္နိဌာန် ကြေညာချက်
Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဦးဂျင်မီ (ခ) ဦးကျော်မင်းယု၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးကြောင်း ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်မှုသည် ပြဌာန်း သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ဥပဒေများ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများနှင့်ညီညွတ်မှု လုံးဝမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက် လူသတ်မှု သက်သက်သာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် နေပြည်တော်၌ မမြသွဲ့သွဲ့ခိုင်အား ကျည်အစစ်ဖြင့် ဦးခေါင်းသို့ ပစ်ခတ်ချိန်မှ စ၍ နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ဥပဒေမဲ့ လက်ရဲဇက်ရဲ ကျူးလွန်နေသော ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ခွင့်မလွှတ်နိုင်သော နောက်ထပ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးတစ်ခု ဖြစ် သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ပြည်သူလူထုအား အထူးသဖြင့် လူနည်းစုတိုင်းရင်းသားများအား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအား ထပ်မံ အတည်ပြုခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အပြုသဘောဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံချဉ်းကပ်ခြင်းသည် ပြေလည် စေမည့် အဖြေဖြစ်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်နေသူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ သဘောထားအမှန်ကို နားလည်သဘောပေါက်သင့်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားအားလုံးသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဖက်ဆစ်စနစ်ကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ်ဖြင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေရှိသည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ်သည်အထိ ပြတ်ပြတ် သားသားတော်လှန်ကြရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းကို ငြင်းပယ် ထားသော အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေး၊ ပိတ်ဆို့ဟန့်တားရေးနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲနေသော ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အင်အားစုအားလုံးကို အဖက်ဖက်မှ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရေး တို့ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ထိရောက်စွာ အရှိန်မြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြရန် တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေ၏ပန်းတိုင်သည် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ဆန့် ကျင် တိုက်ဖျက်ပြီးနောက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ရန်ဖြစ်သည်ဟူသော အချက်မှာ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများ၏ ဘုံတူညီသောရည်မှန်းချက်အဖြစ် ရှင်းလင်းပြတ်သားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဤကြေညာချက်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ ဆင်နွဲနေသည့် ဖက်ဆစ် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်မြေလှန်ပစ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အဆုံးသတ်တိုက်ပွဲများ၏ ခရာတွတ်သံ ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အင်တိုက်အားတိုက် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စစ်ရေး၊ သံတမန်ရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး စစ်မျက်နှာစုံတွင် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းအားလုံးကို အသုံးပြုပြီး ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်အောင် ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ် မဆုတ်မနစ် ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု ခိုင်မာသော သန္နိဌာန်ဖြင့် အဓိဌာန်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front, National League for Democracy and All Burma Students' Democratic Front
Date of publication: 2022-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: AAPP Statement on the 25th of July Extrajudicial Executions
Description: "The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners is devastated by news today from the military-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar[1], that Ko Jimmy (aka Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were executed over the weekend. These four political prisoners were detained by an illegal and murderous junta. The trial was a kangaroo court. Any forced confessions the outcome of mental and physical abuse. Relatives and friends are in agony because of the actions of the Prison Department and junta leaders who have imposed an information blackout from inside the walls of Insein. According to Chapter VIII Section XIV of the Burma Jail Manual, paragraph 660 the body of executed prisoners “shall be carried outside the main gate and there delivered over to them [relatives or friends]. In addition to this, per paragraph 661 when the sentence has been executed the Superintendent shall “return the warrant to the court from which it issued… certifying the manner in which the sentence has been carried out”. Even if the dead bodies have not been returned, paragraph 1027 stipulates that graves shall be marked with “the name of the deceased, his residence and the date of his death”. And yet, the military junta is refusing to disclose their location and condition, with only vague wording and unclear messages following news the execution was carried out. Junta officials must verify the exact date and time the executions were carried out. As well as where the dead body is now. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said “If they executed the four it is a crime, Min Aung Hlaing committed murder. The junta is illegal, unelected by the people, they have no right to execute”. This appalling event must be a wake-up call for diplomats. Promises were supposedly made these executions – which could constitute a war crime and crime against humanity[2] – would not take place. The last execution of political prisoners was between 1986 and 1987, when three Karen resistance fighters were condemned by the previous murderous junta. Junta leaders are again telling the world they refuse dialogue. As Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar put it, “the status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected”. Since the coup 76 political prisoners have been sentenced to death under detention, while 41 others are evading a death sentence warrant. In total, 117 sentenced to death political prisoners..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar Junta Executes Four
Description: "(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta on July 25, 2022, reported the execution of four men in the country’s first death sentences carried out in over 30 years. The men put to death were Phyo Zeya Thaw, 41; Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” 53; Hla Myo Aung; and Aung Thura Zaw, all of whom were convicted after closed trials that fell far short of international standards. A military tribunal sentenced Ko Jimmy and Phyo Zeya Thaw to death on January 21 under Myanmar’s overbroad Counterterrorism Law of 2014. Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were convicted in April 2021 for allegedly killing a military informant. Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all countries and under all circumstances because of its inherent cruelty and finality, and has long called on Myanmar to end all use of the death penalty. “The Myanmar junta’s execution of four men was an act of utter cruelty,” said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “These executions, including of activist Ko Jimmy and opposition lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, followed grossly unjust and politically motivated military trials. This horrific news was compounded by the junta’s failure to notify the men’s families, who learned about the executions through the junta’s media reports. “The junta’s barbarity and callous disregard for human life aims to chill the anti-coup protest movement. European Union member states, the United States, and other governments should show the junta that there will be a reckoning for its crimes. They should demand immediate measures, including the release of all political prisoners, and let the junta know the atrocities it commits have consequences.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar/Burma: Declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the execution of pro-democracy and opposition leaders in Myanmar/Burma
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has executed former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’ as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The European Union strongly condemns the executions and expresses its sincere condolences to the bereaved families and friends of the victims. These politically motivated executions represent yet another step towards the complete dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar. The four men were the first prisoners to be executed in Myanmar in more than three decades, a move that is contrary to the overall worldwide trend to abolish the death penalty. The European Union is fundamentally opposed to the death penalty as an inhumane, cruel and irreversible punishment that violates the inalienable right to life. The executions are reprehensible acts that show that the military authorities have no respect for the life or dignity of the very people they are supposed to protect. They will only exacerbate the polarization, violence and dramatic humanitarian situation in Myanmar. The EU stands unequivocally with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom, and urges the military regime to end all acts of violence without further delay and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained, as well as to return to a democratic path. We will continue to support all efforts by the United Nations and ASEAN to this end..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: Myanmar: First executions in decades mark atrocious escalation in state repression
Description: "Responding to reports that Myanmar’s military authorities have carried out executions for the first time since the late 1980s, Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght said:  “These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record. The four men were convicted by a military court in highly secretive and deeply unfair trials. The international community must act immediately as more than 100 people are believed to be on death row after being convicted in similar proceedings.” These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record. Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght “For more than a year now, Myanmar’s military authorities have engaged in extrajudicial killings, torture and a whole gamut of human rights violations. The military will only continue to trample on people’s lives if they are not held accountable.” “At a time when more and more countries take steps to abolish the death penalty, the resumption of executions after more than three decades not only puts it at odds with the global trend, but is also contrary to the goal of abolition enshrined under international human rights law and standards. Myanmar’s isolation could not be any more glaring. We urge the authorities to immediately establish a moratorium on executions as a first critical step.” Background: According to Myanmar state media, four executions have been carried out. Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, also known as Ko Jimmy, were convicted of and sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January for offenses involving explosives, bombings and financing terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Law – charges that Amnesty International believes to be politically motivated. Two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, convicted of the alleged murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar in Yangon, also had their death sentences confirmed. All four were named in the report in state-run newspaper Global New Light of Myanmar. The proceedings before a military-controlled court were secretive and grossly unfair. Following Myanmar military’s issuance of Martial Law Order 3/2021, the authority to try civilians was transferred to special or existing military tribunals where individuals are tried through summary proceedings without right to appeal. These courts oversee a wide range of offences including those punishable with the death penalty. Under international law and standards, executions carried out following unfair trials violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life, as well as the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment. Myanmar’s last known execution was in the late 1980s. Since the military coup in February 2021, Amnesty International has recorded an alarming increase in the resort to the death penalty in Myanmar, where it has become a tool for the military in the ongoing persecution, intimidation and harassment of all who dare to challenge the authorities. Amnesty International opposes the death penalty unconditionally, in all cases and under any circumstances. More than two-thirds of countries all over the world have abolished the punishment in law or practice..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.17/2022 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၇/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၃ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဝါဒဖြန့်ချိရေး လမ်းကြောင်းများမှနေ၍ ဦးကျော်မင်းယု(ခ) ဦးဂျင်မီ ၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော် ၊ ဦးလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အား ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးဖြစ်သည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး အင်းစိန်အကျဉ်းထောင်သို့ သွားရောက်စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းသော မိသားစုဝင်များကို အကျဉ်းထောင်အာဏာပိုင်များက ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အတိုင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု အတည်ပြုခဲ့ပြီး ကျန်ရစ်သော ရုပ်ကလာပ်များကိုလဲ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း အကြောင်းပြန်ခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရှိရပါသည်။ ၈၈ မျိုးဆက် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်ပြီး ၈၈ မျိုးဆက် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ပွင့်လင်းလူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ ထူထောင်သူတစ်ဦးလဲဖြစ် မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူ တစ်ဦးလဲဖြစ်သည့် ဦးကျော်မင်းယု(ခ) ဦးဂျင်မီ နှင့် အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် အဖွဲ့ဝင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် တစ်ဦးဖြစ်ခဲ့သည့် ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော် အပါအဝင် ဦးလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အား တရားဥပဒေမဲ့စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် ဥပဒေအရ၊ လူ့ကျင့်ဝတ်စံနှုန်းများအရ မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ လက်သင့်ခံနိုင်ဖွယ်မရှိသောလုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ကာ အဆိုပါ ကိစ္စရပ်တွင် တာဝန်ရှိသူ တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက် မကျန် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစွာဖြင့် တရားဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခံရစေရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်း၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးနည်းလမ်း၊ စစ်ရေးနည်းလမ်း စသည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ထိရောက်ပြင်းထန်သော တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက် မှုများကို စနစ်တကျ စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း တရားမဲ့သတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရသူများအပါအဝင် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလ တလျောက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မတရား ဖမ်းဆီး နှိပ်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ကြရသည့် နွေဦးသူရဲကောင်းအားလုံးတို့၏ ရင်းနှီးပေးဆပ်ခဲ့မှုများအတွက် ကျန်ရစ်သူ မိသားစုများ၊ မိတ်ဆွေသူငယ်ချင်းများ အားလုံးနှင့်ထပ်တူ ပူဆွေးဝမ်းနည်းရပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြလျက် ဦးညွတ်အလေးပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကျဆုံးသွားကြသော နွေဦးသူရဲကောင်းများ၏ ကျေးဇူးဂုဏ်ကို ဦးထိပ်ပန်လျက် အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်ဝါဒ မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ အပြီးတိုင် အမြစ်ပြတ်ပျောက်ကွယ်သွားစေရေးကို ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်အတူ တွဲလက်မြဲမြံစွာဖြင့် အဆုံးတိုင် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု သန္နိဌာန်ပြုပါသည်။ ပြည်သူများ၊ မြေပြင်တွင် အသက်စွန့် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးရဲဘော် ရဲဘက်များအားလုံး သည်လည်း ပူဆွေးဝမ်းနည်းစိတ်၊ နာကျင်ခံပြင်းစိတ်များကို စိတ်ခွန်အားများအဖြစ်ပြောင်းလဲပြီး တော်လှန်ရေးကို ကျရာနေရာမှပါဝင်ကာ အောင်မြင်ပြီးဆုံးသည်အထိ မဆုတ်မနစ် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားကြမည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူ တော်လှန်ရေးခေါင်းဆောင်များအား ယခုကဲ့သို့ တရားမဲ့ကျူးလွန် သတ်ဖြတ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံ၏အကျပ်အတည်းကို နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ အဖြေရှာရန် လုံးဝဆန္ဒမရှိသည်ကို ထပ်မံသက်သေထူပြသခြင်း ဖြစ်ပေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်အား အပြုသဘောဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံချဉ်းကပ်ခြင်းသည် လက်ရှိရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံရေးအကျပ်အတည်းကို ပြေလည်စေမည့် အဖြေဖြစ်နိုင် လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်နေသူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ သဘောထား အမှန်ကို နားလည်သဘောပေါက်ကြသင့်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားကြသော နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဖက် နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော လုပ်ရပ်များ ရပ်တန့်ပြီး နောင်အနာဂတ်တွင် ယခုကဲ့သို့ကျူးလွန်မှုများ ထပ်မံပေါ်ပေါက်ခြင်းမရှိစေရန်အတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားညီနောင်အင်အားစုများ၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး လှုပ်ရှားရုန်းကန်နေကြသူများနှင့် အတူရပ်တည်ပြီး မြန်ဆန်ထိရောက်သော အကူအညီများ ပေးခြင်းဖြင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စု တစ်ခုလုံးအပေါ်ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်စနစ်ကို အဆုံးသတ်ပေးကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းပြောကြားလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Regarding Executions of Myanmar Citizens including Pro-democracy Activists (Statement by Foreign Minister HAYASHI Yoshimasa)
Description: "On July 25, the Myanmar’s state-owned newspaper reported that the executions of Myanmar citizens including pro-democracy activists were carried out according to the relevant department, despite the strong calls against it from the international community including Japan and the ASEAN Chair to the Myanmar military. Japan seriously deplores these actions by the Myanmar military, as they completely go against the “release of the detainees” which Japan has consistently called for, and also lead to deeper conflict due to the hardening of public sentiment and further isolation of Myanmar from the international community. Japan expresses its deepest condolences to the families of all those who have lost their lives after the coup. Japan will continue to support the efforts of ASEAN, including Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair, to improve the situation in Myanmar. Japan once again strongly urges the Myanmar military to faithfully work towards the peaceful resolution of the situation through taking concrete actions to (1) immediately stop the violence, (2) release those who are detained, and (3) swiftly restore Myanmar’s democratic political system and swiftly implementing ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus.”..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Secretary-General Strongly Condemns Executions by Myanmar Military against Political Activists
Description: "The following statement was issued today by the Spokesman for UN Secretary-General António Guterres: The Secretary-General strongly condemns the executions carried out this weekend by the Myanmar military against four political activists in Myanmar — Phyo Zeya Thaw, Kyaw Min Yu (Ko Jimmy), Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw — and offers his condolences to their families. The Secretary-General opposes the imposition of death penalty in all circumstances. These executions, the first to be conducted since 1988 in Myanmar, mark a further deterioration of the already dire human rights environment in Myanmar. The Secretary-General reiterates his call for the immediate release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi..."
Source/publisher: United Nations
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Southeast Asian MPs condemn barbaric executions of four political prisoners in Myanmar
Description: "JAKARTA – The recent executions of four political prisoners at the hands of the illegal military junta in Myanmar is an act of judicial barbarism, Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia have denounced today, after the state media announced that the death sentences have been carried out on an unspecified date at Insein Prison, in Yangon. The four executed men, all charged under anti-terrorism laws, are Phyo Zeya Thaw, former lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD); the prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’; Aung Thura Zaw; and Hla Myo Aung. These death sentences are the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988, according to Amnesty International, which hitherto has considered the country as “Abolitionist in Practice”. “These executions are nothing but appalling acts of evil committed by a brutal junta that has shown no qualms about waging a war against the Myanmar population in order to cement its power. The global community, and all ASEAN members in particular, should take these cold-blooded assassinations as yet another wake up call on the true nature of the regime of terror that the Myanmar military is attempting to impose in the country,” said Eva Sundari, former member of the House of Representatives in Indonesia and Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). According to the Myanmar group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 22 July there were 76 prisoners in Myanmar sentenced to death, including two children, while 41 people have been given the death penalty in absentia. Since the coup on 1 February 2021, at least 2114 people have been killed by the self-styled State Administration Council (SAC), led by General Min Aung Hlaing, in its campaign to suppress the widespread opposition to military rule. These death sentences should be viewed as an attempt by the Myanmar military to provide a veneer of legality to political assassination. Yet it is evident that these sentences were handed without fairness, by military tribunals conducting trials lacking in any respect for due process, APHR denounced. “It is clear that these executions are made to strike fear among representatives of the democratic forces and political activists who oppose the junta . We believe that all those accused by the military junta are tried in secret, unfair and biased trials with no legal safeguards. Many political prisoners are subjected to torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and now there are dozens of prisoners in Myanmar jails who could be executed at any moment,” said Tom Villarin, former Philippine MP and APHR Board Member. “Not even the previous military regime, which ruled the country between 1988 and 2011, dared to carry out the death penalty against political prisoners. This means yet another increase in the junta’s brutality, which comes from a sense of impunity largely fostered by the failure of the global community to do anything effective to prevent it from committing further atrocities,” said Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament from Malaysia, and APHR Chairperson. The executions also serve as proof that the SAC led by Min Aung Hlaing has no intention to engage in any meaningful political dialogue with the pro-democracy forces led by the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). Such a dialogue, one of the key points of the Five-Point Consensus agreed by ASEAN member states and Min Aung Hlaing’s junta in April 2021, has never materialized. The Consensus also called for an immediate cessation of violence, something that the Myanmar military, which continues shelling villages and killing protesters, has also failed to implement. Yet the Myanmar military, in its all-out war over its people is committing “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses” that may amount to “war crimes and crimes against humanity,” according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. “The junta’s contempt for the agreement it signed is clear, especially considering that the announcement of these executions comes two weeks after the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair to Myanmar, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, visited the country. The Special Envoy, and ASEAN members, should condemn these executions, and seriously rethink their approach to the crisis in Myanmar. For starters, they should begin exerting pressure on the SAC with targeted sanctions and travel bans in the region in order to show Min Aung Hlaing and his men that they cannot commit their crimes with impunity,” said Kasit Piromya, former MP and Foreign Minister in Thailand, and APHR Board Member..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: UN and ASEAN Must Respond to Junta’s Summary Executions
Description: "25 July 2022: The summary executions of political prisoners are further abhorrent acts of terror by a military junta desperately trying to ensure its own survival. The United Nations (UN) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shamefully failing the Myanmar people and finally take concerted action against the junta, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Myanmar military propaganda reported today that democracy activists Kyaw Min Yu, also known as “Ko Jimmy,” and Phyo Zeya Thaw, also a former member of parliament, as well as two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, were executed in prison. The military first announced its plans to carry out the executions in June 2022. The four individuals were sentenced to death by a military tribunal acting contrary to international standards of justice and due process. The courts in Myanmar under the control of the military junta are not independent and work only to serve the interests of the junta. “The military has been executing Myanmar people in their thousands for the last 60 years and these are but the latest,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “What makes these executions especially revolting, however, is the military’s blatant attempt to give them the appearance of judicial legitimacy, though the military court was a sham, a mockery of justice, fairness and due process. No one is fooled.” The Myanmar military has been losing ground to the democratic resistance since it launched a failed coup eighteen months ago. The junta is detaining at least 11,759 political prisoners in its jails without access to legal representation, including many of the 114 people it has sentenced to death since February 2021. 41 people have been sentenced to death in absentia. Multiple, credible reports have been made of systematic torture, sometimes resulting in death, occurring in military detention. Across the country the junta is committing further massive human rights violations in an attempt to crush democratic resistance, but it is unable to defeat the national uprising revolting against Myanmar’s long-established military-dominated system. “The military junta is acting with total barbarism. The despicable execution of these four men – that amount to summary executions – are intended entirely to drive fear into the hearts of anyone opposing the junta. That is an act of terror by any UN definition,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The junta is a massive militarised force that is waging war against the civilian population of Myanmar and is therefore primary accountable for the highest degree of violence currently prevailing, which these executions are the most manifest. The junta fails to understand that every act of brutality is only strengthening the resolve of the entire nation against it.” The international community has failed shamefully to protect the Myanmar people from the junta’s extreme and escalating violence. UN Member States have been slow to grant formal recognition to the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). The UN Security Council is yet to even table a single resolution on Myanmar, despite the gravity of the situation and the threat to international peace and security. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus agreed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021 is a failure with the junta making no progress towards its implementation. Current ASEAN Chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, wrote publicly to Min Aung Hlaing requesting that he refrain from carrying out the planned executions. By going ahead with them, Min Aung Hlaing has demonstrated that no one has the diplomatic leverage to curb his atrocities. “It is long past time for a new approach to Myanmar’s crisis,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The international failure of the Myanmar people cannot continue. Min Aung Hlaing and his illegal barbaric junta are not people that can be reasoned with. The UN and ASEAN must exert as much pressure on the junta as possible to bring this crisis to an end.” SAC-M is calling for all UN Member States to formally recognise the NUG. The UN Security Council should pass a resolution on Myanmar referring the situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC). States parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC should also refer the situation in Myanmar to the Court. If the ICC cannot act, then the General Assembly or the Human Rights Council should establish a special tribunal on Myanmar to begin the prosecutorial process and bring Min Aung Hlaing, the junta leaders and their cronies to justice. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to maintain permanently its rejection of Min Aung Hlaing and the military junta from participation in ASEAN meetings as a consequence of its abrogation of the Five-Point Consensus and contempt for the efforts of successive ASEAN Chairs. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to work with the NUG to develop a new roadmap towards resolving the crisis, beginning with the urgent provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: UN Special Rapporteurs appeal for strong international response in the wake of ‘devastating’ executions by Myanmar junta
Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, and the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial summary or arbitrary executions, Morris Tidball-Binz, today condemned the Myanmar junta’s execution of four individuals, as reported by the junta. “We are outraged and devastated at the news of the junta’s execution of Myanmar patriots and champions of human rights and democracy. Our hearts goes out to their families, friends and loved ones and indeed all the people of Myanmar who are victims of the junta’s escalating atrocities,” the UN Experts* said. "These individuals were tried, convicted, and sentenced by a military tribunal on 21 January without the right of appeal and reportedly without legal counsel, in violation of international human rights law," Andrews and Tidball-Binz said. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, military tribunals have sentenced a total of 117 individuals to death, including 41 in absentia. “These depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?" they said. "The widespread and systematic murders of protesters, indiscriminate attacks against entire villages, and now the execution of opposition leaders, demands an immediate and firm response by member states of the United Nations. The status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected.” “Having made a mockery of the Five Point Consensus, Min Aung Hlaing has now callously rejected the personal appeal of the Chair of ASEAN, Prime Minister Hun Sen, to spare the lives these individuals. ASEAN – and indeed all UN Member States—must take action that is commensurate with this outrage.” ENDS **The experts: Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; Mr. Morris Tidball-Binz Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial summary or arbitrary executions The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂၅ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို တရားလက်လွတ် သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "ကိုဂျင်မီ (ခ) ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြီးခဲ့သော သတင်းပတ်တွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးလိုက်ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း မြန်မာ့အလင်းသတင်းစာတွင်[1] ယနေ့ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက် သည့် သတင်းကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး အသင်းအနေဖြင့် အထူးဝမ်းနည်း ကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ မတရားသဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာကို လုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ဥပဒေဘောင်မဝင်သော တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရုပ်ပိုင်း ဆိုင်ရာ နှိပ်စက်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အတင်းအကြပ် ဝန်ခံထွက်ခိုင်းစေမှုများ လုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အကျဉ်းဦးစီးဌာနနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ အင်းစိန်ထောင်အတွင်းမှ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ဖုံးကွယ်ထား မှုကြောင့် ဆွေမျိုးသားချင်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဆွေများသည် ပူပန်သောက ရောက်ကြရသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အခန်း ၈၊ ပုဒ်မ ၁၄၊ အပိုဒ် ၆၆၀ အရ သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ခံရသော အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အား “ထောင်အကျဥ်းတံခါးပေါက်အပြင်သို့ သယ်ဆောင်သွားပြီးနောက် ထိုနေရာတွင် ဆွေမျိုးများ (သို့) မိတ်ဆွေများထံ ပေးအပ်ရမည်”ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အပိုဒ် ၆၆၁ အရ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးလျှင် “အကျဥ်းထောင်တာဝန်ခံသည် (ဝရမ်းအား ထုတ်ဆင့်သည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြန်လည်ပေးပို့ပြီး) ဝရမ်းထုတ်ပေးသည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း မည်သို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးစီးကြောင်းကို အောက်ပါပုံစံဖြင့် မှန်ကန်ကြောင်း ထောက်ခံချက်ပြုလုပ်ပြီး ပြန်ပို့ပေး ရမည်”ဟု ဖော်ပြပါရှိသည်။ သေဆုံးသူ၏ရုပ်အလောင်းကို အထူးအကြောင်းတစ်စုံတရာကြောင့် ပြန်လည် မပေးအပ်ခဲ့လျှင် “မြှုပ်နှံသော သင်္ချိုင်းမြေနေရာများတွင် သေဆုံးသူ၏ အမည်၊ နေရပ်လိပ်စာနှင့် သေဆုံး သည့် နေ့ရက်တို့ကို မှတ်သားထားရှိရမည်”ဟု အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အပိုဒ် ၁၀၂၇ တွင် ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၄) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် သတင်းများထွက်ရှိလာပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသူတို့နှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် တည်နေရာနှင့် အခြေအနေများကို ရှင်းရှင်း လင်းလင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ထားခြင်းမရှိသေးပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ရှိသူများအနေဖြင့် သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် နေ့ရက်၊ အချိန်အတိအကျနှင့် အခုလက်ရှိ ရုပ်အလောင်းကို မည့်သည့်နေရာမှာထားရှိသည်ကို အတည်ပြု ထုတ်ပြန် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP)၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “ဒါလူသတ်မှုကျူးလွန်တာပဲ။ သူတို့က တရားဝင် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံထားရတဲ့ အစိုးရမဟုတ်ဘူး။ သူတို့မှာ ဒါမျိုးလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဘူး။ အခုလို လူသတ်အလောင်းဖျောက်တဲ့လုပ်ရပ်ဟာ သူရဲဘောကြောင်သူတွေရဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်သာ ဖြစ်ပြီး အကြီးမားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တာ ဖြစ်တယ်”ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။ ဤ ထိတ်လန့်တုန်လှုပ်စရာ သေဒဏ်ပေးသည့်ဖြစ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာသံတမန်များ အနေဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက် စက်၍ လူမဆန်သောလုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ပြန်လည်သတိမူနိုးကြားလာရမည့် ကိစ္စရပ်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု ကို ထောက်ခံသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာအာဏာရှင်များက စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုများတွင် အကျုံး ဝင်နိုင်သည့်[2] သေဒဏ်ကိုလက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးခြင်းမျိုး မပြုတန်ရာဟု ပြောဆိုနှစ်သိမ့်ခဲ့ကြသော်လည်း အမှန် တကယ်အားဖြင့်မူ စစ်အုပ်စုက ၎င်း၏သရုပ်မှန်ကို ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီးနေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အစိုးရလက်ထက်တွင် ကရင်တော်လှန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲဝင် ရဲဘော် (၃) ဦးကို ၁၉၈၆ ခုနှစ်နှင့် ၁၉၈၇ ခုနှစ် တို့၌ သေဒဏ်စီရင်ချက်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို နောက်ဆုံး သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ကွပ်မျက်လိုက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအရတွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးမှုမလုပ်နိုင်ဟု ငြင်းဆိုလိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Tom Andrews က “နိုင်ငံတကာရဲ့ နဂိုနေမြဲအတိုင်း နေနေ တဲ့ အနေအထားကို ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသားပယ်ချရမယ်” ​ ဟုဆိုထားသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ ယနေ့အထိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၇၆) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် (၄၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁၇) ဦး ရှိနေ သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (12/2022)
Description: "1. NUG Acting President meets with UNHCR, requests OHCHR for technical assistance.4/07/2022...The Acting President Duwa Lashi La met virtually with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet. The president thanked the high commissioner for her abiding commitment to the democratic aspirations and human rights of the Myanmar people and for her calls to the international community to directly engage with the National Unity Government. On behalf of Myanmar, the president also pledged to continue the nation’s commitment to its international human rights obligations and requested OHCHR to offer technical assistance to this end...... 2. NUG letter expressing gratitude toward all Islamic believers who have joined the resistance against military regime...On Eid al-Adha, the NUG expressed its appreciation for all Muslims who have taken part in the revolution against the military regime. It is the responsibility of all people to restore justice and to fight for genuine lasting peace. The establishment of a federal democratic union, for which we are now fighting is the only way to ensure true and lasting protections for all of Myanmar’s communities, including out Muslims brothers and sisters who have been marginalised and targeted under the military dictatorship for decades......3. Home Affairs Ministry of the NUG collects valid evidence of two Indian citizens who were murdered and resolves the case system- atically 12/07/2022...Prime Minister Mann Win Khaing Than commented on the murder of two Indian citizens which took place on the 5th of July in Tamu town. The NUG previously stat- ed that evidence has been collected by the Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration (MOHAI) on this case, and their investigation concluded that Mr. P. Mohan (28) and Mr Aiyanar (35) were shot dead by members of the Pyusawhti - a paramilitary terrorist group backed by the military - near Basic Education School No. 4, in Saw Bwar Ward. The same day, the bodies were cre- mated by SAC-backed administrators to destroy evi- dence before the families could sue for the return of the bodies, or proper forensic investigations could be carried out. In the 61st cabinet meeting, the prime minister called on MOHAI to engage with local authorities and LDF groups in Tamu to resolve this case, and invited relevant inter- national authorities to engage with the NUG in investigating and prosecuting this crime. In his concluding remarks, the prime minister noted that the soldiers of the Tatmadaw, and their paramilitary allies, such as the Pyusawhti, and the relatively recent Thwe Thauk group, have committed many abductions, unlawful de- tentions, extrajudicial killings, and torture on civilians across the nation and, left unchecked, will continue to perpetrate these heinous offences..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-18
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၂/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (12/2022)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-18
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Title: Dr.Sasa's Message on 75th Anniversary of Myanmar Martyr's Day
Description: "The morning of the 19th of July, 1947 at 10:37 am in Yangon, the father of Myanmar Independence and the founder of the Myanmar Armed Forces, General Aung San was assassinated by a terrorist group led by the traitor U Saw. Since that dark day in Myanmar's history, our dear leader General Aung San, and the people of Myanmar have yet to receive justice. The terrorist group led by U Saw assassinated General Aung San along with eight other heroes of the Nation: Thakhin Mya, Ba Cho, Abdul Razak, Ba Win, Mahn Ba Khaing, Sao San Tun, Ohn Maung and Ko Htwe. General Aung San and the leaders of the nation sacrificed their lives in the fight for democracy and it is tragic that they were not able to experience the freedom they fought so long and hard to bring to their people. Sadly, this freedom for which the general fought and died would not last. For 75 years, the brave people of Myanmar have said loud and clear that they want a Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for ALL, regardless of race, religion, gender, culture, background, or ethnicity. After a brief five-year glimpse at what democracy can bring, in February 2021, Myanmar once again lost her democracy and freedom. The coup led by Min Aung Hlaing assassinated the freedom and democracy of the country, just as Min Aung Hlaing's military forebears had assassinated General Aung San and his cabinet all those years ago. Since then, the brave people of Myanmar have come together and continued fighting for the democracy and freedom. Since the failed coup on the 1st February 2021, many modern-day martyrs have emerged. They have sacrificed their lives at gunpoint for the cause of freedom and federal democracy against this genocidal military. This martyrs' day we remember not only the victims of the assassination of 1947, but also the many brave and selfless heroes of the Four Eights Uprising, the Saffron Revolution, and the Spring Revolution, who have carried on General Aung San's legacy, and become the martyrs of a free and democratic Myanmar. We pray they are the last to have to lay down their lives for the peace and prosperity of our nation. If we look back to this day last year, the people of Myanmar were suffering not only from the coup directly but also the associated economic collapse, food shortages, and the unrelenting wave of Covid-19 which took the lives of many loved ones. But we, the people of Myanmar stood back up and took up the mantle once again to continue our battle against the Covid and the coup. Nothing can stop us. This is our only way forward to the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. All the sacrifices from 1947 to 2022 will not be in vain. They will act as a catalyst to achieve our hopes and dreams. Together we will win this revolution and we will build a new Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for all the people of Myanmar. We salute all of the great martyrs of Myanmar who have made the ultimate sacrifice for their families, people, and country. May God Bless Myanmar! Thank You and Sincerely, Dr. Sasa Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar Former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations..."
Source/publisher: Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Title: She treated Myanmar's resistance and paid with her life
Description: "At about 13:00 on 14 June, members of the volunteer People's Defence Force arrived at a patch of ground in the fields between two villages just west of the Chindwin River, in central Myanmar. They had been alerted by a cow herder, who had spotted crows picking at what he believed was a corpse. The volunteers saw a human hand protruding from the earth. It belonged to a young fighter from their group, Wu Khong, who had been injured and gone missing during an attack by the army four days earlier. With him, in the shallow grave, were four other bodies, dismembered and burned. From the clothing, a watch and a medical bag found nearby, they also identified 27-year-old Zarli Naing, a nurse who had come to this area in the Magway Region last year to provide healthcare to insurgents and locals. They were opposing Myanmar's military which had seized power on 1 February 2021, overthrowing the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Through interviews with Zarli Naing's friends and family, those who trained her, and the villagers and fighters she lived with until her death, the BBC has pieced together the story of a bright and courageous young woman whose decision to oppose the coup ended in tragedy. This is also the story of the desperate resistance being put up against the military junta by communities across a large swathe of the dry zone, an impoverished and drought-prone region of Myanmar. Zarli Naing was the youngest of four girls from a poor farming family, which lived close to the great temple complex of Bagan. The only one of them who did well at school, she went on to qualify as a nurse and got a job at a hospital in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. She was working there when the coup happened. Like thousands of other healthcare workers across the country, Zarli Naing joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM), refusing to work with the military-controlled administration. A month after the coup, she left Nay Pyi Taw and returned to her home village. But fearing her political activism would endanger her family, she decided to move on to a safe zone in the north of Magway, which is largely controlled by opposition forces such as the People's Defence Force or PDF. There she became part of an extensive underground healthcare network run by the thousands of doctors and nurses who have left their jobs in protest against the coup. She was also trying to complete an online degree course from the prestigious University of Nursing in Mandalay. She had started the programme in early 2020, but it was disrupted by the pandemic. "When I spoke to her a month ago she told me how happy she was to be there," says one of her online supervisors, a nursing instructor for the clandestine network. "She was especially happy that she could give first aid training to the PDF fighters in her area, because there are no other healthcare staff there. She was the only one able to give that service to them." Zarli Naing had spent the past 14 months in a village called Dan Bin Gan. She was invited there by a friend, Khin Hnin Wai, a teacher the same age as her, who was working at a school run by a respected head teacher, Win Kyaw. Win Kyaw was a prominent local CDM leader who backed the parallel National Unity Government, which was formed last year to challenge the military junta's rule. Dan Bin Gan was, in effect, a liberated zone. It had an active PDF wing, which had established its base in the centre of the village. Most of the 2,500 inhabitants are farmers, eking out a living from cultivating beans, sesame and groundnuts, and a little corn to feed their cattle. This part of Myanmar is known for being deeply loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, which, in the last election, won every seat in Magway in both the national and local parliaments. Opposition to the coup here, and in neighbouring southern Sagaing Region, is as strong as anywhere in Myanmar, with dozens of volunteer militias taking on the army using captured and home-made guns, and improvised mines. The village also lies just 6km (nearly 4 miles) from Sin Pyu Shin bridge, one of the only road crossings of the Chindwin River, and so vital for moving troops and other reinforcements around. Zarli Naing offered the only medical treatment for communities no longer able to use the local hospital, both because it was under military control, and also because after the coup so many nurses and doctors had abandoned state-run institutions. Friends and PDF fighters who knew her say she was deeply committed to the armed struggle, and ran first aid classes for the fighters. "Zarli was very strong," says another of her supervisors, who is based in the UK, where some medics are providing support for the underground health network in Myanmar. "She was always very upbeat. She never spoke about her own difficulties. She just asked smart questions when she needed to fix something. The clandestine health workers can get depressed by the challenges they face. "Sometimes their patients cannot reach them because of roadblocks or fighting, and they cannot refer patients to hospitals if they need more complex surgery. That is very hard for them - many of their patients in that situation do not survive." But Zarli Naing "did not express any regret for the path she had chosen", says a friend who worked near her in northern Magway. "There were many times she missed her family. She never told them what she was doing. Knowing she was working for the CDM would have put them in danger. "We used to ask people we knew for donations, to pay for the medicines we needed. We often used to speak together on the phone, and talk about the medical problems we faced, or about our support for the CDM." From her Facebook page she seems to have been a keen reader, posting colourful covers of the Burmese novels she liked. The photos of herself that she shared show her either reading, or holding up her hand in the three-fingered symbol of defiance that has become so popular in South East Asia in recent years. One post has a series of pictures of a much younger Aung San Suu Kyi with her family back in the UK. The day before Zarli Naing died - 9 June - three PDF groups together launched an attack on the military post guarding the Sin Pyu Shin bridge, killing three soldiers and taking control of it for a few hours. A military counter-attack was inevitable, and in the early hours of 10 June, about 30 soldiers in four vehicles were spotted making for Dan Bin Gan from the east. Not all the soldiers were in uniform, but those that were could be identified by their shoulder badges as coming from infantry battalions 256, 257 and 258, based at Hpu Lon, near Yesagyo town about 25km to the south. At 03:00 the residents of Dan Bin Gan started fleeing the village, heading for open country to the west. Zarli Naing was among them. To slow the army down PDF fighters laid homemade mines along the road into Dan Bin Gan. One of them, Wu Khong, injured his leg in a fall while doing this. Zarli Naing stayed with him to treat his leg. Win Kyaw, who was protective of the young nurse, stayed back too. So did Zarli Naing's friend, Khin Hnin Wai, who was pregnant, and another young female fighter, Thae Ei Ei Win. They had run to the western edge of Dan Bin Gan, according to eyewitnesses, but had stopped for Zarli Naing to deal with Wu Khong's injury, when they were intercepted by a group of soldiers. Guided by an informer, the soldiers had come around the south of the village to avoid the mines. They captured Zarli Naing and her friends, tied their hands, and together with nine other people they had detained, began marching them north for about an hour to the village of Thit Gyi Taw. Eyewitnesses heard the soldiers asking their captives if they were members of the CDM, and warning that they could be jailed or shot. They say the soldiers repeatedly struck and kicked their captives; and stole food and alcohol from the now empty homes in the villages. According to PDF sources, they also set 70 houses in Thit Gyi Taw alight, sending up a large plume of black smoke over the fields. Later in the afternoon the captives were moved a little way south to a temple in a village called Peik Thit Kan. Nine of them were then released, the soldiers telling them to run for their lives. One of them told us the remaining five were still alive at that point. Exactly what happened to Zarli Naing and the other four prisoners after that is unclear. At some point in the night they were moved south of Peik Thit Kan, and killed by their captors. Some villagers have reported hearing them shouting for help. But it's not clear when and why their bodies were dismembered and burned. Local PDF fighters believe the military targeted Dan Bin Gan because it was a known centre of resistance to the coup, and also because of the school established there by Win Kyaw. The school had opened only in May, but had already attracted 250 students. Its success made it something of a showcase for the parallel administration which the National Unity Government is trying to run outside military-controlled zones. The PDF believes the informer travelling with the soldiers identified Win Kyaw, Zarli Naing and Khin Hnin Wai as important figures in Dan Bin Gan. Killing them has robbed the village and surrounding communities of leaders who helped to sustain the insurgency. It has also robbed Myanmar of a promising young nurse, in a country which, even before the disastrous military takeover, had one of Asia's poorest healthcare systems. "I am sure she was a wonderful nurse," says her online instructor. "She always tried so hard to do a good job. "Just imagine, she was providing healthcare to the people of the village while all that time she was also taking all our online courses, even though there was no reliable internet access where she was. And she was taking the Bachelor degree course as well. The workload was enormous. "Even I could not do all that. She was just wonderful. One of her teachers told me that her exam results were really good." Zarli Naing had finished her first semester exams just two days before she died. At the time of writing, the inhabitants of Dan Bin Gan are still hiding in the forested area to the west of the village. It is the first time they have been forced to evacuate, but many other villages in this region have been attacked multiple times. This has repeatedly displaced their populations, creating serious humanitarian needs which are not being met because of the conflict and lack of access given to international agencies. Thousands of houses in northern Magway and southern Sagaing have been destroyed by the army; even when they feel safe enough to return, people do not have the resources to rebuild their homes. Last year's coup has unleashed a brutal war of attrition in this Burmese heartland, with uncountable casualties. Zarli Naing's story is just one of so many..."
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Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2022-07-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
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Title: Teenage Girl Among Four Killed by Myanmar Junta Soldiers in Sagaing
Description: "Four civilians, including a teenage girl, were executed by Myanmar junta forces during a raid in Pale Township, Sagaing Region, on Monday, according to resistance groups. Around 200 troops raided Taung Ywar Thit village and residents and resistance fighters found four bodies after the soldiers left on Tuesday. A Royal Eagle People’s Defense Force (PDF) spokesman told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Daw Aye Win, 45, and her daughter Ma Moe Yi, 17, were shot dead along with a 45-year-old woman. He said they were shot in the head and found in the same property. U Tin Maung, 60, was found partially buried, the spokesman said. The resistance group said regime forces attacked and raided the village without being attacked. Several hundred residents fled their homes. Since Sunday, 28 civilians from Pale villages have been detained and more than 12 civilian detainees are still missing and around 10 villagers have been released, according to the PDF and Pale Entertainment news site. On Wednesday, regime forces raided and torched houses in Htay Aung village in adjacent Myaing Township. Around 120 houses in the village were burned down, the news site reported. On Thursday last week, regime forces burned down Hmawet Tone and Myinywar villages in the township after resistance attacks. Two male villagers in their 70s were found dead in burned houses. Amid daily attacks from PDFs and ethnic armed organizations, junta forces are committing atrocities, arbitrary arrests, killing civilians, carrying out torture, burning alive and using civilians as human shields, carrying out aerial bombardment and shelling of residential areas and looting and burning houses, especially in Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah, Mon and Karen states, and Magwe, Mandalay and Sagaing regions. As of Tuesday, 2,077 people have been killed by regime forces while 14,549 have been detained since last year’s coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-07-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Title: Paths of Assistance: Opportunities for Aid and Protection along the Thailand-Myanmar Border
Description: "Introduction Nearly a year and a half since the military junta’s coup in Myanmar, the country remains caught in a crisis of conflict, mass forced displacement, and growing humanitarian needs. Fighting among the junta’s forces and multiple opposition groups has affected nearly every part of the country. The military junta has committed widespread atrocities and blocked international humanitarian groups from delivering aid to areas that desperately need it. The United States and other countries must pressure the junta to end its abuses and to allow aid to be delivered. In the meantime, delivery of international aid through Myanmar’s neighbors, particularly through local groups active along the Thai-Myanmar border, presents an underutilized path for getting assistance to those in need. More than 1 million people are now displaced in Myanmar, 750,000 of whom were forced to flee their homes since the coup. A quarter of the country’s population – an estimated 14 million people – needs humanitarian assistance, as the military junta continues to restrict or outright block access to aid. The most intense fighting in recent months has occurred in northwestern Myanmar’s Chin, Sagaing, and Magway states and in Karen and Karenni states in the southeast, bordering Thailand. This report focuses on the latter area, both as one of the main areas facing widespread displacement and humanitarian crisis, and as the one with the most immediate potential for mitigating human suffering. It explores the challenges facing populations living along the Thai-Myanmar border and the role long-established local civil society and community-based organizations (CSOs and CBOs) along the border can play in addressing humanitarian needs. The report is informed by a research trip to the area in late May 2022, during which Refugees International interviewed dozens of UN actors, international NGOs, local organizations, and refugees recently arrived from inside Myanmar. Currently, Thailand is restricting cross-border aid, and the Myanmar military junta’s control of main roads and tough terrain limit how much and how far informal aid can reach into Myanmar. However, informal aid is providing a vital lifeline for hundreds of thousands of people in need. Indigenous community networks across a porous 1,500-mile border provide numerous entry points for further informal aid delivery. Increased engagement by the United States and like-minded countries with Thailand, along with donor support for the already active local networks, could enable aid to reach tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, more people in need. The international community must also continue to press the military to allow aid access for UN agencies and other humanitarian actors within the country, where the majority of those in need can best be reached. But since the junta denies aid to those deemed enemies, it should not be directly involved in aid delivery. UN agencies and donor countries must monitor aid delivery to ensure it is done impartially, equitably, and on a needs-basis. Displacement in Myanmar. Credit: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Addressing the broader humanitarian fallout of the coup will require an array of efforts, including holding the military accountable for its actions. The United States and allies, including Myanmar’s neighbors, must push the junta through further coordinated sanctions, including on military-owned oil and gas companies, an arms embargo, and accountability measures. But equally important, in the interim, will be finding ways to deliver humanitarian aid to the Myanmar people. Myanmar’s neighbors should work with local actors and the humanitarian and health agencies of ethnic organizations to facilitate aid to areas accessible across borders. Neighboring countries must also ensure the safety and support of people fleeing from Myanmar by not pressuring them to return home and by allowing UN agencies and local and international NGOs to access newly arrived refugees. The United States and other countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. Addressing the causes of the crisis and reaching affected populations requires ongoing broader efforts by the United States, Myanmar’s regional neighbors, and other allies to pressure and engage the junta. But the local networks along the Thai-Myanmar border offer the most readily available path to mitigating humanitarian suffering in the country. Research Overview This report focuses on the Thai-Myanmar border area. It first addresses the current conditions inside areas of Myanmar bordering Thailand. Next it explores barriers and opportunities for the provision of humanitarian assistance and protection to those reachable along the border. It then examines protection concerns for people from Myanmar who have sought refuge in Thailand and the conditions in long-established camps on the Thai side of the border where 90,000 refugees still live. The report is based on visits in late May 2022 to Mae Sot, Mae Sariang, Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai, and Bangkok. Background On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, refused to accept the latest election results and launched a coup. A military junta arrested de facto civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of other political leaders. In response, everyday citizens protested en masse, initially peacefully. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) included boycotts of military products and walk-outs and strikes by civil servants, doctors, teachers, and others. While the junta formed a State Administrative Council (SAC) chaired by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, elected officials, whom the military had removed from government, joined with the leaders of ethnic-based opposition groups to form a National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and a National Unity Government (NUG)—a government in exile. Following a brutal response and crackdown by the SAC military, people around the country formed civilian militias or People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and several long-established Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) ended long-standing ceasefires. This led to fighting between the SAC military and EAOs and PDFs in nearly all parts of the country. The fighting continues today, often marked by SAC military attacks on civilians and wholesale destruction of villages. At the time of this report, the military junta’s forces had detained more than 14,000 people, killed at least 2,000 civilians, and committed numerous atrocities. Some PDFs have also targeted civilians seen as military sympathizers and fighting has killed thousands more armed actors on both sides. Neither the SAC military nor the opposition seem able to win outright in the short to intermediate term, meaning that fighting is likely to continue for some time. As detailed in an earlier Refugees International report, the humanitarian fallout from the coup has been immense. More than 750,000 people have been forcibly displaced from their homes since the coup began. In the first months following the coup, the estimated number of people in need tripled from 1 million to 3 million. Violence, displacement, the COVID-19 pandemic, and economic mismanagement have caused that number to skyrocket to an estimated 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2022. In addition, the coup has made the prospect of return for the 1 million Rohingya refugees living in dire conditions in Bangladesh – most of whom fled genocidal attacks by the Myanmar military in 2017 – even less likely. The highest levels of displacement and need exist in areas facing the most intense fighting in the northwest and southeast. The junta’s forces have burned thousands of homes in the northwest and fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 500,000 people to flee their homes according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). This includes tens of thousands of people who have fled across the border into India, more than 330,000 people who have been displaced in Sagaing, and another 90,000 in Magway and Chin states. In the southeast, more than 240,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, many displaced multiple times. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke report that these UN estimates are conservative and that 170,000 people have been displaced in Karen state alone with an equal number displaced in Karenni state, roughly two-thirds of the population there. Thousands more people have fled across the border into Thailand for limited periods of time. Even as displacement and humanitarian needs grow, barriers to aid delivery have increased. Part of this is due to fighting and insecurity, but in many instances the military junta has either directly or indirectly blocked the delivery of aid. In several documented cases, the military has seized or destroyed aid or attacked humanitarian workers. Physicians for Human Rights reported more than 415 attacks and threats on health workers and health infrastructure during the first year since the coup. In December 2021, two humanitarian workers with Save the Children were among at least 35 people, including women and children, killed in a Myanmar military attack. Military bombardments and use of land mines by both military and opposition forces have also prevented farmers from planting crops. UN agencies and international non-government organizations (INGOs) still operating in Myanmar have consistently reported delayed travel authorizations from the junta, and INGOs with whom Refugees International spoke have cited banking restrictions as significant challenges. Increased costs of transporting and purchasing aid materials have further exacerbated the challenges. These are due in part to global trends (including the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on commodity prices) and in part to the junta’s own economic mismanagement. Challenges with Humanitarian Access From within Myanmar, UN agencies and INGOs have been able to deliver some aid to SAC military-controlled areas and to a few opposition-held areas, largely through local civil society partners. UN OCHA reports that humanitarian actors provided assistance to 2.6 million people in the first quarter of 2022, but that is just 41 percent of those targeted to receive aid under the latest humanitarian response plan. The vast majority of those provided with aid were in urban areas, meaning that only a small portion of those in rural and conflict-affected communities received any aid. UN efforts have also led to some short-term access to non-military-controlled areas in need. For example, OCHA reports that concerted advocacy efforts helped to secure the first UN access to Karenni State in April 2022, after which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was able to deliver core relief items to 53,000 individuals, and OCHA further reports that the World Food Program (WFP) has begun distributing relief food assistance to up to 80,000 internally displaced people (IDPs). Expanding access to this aid will require further advocacy since significant barriers to delivery remain. Efforts to expand aid have been discussed within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional block. Humanitarian aid is a key part of the block’s Five-Point Consensus on addressing the crisis in Myanmar. The ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management and a Myanmar Task Force that includes the military junta are planning to conduct humanitarian needs assessments. But regional CSOs have raised serious concerns about the junta’s involvement, the failure to include the NUG and other opposition groups, and the real risks of aid being weaponized through junta denials of access to certain areas. Any UN or ASEAN efforts to work through or around the junta to deliver aid will be fraught with questions of misuse and unequal allocation. To address these challenges will require the involvement of credible third parties, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or UNHCR, and delivery of aid impartially and according to needs, ideally through local groups unaffiliated with the military. Despite these obstacles, efforts by the UN and the regional block to get the military to allow impartial and independent delivery of aid by third parties must continue, especially since cross-border aid will not reach the majority of those in need. In the meantime, there are a significant number of people living along Myanmar’s border who could be accessed with cross-border aid. This includes the potential delivery of aid from Bangladesh, China, and India, but most readily in the short term from Thailand. Conditions and Humanitarian Needs in Karen and Karenni States Refugees International spoke with several people who were or who had recently been inside of Karen and Karenni states and who have been working directly to assist IDPs—and many of our interlocutors were IDPs themselves. They described widespread displacement from villages, children hiding in the jungle in caves and trenches, and constant fear of airstrikes or artillery fire. As one Karenni CBO representative described to Refugees International, “there’s no safe place in Karenni state. If you stay in the village, you risk bombs. But if you flee too far, it is tough to get aid.” Similarly, a Karen woman who recently returned from assisting IDPs in Karen state summarized the conditions by saying, “This is not a way we can survive for long.” Since the coup, Karen and Karenni states have seen some of the most intense levels of fighting, displacement, and humanitarian need in the country. As reported by Thai-based human rights group Altsean-Burma, Karenni state has seen by far the most attacks per capita in the country. Since the coup, many CDM protestors have fled to non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen and Karenni states. Long-standing EAO’s in Karen and Karenni states, particularly the Karen National Union (KNU) and its Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its Karenni Army (KA) wing provided refuge to those fleeing the military crackdown and soon engaged in fighting with the SAC military themselves. Both of these groups have resisted the military for decades but signed a ceasefire with the military in 2012 as a period of democratic reforms was beginning. The ceasefires lasted until the coup in 2021. PDFs also sought refuge in these territories and have engaged SAC forces both independently and alongside EAOs. The EAOs have controlled large rural areas in both states and have at times seized various SAC military outposts. But junta forces have largely controlled main roads and urban areas and responded to resistance with aerial attacks and shelling, often of civilian areas. Fighting between the SAC military and these groups has intensified in several areas of both Karen and Karenni state since April 2022. The SAC military has turned to regular aerial bombardments from fighter jets and intense shelling. For example, on May 19, during Refugees International’s visit, 28 airstrikes were reported by local media and a local human rights group near the Thai-Myanmar border. The effect on the battlefield has been mixed, but the impact on the civilian population has been devastating. One woman who leads a local community-based organization described people hiding in the jungle at night, not using lights for fear of drawing the attention of bombers and being fearful of falling asleep. She told Refugees International that she is afraid to check her text messages at night, because too often they bring news of another injury or death. “There’s too much killing,” she told the Refugees International team, “It’s unforgettable, unforgiveable.” Others described the SAC military forcing civilians to carry their supplies or using them as human shields. Local groups also reported the use of land mines by the SAC and opposition forces alike. Reports from those who had been inside Karen and Karenni state were largely in line with the reports of atrocities documented by Amnesty International, described as “war crimes and likely crimes against humanity.” The result of these serious human rights abuses, airstrikes, and general fighting has been widespread and often repeated displacement of civilians in both Karen and Karenni states. Some villages and localities have been completely or nearly completely abandoned. Spillover from fighting in Karenni state has also added to the numbers of people displaced in Shan, another state bordering Thailand, which is housing an estimated 56,600 IDPs, including several thousand in close proximity to the border and only accessible through cross-border aid. Those displaced in each of these states in Myanmar face similar needs for food and shelter, particularly as the rainy season started early in 2022 and has continued. The rainy season also increases the need for mosquito nets and medicines. The trauma of flight from people’s homes and the constant threat of bombardments have also given rise to an acute need for psycho-social support. Educating children is difficult. CDM teachers have set up schools in the jungle but need supplies like pens and pencils, according to one CBO representative. Local groups are organizing educational activities and even building new makeshift structures to serve as schools. But resources are limited, and the risk of attacks looms ever-present. Cross-border Aid as a Lifeline For those living in non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen, Karenni, and southern Shan states, unofficial aid provided by local civil society organizations with links to Thailand has been a vital lifeline. While Thailand does not officially sanction such aid, long established local cross-border networks have gotten significant amounts of aid across. Those involved include small ad hoc community groups of Myanmar migrants and concerned Thai citizens, long-established ethnic community-based organizations, and international NGOs that have worked to aid IDPs and refugees on both sides of the border. Many of these groups have been operating since the early 1990s, when tens of thousands of refugees fled across the border and have continued working with the remaining 90,000 Myanmar refugees in camps in Thailand or with IDPs in Myanmar. These groups have close and long-established links with the humanitarian and health wings of EAOs that control land across the border and with local leaders on both sides of the border. Their track record has built up significant trust among local ethnic groups making IDPs more willing to walk long distances to receive it. This stands in sharp contrast to the high levels of distrust of the SAC military and any aid it might deliver. While exact estimates of aid delivered are difficult to ascertain given the complex and unofficial operating environment, Refugees International’s discussions with dozens of CSO and CBO representatives suggest that more than $10 million worth of aid from across the border has reached up to a million people in need since the coup. Much of this has come in the form of cash transfers through both official and unofficial money transferring networks, allowing humanitarian actors to buy needed supplies in Myanmar, even far from the border. Other in-kind assistance is delivered via boats or trucks across bridges and includes food, non-food items, temporary shelter, water filtration units, and medical supplies. At least one CBO focused on the needs of women and girls has also been able to get dignity kits across the border. Other smaller scale, one-off efforts to provide aid include delivery of home-cooked meals to people fleeing air strikes. With the array of actors providing ad hoc aid, coordination issues are a concern. Refugees International heard some reports of duplication of aid efforts or delivery of unneeded items (e.g. sweaters at the height of summer). But the larger CBOs are communicating regularly and EAO humanitarian entities are playing a leading role in assessing needs and assuring aid gets to the right people without duplication. As one long-time humanitarian actor put it, “At the end of the day, needs exceed response capacity. It’s not about duplication. On the list of things to be worried about, not a priority.” It is also difficult to estimate how much this aid could be scaled up and how many people it could ultimately reach, given security and terrain barriers. The SAC military controls most main roads and the landscape along the border is made up of hills and jungles. But Refugees International’s discussions indicate that there is much more that can be done to support such efforts and at least hundreds of thousands more people who could be reached. Addressing Barriers to Cross-border Aid There are four main limitations to delivering aid across the border from Thailand, each of which can be mitigated to varying extent. These are: (1) Thai restrictions reflecting junta pressure; (2) SAC military control of roads and banks; (3) difficult terrain; and (4) lack of sufficient funding. The first, most obvious barrier is the refusal of the SAC and, by extension, Thailand to officially allow aid into the country. With a 1,500-mile border with Myanmar, Thailand is concerned with its relationship with the SAC and is seeking to balance economic and security interests. Part of this balance has been to withhold any official approval of cross-border aid and crackdown on it to varying extents. But local groups have been able to find indirect ways to deliver aid, often via boat across the border river or in limited quantities within vehicles. The second main barrier is the fact that the SAC military controls most main roads and restricts cash transfers via banks. But alternative roads and paths are available and used by local groups to deliver aid beyond the main roads. Local groups use informal cash transfer networks like the hundi system, a trust-based practice originating in India and long-established in Myanmar, in which local agents transfer sums of money on behalf of friends, relatives, or other agents without legal protection or supervision. The third limitation is navigating the difficult hilly jungle terrain along the border. However, the ceasefire era enabled an expansion of roads in EAO administered areas. Moreover, the SAC military’s area of influence in rural areas has decreased since the coup. Local groups use motorbikes, horses and donkeys, or backpacks to transport aid beyond the immediate border area. The largest and most consistent barrier to aid delivery cited by CBOs was deficiency of humanitarian funding. Local CBOs have the networks and modalities for getting more aid across but not the funds to reach many more people in need. While a few governments are supporting local groups involved in aid efforts, donor countries should step up support for these underutilized and low-profile mechanisms. International donors should also engage the NUG and the humanitarian wings of EAOs to better assess needs and ensure coordination of aid delivery. Donors must also recognize the complex dynamics and greater risks local groups face in delivering aid and be appropriately flexible with their reporting requirements. Groups with which Refugees International spoke often complained about too frequent and onerous of reporting schedules, impractical demands for receipts, and unrealistic procurement protocols. For example, one group cited being required to show quotes from three different suppliers in an environment where just one was realistically available. These requirements have been so onerous that some groups said they have foregone significant amounts of potential funding. The potential for further provision of aid through experienced networks is abundant. Groups like The Border Consortium have been coordinating and providing aid to some 90,000 refugees who have remained in camps in Thailand for the past three decades. Ethnic-based organizations like the Karen Women’s Organization and Karenni National Women’s Organization have networks and experience working to promote protection of women and girls on both sides of the border. Similarly, members of the Karenni Civil Society Network, Karen Peace Support Network, and Shan State Refugee Committee have the networks and experience to assess needs and facilitate the delivery of aid through their member agencies. Ethnic health organizations are well placed to promote access to basic health care, clean water, and nutrition. And human rights groups like the Karen Human Rights Group, Karenni Human Rights Group, and Shan Human Rights Foundation have the ability to document abuses and monitor aid to ensure that it is protection sensitive. Protection for Myanmar Refugees in Thailand In addition to the hundreds of thousands of people displaced in Myanmar’s states bordering Thailand, there have been thousands of people who have crossed the border from Myanmar to seek refuge in Thailand since the start of the coup. They fall largely into two groups: people who have been internally displaced in bordering states and seek temporary refuge in Thailand and CDM protestors and high-profile individuals seeking longer-term refuge, whether in Thailand or third countries. Those in the first group have crossed into Thailand at different times when fighting and airstrikes have been particularly intense and close to the border, though usually for only a matter of days. Thai authorities have said that they will respect their international obligation of non-refoulement and not force refugees to return, but there are consistent reports of Thai authorities pressuring them to return. This is consistent with what Thai authorities have done in the past. During earlier battles between the Myanmar military and EAOs, the Thai authorities allowed people to take refuge in Thailand only while fighting was active and expected them to return to Myanmar once it had paused. But the intensity and frequency of battles and extent of displacement are much greater today, increasing concerns of extensive refoulement. In March 2021, an estimated 3,000 Karen people fled airstrikes into Thailand. Another 8,000 people fled artillery and air attacks in Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state into Thailand in December 2021. As of February 2022, the Thai government estimated that 17,000 Myanmar refugees had crossed into Thailand since the coup. And UNHCR reports that 3,000 others have crossed the border from Karenni State since March 2022, though only 246 refugees remain. According to UNHCR, those remaining face extensive humanitarian needs including access to safe drinking water, medicine, and sanitation facilities. In the first weeks following the coup, Thailand worked with UN agencies to develop contingency plans for large numbers of refugees fleeing into Thailand. This included the establishment of Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) that were to be overseen by civilian federal and local authorities. But the initial contingency planning exercises were not implemented once refugees began coming across the border in large numbers. Since then, areas established to temporarily shelter refugees have been overseen by the Thai military, which has refused international support. Conditions at the sites are deplorable. One site, established after a bout of bombing and displacement in December 2021, is called the cowshed since that was its previous use. Thai authorities did allow local community organizations and volunteers to deliver and distribute pre-cooked meals, tarps, and a few other non-food items. But the site was not fit for human habitation, and Thai authorities declined offers of international support. Refugees International saw video footage of overcrowded accommodations that lacked the most basic necessities. As one CBO representative who visited the location at the time told Refugees International, the displaced people there “need more than a cow farm along the river. They need systematic protection.” He warned of serious risks to women and girls amid a lack of privacy and sufficient toilets. The Thai government should give UNHCR and local and international NGOs access to these TSAs to provide critical nutrition, sanitation, health, and protection services, including the establishment of women friendly spaces and referral pathways. Thai authorities must also live up to their commitments to non-refoulement and refrain from pressuring people fleeing violence in Myanmar from returning before it is safe to do so. UNHCR and local and international NGOs should also be included in contingency planning for possible further numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand as the fighting in Myanmar shows little sign of subsiding in the near term. Asylum Seekers from Myanmar in Thailand People seeking longer-term refuge in Thailand and beyond are higher-profile individuals or those who have taken part in CDM protests. This group includes doctors, teachers, students, celebrities, politicians, and military-defectors who fear they will be targeted for persecution by the junta and are now seeking a safe haven in Thailand or longer-term refugee resettlement in third countries. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke estimated, conservatively, that around 2,000 to 4,000 asylum seekers are staying in and around the town of Mae Sot. When areas in Thailand beyond Mae Sot are included, those estimates reach as many as 30,000 asylum seekers. Such numbers are difficult to determine with any certainty as Thai authorities do not provide any form of refugee registration nor allow UNHCR to carry out registrations. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with a group of teachers and students who had taken part in the CDM protests in Kachin state. They had arrived in Mae Sot a few days before. They described feeling unsafe going out in public for fear of being detained and forced to pay bribes, as well as uncertainty about how they might find jobs or continue their education. Some diaspora and local groups are supporting initial rent payments, provision of basic goods like rice and oil, and online education, but the needs are great. In Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met with a photojournalist from Mandalay who had been documenting protests and the military crack-down there. He was forced to flee to Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state, and then again following attacks in December 2021. He spent some time in an IDP site, then recently fled further fighting and arrived in Thailand after several days of trekking through the jungle, first to Mae Sot then to Mae Hong Son. He plans to return to Karen state to continue documenting the abuses of the military. In Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met separately with two doctors. One had fled a government hospital in Yangon after leading CDM protests and being targeted by the junta. The other fled a hospital in Myawaddy after being targeted by the junta for assisting civilians injured following protests. Both are seeking refuge in third countries through humanitarian visas. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with an army-defector. He fled once his family was safe and is now awaiting resettlement to Australia. All of these asylum seekers felt insecure because of their lack of official status and the constant risk of detention or demand of bribes from local police. They also expressed concerns about the lack of access to work and to education for their children. One CBO focused on women and girls expressed growing concerns with the risks of abuse and exploitation amid a lack of protection through referral pathways and safe spaces for women and girls. Another, who had worked along the border in an earlier phase of mass displacement across the border warned of signs of growing sex trafficking risks. Thailand should allow access for UNHCR and INGOs to all new arrivals and allow UNHCR to register asylum seekers and carry out refugee status determinations as it does around the world. Thai authorities could also give refugees status that provides access to livelihood opportunities. Alternatively, Thailand could carry out its own registration and identity card distribution as part of the National Screening Mechanism for refugees proposed in 2020 yet to be implemented. A registration system will both help to prevent exploitation and the threat of detention and refoulement and allow UN agencies or Thai authorities to better track who is in the country. As one CBO representative put it, those can breathe.” Registration of asylum seekers would also facilitate tracking COVID-19, distribution of vaccines, and prevention of trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and other receiving countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. This will not be a solution for most of those who have fled but will have a significant impact on many individual lives. Conditions in Longer Established Refugee Camps In addition to civilians displaced by violence in Karen and Karenni states and CDM protestors and others fleeing persecution, there is a third group of people from Myanmar living on the Thai side of the border. These are the 90,000 refugees who have been living in camps since the 1990s. At the height of displacement in the early 1990s, more than 130,000 refugees fled from Myanmar into Thailand. Tens of thousands of these refugees were resettled in third countries like the United States. Many others returned to Myanmar following the democratic opening in the last decade before the coup. Today, there are nine official refugee sites in Thailand. The largest, Mae La, hosts some 34,000 refugees. Funding to these camps has dropped dramatically in recent years. In addition, measures to prevent the spread of COVID have heavily restricted the ability of these refugees to leave the camps, cutting them off from access to education and livelihood opportunities. As new populations flee violence in Myanmar, this longer-term population must not be forgotten. Thailand should work with UNHCR and INGOs operating in the camps regarding the ability to move out of the camps to access accredited education and work opportunities. Thailand, which is currently facing a need for more migrant workers, could benefit from offering migrant permits to this population. As in the past, countries like the United States should offer scholarships and resettlement slots to refugees in the camps. The Importance of International Engagement with Thailand The engagement of the United States and key allies with Thailand will be critical in creating political space for cross-border aid and protection of people from Myanmar seeking refuge in and near the border. Thailand faces a range of challenges from economic and security risks and pressure from the Myanmar junta to the risks of instability stemming from the lack of aid and formal registration for refugees. Thailand is reluctant to do anything to incentivize more refugees coming into the country, but failure to allow cross-border aid – and thus allowing conditions for people across the border to deteriorate – could do just that. Similarly, failure to register refugees makes it more difficult to monitor and prevent the spread of infectious disease or to stop trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and allies should highlight these points and encourage Thai authorities to support cross-border aid and protection of refugees both for humanitarian reasons and for the positive impacts on stability these measures can bring. Partners should also be clear that failure to take such measures will damage bilateral relationships with Thailand. U.S. officials have raised the need for cross-border assistance and a commitment to non-refoulement on several high-level visits and Thai officials have rhetorically responded positively. U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield visited Thailand in August 2021. U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman visited in May 2021, and State Department Counselor Derek Chollet traveled to Thailand in October 2021. Thailand’s Foreign Minister expressed an openness to cross-border assistance following Chollet’s visit and, in a January 2022 meeting with the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha reaffirmed a commitment to non-refoulement. In June 2022, Chollet traveled to Thailand again. He visited areas near the border including Mae La refugee camp and met with local CSOs. A July 2022 visit to Bangkok by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken included the Myanmar crisis on the agenda among several broader issues. In March 2022, in a letter to the Thai Foreign Minister, a group of U.S. senators raised concerns about push backs of refugees and urged the facilitation of cross-border aid. But it is not clear if concerns such as these were raised by U.S. President Joseph Biden during the U.S.-ASEAN Summit in May 2022 or by U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin in his trip to Thailand following Chollet’s visit in June 2022. Public statements coming out of those meetings indicate that defense, trade, and geo-political concerns with China dominated the conversations. Cross-border aid remains restricted, and reports of refugees being pressured to return to Myanmar continue to emerge. Sustained international engagement is essential to opening further paths to protection and provision of life-saving aid. The United States and allies should emphasize to Thailand that its official policy of restricting both aid and access to asylum exacerbates human suffering and creates challenges for local Thai authorities. A more nuanced approach of allowing, or at least not objecting to, cross-border assistance and fulfilling its obligation to provide safe haven to asylum seekers is in Thailand’s own national interest, as it would help stabilize a deteriorating complex emergency on Thailand’s doorstep. The United States and allies must continue to engage Thailand on these points and prioritize calls for aid delivery and non-refoulement in bilateral talks. Confirmation of already nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and ASEAN would help to amplify these messages. The U.S. Congress should act swiftly to provide consent to these nominations. At the same time, the United States must work with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to increase pressure on Myanmar’s military junta toward ending abuses and allowing unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. This should include implementation of a global arms embargo, further coordinated targeted sanctions on the SAC military and its assets, and support for accountability measures, including through the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. The U.S. Congress should pass the BURMA Act, which includes measures along these lines and would authorize further humanitarian assistance. Conclusion Displacement along the Thai-Myanmar border is just a part of the regional crisis sparked by the coup. But addressing it is the most immediate way to mitigate acute human suffering. While humanitarian actors will need to grapple with how best to ensure fair and unfettered delivery of aid in the broader context of the country, the opportunity to scale up cross-border aid to a significant portion of the Myanmar population in need should not be missed. All of Myanmar’s neighbors, including Bangladesh, China, and India should explore similar channels for aid delivery and provide access to refuge. Thailand has a chance to be a leader in asylum and protection to a population in great need. Allies seeking to alter the trajectory of suffering in Myanmar must remind Thailand why this is in its interest and provide support to local actors already providing lifesaving aid. Recommendations The government of Thailand should: Engage regional partners to press the military junta in Myanmar to end grave human rights abuses and allow those in need unfettered access to humanitarian aid. Uphold the international legal obligation of non-refoulement of individuals seeking refuge from threats to their life and freedom in Myanmar. Allow the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and international and local NGOs access to newly arrived people seeking refuge from Myanmar to assess needs, carry out services, and establish women-friendly spaces in temporary safe areas along the border. Include the UNHCR and local and international NGOs in contingency planning for possible larger numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand. Allow and facilitate the delivery of cross-border humanitarian aid through local civil-society and community-based organizations. Allow access to education and livelihoods opportunities for long-time refugees in camps along the Myanmar border. Work with UNHCR to create a protection framework for people from Myanmar who are seeking refuge in Thailand, including possibly through application of the proposed National Screening Mechanism for refugees in Thailand and the provision of identity cards and status that could provide access to livelihood opportunities and act as a barrier to detention and exploitation. Work with the United States and other countries to facilitate resettlement of refugees from Myanmar. The U.S. government should: Step up diplomatic efforts with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to pressure the Myanmar junta to end grave human rights abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Such actions should include: Further targeted sanctions on the military and military-owned enterprises, including oil and gas revenues; A global arms embargo on Myanmar; Support for accountability efforts including the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and through the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court. Maintain regular high-level government visits to Thailand and Myanmar’s other neighbors, prioritizing pressure on the Myanmar junta, access to asylum for people from Myanmar, and provision of cross-border aid. Engage Thailand and other countries hosting asylum seekers from Myanmar to expedite resettlement of at-risk individuals who have fled persecution in Myanmar. Offer pathways to the United States for long-time refugees in camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border, including scholarships and resettlement. Engage and support the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), National Unity Government (NUG), and ethnic armed organizations, including through coordination of aid and COVID vaccine distribution. U.S. Members of Congress should: Support and pass the BURMA Act of 2021-22, which would: Authorize additional humanitarian assistance for those in need in Myanmar and surrounding countries, including through cross-border delivery of aid; Support local civil society organizations in Myanmar; Demand further targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned enterprises; Support accountability efforts; Call upon the U.S. government to engage the UN Security Council toward a global arms embargo, coordinated targeted sanctions, and other measures to press the military junta to end abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Ensure high-level diplomatic presence in the region by swiftly confirming the nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). International donor countries should: Increase funding for local civil society and community-based organizations operating along the Myanmar-Thailand border and adjust reporting requirements to reflect the complex nature of aid delivery to those in need in Myanmar. Press the junta to allow unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid, while establishing safeguards to prevent the military usurping aid and avoiding legitimization of the junta. Such safeguards should include distribution through credible interlocutors like the International Federation of the Red Cross and access for UN agencies to monitor and assess aid delivery. The Myanmar military junta should: Cease attacks on civilians and other grave human rights abuses. Allow unfettered access for UN agencies and NGOs to all those in need of humanitarian aid. Release all political prisoners and open the path toward a truly inclusive and representative democratically elected civilian government..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
Date of publication: 2022-07-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar junta sentences three UEC heads to prison
Sub-title: The three senior election officials, including UEC chair Hla Thein, have been in regime custody since last year’s coup
Description: "The ousted chair of Myanmar’s Union Election Commission (UEC) and two other senior election officials have each been sentenced to three years in prison. UEC chair Hla Thein, secretary Myint Naing, and commission member Than Htay were sentenced under Section 130a of the Penal Code last Thursday, according to court sources. The charge is related to alleged violations of electoral laws during the 2020 general election, which Myanmar’s military claimed was marred by massive voter fraud. All three were tried by a special court inside Naypyitaw Prison. They have been in regime custody since the military seized power in a coup on February 1 of last year. Hla Thein, a 74-year-old former professor from Meiktila University, was appointed chair of the UEC after the 2015 election, which the now-deposed ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won in a landslide. Myint Naing, who is also 74 years old, was also the UEC’s spokesperson. He joined the commission prior to 2015 and had also served as a parliamentary advisor on legal matters. According to Khin Maung Oo, a member of the new, junta-appointed UEC, the cases against the three defendants were among 373 filed by the commission since last year’s military takeover. At a press conference held in Naypyitaw on July 1, he said that action had already been taken in 369 cases. Despite the military’s claims of widespread voter fraud, the UEC revealed earlier this year that it had discovered just over 3,200 instances of double voting and other irregularities, representing barely more than 0.1% of the votes cast in 2020. The junta has also used its claims of a stolen election to lay charges against senior leaders of Myanmar’s elected civilian government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. It has also imprisoned and fined a total of 2,173 local election workers for allegedly failing to ensure that votes were cast and counted correctly..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2022-07-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (11/2022) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၁/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "1. NUG states not engaging with terrorist SAC is best means to ensure safety and security of Chinese government assets...As the 7th Lancangg-Mekong Cooperation Foreign Ministers’ meeting is planned to be held in July, 2022 and in light of the fact that the military-led SAC is illegal, the NUG has issued a call that the Myanmar army be barred from any and all involvement in the LMC. By permitting SAC’s troops to be based on their project sites, Chinese companies are increasingly perceived by local groups as aiding and abetting the enemy of the people. The announcement added that the best means for the Chinese government to ensure the safety and security of its assets is to avoid them being used by the military, thereby making it easy for pro-democracy forces to protect Chinese assets, interests and workers in the country.....2. President Duwa Lashi La calls on all parties to reject the SAC’s election...Acting President Duwa Lashi La has called on all political parties which wish to restore democracy and federalism need to meet the people’s expectations and aspirations by boycotting the faux-election which the SAC plans to hold. The president went on to say that there should be strategic cooperation between all pro-democracy actors to bring suc- cess to the revolution. The president once again urged his cabinet colleagues to make every effort for the revolution, with special consideration made to security concerns and the acute need for financial support in the Spring Revolu- tion. He noted that sadly, humanitarian aid has yet to be mobilised and distributed to many who have fled the atroc- ities and terror of the SAC. In the meeting, Prime Minister Mann Win Khaing Than re- ported that local administrative mechanisms are already well established and operating in Sagaing and Magway Re- gions under the supervision of the central committee, and have already shown substantial results. He added that dip- lomatic, military, political effort and the people’s solidarity are pushing the nation toward the complete eradication of the military SAC.....3. one million THB support for Battle of Oukarithta (4.7.2022)...The Anti-Coup Committee (Korea) announced a donation of 1,000,000 THB (approx. $30,000) raised via the One Day Challenge campaign to the NUG to support troops fighting to liberate Oukarithta Station. The committee delivered support to the KNDO commander General Nal Dar Mya, labeling the donation as an NUG contribution to the troops. The committee has been providing the NUG with the equiv- alent of 100,000 USD every month since August 2021. Such contributions are being used to develop and implement local administrative activities in the NUG controlled-areas..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ခံရမည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုခင်းများ
Description: "နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ အခြေခံနှုန်းစံများအားဖေါက်ဖျက်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ်မှ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရနေခြင်းကို တားဆီးရပ်တန့်ရန် ဤအစီရင်ခံစာက ရည်ရွယ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) သည် လက်ရှိတွင် ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ လုပ်ငန်းလည်ပတ်စေနိုင်သည့် အခြေအနေ မရှိသေးရာ၊ ရောမစာချုပ်၏ ပုဒ်မ ၁၂(၃) အရ နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး တရားခွင်တွင် ICC ၏ စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို လက်ခံကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်တွင် ကြေညာချက် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ နောက်ပိုင်းကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်၊ သတ်ဖြတ် မှုများအတွက် ကျူးလွန်သူများအား တရားစွဲအပြစ်ပေးရန် ခုံရုံးက စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု ခေါင်းဆောင်များအနေဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့ကိုယ်တိုင်ဖြစ်စေ (ပုဒ်မ ၂၅)၊ အခြားသူများကြောင့်ဖြစ်စေ(ပုဒ်မ ၂၈) ဖြစ်ပေါ်စေခဲ့သော အဆိုပါဖြစ်စဉ်များ အားလုံးတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်အောက်ငယ်သားများကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ခံကြရမည်ဟု အေအေပီပီက အခိုင် အမာယုံကြည်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of publication: 2022-07-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Size: 470.61 (6 pages), KB 3.16 MB (87 pgaes) - Original version 470.61 KB
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Title: Myanmar’s ‘peace talks’ a dangerous diversion
Sub-title: Ruling junta’s talk of peace is desperate political necrophilia and ultimately just cover for more war
Description: "Myanmar is in conflict freefall, as the State Administration Council (SAC) junta regime fights a myriad of proliferating resistance groups on fronts across the country, many galvanized to arms by the military’s democracy-toppling February 2021 coup. Fighting in western regions such as Sagaing, Magwe and Chin State has surged in recent months, as scores of People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) ambush military columns and battle pro-SAC militias. The military, in turn, has pulverized civilian villages with air strikes, heavy artillery and army columns in expeditionary arson campaigns that have destroyed close to 20,000 houses, by some estimates. Internal displacement in the country, meanwhile, has surpassed one million. Despite the desperation of the humanitarian and human rights catastrophe, many analysts estimate that the military has been seriously degraded by armed resistance to the coup. That’s been led by PDFs and many established ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) such as the Karen National Union (KNU), some of which have forged alliances with or otherwise pledge loyalty to the National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel administration formed after the coup. So what does the SAC leadership do when faced with such unprecedented and geographically spread resistance? Logically, it calls for peace talks, the tried and true escape hatch for military repression in Myanmar. Myanmar’s Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed by eight mostly small organizations in 2015 (another two signed in 2018), but despite incessant talks and secretive mediation, the agreement was moribund by October 2018. The military commander Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the current dictator who staged the 2021 coup, announced a “Ceasefire for Eternal Peace” in December 2018, extending it every few months for years through the Covid-19 pandemic right up to the coup, even as fighting raged with EAOs in many parts of the country. The call for new peace talks in April this year conforms to a consistent pattern of perfidy over peace talks. Using a motley crew of desperate or insignificant NCA signatories is for the SAC desperate political necrophilia. The first round of “talks” in May was with Chairman Yawd Serk of the insurgent Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) resulted in a number of agreements related to the “Union Accords”, which were negotiated for several years in a pre-coup process. The RCSS’s eagerness can be largely explained by its strategic missteps since late 2015. It used the cover of signing the 2015 NCA as a pretext to expand operations in northern Shan state, triggering a multi-sided conflict for control of territory and commodities between various EAOs, especially the ethnic Ta’ang armed group and the RCSS parent organization the Shan State Army (SSA) formed in 1964. This conflict displaced thousands of civilians, many for several times a year, disrupting livelihoods and trade and exacerbating intercommunal tensions amid aid restrictions by the military and previous government. The RCSS has decided to sit out the post-coup resistance and prioritize its own survival now that it has been restricted to territory closer to the Thailand border. The arrival of Saw Mra Razar Lin of the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) at the junta’s peace talks was particularly surreal. The only senior woman leader of an EAO to attend peace talks for several years, she commands few troops, most of which are based on the Thailand-Myanmar border far away. The ALP and its armed wing are meaningless compared to the ethnic Rakhine Arakan Army (AA), which is estimated to field more than 8,000 troops. In heavy fighting between 2019 to the end of 2020, AA fought the Myanmar military to a standstill, inflicting hundreds if not thousands of casualties during a conflict that displaced some 200,000 civilians. An uneasy ceasefire has allowed space for the AA to expand its own judicial and taxation system on an estimated 60% of western Rakhine state, incorporating Rohingya Muslim representatives of the Arakan People’s Authority (APA). The AA suffered a blow on July 4 when an air strike killed six of its soldiers in a base in Kayin state close to the Thailand border, raising new questions about the durability of their uneasy post-coup ceasefire. Other groups that attended the talks included the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the New Mon State Party and the Pa-O Nationalities Liberation Organization (PNLO). These groups could potentially muster several hundred troops combined among them, but they have essentially been artificially inflated by Western donors to the peace process for several years. They are now ornamental bit-part actors in the SAC’s shoddy process. The largest EAO in Myanmar, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), controls its own autonomous region on the Chinese border with an estimated 30,000 troops and sophisticated weaponry, and didn’t really need to attend the peace talks. It dispatched a nominally senior official of no real significance in the hierarchy, and released a statement following the talks which basically stated that the Wa had their own autonomy and this was a Burman problem they wanted nothing to do with. Planned talks with the Shan State Progress Party, or SSA, have not been held as fighting continues between their forces and the SAC’s army in northern Shan State. In another indication of renewed bellicosity, well-known Myanmar model and actress Thin Zar Wint Kyaw has reportedly been arrested after wearing an SSA military uniform at a recent wedding ceremony close to the EAO’s headquarters at Wan Hai, after traveling to the area to endorse business initiatives. The SAC is making enemies of everyone, even as it supposedly cultivates peace. Further adorning the pretense of peace talks, the SAC has called for PDF members, or people involved in the civil disobedience movement (CDM), to defect from the “terrorist” NUG and return to the “legal fold”, a euphemism for the peace process of the 1990s which resulted in reduced conflict fighting but no conflict resolution. The SAC in recent days has even pledged to open “reception centers” for resistance actors to surrender along the borders, another indication of the junta’s underlying desperation. The subterfuge of peace talks extends to efforts at mediation by the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), whose Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn visited Myanmar recently and was instructed to only meet with EAOs who had attended the SAC talks. This clearly violates the terms of the Five Point Consensus the SAC’s leader reached with ASEAN in April 2021: “constructive dialogue among all parties concerned shall commence to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of the people.” ASEAN is further compromised by the role of the ASEAN Humanitarian Center (AHA), which is conducting a needs assessment essentially as cover for the United Nations to operate in SAC-controlled areas and not areas of armed conflict where belligerents who are not part of the peace talks operate, and where civilian communities and aid workers are not represented and rely on cross border assistance not covered by the AHA or the UN. The NUG and main EAOs fighting the SAC issued a bitter statement condemning the role of ASEAN in humanitarian aid delivery in May, as the exercise was seen as clearly pro-SAC. Myanmar’s military leaders may lack sophistication but they possess the cunning to checkmate rule-bound international aid actors, consistent with the past decade during the previous peace process. A serious danger is that peace talks, alongside SAC announced plans for a nationwide election in 2023 with an entirely new electoral system that will likely ban the coup-ousted National League for Democracy’s participation, provide the bare minimum of a lifeline for the international community, especially the UN and international aid agencies, to justify their continued presence. It is perilous to promote fake peace while a conflict is raging elsewhere. The only accurate gauge of the SAC’s true intent is its behavior on the ground, seen in the thousands of civilian casualties, burning villages and interdiction of humanitarian assistance. In Myanmar, talk of peace is often cover for just more war..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication: 2022-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: “ဆဲဗင်းဂျူလိုင် ကျောင်းသားအရေးတော်ပုံ နှစ်(၆၀) ပြည့် အခမ်းအနားများသို့ ပေးပို့သောသဝဏ်လွှာ”
Description: "ယနေ့ ဇူလိုင်လ (၇) ရက်နေ့သည် ဗမာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် အပါအဝင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို တပ်ဦးမှ တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသော ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်သူရဲကောင်းများစွာ သန္ဓေတည်ရာ အမိတက္ကသိုလ်မြေတွင် ကျောင်းသားတို့သွေးမြေခခဲ့ရသည့် ဆဲဗင်းဂျူလိုင် ကျောင်းသားအရေးတော်ပုံ နှစ်(၆၀) ပြည့်မြောက်သည့် အခါသမယဖြစ်သည်။ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ ညီမျှမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု နှင့် အမှန်တရားအတွက် အသက်နှင့်ဘဝကို ပဓာနမထားပဲ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ယုံကြည်ရဲရင့်စွာဖြင့် စနစ်ဆိုးများကို တော်လှန် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသော ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်အပေါင်းအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက လေးစားစွာဖြင့် ဦးညွတ်ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ ၁၉၆၂ မတ်လ (၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် အာဏာရှင်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်နေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သော တော်လှန်ရေးကောင်စီက လူထုတရားဝင်ရွေးကောက်ထားသော အစိုးရကို လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့်ဖြုတ်ချ၍ အာဏာသိမ်းယူ လိုက်ပြီးနောက် တက္ကသိုလ်အက်ဥပဒေကို ဖျက်သိမ်းကာ တက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများအား ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ် နှိပ်ကွပ်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို စတင်ခဲ့သည်။ ၎င်းတို့အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် တက္ကသိုလ်၏ အသက်ဝိဉာဉ် ဖြစ်သော လွတ်လပ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှုကို ကန့်သတ်ထိမ်းချုပ်လိုသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏လုပ်ရပ်ကို လက်မခံပဲ ကျောင်းသားထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးက အုံကြွဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြရာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်၏ လက်ပါးစေတပ်များက ပညာတတ်နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်းဆောင်များ သန္ဓေတည်ရာ အမိတက္ကသိုလ်မြေကိုသွေးစွန်းစေခဲ့ပြီး သမဂ္ဂ အဆောက်အအုံကို ဖြိုဖျက်ခဲ့ကြပေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ လက်နက်အားကိုး၍ အနိုင်ကျင့်ဗိုလ်ကျ စိုးမိုးလိုသည့် ယုတ်ညံ့သောစိတ်နှင့် ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်မှုကို မလိုလားပဲ လွတ်လပ်ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ပွင့်လန်းတိုးတက် ချင်ကြသော ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၏ လွတ်လပ်သော စိတ်တို့သည် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ဆန့်ကျင်ဘက် ဖြစ်ခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်သည် ကျောင်းသားထု၏ သမဂ္ဂစိတ်ဓါတ်အား ဖြိုဖျက်နိုင်စွမ်း မရှိခဲ့ကြသည်ကို ယခုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ရှေ့တန်းမှ တော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသော လူငယ်ထုက သက်သက်ပြလျက်ရှိပေသည်။ သမိုင်းခေတ်များအတွင်း အသိဉာဏ်ကင်းမဲ့ပြီး လက်နက်အားကိုးသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက တိုင်းပြည်၏အနာဂတ် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များအား အကြောင်းမဲ့ သတ်ဖြတ်ညှင်းပမ်းမှုများကို ရပ်တန့်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိခဲ့ပဲ ၂၁ ရာစုအထိ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေကြခြင်းမှာ ကျူးလွန်သူ စစ်အာဏာရှင် များသည် အပြစ်ပေးခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်ခဲ့ကြခြင်းကြောင့်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထင်ရှားပေသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ မြန်မာ့သမိုင်းကို အရုပ်ဆိုးအကျည်းတန်စေသည့်၊ လက်နက်မဲ့ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များကို လက်နက်ဖြင့် အနိုင်ကျင့် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကို အားပေးသည့် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုများကို အပြီးသတ်အမြစ်ဖြတ်၍ နောင်အနာဂတ်တွင် မည်သည့်အခါမှ ထပ်မံပေါ်ပေါက် လာမှုမရှိစေရေး နှင့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခံရမှုကို သေချာစေရေး ယခုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ရည်မှန်းချက်ထားကာ ကျောင်းသားထု၏ သမဂ္ဂစိတ်ဓါတ်၊ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ စိတ်ပိုင်းဖြတ်ချက်၊ တိုင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံမှ ခေါင်းဆောင်များအားလုံး၏ အတွေ့အကြုံတို့ ပေါင်းစပ်ကာ အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဟု မမေ့အပ်သော ဆဲဗင်းဂျူလိုင် အရေးတော်ပုံကို ဦးညွတ်ရင်း သန္နိဌာန်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 450.23 KB
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Title: Resistance: Myanmar Junta Launches 125 Airstrikes to Defend Key Outpost
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime reportedly carried out 125 airstrikes within five days to defend its strategic outpost in Karen State near the Thai border while it was being attacked by resistance forces. The armed wings of the Karen National Union, the Karen National Liberation Army and the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO), and other resistance forces assaulted the Ukayit Hta outpost on a strategically important road near Waw Lay in Myawaddy Township on June 26. Fighting continued for nearly a week. Witnesses said the battle for Ukayit Hta is the fiercest they have seen since last year. A source said last Tuesday that shells landed every three seconds. Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told a press conference on Friday that the outpost is still in junta control with the support of airstrikes and artillery. Drone pictures released by the Cobra Column, one of the resistance groups, show heavy destruction at the outpost and the bodies of junta troops on the ground after an attack. The resistance forces have reported casualties because of junta airstrikes and artillery. Cobra Column said from June 27 to July 1 the junta conducted 125 attacks with YAK jets and a MIG-29 jet. It said the group suffered no casualties in the airstrikes. It said junta reinforcements were sent 12 times by helicopter from Mawlamyine. Reinforcements were attacked and a Cobra Column video shows a junta corporal captured by the group saying at least 20 soldiers (of his group) were killed in an attack. The corporal was shown being treated for his injuries. He said his commander fled during the attack so he ran away and was captured later. The KNDO said on Thursday it attacked Light Infantry Division 44 reinforcements, killing at least seven soldiers and seizing weapons. The casualties on both sides are unknown. More than 300 Waw Lay residents have fled across the Moei River to Thailand. On Friday and Saturday junta airstrikes killed two civilians and injured seven others, including children, in two Karen villages..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-07-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly Press Update (10/2022) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်(၁၀/၂၀၂၂)
Sub-title: NUG urges G7 member countries to deliver on commitments made last year - G7 အစည်းအဝေးမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား ပေးထားသည့်ကတိကဝတ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်း
Description: "(1) When they met in 2021, the G7 member countries condemned the illegal coup, the arbitrary arrest of innocent people, and the violence committed by the junta’s forces. Member states committed themselves to the support of all those who are working to create a stable and inclusive democracy, and t o u n f e t t e r e d a c c e s s t o humanitarian aid for vulnerable and displaced populations, and further made a common commitment to pursuing “additional measures” if necessary. One year on from the meeting, the violence of the military continues against innocent civilians. The National Unity Government (NUG) therefore urges all G7 member states, and those countries invited to attend, to act on the humanitarian and economic catastrophe caused by the coup. (2) Prime Minister U Mahn Win Khaing Than stated at the 59th cabinet meeting that the international community is interested in learning more about cooperation with revolutionary forces, and f u t u r e p l a n s f o r j o i n t operations. The prime minister added that negotiations and efforts are being made on the distribution of funds raised through the “Mother Su” campaign to the those interim administrative areas such as Sagaing and Magway Regions and Chin and Karenni State where civilians administrations are well established. The Welfare And Lives Of Those Who Have Been Taken Hostage By The Military Are In Grave Danger (3) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) state that detaining individuals as hostages for whatever reason is a violation of human dignity, fundamental rights, and the values set forth by the UN including the rights to life, freedom, and security. The NUG announced on the 29th of June that all the political leaders, activists, protesters, and dissenters, up to and including the president and state counsellor arrested by military are being held as hostages. The world must understand that their welfare and their lives are in grave danger. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) declared on 1st March 2021 that the military illegally attempted to dissolve the union government by force on 1st Feb, 2021. This is an act recognised as criminal insurrection against the government under the article 6 of the criminal code. In light of this, and their many other crimes and abuses, the CRPH declared the military council a terrorist organisation..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: China’s Complicated Game in Myanmar
Description: "Veteran author and journalist Bertil Lintner has been reporting on Myanmar for decades. In this wide-ranging interview he talks to The Irrawaddy editor-in-chief Aung Zaw about China’s goals and strategy in Myanmar—including its relations with the National League for Democracy and the ethnic armed groups—the future of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the most likely scenarios for ending the military’s grip on the country. Aung Zaw: Thank you Bertil. I think we will have a long discussion. We’ve covered the peace process and ethnic states, the ethnic army EAOs [ethnic armed organizations]. Now I want you to talk about China, Burma’s powerful neighbor. I want to hear your thoughts on China’s political clout and geopolitical ambitions, because we often debate and talk about China’s roles in Myanmar’s internal affairs and internal conflicts; how China interferes in Myanmar’s domestic affairs and also China’s geopolitical ambitions and access to the Indian ocean. Bertil Lintner: Well, first of all, if you look at the map of China, it’s a huge inland empire with a comparatively short coastline for such a big country. And then China decided to change its economic system from socialism to capitalism—their development model was exports. The export industry was developed in order to give the country income and so on, and lift the living standard. And the coastal provinces took off immediately because, naturally, the ports were there. And that’s where the production was taking place. This was Guangdong, there was Fujian, and later on Shanghai. Whereas the landlocked inland provinces were lagging behind. And the difference in income between the coastal provinces and the landlocked inland provinces was becoming so severe that it could actually threaten the entire unity of the country. Because China is actually massive, it’s a continent.. it’s more than a country. It’s huge. And you have many different ethnic groups there as well. So back in the 1980s, the Chinese started to look at the possibilities for development, export-oriented development in the landlocked inland provinces. And this was published in the official Beijing Review in 1985, the official magazine. AZ: Yes, I have read that one. BL: Well, they mentioned that the three provinces were Sichuan, Yunnan and Guangzhou—with a combined population of 100 million people. There is no way they could develop an industry there and send goods to China’s own ports. They had to find an outlet through another country. If you look at the whole of China, the same thing applies. And there are only three countries which border China that have direct access to the Indian Ocean, bypassing the Straits of Malacca and the South China Sea and making it easier than promoting exports to China’s own ports. That’s Burma, India and Pakistan. India, forget about it. There is no way they’re going to help the Chinese…. AZ: No. BL: Pakistan, yes. There is a highway there, the Karakoram Highway. But it’s one of the most dangerous highways in the world. And then of course, you have all the political turmoil of Pakistan, which is, you know, can be quite frightening. So you see, there is actually only one country that provides easy and convenient access to the Indian Ocean for China, and that is… AZ: Burma. BL: Yes. So, therefore, China has long-term strategic interests in Burma, which other countries don’t have. The West can talk about human rights and democracy and this sort of thing, which is of course good, but it wouldn’t have any real impact on what’s happening in the country. And India is of course worried about Chinese influence; so far they haven’t been very successful in countering it. Whereas China has gone full speed ahead in developing relations with the country. Actually, regardless of who is in power, even when Aung San Suu Kyi was becoming State Counselor, the Chinese Embassy was the first to congratulate her on her election victory at that time. And it was sort of…. AZ: And she was invited to China even before the election in 2015, and she met with President Xi Jinping. BL: Absolutely. I think the Chinese, they would prefer to have a “stable” military government in power. AZ: But weak. BL: Yeah, but not too strong. AZ: Not democratic. BL: No, they wouldn’t like that. But even when Aung San Suu Kyi was… not running the country—it was still being run by the military, we have to remember that, but she was at least running the government—the Chinese made an effort to establish very close and cordial relations with her and the NLD as well. So, my only point is that if you look at China’s long-term strategic interest, they would prefer a government which they can deal with more easily, a non-democratic government; but if it’s a democratic government, they will deal with that too, in their own way of course. And China’s relations with the various EAOs follow the same kind of… AZ: Yes, that’s my next question. You know in the past communist China exported revolution to neighboring countries including Burma. But today China wants to export goods and wants to trade with neighboring countries, and we are part of the Belt and Road Initiative—gigantic projects. We have the China Myanmar Economic Corridor [CMEC] … China and Burma have signed an agreement to implement so many mega projects. Some of the projects have started in Shan State. There have been feasibility studies done as far as we understand and there are so many EAOs and militia active in Shan State. A lot of CMEC projects will start from Shan State and in these areas with EAOs like the Wa, Kokang, TNLA [Ta’ang National Liberation Army] and even the Arakan Army [AA]. China has been providing arms to support those groups; this northern part seems to be part of [a Chinese enclave]. So the last five years or six years we also saw China aggressively involved in the Myanmar peace process, can you tell us more on this subject and also I want to ask you a quick question: Can China be trusted? BL: Well, this question is very easy to answer. No. Trust in the sense that they are interested in the genuine peace of the country. They are not. Because it’s not in in their interests. If you look at the United Wa State Army, and Kokang as well… They are basically successors to the CPB, the Communist Party of Burma. They received massive support from China from the late ’60s, ’70s to until the 1980s. At that time, China was exporting revolution. Now they’re exporting consumer goods. But it would be foolish of the Chinese to give up the foothold they had inside the country to the CPB because of the 1989 mutiny. They probably have even better relations with some of the Wa leaders than they ever had with the CPB. Because they speak the same language, to begin with. And most of the Wa leaders speak Chinese as a second language, whereas very few of the CPB leaders ever did that. And if you look at the arms that the Wa have, they’re more sophisticated, they’re more heavily armed than the CPB ever was. And all of those guns are all coming from China. Period. There’s no discussion about that. Doesn’t matter how much China’s think tankers deny that. But then if you look at the broader picture; let’s say for argument’s sake that tomorrow all the ethnic groups sit down and they agree that, ‘Yes, we want to have a federation or a confederation that looks like this, sign an agreement, there is no more fighting in the country, there is peace, and all the armed groups will become local police forces or something else.’ Who would be the first to lose? China. It’s not in their interest to see that. China wants to have a certain degree… they don’t like total chaos because it would mean refugees coming into Yunnan and so on. But they are not interested in [total] stability either because they can’t control anything. And they want to have a certain degree of stability, over which they exercise some degree of control. And that is actually the situation now. AZ: They want to keep the forces against each other. BL: Yes, definitely. It’s not in their interest to see them give up the struggle. Not now. Maybe someday, in the future, you don’t know but certainly it’s not in their interest today. China is not interested in peace, it is interested in a kind of situation that makes the country… it shouldn’t be too stable because they can’t control it. And they have connections with everybody. But China has a very peculiar foreign policy. They differentiate between government-to-government relations, and party-to-party relations, and it’s quite ridiculous for the country where there is only one political party and that party controls the government in China. So, they have government-to-government relations with whoever is in power—in Yangon, previously, but now in Naypyitaw. But party-to-party relations—they can have that with anyone. So they have party-to-party relations with the Wa, the Kachin, with the NLD [National League for Democracy], with the USDP [Union Solidarity and Development Party], everyone. And they would say, ‘Oh this is different. This is party-to-party; not government-to-government.’ But of course, it’s all part of the government strategy mapped out by the party, which controls the government. AZ: This year in April, the Chinese Foreign Ministry invited the Myanmar foreign minister, Burmese foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, to China. Foreign Minister Wang Yi said, “No matter how the situation changes, China will support Myanmar in safeguarding its sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity; in exploring a development path suited to its national conditions.” But we were discussing, … how China was trying to control the forces inside the country, we talk about China’s enclavement and now China was promising the Burmese that they will respect their territorial integrity. BL: But they’ve never done that. First, it supported the CPB for 20 years. And they had relations with certain EAOs on the border. They’ve always been a player in domestic politics in Burma, especially when it comes to the various armed groups and organizations there. AZ: Then, what will happen to Burma, or Shan State in particular, where a lot of huge projects are coming in in the next 10-20 years, whether we like it or not? This is quite worrying, that the Chinese are coming, and even the Wa, known to be a proxy of China, are moving to the southern part of Shan State. Thailand is also looking at it with worry. BL: Well, I don’t think China wants to annex certain parts of the country. That is not the way they exercise influence and how they expand their spheres of influence. Actually, what China is doing in Burma today, the plan, predates the Belt and Road Initiative. In the ’80s, they were looking at the waterways, railways, roadways, through Burma, from Yunnan down to the Indian Ocean. They were talking about how it should be developed. And of course, that is interference. It’s not just help. They are not doing this out of the goodness of their heart. The have economic, and political and strategic interest in controlling the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor as it is called today. And they are going to continue doing that. If you look at EAOs that.. but you always have to remember that even though they are very dependent on China—because they cannot exist without what they are getting from across the border—it doesn’t mean that they are necessarily pro-Chinese or pro-China, let’s put it that way. The Kachin, we know they are not. I mean, they are Christians and they don’t.. they are not trusted by the Chinese either, that’s why the Chinese are not giving them any weapons; and they are getting them from other sources. Even the Wa, they are not happy about the Chinese dominance. They are fiercely independent people. And they know how the Chinese central authorities treated the Wa in China in the 1950s. They haven’t forgotten that. AZ: China is not trusted—I got it. But today, the Chinese government seems to be backing and supporting the military regime in Burma, which the Burmese people hate and despise; the Burmese people loathe it. Last year we saw anti-China demonstrations taking place in Yangon and other cities. Chinese factories were attacked. Later, this year and last year we have seen local armed groups, opposition groups, make a threat against Chinese companies and a gas pipeline and copper mines inside the country. China is also trying to reach out to some opposition members as well as to the NUG [National Unity Government] government in exile asking them to protect Chinese interests and Chinese businesses in the country. And the Chinese have also asked the regime to protect [their interests] at all costs, to prevent any attacks on Chinese interests and Chinese business in Burma. BL: Well, it sort of underlines the whole thing that … the way the Chinese are reacting to this, that they even started talking to the National Unity Government and all the armed groups and this sort of thing—on a “party-to-party” basis though. But their long-term strategic interest remains the same. And there is a corridor, an outlet to the sea, the outlet to the Indian Ocean. And therefore, they have to play, they cannot afford to antagonize certain groups, because that will backfire. Back in the SLORC days, they actually put all the eggs in one basket, they supported only the military. And they had no link to the opposition at all, of course to some of the EAOs but they were sort of different. But even there, they showed a certain degree of flexibility—that they didn’t really want to antagonize, not even the NLD during its early days of its existence. And I can tell you an anecdote that reflects that, in a curious kind of way, a peculiar kind of way. After the 1988 uprising, everyone was at Aung San Suu Kyi’s compound at University Avenue. All the activists, the doctors, the lawyers, the politicians, the journalists—everybody. And the Western embassies went there to meet her and the NLD leaders. The Chinese diplomats did not. But one day, I can tell you the story now because it was Michael Aris, who was Aung San Suu Kyi’s late husband who told me. He’s gone now and I don’t think he would mind my telling this story. And he was there of course in the house in University Avenue. The Chinese diplomats never came to talk to Suu Kyi. But one day, they saw a car, a diplomatic number plate, the Chinese Embassy coming into University Avenue. And everyone was surprised. And then the junior officer from the embassy came with a big box full of books in Tibetan about Tibetan Buddhism. It was their way of indirectly saying that “We are careful but we are not, well, don’t look at us like we are some kind of enemy. It was not to Suu Kyi, it was to her husband. It’s about Tibetan Buddhism. But that gesture showed that everyone, I think, even at that time, the Chinese wanted to maintain a certain degree of flexibility. They didn’t even know if the military government was going to survive or not. What the future would look like. Because, again, their long-term interests remain the same. And they are playing various games accordingly. And that’s what happens. AZ: But in the last 30 years, since SLORC-SPDC came into power, we have seen massive exploitation of natural resources by the Chinese in the northern part of Myanmar. BL: Yes. In Wa State it is tin and rare earth metals. When we’re talking about Chinese exports of rare earth metals, it’s only half the truth. Most of it actually comes from the Wa Hills. The Chinese… they also have two rare earth mines up in Kachin State. Of course to export these kind of items makes it possible for these armed groups, like the KIO, the KIA and UWSA [Kachin Independence Organization, Kachin Independence Army and United Wa State Army] to maintain their organizations, to get more arms and run … whatever they have inside their respective areas. But so, they are dependent on each other in a way. But I would argue that if there was a central government in Myanmar with a more enlightened approach to people like the Wa, the problem could be solved. I think they would be happier staying with Myanmar than to be, you know, totally dependent on China. But so far, it is so easy to dismiss them as drug traffickers and, you know, whatnot. They are, I mean they used to trade in drugs. There is no doubt about that. But today, their sources of income have become more diversified and even if they get money from drugs, who hasn’t done that in Burma—including the government? AZ: Last year, a Chinese special envoy visited Burma twice after the coup. He reportedly asked coup leader General Min Aung Hlaing to allow him to meet with the detained State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. And he was denied [permission]. And again, we heard the news that the Chinese told the Burmese not to disband the National League for Democracy. Do you think China has political leverage over Burma, compared to other Western countries or Western governments? BL: Well, you’ll also have to remember that as you mentioned before, the Burmese military is fairly xenophobic. They haven’t forgotten the long and bitter war with the CPB. A lot of soldiers were killed, their boys were killed, with Chinese guns. And a retired officer once told me it’s like a scar in the heart. They cannot forget that. And then of course, you know, in the beginning, after the coup in ’88, they had to rebuild, or strengthen their armed forces. At that time, it was only China that was willing to sell them anything. But they became so dependent on China, so they had to look for alternatives. They didn’t want to have this heavy dependence on China. So they turned towards… Russia. Of course, it worked for a while, but it’s not going to work much longer, given what’s happening in Ukraine right now. So, they’re back in the Chinese camp, very reluctantly, and I don’t know how they would want to handle that. And they are not particularly happy about it either. And the Chinese of course, they know this. They know that the military doesn’t like them, they don’t trust them. But I think actually they find it easier to deal with Aung San Suu Kyi than Min Aung Hlaing, in a way—a very strange and peculiar way. So, there were even some reports before the 2015 elections that the Chinese wanted to see the NLD win rather than the USDP. Maybe because it would give the country a bit more, a degree of stability at that time. And instead of military rule, which would be resented by everyone. But the Chinese are playing all these different games at the same time, and it is very important to look at the bigger picture and see a pattern and see where it leads to. They don’t just sign with one particular actor or one particular group. And therefore, the Chinese policy towards Myanmar or Burma is very different from that of Western countries, which are more sort of ideologically motivated. AZ: Definitely, Burmese people, including the military, are Sinophobic. Burmese people in general are pro-Western, they are not pro-China. You know over the past decades we have seen the US politically invested in Burma promoting democracy, human rights and press freedom in Burma or Myanmar. Recently the US invited the foreign minister of the NUG to Washington DC while the US-ASEAN summit was taking place. Definitely there was competition between the US and China. I think there is competition, rivalries between the US and China. And this Cold War mentality is coming into the Indo-Pacific region including ASEAN. Burma is also one of the countries where the US and China are trying to gain influence. What are your thoughts? BL: Well, if the United States wants to get more influence in the country, they will also have to be more active than they are today. AZ: Like in Ukraine? BL: Well, maybe not to send all the weapons that they’ve been sending to Ukraine; maybe there is another way of doing it. But certainly, it seems to be that Burma is now on the backburner when it comes to American foreign policy. They are much more… entirely preoccupied with Ukraine, what’s happening in Europe. And therefore of course, the road is wide open for the Chinese to… AZ: What I remember was, in 2007-08, US policy was very consistent, engaging with Burma stakeholders and all sides, all forces. It was very active, and I would say that it was quite impressive. BL: If you look at America’s or Washington’s Burma policy, that was engaging everyone … It predates the 2015 election victory for the NLD. Even during Thein Sein, he was invited to the White House, and I think the Chinese, at that time, felt—and I have seen translations of articles in Chinese academic journals saying—that ‘We have lost Burma to the West’. That’s the way the Chinese felt. And therefore, they had to reestablish their influence in Burma. And they did so very cleverly really. They started taking to more so-called ‘stakeholders’—a term I really don’t like—in the country; not just the government. They started engaging the media, for instance. They’ve never done that before. They invited journalists to China, they started talking to journalists. The ambassador in Yangon suddenly answered the phone when journalists rang him and they went to talk to all the different political parties. Just to, in a way, to counter the spread of American influence. Economically of course, they were always much stronger than the Unites States when it comes to investments and so on. But when it comes to sort of people-to-people relations, they were way behind the Americans at that time. And they tried to reestablish some kind of—not reestablish because they never had any—but to establish some kind of better relationship with the public, the general public in Burma. If they succeeded or not? I’m not sure. I don’t really think so. But at least they tried; they realized that it was important. They couldn’t just “lose” Burma to the West, as some of their academics said at that time. AZ: I am curious. Do you think Aung San Suu Kyi still has a role in the future? She is now 77. BL: No, I mean she’s done her thing, and she’s meant a lot to the people of Burma. The role she has played cannot be denied by anybody. But she’s old and she’s tired. And many young people have even become critical about her because they think she could have handled things in a different way. KAZ: The mis-steps. BL: Yes, exactly. So, I think we’ll have to wait for the next generation. And the next generation—I mean, among the Burmans as well as among the other groups. Many of the ethnic leaders are also stuck in the past. Old visions, old ideas, they do not know how to move forward. AZ: And my last question. Any democratic transition would stall in any country unless the powerful armed forces are brought under civilian control in the context of a balance between executive power and legislative branches of government. Democracy can exist only where the soldiers are the servants, not the masters, of the state. The military in Burma is different, the Burmese army is unlikely to assume the servant role, so until it does, the prognosis for Burmese democracy cannot be good. Because the Myanmar military is going to stay in power indefinitely. BL: That’s what they want to do, yes. But you have to remember also when the military first seized power in 1962. It was at a time when there were military coups all over the world, in the so-called Third World. I mean Thailand had coups, a couple years later there was the turmoil in Indonesia, Africa, Latin America and so on. But in most countries, the military were content with seizing political power and they left economic power, running the economy, to other interests. Take Thailand for instance, there was a marriage of convenience between the military and the Sino-Thai plutocracy. And they let them run the business, and that’s why Thailand’s entirely prosperous today. Indonesia had a very similar kind of arrangement, and other countries too. But the 1962 coup in Burma was different because the military seized political as well as economic power. And that economic power was what they called the ‘Burmese Way to Socialism’. In which everything was nationalized and placed under military-controlled—they would say state-controlled but it was mainly military-controlled—state corporations. […] Even when they started introducing new economic reforms after 1988, they’re dependent… the military is still a strong player. And the so-called cronies are entirely dependent on military support. And the relationships between the cronies and the military is not the same as between the rich Thai entrepreneurs and the government, with the military here [in Thailand]. Here they kind of let each other run their own thing. And then everyone benefits from it. Now the military is going after some of the cronies too. But how can you do that if you want to see the country develop? So, the power structure in Burma is so different from any other country I’m aware of really. You have a military which [holds] economic and political power – and wants to control everything. But if you can break that. Well, I don’t know how it is going to work … to be frank. But it can only happen from within the military. And the problem there is of course that if there is a serious split in the military, not just some defections, they you may have to see a very bloody civil war. AZ: Always great to talk to you, Bertil. Thank you so much..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Opinion: What a hip-hop star on death row has to do with dictators everywhere
Description: "(CNN)I am thinking of a man who sang of freedom. His name is Zeyar Thaw. He released my country's first hip-hop album in 2000. In the Myanmar of that time, this was almost a revolution. His rap touched the lives of many. Anyone who spoke of freedom then was living dangerously. A founder of Generation Wave, a pro-democracy movement, Zeyar Thaw's music brought him inevitably into politics. In 2011, after a stint in prison for his political activism and just as our democratic transition began, Zeyar Thaw was released and elected to parliament. Now he is sitting on death row. A few weeks ago, Zeyar Thaw and fellow freedom activist Ko Jimmy were sentenced to die by the military regime that stole power in February 2021. If their execution goes ahead it will be the first in the country in decades. Their crime? The regime accuses them of being "involved in terrorist acts." What does this mean? That they believe in freedom. The National Unity Government (NUG) has recorded almost 3,000 people who have been killed since the illegal coup. More than one million people have been displaced from their homes, with many seeking shelter in refugee camps. Another 1.6 million more have lost their jobs. More than 19,000 homes have been destroyed, the NUG estimates. I was elected by the people of my constituency in November 2020. I was waiting to take the oath of office and to choose our next President. But on February 1, 2021, soldiers under the command of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing surrounded the dormitories where we lived as parliamentary members. They forced each of us to choose -- do we surrender to their guns or do we resist? I had already endured 11 hard years as a political prisoner under a previous military regime between 1998 and 2009. Most of those I spent in solitary confinement. This time, I could not just watch as another despotic general forced my country into chaos. I chose resistance. So did Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy and many thousands across Myanmar. Nurses, teachers, doctors, farmers, even children -- they came out into the streets against the unwanted coup. We are living in a world where dictators support each other to retain their power. Therefore it must be clear that the struggle for democracy and freedom undertaken by the Myanmar people is a struggle that concerns everyone Zin Mar Aung We chose to assert our legitimacy, as elected members of parliament. We formed the National Unity Government because our freedom will not be stolen by the military's Russian guns. Russia continues to be a major supplier of arms, equipment and training to the military in my country, including fighter jets, helicopters and drones -- weapons which have been used to bomb and kill civilians since the coup. We have first-hand experience that Russia's military interference is not limited to Ukraine. Russia and Myanmar are strengthening their ties and we see it as part of a larger strategic engagement with Southeast Asia -- a coordinated attempt to promote autocracy and erode democracy in the region. In turn, the military junta has sided with Russian President Vladimir Putin and his invasion of Ukraine. Just last week a high level delegation from the military council attended the 25th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum with the aim of strengthening their ties with the Russian regime. We are living in a world where dictators support each other to retain their power. Therefore it must be clear that the struggle for democracy and freedom undertaken by the Myanmar people is a struggle that concerns everyone. I am the Foreign Minister of the National Unity Government of Myanmar. It is my task to tell the world we will not be defeated. But what can I tell the people of Myanmar in return? What is the world saying to us? Over a year on from the coup, no country has formally recognized the regime of Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. The military continues its campaign of violence -- killing, burning, destroying food and crops, imprisoning people without charge. The generals stand accused of dreadful crimes against the Rohingya Muslim community and other ethnic minority people in our country. It claims it is targeting what it calls and has designated "terrorists" and blames many of these incidents on resistance fighters, rather than its own military. But US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken's words in March 2022 need to be heard: "There is no one the Burmese military won't come for. No one is safe from atrocities under its rule. And so more people in Burma now recognize that ending this crisis, restoring the path to democracy, starts with ensuring the human rights of all people in the country, including Rohingya." We have to overcome this junta, changing their calculus so that they realize that they cannot keep Myanmar forever in the chains of their fear and greed. This is how we are going to do it. We must deny the junta the income that funds its violence. The United States, the European Union and the United Kingdom have imposed some sanctions against the regime. But much more must be done to deny the junta the foreign currency it craves. The military continues to rely on funds from foreign companies to fund its acts of war. That flow of money, especially oil dollars, must and can be stopped. It also relies on Russia. Russian weapons are flowing into my country, and Min Aung Hlaing has visited Moscow and even been honored by a Moscow university since the coup. Russia's veto makes it impossible for the UN Security Council to reach any common position on stopping this violence. The example of Ukraine demonstrates how the world can use economic levers to put pressure on a regime. Sanctions have thus far been used in Myanmar mostly against individuals -- more can and must be done to go after oil revenues and the ease with which the military can use the international banking system to extract its stolen riches and import the weapons it needs to prosecute its crimes. Recently, the UK government imposed sanctions against Russian companies that are supporting the military junta: this a step in the right direction. The murderous acts of the Myanmar military will not stop until their income fails. Domestically, we will overcome the junta by the power of inclusion. My country has been at war with itself for many decades. Now, in opposition to the military, a new alliance between the ethnic groups of Myanmar is building a new, shared future. We are addressing the root causes of violence through our new Federal Democratic Charter -- a plan for a decentralized, inclusive Myanmar. We are learning together where we need to go. The murderous acts of the Myanmar military will not stop until their income fails Zin Mar Aung This vision has been validated by our National Union Consultative Council, the most inclusive, substantive and people-oriented process we have ever had in Myanmar. This NUCC brings together representatives of different political parties, ethnic voices and civil society to create common solutions to the challenges we face. We are learning together where we need to go. And we are putting this inclusion into practice. Many parts of our country are already free from junta control thanks to the bravery of ethnic resistance organizations and the actions of the people in defending their own homes. In these areas, we are working with ethnic political and civil society organizations to build local administrations led by the people's representatives, and these new administrations are taking responsibility for health and human services. Another element in our plan is to oppose the sham election that the junta seeks to impose on the country. This tactic is familiar, creating elections in which only they can stand, only they can win, and then parading the result as if it matters. This traps Myanmar in endless cycles of disempowerment and violence. Our intention is to give the people of the country real freedom, not some mockery that serves the ambitions of one general who knows the people spurned him last time they had a choice. Internationally, we assert the right of the people of Myanmar to the government that they choose. The French Senate and other parliaments have already determined that we are the legitimate government, because we carry the authority of the 2020 election and the consent of the people. The current ASEAN Five Point Consensus has failed. The international community needs a more effective strategy to help Myanmar -- and restore the civilian government. This must start with a more effective plan to deliver humanitarian assistance. Efforts at providing aid will fail if the donors allow the military a veto over how it is delivered --- Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen do not care about the sufferings of the people. They have even in the last few days targeted food supplies so as to starve our people. They made clear that they want full control on humanitarian aid as a way to gain legitimacy and leverage on their strategy. We in the National Unity Government stand ready to enable humanitarian agencies to reach those most in need. Myanmar has a resilient civil society that is carrying out incredible work to serve their communities. Humanitarian aid can and should be delivered while being accountable to the Myanmar people. Finally, we must hold Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen to account for the crimes they committed. The murdered children, the people taken and tortured in prison, the villagers forced to watch their crops destroyed -- victims have a right to justice, and it shall not be denied to them. We have seen the international reaction to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. That reaction gives me hope. We do not want to live in a world where such crimes can be committed with impunity. People believe that Ukraine can and should be free. My country, its people and my friends -- Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy, about to be murdered -- they are waiting for the world to believe that Myanmar can be free as well..."
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Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of publication: 2022-07-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-01
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Title: Why China Is Comfortable With Myanmar’s Military Rulers
Description: "Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will travel to Myanmar this weekend for a regional meeting in what will be Beijing’s highest-profile visit since the military seized power. Wang will attend a foreign ministers’ meeting of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation mechanism in the UNESCO World Heritage town Bagan in Mandalay Region. The Chinese foreign minister’s visit comes on the heels of the regime’s recent transfer of Myanmar’s detained State Counselor and democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to solitary confinement in a prison from house arrest. It also comes in the wake of attacks by anti-regime armed resistance groups on Chinese projects in the country for harboring regime soldiers, who have killed civilians and torched villages nearby. Recently, Chinese-owned Wanbao Mining Company in Sagaing Region was attacked with explosives and its power cables were blown up. The company condemned the attacks but didn’t comment on the sheltering of regime troops in its compound. Some armed resistance groups are now openly challenging Chinese projects in Myanmar and have condemned China’s support for the regime. Amid these attacks, there are reports that China wants to negotiate with the regime to send trained security guards to protect Chinese interests and mining projects in central Myanmar. Hundreds of Chinese nationals have reportedly entered Myanmar through two major checkpoints including Chinshwe-haw in Laukkaing Township, in Shan State’s Laukkaing District. Several ethnic armed groups based along the China-Myanmar border believe that the Chinese have negotiated with the regime to deploy more security guards at the targeted projects in Myanmar. The question now is whether Wang will meet coup leader Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing in Myanmar this time. If they meet, will Wang raise the issue of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was transferred from house arrest to prison last week? Or it will their talks focus more on extracting assurances from the regime that it will protect Chinese interests and projects in Myanmar? After the coup, massive anti-China protests broke out in Myanmar and Chinese factories came under attack. The attacks on China-linked businesses and China’s natural gas pipelines prompted Beijing to request an emergency meeting with regime officials, at which the Chinese side urged the junta to tighten security measures. Wang is no stranger to Min Aung Hlaing or Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and last visited Myanmar in January 2021, just weeks before the coup. On that occasion he met with the country’s civilian President U Win Myint and the State Counselor, as well as military chief Min Aung Hlaing. Since the coup, with Western governments imposing sanctions in response to the junta’s violent crackdown on dissent, the regime has turned increasingly to allies including China and Russia. In April, current regime Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin was invited to visit China and received a warm welcome from Wang. Beijing said it would help safeguard Myanmar’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity “no matter how the situation changes”. Wang told his Myanmar counterpart that Beijing “has always placed Myanmar in an important position in its neighborly diplomacy” and wants to “deepen exchanges and cooperation.” Wang’s comments amounted to Beijing’s most unambiguous statement of support to date for the military regime. Last year, Yun Sun, an expert on Myanmar-China relations with the Stimson Center, a US think-tank, said, “I think the Chinese can see that this military coup is successful and is here to stay.” China is one of the top investors in Myanmar (as well as a major arms supplier) and has strategic infrastructure projects in the country, including energy pipelines that give Beijing a critical link to the Indian Ocean. For Beijing, ultimately the question boils down to: Who can protect its interests and geopolitical objectives in Myanmar? China insists it is sticking to its classic “non-interference” policy—one of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that is core to its foreign policy. In reality, given China’s enormous overseas interests and global economic power, it will do what is necessary to protect its business interests and counter security threats. Myanmar is no exception. Therefore, China will need the regime’s assurance that it can protect its interests in Myanmar from those hostile ethnic armed groups and newly formed resistance groups that now pose immediate threats to Chinese projects. In contrast, in June, US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet, making a visit to Southeast Asia, said the military is suffering “serious losses” in its fight against its own people, who have been resisting military rule in the country. Given the ongoing crisis in Myanmar, Chollet said the regime was finding itself increasingly isolated, not just internationally but at home. “They’re not winning. They’re losing territory. Their military is taking serious losses,” he told The Irrawaddy in a recent interview. More than 2,000 people have been killed in the military’s crackdown on dissent since the coup, according to a local monitoring group. Thousands of villages have been burned down and activists and politicians have been locked up in prisons. Several politicians and activists have been taken away and next morning family members have been told to claim the dead bodies. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in February said it had stepped up its emergency response to assist hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people in Myanmar as their number crossed the 800,000 mark—a doubling since last year’s military coup. Myanmar citizens are well aware of China’s self-interest, and therefore Wang’s visit to Myanmar will be keenly monitored. Any endorsement of the regime and General Min Aung Hlaing will backfire. The threats to Chinese interests are real. It is about time China engaged with opposition forces in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-07-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-01
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Title: National Unity Government Statement (14/2022)
Description: "The terrorist military council illegally arrested State counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and she is currently being held in solitary confinement in a prison cell in Naypyidaw Prison. In Myanmar's political history, successive military dictators have tortured, arrested and killed a variety of ways many political leaders, activists, and innocent civilians all in an effort to assert their power. In this, the latest chapter of violence and oppression, it is clear that the junta are committing even more egregious human rights violations, war crimes, and crimes against humanity than ever before. On February 1, 2021, the terrorist group illegally attempted to dissolve the union government by force, an act recognised as criminal insurrection against the government in article 6 of the criminal code. In light of their many crimes and abuses, the CRPH declared the military council a terrorist organisation on March 1, 2021. Furthermore, trials and verdicts of courts operating under military control are null and void. The judicial and security personnel who continue to investigate, prosecute, and preside over cases within the military dictatorship's illegitimate system are complicit in a grievous crime and are viewed by the NUG Ministry of Justice as members of a criminal enterprise. The military have arrested all the political leaders, activists, protesters, and dissenters that they can. This includes the President and State Counsellor of Myanmar. The junta's political prisoners should be seen not as criminals, but as hostages; unjust victims of the military's oppression. Their welfare and lives are in grave danger. The situation is dire. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), it is clear that the terrorist military council are in violation of the fundamental rights and values held by the United Nations and therefore, the international community. The military’s actions are not only incompatible with international human rights standards but also a blatant violation of the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, which the military government signed on June 4, 2004. Therefore, we would humbly like to urge all people fighting for democracy, people who respect human dignity and rights and the international community to continue to fight and stand with the people of Myanmar to fight for the release of all unjust detainees as soon as possible. The National Unity Government is continuously monitoring the situation of hostages and detainees in the interrogation camps and prisons, and efforts are being made to secure the freedom of all political prisoners..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: National Unity Government Statement No.15/2022 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၁၅/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အပြီးသတ်ဖျက်သိမ်း၍ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တလျှက်ရှိသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတစ်ရပ်ပေါ်ထွန်းရေးအတွက် အားသွန်ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ(NUCC)၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ(CRPH)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG) နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားညီနောင်မဟာမိတ်တို့၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အရှိန်အဟုန်ရလာသည်နှင့်အမျှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ လက်ပါးစေ အစုအဖွဲ့များက တော်လှန်ရေးကို ပုံဖျက်သည့် သတင်းတု၊ သတင်းယောင်၊ သတင်းမှားများကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ထုတ်လုပ်ဖြန့်ချိလျက်ရှိကြောင်းတွေ့ရပါသည်။ ထိုသို့သော သတင်းတု၊ သတင်းယောင်၊ သတင်းမှားများထဲတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အမြင်သဘောထားမတူသူ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အချို့အား အသက်အန္တရာယ်ရန်ရှာရန် စာရင်းပြုစုထားကြောင်းကို အစည်းအဝေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်နှင့်တကွ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များပါ ချမှတ်ထားသယောင် လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီး၍ ဖြန့်ချိနေသော သတင်းမှားတစ်ခုလည်း ပါဝင်နေသည်ကို တွေ့ရပါသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော သတင်းမှားမှာ ယခုအကြိမ်တွင် သာမက လွန်ခဲ့သော (၈)လ ခန့်ကလည်း ပုံစံတူ သတင်းမှားတစ်ခုကို လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အချို့က လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီးကာ နိုင်ငံတကာအဝန်းအဝိုင်းသို့ ပေးပို့ခဲ့ဖူးသည့် သာဓကတစ်ခုလည်း ရှိခဲ့ဖူးကြောင်း သိရသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအတွင်း အကြောက်တရားသွတ်သွင်း၍ လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်း ကို မလုံခြုံမှုများဖြစ်စေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင် များသည်သာလျင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး နှင့် လူသားလုံခြုံရေးအတွက် ဘုံရန်သူဖြစ်သည်ဟု သတ်မှတ်ကာ အမြစ်ပြတ် တွန်းလှန်နိုင်ရေးကို နိုင်ငံရေးအမြင်မတူ ကွဲပြားမှုများအား လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားလျက် ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက် နေခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ တော်လှန်ရေးပုံပျက်စေရန် လုပ်ကြံဖန်တီး ဖြန့်ချိနေသည့် သတင်းမှားတွင် ပါဝင်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်မျိုးမှာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ စွဲကိုင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော မူဝါဒ၊ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်၊ ရည်မှန်းချက်များနှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သောကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ လုပ်ကိုင်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။ နိုင်ငံရေးအမြင်မတူ ကွဲပြားမှုများကို လက်မခံပဲ အဓမ္မနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို မည်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းက ကျူးလွန်သည်ဖြစ်စေ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပြီး ကျူးလွန်သူများအား တရားဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးကို တွန်းအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: Thailand’s Special Envoy Risks Becoming a Tool of Myanmar Junta
Description: "At a meeting with security officials in Singapore last month, US Department of State Counselor Derek Chollet said what most international observers think when he stated that there is “no chance” that elections, which Myanmar’s junta has pledged to hold next year, will be free and fair. On the contrary, he said, “it can be an attempt to just manipulate the region, the international community.” But a notable exception is Pornpimol “Pauline” Kanchanalak, Thailand’s newly appointed special envoy to Myanmar. Speaking at the same conference, she said that the international community must take the junta’s commitment to hold elections “at face value” and that “condemnations, sanctions, ostracization” of the junta “have reached diminishing returns.” It is hard to say whether Pornpimol really believed what she said or if it was merely an outcome of the notion that being kind to the junta and showing it some understanding would produce results. But, as last year’s coup clearly shows, the kind of “constructive engagement” that several outsiders, among them Western academics, diplomats and aid officials, pursued prior to the military takeover was severely misguided. As history has proved time and again, Myanmar’s generals do not listen to anybody but themselves. Pornpimol may also be a victim of another gross misunderstanding that is common among Thai policy makers: that they have a positive, special relationship with the Myanmar military that other outsiders lack. Therefore, the generals will listen to their “Thai brothers and sisters”, especially if they refrain from condemning human-rights abuses perpetrated by the Myanmar military. Troubled history But Myanmar’s generals may not be as easy to charm as Pornpimol and other Thai civil and military officials seem to believe. Behind the smiles and the handshakes often seen at official functions lies a long and troubled history of mutual distrust between the two Southeast Asian neighbors. Well into modern times, Thai schoolchildren learned little more about Myanmar than that its invading armies destroyed the old royal capital of Ayutthaya in 1767. Myanmar for its part had every reason to resent the Thais when they, in the early 1950s, became actively involved in sending supplies to renegade Kuomintang (KMT) forces that had retreated into northeastern and northern Myanmar following their defeat by Mao Zedong’s communist forces in 1949. The Myanmar military had to fight those unwelcome intruders while the US Central Intelligence Agency and its Taiwanese and Thai allies funneled weapons and other necessities across the border into the Shan States, where the KMT had its bases. Then, in October 1953, traditional atavistic Thai fears of Myanmar were reinforced when the Myanmar military was trying to block a KMT advance south towards today’s Kayah State—and a Myanmar aircraft strayed across the border and accidentally bombed a village in Mae Hong Son province, killing two people and injuring five. The specter of the destruction of Ayutthaya was raised in sensational reports in the Thai media and the then Thai prime minister, Plaek Phibunsongkram, publicly threatened to shoot down any Myanmar aircraft that violated the country’s airspace. Privately, however, he invited leaders of the Mon and Karen rebel armies to Bangkok, where, for the first time, secret negotiations were held between representatives of ethnic armed organizations from Myanmar and senior Thai officials. In March 1954, they arrived in the Thai capital. The Mon sent Nai Shwe Kyin, one of the founders of the Mon rebel movement, and Nai Hong Sa, who had a wide range of connections within Thailand’s ethnic Mon community. Saw Thra Din, a resistance veteran, represented the Karen National Union (KNU). They had a brief meeting with Plaek but negotiations were handled by Siddhi Savetsila, a young wing commander in the Royal Thai Air Force, and Charoentit Charunjamratromran, a prominent police colonel. Siddhi later became a politician and was Thailand’s foreign minister from 1980 to 1990 and, from 1991 to his death in 2015, served as a member of the Privy Council of the Thai King. New policy That clandestine visit of the Mon and Karen rebel leaders in 1954 marked the beginning of a new Thai policy towards Myanmar—one that would, to the chagrin of Myanmar’s military commanders, last for decades. For Thailand to police the porous, 2,416-km border with its historical enemy would have been a difficult and extremely costly undertaking. The solution was to encourage ethnic armed organizations from Myanmar to serve as buffers. While the Thai leaders pledged no direct support, the rebels were allowed to set up camps along the frontier, their families were allowed to stay in towns and villages on the Thai side, and they could buy arms and ammunition from dealers in Thailand. The first military coup in Myanmar in March 1962, and the subsequent introduction of a disastrous policy called “the Burmese Way to Socialism” made it possible for the ethnic rebels to strengthen their respective armed forces. “Socialism” in a Myanmar context, as articulated by the new dictator, General Ne Win, meant that everything in sight was nationalized and handed over to about 20 military-run state corporations. But those were so badly managed that Myanmar’s own production of consumer goods collapsed. Official imports also came to a standstill, as no foreign traders knew how to deal with the military corporations and the officers who headed them had very limited business experience. Enterprising black marketeers and smugglers, however, soon made up for the shortcomings. Most of the goods were brought in from Thailand—and the KNU and other ethnic rebels set up a series of “toll gates” along the Thai border where the contraband was taxed. Links were established with Thai merchants and military commanders, whose interests often were intertwined. Consumer goods, textiles, machinery, transistor radios and tape recorders, machinery, spare parts for vehicles and medicine went from Thailand to Myanmar while teak, other forest products, minerals, jade, precious stones, antiques and opium flowed in the opposite direction. The total value of those unofficial transactions has never been thoroughly researched, but it is fair to assume that Thailand owes much of its rapid economic growth and development in the 1960s, ’70s and ’80s to the thriving black-market trade with Myanmar. The Myanmar government had to turn a blind eye to these smuggling activities along the Thai border, given a choice between contraband or no goods at all, which could result in political and social unrest. And, as an inadvertent result of Gen. Ne Win’s economic policies, the ethnic rebels were able to buy more, and more sophisticated, weapons and maintain control over most of the Thai-Myanmar border. It was not until after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Myanmar that the Thais began to re-evaluate their border-buffer policy. The protesters did not manage to dislodge the military from power, but the Burmese Way to Socialism was abandoned and free enterprise was allowed—albeit under the strict supervision of the then junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council. In the wake of the uprising, thousands of dissidents flocked to the Thai border, where they and their activities were tolerated—but then an unprecedented and very controversial deal was struck between Myanmar’s military authorities and the Thai army commander at the time, General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. In December 1988, he went to Yangon and broke the international isolation that had been imposed on Myanmar after thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators had been massacred in the streets of the capital and other cities and towns. In return, Thai companies received lucrative logging contracts, fishing rights and deals in the hotel business. Chavalit also agreed to repatriate student activists who had fled to Thailand after the massacres, and that was not always done voluntarily. Direct links With direct business links being established between Thai and Myanmar interests, the old border buffer concept was becoming obsolete. It became more difficult, but not impossible, for the dissidents, and the ethnic armed organizations, to operate along the border. Many ethnic groups from Myanmar, among them the Karen, the Kachin and the Pa-O, still have contacts with Thai military officers and local government officials, which makes it difficult for the authorities in Bangkok to fully implement the new policies. And then there are groups like the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), which is armed by the Thais and is still functioning as a border buffer, but more to prevent the China-allied United Wa State Army from establishing a stronghold on the Thai border than to keep the Myanmar military at bay. But there are also occasional skirmishes between the RCSS and Myanmar junta forces. And some guns, hand grenades and explosives are even now reaching Karen guerrillas as well as the urban dissidents with whom they are allied. One should not be surprised to learn that the Myanmar military sees the Thais as duplicitous. Private discussions with former Myanmar army officers also reveal the disdain with which they see their Thai counterparts, who they say are weak and lack combat experience. And, not to be forgotten, the Myanmar military has a long memory and cannot ignore decades of Thai border politics—which were entirely in favor of Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations—or that the Thais, at the same time, took advantage of Myanmar’s economic predicaments. That the Thais can be used, but not trusted, appears to be the consensus among Myanmar officers. Pornpimol may be correct in assuming that the Myanmar military has a very “special relationship” with the Thais. But it is not in the way she thinks, and it will not produce the results she expects to get in return for “being nice” to the generals in Naypyitaw..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-30
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly News Bulletin No. 9/2022
Sub-title: NUG welcomes the UK’s decision to impose sanctions on companies delivering weapons
Description: "(1) The National Unity Government welcomes the United Kingdom’s decision to impose sanctions on companies delivering the weapons that allow Myanmar’s terrorist military junta to perpetrate its brutal violence. These sanctions target several Russian arms dealers who are selling drones and helicopter parts to the junta as well as Myanmar companies who act as intermediaries between the Russian weapon suppliers and the military. The following Myanmar companies are contained in the sanctions list: Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, Sky Aviator Company Limited, and Synpex Shwe Company Limited https://bit.ly/3A1ERy8 NUG welcomes the UK’s decision to impose sanctions on companies delivering weapons (3) The National Unity Government i s s u e d an addendum to the Federal Democracy Charter: “The Federal Democracy Union Declaration”. The declaration was first proposed on June 31st, 2021, and approved with some amendments in the first people's congress held 27th - 29th January, 2022.....NUG announced that it can wage guerrilla warfare and direct confrontations with many PDF battalions (2) The National Unity Government announced that it is both purchasing and manufacturing armaments so that the combat forces can continue their campaign of guerrilla warfare against the SAC. With the formation of hundreds of battalions and the increased availability of arms, the NUG has also indicated that pro-democracy forces will soon be able to launch direct conventional military operations against the junta's forces. Already the NUG's forces..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-27
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Title: National Unity Government Weekly News Bulletin No. 9/2022 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၉/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၉/၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-27
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Title: Can Aung San Suu Kyi Survive Myanmar Junta’s Latest Attack?
Description: "Three days after her 77th birthday, Myanmar’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi found herself in a prison of one of the most ruthless regimes in the world. It’s hard for anyone to imagine themselves in her shoes—from a pro-democracy fighter to a prisoner, from a prisoner to the country’s elected leader, from the elected leader to a prisoner again. At this age, she must be the unluckiest person or politician in the world to be subject to solitary confinement in prison. Worse, she is a prisoner of a brutal and wicked regime. That’s her choice, however. Life is a choice. If it’s a fault, then it has been her fault since the start. Consciously, she chose this life. Since 1988, she has taken up the cause to fight for “the country’s second independence struggle”, in her own words, for her country and its people to be free from dictatorship. She must have known that one day her life was likely to end this way. At least, it must have occurred to her on Feb. 1, 2021 when she became a prisoner again when the military seized power after overthrowing her elected government. As a sensible and mindful person, she must since then have prepared to spend time alone in prison. Perhaps this time the 77-year-old was prepared for worse things, or even the worst—to face death behind bars—given the regime’s lengthy sentences against her. No doubt that is the final mission of her captors. She should have known that the junta and its chief Min Aung Hlaing himself were planning to end the political life she’s chosen, and her own life too, the one her mother brought into this world. She has been the biggest thorn in the side of the ruling generals ever since she first shook their grip on power. Thus, the generals tried to keep her away from politics with the punishments below: Detaining her under house arrest for 15 years over the past three decades. Annulling the electoral victories of her party. Overthrowing her elected government. Crippling her popular party. Slaying her supporters. Sentencing her to lengthy imprisonment terms. Keeping her under house arrest until recently. All these punishments were not enough. Sending her to prison on Wednesday was a part of their final mission. This time, the generals seriously intend to get rid of her, unlike before. A lucky thing for them now is her age. Min Aung Hlaing, his deputy generals and his former senior generals as mentors will feel lucky that soon they can rest assured she will draw her very last breath in prison. But for the people of Myanmar, they have lost their leader again after losing her repeatedly in the past following her multiple arrests. They can’t help appreciating her selfless efforts for their country. They can feel her true feeling for them. They respect her and love her. They voted for her whenever they got the chance to exercise their democratic right at polling stations. She and her party repeatedly won landslide victories over the past three decades.She is their sole representative. She is more representative than other elected leaders around the world. By sending their leader to prison it seems that the generals were punishing the people for voting for her. Whatever the junta did to her was done to the Myanmar people too. Annulling the 2020 election result was itself the junta’s attack on the people who voted for her party. The junta is waging a war against the people. The leader suffers and the people suffer too. To err is human, and she is no exception. She was wrong to believe in reconciliation with the military leaders. Totally wrong. But she was not alone. At that time, many believed that working with the military was the only option. That was a general idea or concept at that time—to try, as the best option, to rebuild the country together with the country’s most powerful institution. That notion lasted until the coup in 2021 but is now a relic of the past. The coup destroyed that political idea. People in Myanmar no longer accept it. Another thing she was wrong about was the generals’ genocidal intent. She didn’t think the generals had genocidal intent when their troops committed atrocities against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2017. In fact, Myanmar’s generals have not been professional military officers for a very long time. They long ago became “a bunch of thugs” killing innocent people, willing to destroy any ethnic people or any political group or party. After the coup last year, the genocidal intent with which they killed many people indiscriminately was shown again. The generals also proved that they are no more than a bunch of thugs. That’s what the people believe too. So most people have given up on the idea of negotiating with these thugs at all. What they all seek is to uproot the military and found a new army to serve the people. That’s what the people want their leader to understand too. No more reconciliation with that bunch of thugs. She must be with the people. Otherwise, she can’t represent the people. But history has proved that she is always a leader of the people. Because she is the one the thuggish generals fear most. That’s why she has been arrested and attacked much more than any other leading activist or politician in the country. She is the biggest enemy for them, as most people support her. That means she is on the right side of the people. She has continued to fight together with the people for what the people want. That’s why on her birthday on Sunday, even young protesters in urban areas and young resistance fighters in their military outfits celebrated her birthday as their leader. Let’s see if the ruthless generals will accomplish their final mission, which is against the people’s will. Previously, she has always survived the regime’s arrests, attempts to assassinate her and all of their wicked plots against her. She is thin but strong. She is old but determined. She is alone but mindful. She is locked up but peaceful..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-24
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-24
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Title: Dr.Sasa's Honoring speech about Salai Tin Maung Oo
Description: "This speech is to honor the hero Salai Tin Maung Oo from Chin State, who was brutally tortured and executed by dictator Ne Win in 1976 at the age of 25. He is a hero of the nation, hero of freedom and federal democracy, who has sacrificed his life for the sake of the nation and the people of Myanmar. He had shown massive courage and bravery for freedom. Today, we are seeing this darkest moment again in our history. Our nation is full of young people like Salai Tin Maung Oo, who are willing to give their lives for the freedom and federal democratic union future of the country. They don't want to live under oppressive, brutal military regime anymore. They have said enough is enough, especially the young generation of Myanmar, Gen Z, who most of them are now members of PDF and freedom fighters of ethnic armed organizations. If you look at 10 months ago, we had nothing. But now, there is already 267 freedom fighters’ battalions, who are willing to sacrifice their lives for the future of Myanmar. If you look at local defense forces, together with NUG, more than 500 groups have come together to defend the country from the fascist military. That is the big number of young people like Salai Tin Maung Oo. In Chin state alone, there are now more than 20 Chinland Defense Forces, more than 20,000 young men and women like Salai Tin Maung Oo in Chin state, fighting for self-determination, freedom and federal democracy. It is the same across Myanmar, it is the same across other states like Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin. Most of them are young people, fighting for freedom and democracy, fighting for the future federal union of Myanmar where they will flourish and thrive. But now, when they look at the hands of brutal military regime, all they see is death, destruction, loss. There is nothing more hopelessness and helplessness than what the military brings to the country and the people they swore to protect and serve. That is exactly what Salai Tin Maung Oo was against. He gave hope to young people, he gave hope for the future of Myanmar, and he will be remembered by all the people of Myanmar like Martin Luther King Jr. Even though he is not with us today, he is always in our thoughts, our hearts, our prayers. His visions, his sacrifices and his missions are still with us. We must accomplish the mission that Salai Tin Maung Oo has left us to accomplish. I also would like to take this opportunity to salute the brave young men and women of Myanmar, for their love of peace, their love of freedom, their love of federal democracy. Better tomorrows are coming soon, where freedom is awaiting us, where the true federal democratic union is forming, where everybody will have rights to be respected, promoted, and protected regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, background and ethnicity. And this is exactly what is signed in Pin Laung Agreement. Equality, self-determination, freedom, what Salai Tin Maung Oo had given up his life for, what the young people of Myanmar today are sacrificing their lives for. I want to urge the international communities, our neighbors, United Nation and the leaders of the world, to recognize the words of the young people of Myanmar. The desire of Salai Tin Maung Oo must come to reality sooner than later. We must do everything in our power to make freedom come soon, to make federal democracy flourish sooner than later, before more precious lives of young people are taken. May the revolution succeed; the revolution is succeeding. May God bless you; may God bless Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-23
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-24
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Title: Federal Democracy Charter Part - 1 Declaration of Federal Democratic Union 2021 - ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ကြေညာစာတမ်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
Description: "၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့အထိ ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် ပထမအကြိမ်ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ချက်များဖြင့် အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည်။ မာတိကာ နိဒါန်း အခန်း (၁) ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက် အခန်း (၂) ပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ပါဝင်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (Members of the Charter) အခန်း (၃) အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (သို့မဟုတ်) နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ အခန်း (၄) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲခြင်း အပိုင်း (၁) ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုး၊ အပိုင်း (၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ အပိုင်း (၃) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူဝါဒများ အခန်း (၅) ဝန်ခံကတိပြုချက် နိဂုံး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ် Federal Democracy Charter နိဒါန်း သမိုင်းစဉ်ဆက် သီးခြားလွတ်လပ်စွာနေထိုင်ခဲ့ကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများသည် လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အတူတကွရယူပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ပူးပေါင်း ထူထောင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည်။ သို့ရာတွင် လွတ်လပ်ရေးရရှိသည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ ရေးဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းကျင့်သုံးခဲ့ကြသော ၁၉၄၇ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ၊ ၁၉၇၄ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေတို့သည် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်တွင် သဘောတူညီထားခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့် အဝ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိသောကြောင့် ဤတိုင်းပြည်တွင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကျော် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့်အပြင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ဖြစ်ပွားပြီး စစ်အာ ဏာရှင်စနစ်နှင့် တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ်တို့၏ ဆိုးကျိုးများကို ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး ခါးစည်းခံနေကြရသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုက တစ်ပါတီအာဏာရှင်စနစ် ထူထောင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့သော ၁၉၇၄ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေကို ရှစ်လေးလုံးအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးက ဖျက်သိမ်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် လူထုဆန္ဒ မပါဘဲ အတင်းအဓမ္မ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကိုလည်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကြီးဖြင့် ဖျက်သိမ်းနိုင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် သူတို့ကိုယ်တိုင် ရေးဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့သော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သောကြောင့် ထိုအာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည်ပင်လျှင် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ပျက်ပြယ်သွားစေခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလတွင် ကျင်းပခဲ့သော ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် မဲစာရင်းမှားယွင်းသည် ဟု အကြောင်းပြ၍ ဖြစ်ပွားသော စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး အကြမ်းမဖက် ငြိမ်းချမ်း စွာဖြင့် ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်သည့် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှု၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း အပါအဝင် လူငယ်၊ အမျိုးသမီး၊ ဝန်ထမ်း၊ အလုပ်သမားနှင့် သမဂ္ဂများက အစပြု၍ အမျိုးသမီး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအပါအဝင် အရပ်ဖက် လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ သပိတ်ကော်မတီများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၊ လူထုလူတန်းစား အလွှာအသီးသီး၊ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို လက်မခံသော နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက် သော လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုသပိတ်တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြည်ထောင်စုတဝှမ်းလုံးတွင် ပြုလုပ်နေကြသည်။ ထိုအာဏာသိမ်းမှု ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်သော သက်ဆိုင် သူများ (Stakeholders) ၏ စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် တစ်ခုတည်းသောအင်အားစုကို ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်နိုင်မှသာ စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်ကို အပြီးသတ် တိုက်ဖျက်ချေမှုန်း သွားနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှကို အမြစ်ပြုတ်တိုက်ဖျက်နိုင်မှသာ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်း ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက် ပေးနိုင်သည့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီး ခိုင်မာသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကို ထူထောင်နိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်သည်။ ဤ“ပဋိညာဉ်”အား လက်ခံသဘောတူညီကြသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် ဖော်ပြပါ စံတန်ဖိုးများကို ကိုင်စွဲပြီး အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ပပျောက်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုပေါ်ပေါက်ရေးတို့အတွက် အဆင့်လိုက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ထိုသို့ ဆောင်ရွက် ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ၊ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြခံဥပဒေရေးဆွဲရာတွင် အခြေခံရမည့် လမ်းညွှန် အခြေခံမူများ၊ အခြေခံမူဝါဒများဖြင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးကို ကြိုးပမ်း တည်ဆောက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချအပ်ပါသည်။ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို လက်ခံသဘော တူညီကြသူများ၏ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုမှတဆင့် စုပေါင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက် မှုများသည် လိုရာပန်းတိုင်သို့ တွန်းပို့ရောက်ရှိနိုင်မည့် စုပေါင်းအင်အားကို ဖြစ်ပေါ် စေမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ခိုင်မာသော ယုံကြည်ချက်ဖြင့် ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကြီးအား အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်း လိုက်သည်။ အခန်း (၁) ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်‌ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဖက်ဒရယ်နှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားများကို လျစ်လျူရှုကာ နိုင်ငံအဆင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုလုပ်ရပ်များ‌ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည်။ ဤအခြေအနေတွင် ပြည်သူလူထု ကိုယ်စားပြုမှုရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း များ၏ အခွင့်‌အာဏာပေးအပ်ထားသည့် ညီလာခံ (Assembly) တစ်ရပ်နှင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (National Unity Government) ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ဤအခြေအနေတွင် အာဏာရှင်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုကိုယ်စားပြုမှုရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက ဦးဆောင်၍ အခန်း (၃) တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြ မြေပုံနှင့်အညီ တိုင်းပြည် ပြန်လည်တည်ငြိမ် အေးချမ်းသာယာစေရန်၊ ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သော အနာဂတ်တိုင်းပြည်အတွက် ပြည်‌ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအသစ်တစ်ခု ပေါ်ထွက် လာရန်နှင့် ထိုဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအားဖြင့် စစ်မှန်သော အရပ်သား အစိုးရများ ပေါ်ထွက် လာရန်အတွက် ဤသဘောတူ ပဋိညာဉ်ကြေညာစာတမ်းကို ကတိကဝတ်ပြုသည့် အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများသည် အတူတကွ စုပေါင်းသန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ပြု၍ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် ရည်ရွယ်ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် အဓိကအရေးကြီးသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် ပဋိပက္ခများ၊ အရင်းခံပြဿနာများကို အပြီးသတ်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းစေနိုင်ရန် အတွက်လည်းကောင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် လက်တွဲနိုင်ရန်အတွက်လည်းကောင်း၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ စနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးပြီး တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ကို အာမခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝင်လူမျိုးများအားလုံး၊ နိုင်ငံသားများ အားလုံး လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း၊ တန်းတူညီမျှခြင်း၊ တရားမျှတခြင်းတို့ကို အခြေခံကာ အပြန်အလှန် အသိ အမှတ်ပြုလေးစားမှု၊ ချစ်ကြည်ရိုင်းပင်းမှု၊ သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်မှုတို့ကို တည်ဆောက်ပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ အေးအတူပူအမျှ အတူတကွ ယှဉ်တွဲနေထိုင်နိုင်သော သာယာဝပြောသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုအား တည်ဆောက်ရန် လည်းကောင်း အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ လုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် ရည်ရွယ်သည်။ ၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ် မှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်ရေး။ ၂။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အပြီးသတ် ဖျက်သိမ်းရေး။ ၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေး။ ၄။ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရ ပေါ်ထွန်းရေး။ အခန်း (၂) ပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ပါဝင်သည့် အစုအဖွဲ့များ (Members of the Charter) ဤပဋိညာဉ်တွင် ဖော်ပြပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်တို့ကို စုပေါင်း အကောင် အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် အောက်ပါနယ်ပယ်များမှ အစုအဖွဲ့များ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် ကြသည်။ ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံ လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ ၂။ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ ၃။ သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့်လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ်ဖက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ ၄။ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (Ethnic Resistance Organizations) ၅။ ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ် ကိုယ်စားပြုနှင့် လူမျိုးအခြေပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်း/ကောင်စီများ အခန်း (၃) အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (သို့မဟုတ်) နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ ၁။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှ ပြုတ်ကျသည်အထိ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ အပါအဝင် လူထု အထွေထွေသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို အဆက်မပြတ် ဆက်လက်လှုပ်ရှား ဆောင်ရွက် နိုင်ရေး စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ဆော်ခြင်း၊ အားပေးခြင်းနှင့် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီခြင်း။ ၂။ ရွေးကောက်ခံ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ များ ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း။ ၃။ နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာသဘောတူညီချက်များ ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုနိုင်ရေးနှင့် ရှေ့လုပ်ငန်း စဉ်များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် မိတ်ဖက် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအပါအဝင် အရပ်ဖက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ လက်တွဲ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်သည့် အခင်းအကျင်း ဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်း။ ၄။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြုခြင်း။ ၅။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (Interim National Unity Government) ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားရေးမဏ္ဍိုင်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း။ ၆။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူ အင်အားစုအားလုံးပါဝင်သော ပြည်သူ့ ညီလာခံတစ်ရပ် ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပခြင်း။ ၇။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ပပျောက်ရေး၊ ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ဖျက်သိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် မဟာဗျူဟာချမှတ်၍ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း။ ၈။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေရေးဆွဲခြင်း။ ၉။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ အစိုးရဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း။ ၁၀။ တိုင်းပြုပြည်ပြုညီလာခံ (Constitutional Assembly) ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြုခြင်း။ ၁၁။ တိုင်းပြုပြည်ပြုညီလာခံက ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြုထားသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်း ပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို လူထုဆန္ဒခံယူပွဲ ကျင်းပပြီး အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်းခြင်းနှင့် ရွေးကောက် ပွဲကျင်းပခြင်း။ ၁၂။ အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်းလိုက်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအရ ဥပ ဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး နှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးမဏ္ဍိုင်များကို ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေစနစ် (Constitutionalism) အရ လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးခြင်း။ အခန်း (၄) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲခြင်း ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကိုအခြေခံ၍ အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ ချမှတ်ကာ အနာ ဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေ (မူကြမ်း)ကို ရေးဆွဲရမည်။ အပိုင်း (၁) ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုး အပိုင်း (၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံ မူများ အပိုင်း (၃) အခြေခံမူဝါဒများ အပိုင်း (၁) ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက်နှင့် စံတန်ဖိုး ပြည်ထောင်စုမျှော်ရည်ချက် (Union Vision) လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှုကို အာမခံပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်မည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုစံတန်ဖိုး (Union Values) ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးကို တည်ဆောက်ရန်အတွက် အောက်ပါတို့ကို စံတန်ဖိုးအဖြစ် ယုံကြည်လက်ခံသည်။ ၁။ အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေး (Fundamental Human Rights) ၂။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအခွင့်အရေး (Democratic Rights) ၃။ လူနည်းစုအခွင့်အရေး (Minority Rights) ၄။ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် (Equality and Self-Determination) ၅။ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှု (Collective Leadership) ၆။ စုံလင်ကွဲပြားမှုကို အပြန်အလှန်လေးစား အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်း (Pluralism, Mutual Respect and Mutual Recognition) ၇။ သဟဇာတဖြစ်ခြင်းနှင့် မတူကွဲပြားမှုကို လက်ခံသော ညီညွတ်ခြင်း (Unity in Diversity) ၈။ ဂျန်ဒါ တန်းတူရေး (Gender Equality) ၉။ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုမရှိခြင်း (လူမျိုး၊ ကိုးကွယ်ယုံကြည်မှု၊ ဘာသာစကား၊ စာပေ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှု၊ ကျား/မ၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှု) (Non-Discrimination) အပိုင်း (၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် ယင်းပြည်နယ်များအတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူတို့သည် အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ၏ မူရင်းပိုင်ရှင်များ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အပြည့်အဝ ရှိသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များအားလုံး (ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်အားလုံး) တို့သည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ တန်းတူသည်။ ၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များသည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ၄။ အာဏာခွဲဝေမှု (Division of Power)၊ သယံဇာတခွဲဝေမှု (Revenue Sharing) နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးစနစ် (Fiscal Federalism) တို့ကို ကျင့်သုံးသည်။ ထိုသို့ ခွဲဝေရာတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အနီးကပ်ဆုံးအစိုးရအဆင့်က လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်သည်အထိ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ပြုသောစနစ် (Subsidiarity Principle) ကို ကျင့်သုံးသည်။ ၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာတပ်ဖွဲ့များ အားလုံးသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ ကွပ်ကဲမှု နှင့် စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် ရှိရမည်။ လူသားလုံခြုံရေးကို အခြေခံသည့် မူဝါဒ ကျင့်သုံးရမည်။ အပိုင်း (၃) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူဝါဒများ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အသွင်သဏ္ဍာန် ၁။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအခွင့်အရေးများ အပြည့်အဝကျင့်သုံးသော၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်း ခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသော၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအင်္ဂါရပ်များနှင့် ပြည်စုံသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို တည်ဆောက်မည်။ ၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်း ခွင့် အပြည့်အဝရှိသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ ၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်တိုင်းတွင် သီးခြားဥပဒေပြုရေးအာဏာ၊ သီးခြား အုပ်ချုပ် ရေး အာဏာနှင့် သီးခြားတရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာတို့ ရှိသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ ၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် ယင်းပြည်နယ်များရှိ ပြည်သူလူထုသည် အချုပ် အခြာအာဏာ၏ မူရင်းပိုင်ရှင်များဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ၏မဏ္ဍိုင် (၃) ရပ်ဖြစ်သည့် ဥပဒေပြုရေးအာဏာ၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအာဏာနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာတို့ကို လွတ်လပ် စွာ ပိုင်းခြားကျင့်သုံးခြင်းနှင့် အပြန်အလှန် ထိန်းကျောင်းခြင်း ရှိစေရမည်။ ၆။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စု အဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်များအကြား ခွဲဝေကျင့်သုံးခြင်း ရှိရမည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်များအကြား စနစ်တကျ အာဏာခွဲဝေကျင့်သုံးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စု အာဏာ၊ ပြည်နယ်အာဏာနှင့် ထပ်တူပြုအာဏာများကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင်ပြည်နယ်များအားလုံး၏ ဘုံအကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ကျင့်သုံးရန် လိုအပ်သော အခွင့်အာဏာများကိုသာ ပြည်ထောင်စုသို့ အပ်နှင်းသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအာဏာ၊ ပြည်နယ်အာဏာနှင့် ထပ်တူပြုအာဏာများတွင် ထည့်သွင်း ဖေါ်ပြထားခြင်းမရှိသည့် ကြွင်းကျန်အာဏာများသည် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ် များတွင် တည်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဥပဒေပြုရေး ၇။ ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်ကို အာဏာတူသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်အထက်လွှတ်တော်နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် အောက်လွှတ်တော်တို့ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ အထက်လွှတ်တော်ကို ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင် စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးက တူညီသော အရေအတွက်ဖြင့် ရွေးချယ်စေလွှတ်သည့် ရွေးကောက်ခံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ အောက်လွှတ်တော်ကို မြို့နယ် အပေါ်တွင် အခြေခံ၍သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ လူဦးရေအပေါ်တွင် အခြေခံ၍ သော်လည်း ကောင်း ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများတွင် မဲဆန္ဒရှင်ပြည်သူများက ရွေးကောက်တင် မြှောက် လိုက်သည့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ ယင်းလွှတ်တော်နှစ်ရပ်က ပြည် ထောင်စု ဥပဒေများကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ်သည် ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဦးဆောင်သောစနစ် (Parliamentary System) ဖြစ်သည်။ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဦးဆောင်သောစနစ်တွင် ပြည်ထောင် စုဦးသျှောင် သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ ထားရှိသောစနစ် ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုတရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး ၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာကို ကျင့်သုံးနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားလွှတ်တော်ချုပ်နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားရုံးများ အဆင့် ဆင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားရှိရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတက အဆိုပြု တင်သွင်း လာသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တရားသူကြီးချုပ်အား ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်က စိစစ်အတည်ပြုပေးရမည်။ ၁၀။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်နယ် အချင်း ချင်းအကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော အငြင်း ပွားမှုများကို ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် လွတ်လပ်သော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေ ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံးကို ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ရမည်။ ၁၁။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံ ဥပဒေသည် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အမြင့်ဆုံးဥပဒေဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ၁၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များသည် ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေများကို ရေး ဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ၁၃။ ပြည်နယ်တွင်း ဒေသန္တရအဆင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာကို ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေ တွင် ရှင်းလင်းတိကျစွာ ဖော်ပြပြီး ၎င်း၏အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာကောက်ယူနိုင်သည့် စာရင်းများကို တိကျစွာ သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။ ၁၄။ ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးတိုင်း၏ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်း စသည့် ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သော အခွင့်အရေး များကို ကာကွယ်ထိန်းသိမ်း မြှင့်တင်ပေးရမည်။ ၁၅။ ပြည်နယ်များ၏ ရုံးသုံးဘာသာစကားကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်က သင့်လျော်သလို သတ်မှတ်နိုင်သည်။ လွတ်လပ်သော ကော်မရှင်များ ၁၆။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ လွတ်လပ်သော ကော်မရှင်များကို ဖွဲ့ စည်းရမည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြားကော်မရှင်များကိုလည်း လိုအပ်သလိုတိုးချဲ့ ဖွဲ့စည်း နိုင်သည်။ (က) အကျင့်ပျက်ခြစားမှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Anti-Corruption Commission) (ခ) ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကော်မရှင် (Election Commission) (ဂ) ခွဲခြားမှုပပျောက်ရေးနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Anti-Discrimination and Human Rights Commission) (ဃ) သတင်းအချက်အလက် သိပိုင်ခွင့်ကော်မရှင် (Right to Information Commission) (င) ဂျန်ဒါအခြေပြုအကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့် အိမ်တွင်းအကြမ်းဖက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ကော်မရှင် (Commission on Gender-based Violence and Domestic Violence) (စ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ တရားမျှတမှုဆိုင်ရာ အမှန်တရားနှင့် ပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Transitional Justice, Truth and Reconciliation Commission) (ဆ) လူနည်းစုအခွင့်အရေး ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မြှင့်တင်ရေးကော်မရှင် (Minority Rights Commission) (ဇ) နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာသူများ ပြန်လည်နေရာချထားရေးကော်မရှင် (Commission for the Resettlement of the Displaced People) (ဈ) အမျိုးသမီးအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Women Rights Commission) (ည) ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Child Rights Commission) (ဋ) အလုပ်သမားနှင့် လယ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Labor and Farmer Rights Commission) (ဌ) တောင်သူလယ်သမားနှင့် မြေယာဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Farmer and Land Rights Commission) (ဍ) ခြားနားစွမ်းသူများအခွင့်အရေးကော်မရှင် (Rights of the Differently Abled Commission) (ဎ) လူငယ်ရေးရာကော်မရှင် (Youth Affairs Commission) (ဏ) ဂျန်ဒါတန်းတူရေးကော်မရှင် (Gender Equality Commission) နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့်ဘာသာရေး ၁၇။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုသည် နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် ဘာသာရေး ရောယှက်ခြင်း မရှိသော၊ ဘာသာရေးကို အခြေမခံသော နိုင်ငံရေးစနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးသည်။ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ် (Fiscal Federalism) ၁၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် အစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အဆင့် အစိုးရများအကြား တိကျ၍ စည်းစနစ် ကျသော အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကောက်ခံသည့် စာရင်းကို တိကျစွာ ဥပဒေပြု ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကောက်ခံသော ယန္တရားနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကောက်ခံသော ယန္တရားတို့ သီးခြားစီ ရှိရမည်။ ၁၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်တို့အကြား ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းနှင့် ခွဲဝေခြင်း (Fiscal Management and Sharing) ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများကို ရေးဆွဲ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များ ဘက်စုံညီမျှဖွံ့ဖြိုး တိုးတက်ရေး အတွက် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဆိုင်ရာ သာတူညီမျှရေးအစီအစဉ်ကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။ မြေနှင့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတ ၂၀။ မြေနှင့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတ စီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ် များက လွတ်လပ်စွာ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ၂၁။ ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ မြေနှင့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတအရင်းအမြစ်များအားလုံး၏ မူရင်း ပိုင်ရှင်သည် ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းနေထိုင်သော ပြည်နယ်သားများဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်နယ် အတွင်းရှိ သဘာဝသယံဇာတ အရင်းအမြစ်များ စူးစမ်းရှာဖွေခြင်း၊ တူးဖော် ထုတ်လုပ်သုံးစွဲခြင်း၊ ရောင်းဝယ်ဖောက်ကားခြင်း၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်ခြင်း စသည်တို့ကို ပြည်နယ်က လွတ်လပ်စွာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိသည်။ ၂၂။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် သယံဇာတမှ ရရှိသော ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်က စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့် နှင့် အကျိုးခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ၂၃။ သဘာဝသယံဇာတ အရင်းအမြစ်များ ထုတ်ယူသုံးစွဲရာတွင် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဒေသခံများ၏ သဘောဆန္ဒကို ရယူရမည့်အပြင် ထိုဒေသ၏ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုကိုလည်း တိုက်ရိုက် အကျိုးပြုမှု ရှိရမည်။ သဘာဝသယံဇာတများ ထုတ်ယူသည့်အတွက် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာမည့် လူထုနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်အပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် ဆိုးကျိုးများနှင့် ပျက်စီး ဆုံးရှုံးသွားသော ဂေဟစနစ်ကို ပြန်လည်ကုစားရေးအတွက် သီးခြားအခွန်ငွေ ကောက်ခံ ပြီး ရန်ပုံငွေအစီအစဉ် တစ်ရပ်ကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားရမည်။ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများ ၂၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် နေထိုင်သူတိုင်းသည် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားခွင့် ရှိရမည်။ ၂၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွား တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများအားလုံးသည် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တစ်ဦးချင်းအလိုက် ခံစားခွင့်ရှိသည့် တသီးပုဂ္ဂလအခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၏ လူမျိုး အလိုက် ခံစားခွင့်ရှိသည့် စုပေါင်းအခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် အစုအဖွဲ့အလိုက် ခံစားခွင့်ရှိသည့် စုပေါင်းအခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိရမည်။ ၂၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ နိုင်ငံသားအဖြစ် ခံယူထားသော ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် နိုင်ငံသားများ၏ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေး (Citizen Rights) များ၊ တသီးပုဂ္ဂလ အခွင့်အရေးများ (Individual Rights) နှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ (Cultural Self-Determination) ကို အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားခွင့်ရှိရမည်။ ၂၇။ နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် အခြေခံအကျဆုံးဖြစ်သည့် တသီးပုဂ္ဂလအခွင့်အရေးများကို လူမျိုး၊ ယုံကြည်ကိုးကွယ်မှု၊ ကျား/မ၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုတို့ကို အခြေမခံဘဲ အပြည့်အဝ ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေးနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ ၂၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် တရားသဖြင့် ရှာဖွေရရှိထားသော ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်၊ လွှဲပြောင်းခွင့်၊ ထုခွဲရောင်းချပိုင်ခွင့်၊ အမွေဆက်ခံပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိရမည်။ ၂၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း၏ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်ကို အများပြည်သူ အကျိုးအတွက်သာလျှင် ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ရုပ်သိမ်းမှု ပြုလုပ်နိုင်စေရမည်။ ရုပ်သိမ်းခံရသူ ၏ အကျိုးနှင့် အများပြည်သူတို့၏ အကျိုးကို တရားမျှတစွာ ချိန်ဆ၍ ထိုက်တန်သော လျော်ကြေးပေးပြီးမှသာ သိမ်းယူခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။ ၃၀။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် ဇာတိ၊ ကိုးကွယ်ရာဘာသာ၊ အဆင့် အတန်း၊ ကျား/မ၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှု၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု၊ အသား အရောင်၊ လူမျိုး၊ အသက်အရွယ် အပေါ် မူတည်၍ ခွဲခြားခံရခြင်း မရှိစေရဘဲ အလုပ်ရွေးချယ်ပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် အလုပ်လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိစေရမည်။ ၃၁။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် မိမိ၏ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းအတွက် လွတ်လပ်စွာ စီးပွားရှာဖွေခွင့်နှင့် စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ တည်ထောင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ၃၂။ အထက်အပိုဒ်(၃၁)ပါ အခွင့်အရေးကို ကျင့်သုံးရာတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုက ချမှတ်ထားသော စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာမူဝါဒများ၊ စီမံကိန်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတော်လုံခြုံရေး၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးတို့ကို ထိခိုက်မှု မရှိစေရ။ ၃၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် လွတ်လပ်စွာ တီထွင်ဖန်တီးပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် နည်းပညာ မူပိုင်ခွင့်တို့ကို ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ ၃၄။ မိရိုးဖလာ သဘာဝအမွေအနှစ်များ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အမွေအနှစ်များနှင့် ဓလေ့ ထုံးတမ်းအစဉ်အလာအရ သီးသန့်ပိုင်ဆိုင်လာခဲ့သော နည်းပညာဆိုင်ရာ အမွေအနှစ် များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ အစဉ်အဆက် ထိန်းသိမ်းပိုင်ခွင့်၊ အသုံးပြုပိုင်ခွင့်၊ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ ၃၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် မိမိနေရင်းပြည်နယ်မှ အခြားပြည်နယ် တရပ်ရပ်သို့ အခြေချနေထိုင်ခြင်း၊ စီးပွားရှာဖွေခြင်းတို့သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်၏ တရားဥပဒေ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက် များနှင့်အညီသာလျှင် ဖြစ်စေရမည်။ ၃၆။ နိုင်ငံခြားရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ ပြည်နယ် လုပ်ပိုင် ခွင့်၊ ထပ်တူပြုလုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို သတ်မှတ်ပေးရမည်။ ကြွင်းကျန်လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် များသည် ပြည်နယ်များ၌ တည်ရမည်။ လူမှုရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေး ၃၇။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် - (က) လွတ်လပ်စွာ ပညာသင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ (ခ) မိမိနှစ်သက်ဝါသနာပါရာ အတတ်ပညာ၊ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းပညာ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာရွေးချယ်ပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ (ဂ) အခြေခံပညာရေးကို မသင်မနေရအဖြစ် အခမဲ့သင်ကြားခွင့် ရရှိစေရမည်။ ၃၈။ တိုင်းရင်းသားများ၏ မိခင်ဘာသာစကားအခြေပြု ဘာသာစကားစုံပညာသင်ကြား ရေးစနစ်ကို ပြည်နယ်များ၏ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့်အညီ အကောင်အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရမည်။ ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပညာရေးကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ကျင့်သုံး မည်။ ၃၉။ တက္ကသိုလ်များ၊ ကောလိပ်များ၊ သိပ္ပံများ၊ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းဆိုင်ရာ အဆင့်မြင့် ပညာသင်ကျောင်းများနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိကကျောင်းများကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသော ဥပဒေ နှင့်အညီ တည်ထောင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ကို အာမခံရမည်။ ၄၀။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် အခြေခံကျန်းမာရေး ကာကွယ် စောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့်ကုသမှုကို အခမဲ့ ရယူခံစားပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ကျန်းမာရေး စနစ် ဖော်ဆောင်ကျင့်သုံးရမည်။ ၄၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း နေထိုင်သူများအားလုံးသည် လူမှုရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ ကိုလည်း တန်းတူညီမျှစွာ ခံစားခွင့်ရှိရမည်။ သတင်းမီဒီယာအခွင့်အရေးများ ၄၂။ သတင်းမီဒီယာများ၏ လွတ်လပ်စွာ ရပ်တည်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ လွတ်လပ်စွာ သတင်းရယူပိုင်ခွင့်၊ လွတ်လပ်စွာ သတင်း တင်ပြပိုင်ခွင့်တို့အား အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည်။ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ ၄၃။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၏ အစုအဖွဲ့အခွင့်အရေးများဖြစ်သော ဘာသာစကား၊ သမိုင်း အမွေအနှစ်၊ ရိုးရာဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်းအစဉ်အလာများနှင့် အထိမ်းအမှတ် လက္ခဏာများကို ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ ၄၄။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် မှီတင်းနေထိုင်သူတိုင်းသည် မိမိတို့လူမျိုး၏ ဘာသာ စကားနှင့် စာပေတို့ကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ပြောဆိုခွင့်၊ သင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့်၊ တိုးတက် ပြန့်ပွားအောင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။ အထူးစီမံဆောင်ရွက်မှုဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ ၄၅။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးစုများ၏ ရိုးရာဓလေ့ ထုံးတမ်းအစဉ်အလာများ၊ ဘာသာစကား များကို နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ စံနှုန်းများနှင့်အညီ လွတ်လပ်စွာ ထိန်းသိမ်း ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများ၏ မွေးရာပါ အခွင့်အရေး အဖြစ် ပိုင်ဆိုင်ထားသော အမျိုးသားလက္ခဏာနှင့် ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေး။ များကို မည်သည့်အခြေအနေတွင်မျှ ရုတ်သိမ်းဟန့်တားခြင်း မရှိစေရ။ ၄၆။ တိုင်းရင်းသားများသည် လူမှုစီးပွား၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခွင့်အရေးများ သာတူညီမျှစွာ ခံစားခွင့်ရှိရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး တိုးတက်မြှင့်တင်ပေးသည့် ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ (Progressive actions/Affirmative Actions) များကိုလည်း ခံစားခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။ ၄၇။ လူမျိုး၊ ဘာသာ၊ ကျား/မ၊ မသန်စွမ်းမှု(ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ)၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှု၊ အသားအရောင်ကို အခြေခံပြီး တိုက်ရိုက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ သွယ်ဝိုက်၍ဖြစ်စေ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှု များနှင့် အခြားသော မည်သည့်ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှု မှန်သမျှကိုမဆို လုံးဝ ပိတ်ပင် ဟန့်တား ရမည့်အပြင် ထိုအခွင့်အရေးများကို မြှင့်တင်ခြင်း၊ ကာကွယ်ခြင်းနှင့် လေးစားလိုက်နာ ခြင်းများ ရှိရမည်။ ၄၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း တန်းတူရေးကို အကောင်အထည်။ ဖော်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ချမှတ်သည့် အခန်းကဏ္ဍ အဆင့်ဆင့်တွင် အမျိုးသမီး များ အနည်းဆုံး ၃၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း ပါဝင်ရေးမူကို ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၄၉။ ကလေးသူငယ်များဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေး (က) ကလေးငယ်တိုင်းသည် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသူအဖြစ် ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မှုကို ရရှိခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ကလေးငယ်တိုင်းသည် အမျိုးသားထုတရပ်လုံး၏ ဖေးမ ကူညီမှုကို ခံစားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။ (ခ) ကလေးများအား မိဘ သို့မဟုတ် အုပ်ထိန်းသူတို့၏ ဆန္ဒမပါဘဲ ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုထံမှ ကွဲကွာအောင် မပြုလုပ်ရ။ ကလေးများကို ပြုစုစောင့်ရှောက်ခြင်းနှင့် သွန်သင်ပြုပြင်ခြင်းတို့သည် မိဘတို့၏ သဘာဝအခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သည်။ ကလေး သူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂညီလာခံ သဘောတူစာချုပ်နှင့်အညီ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသော ကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရမည်။ အကယ်၍ မိဘ သို့မဟုတ် အုပ်ထိန်းသူတို့က ဝတ္တရားပျက်ကွက်လျှင် သော် လည်းကောင်း၊ တနည်းနည်းကြောင့် ကလေးများ ခိုကိုးရာမဲ့ဘဝသို့ ရောက်ရှိမည့် အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ကလေးများအား မိသားစုနှင့် ကွဲကွာ စေခြင်းကို ဥပဒေအတိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဂ) ကလေးများကို စီးပွားရေးနှင့် လူမှုရေးအရ ခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်ခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်စောင့် ရှောက်မှု ပြုရမည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်ကျင့်တရား၊ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ အသက်အန္တရာယ်၊ ကိုယ်ခန္ဓာကြီးထွားဖွံ့ဖြိုးမှု၊ ပညာသင်ကြားခွင့် တစ်ခုခုကို ထိခိုက်စေသော အလုပ် လုပ်ကိုင်စေခြင်းများမှ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရမည်။ (ဃ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က ကလေးများအခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။ ၅၀။ အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေး အလုပ်သမားအခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများပြဋ္ဌာန်းရာတွင် အောက်ပါအချက်များ အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာစံချိန်စံနှုန်းသတ်မှတ်ချက်များ၊ သဘောတူညီချက်များနှင့်အညီ ပြည်နယ် လွှတ်တော်များနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်တို့မှ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။ (က) အလုပ်လုပ်သူတိုင်း လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့်အညီ ရှင်သန်ရပ်တည်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် - (၁) သင့်တင့်လျောက်ပတ်သော လုပ်ငန်းခွင်အခြေအနေများရရှိခွင့် (၂) လူမှုဖူလုံရေးခံစားခွင့်နှင့် လူမှုကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးခံစားခွင့် (၃) မျှတသောအလုပ်ချိန်သတ်မှတ်ချက်နှင့်အညီ အလုပ်လုပ်ခွင့် (၄) အားလပ်ရက်နှင့် ခွင့်ရက်များခံစားခွင့် (၅) အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများ လွတ်လပ်စွာ တည်ထောင်ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် (ILO Convention 87) နှင့် စုပေါင်းညှိနှိုင်းတောင်းဆိုခွင့် (ILO Convention 98) များရရှိစေရမည်။ (ခ) ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပရွှေ့ပြောင်းအလုပ်သမားများနှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားမှ ဝင်ရောက် လုပ်ကိုင် သော နိုင်ငံခြားသား အလုပ်သမားများအတွက် ဥပဒေများ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်း ပေးရမည်။ ၅၁။ တောင်သူလယ်သမားအခွင့်အရေး (က) တောင်သူလယ်သမားတိုင်းသည် - (၁) သီးနှံများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ စိုက်ပျိုးခွင့်၊ ရောင်းချခွင့်၊ ထုတ်လုပ်ခွင့်၊ (၂) အခွန်ဟူသမျှ ငွေကြေးဖြင့် ပေးဆောင်ခွင့်၊ (၃) တောင်သူလယ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများ လွတ်လပ်စွာဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့် ရှိစေရမည်။ (ခ) တောင်သူလယ်သမား အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာကဏ္ဍ အလိုက် ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်များနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်တို့က ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။ တန်းတူအခွင့်အရေးဖော်ဆောင်ခြင်း ၅၂။ အဘက်ဘက်မှ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုနောက်ကျခြင်းနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများ ဆုံးရှုံးခြင်းတို့ကို ခံစားနေရသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများနှင့် အစုအဖွဲ့များအတွက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ စွမ်းဆောင် နိုင်မှုအခြေအနေနိမ့်ပါးလျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံသားအစုအဖွဲ့များအတွက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ အချို့သော ထုံးတမ်းစဉ်လာများအရ နှိမ့်ချဖယ်ကြဉ်ခြင်း ခံထားရသော နိုင်ငံသားအစုအဖွဲ့များ အတွက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်း၍ အထူးစီမံ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များဖြင့် အကာအကွယ်ပေးခြင်း၊ စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းတို့သည် နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း တန်းတူအခွင့်အရေး ရရှိစေရမည်ဟူသော ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်ကြောင့် အဟန့်အတား မဖြစ်စေရ။ ၅၃။ ပြည်နယ်များအတွင်းရှိ လူနည်းစုများ (Minority within Minority) နိုင်ငံရေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အခန်းကဏ္ဍတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်နိုင်စေရန် အဆင့်ဆင့်သော နိုင်ငံရေးကဏ္ဍတို့တွင် ပါဝင်နိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အလမ်းများကို ဖန်တီးပေးရမည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြားသော ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတွင် အထူးစီမံဆောင်ရွက်ချက် (affirmative action) များကိုလည်း မူဝါဒချမှတ်ဖော်ဆောင်ပေးရမည်။ ၅၄။ သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေး (က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းသည် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိခိုက် ပျက်စီးမှုကြောင့် ကြုံတွေ့ခံစားရမည့် အတိဒုက္ခများမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရမည့် အပြင် သဘာဝတရားနှင့် ကိုက်ညီ၍ ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် ညီညွတ်သည့် သဘာဝ ပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ကို ရရှိရန် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိသည်။ (ခ) လူနည်းစုဋ္ဌာနေတိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းစောင့် ရှောက်ခွင့်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့အခြေချနေထိုင်ရာဒေသအတွင်း သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိခိုက်မှုကို ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သည့် သဘာဝသယံဇာတများ အလွန်အကျွံ ထုတ်ယူ သုံးစွဲခြင်းအပေါ် ကန့်သတ်ထိန်းချုပ်ခွင့်ရှိခြင်းကို ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရများကလည်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်လုံခြုံရေးနှင့်ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာအခြေခံမူ ၅၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာမူဝါဒများသည် လူသား လုံခြုံရေးကို အခြေခံရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေး ဆိုင်ရာ တပ်ဖွဲ့များ အားလုံးသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် ရှိရမည်။ ၅၆။ ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်သည် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒများနှင့် ဥပဒေများကို ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အသုံးစရိတ်များကို ဖက်ဒရယ်လွှတ်တော်က စိစစ် အတည်ပြုပေးရမည်။ ၅၇။ ပြည်ထောင်စုရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် ပြည်နယ်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့တို့ကို သီးခြားစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေးတပ် ဖွဲ့စည်းခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်နယ်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေး တပ်တို့သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်အစိုးရ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်နယ်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့နှင့် ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေးတပ်တို့၏ အသုံးစရိတ်များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်က စိစစ်အတည်ပြုပေးရမည်။ ၅၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်အခြေအနေတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ သဘာဝ ကပ်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်များနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာလုပ်ငန်းများကို ထိရောက်စွာ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက်သော်လည်းကောင်း လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအား အသုံးပြုမှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရတို့က ညှိနှိုင်း ဆုံးဖြတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၅၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အမျိုးသားလုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးကောင်စီကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ၎င်းကောင်စီတွင် ပြည်နယ်လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးကောင်စီများမှ အနည်းဆုံးတစ်ဦးစီ အပါအဝင် ကောင်စီဝင် စုစုပေါင်း၏ (၃၀) ရာခိုင်နှုန်းထက် မကျော်သော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုလုံခြုံရေးစနစ် ၆၀။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ ပြည်နယ် နှင့် ဒေသန္တရအရပ်သားအစိုးရများအကြား လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်ဆိုင်ရာ အာဏာများခွဲဝေခြင်း၊ အစုအဖွဲ့ သို့မဟုတ် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်အတွက် သီးခြားပေးအပ်ထားသော အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ခွဲဝေခြင်းနှင့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ချမှတ်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ အာဏာ ခွဲဝေခြင်းတို့ ကျင့်သုံးပြီး ဒေသခံတို့၏ ဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်းများ၊ စိုးရိမ်ချက်များနှင့် လိုအပ်ချက်များကို ထင်ဟပ်ပုံဖော်သည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပထဝီအနေအထားအခြေခံ မဟာဗျူဟာများချမှတ်မှုနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးဆိုင်ရာတာဝန်ရှိသူများ တာဝန်ချထားမှုတို့ကို လုပ်ဆောင်ကာ ပြည်သူလူထုလုံခြုံရေး၊ ရပ်ရွာဘေးအန္တရာယ်တားဆီးရေးနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုကာကွယ်ရေးကို အာမခံသည့် လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၊ ဘက်ပေါင်းစုံလွှမ်းခြုံ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်သည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အင်အားစုများနှင့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကို အကောင် အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု လုံခြုံရေးစနစ် တစ်ရပ် တည် ဆောက်ရမည်။ စီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းခြင်း (Administration and Public Services) ၆၁။ စီမံခန့်ခွဲခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းများတွင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မည့်သူများ အား လေ့ကျင့်သင်ကြားရေးအတွက် မူဝါဒများရေးဆွဲခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းလေ့ကျင့် သင်ကြားရေးကျောင်းများတွင် သင်ကြားမည့် သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းဆိုင်ရာ စံနှုန်းများ သတ်မှတ်ခြင်းကို ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အစိုးရများ၏ ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းမှုဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည်။ ဖြစ်ပေါ်တိုးတက်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး နှင့် နည်းပညာ အခင်းအကျင်းများနှင့်အညီ သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းများကို လိုအပ်သလို ပြန်လည်သုံးသပ်ပြင်ဆင်ရမည်။ ၆၂။ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ထမ်းရွေးချယ် လေ့ကျင့်သင်ကြားရေးကျောင်းများ သီးခြားဖွင့်လှစ်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့် နှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ရွေးချယ်ခန့်အပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိသည်။ အစိုးရအချင်းချင်းအကြားဆက်ဆံရေး (Inter-Governmental Relations) ၆၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်ကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်နယ် အချင်းချင်းကြားတွင်သော်လည်းကောင်း အငြင်းပွားစရာများ၊ ပြဿနာများ ပေါ်ပေါက် ပါက ပူးပေါင်းကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းရန်နှင့် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်တာများကို အတူတကွ ပူးပေါင်း လုပ်ကိုင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကြီးအကဲများ ပူးတွဲကော်မတီကို သော်လည်း ကောင်း၊ လုပ်ငန်းကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတို့တွင် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ဝန်ကြီးများ ပူးတွဲကော်မတီကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ မျှဝေသုံးစွဲရန် သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ဝင်ငွေများကို စီမံခန့်ခွဲရန်အတွက် ဘဏ္ဍာရေး ပူးတွဲကော်မတီကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း စသည့် ပူးတွဲကော်မတီတို့ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်သည်။ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သည့် ကိစ္စရပ်၏ လိုအပ်ချက်အရ ကော်မတီ သက်တမ်းကို သတ်မှတ်ထားရှိရမည်။ ၆၄။ ပြည်နယ်အကြီးအကဲများသည် ပြည်ထောင်စုအင်္ဂါစဉ်အရ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများ၏ အထက်တွင် ရှိသည်။ အခန်း (၅) ဝန်ခံကတိပြုချက် ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အား စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ပေါက်ရေးအတွက် လှုပ်ရှားမှုများတွင် ပါဝင်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်း အားလုံးက ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံရှေ့မှောက်၌ အတူတကွ ကတိကဝတ်ပြု သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချ၍ လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် သဘောတူအတည်ပြု (ratify) ကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်အရ မိမိတို့သည် လက်ရှိတွေ့ကြုံနေရသည့် အကျပ်အတည်း ဖြစ်နေသောအခြေအနေမှသည် de jure နှင့် de facto တို့၏ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှုရှိသော၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီအားကောင်းသော၊ တာဝန်ယူမှုရှိသည့် အစိုးရရှိသော အနေအထားသို့ ရောက်ရှိအောင် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်၏ စိတ်အလိုရှိသည့်အတိုင်း အကြမ်းဖက် အုပ်ချုပ်နေမှုအောက်တွင် ဒုက္ခခံစားနေရပြီး တရားဝင်မှုရှိသည့် အစိုးရမရှိတော့ပေ။ အကျိုးဆက်မှာ မိမိတို့သည် ဖရိုဖရဲပရမ်းပတာ အခြေအနေနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရပါသည်။ ဤအခြေအနေတွင် မိမိတို့သည် တပ်မတော် အုပ်ချုပ်မှုကင်းစင်ပြီး တည်ငြိမ်မှုကို ပေးနိုင်မည့် တညီတညွတ်တည်း ရှိသော အစိုးရ တစ်ရပ်ကို လုံးဝ လိုအပ်နေပါသည်။ ဤ ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ အချက်များသည် ဓမ္မကို အခြေခံ၍ သက်ဆိုင်သူ (stakeholders) များမှ နက်နက်ရှိုင်းရှိုင်း သက်ဝင်ယုံကြည်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံရှေ့မှောက်၌ အတူတကွ ကတိကဝတ်ပြု သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချ၍ လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် သဘောတူ အတည်ပြု (ratify) ကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အတွက် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံအတိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည့် အလုပ်များမှာ အရေးကြီး၍ မြင့်မြတ်သော လုပ်ငန်းများဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မိမိတို့သည် ပရမ်းပတာ လုံခြုံမှု ကင်းမဲ့သည့် အခြေအနေမှ တည်ငြိမ်မှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရန်၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများမှ တရားမျှတမှုရှိလာရန်၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ ပြန်လည်ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှု ရရှိရန်၊ စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ထွန်းကားရန်၊ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းတမ်းမှုများမှ လုံခြုံစိတ်ချရမှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရန်၊ မုန်းတီးမှုများမှ အမှန်တရားကိုအခြေခံသည့် ဂရုဏာစိတ်ထားများ ပြန်လည်တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် နှင့် ဖိနှိပ်မှုများမှ လွတ်မြောက်ရန် စသည်တို့အတွက် အတူတကွ အပြန်အလှန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုခြင်းဖြင့် ရှေ့ဆက် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် သဘောတူညီချက်များကို အမှန်တကယ် လေးစားစွာ၊ တာဝန်ရှိစွာ နှင့် ကတိကဝတ် ခိုင်မြဲစွာ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်သည် တရားဝင် စည်းနှောင်ချုပ်ဆိုထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုမျှမက ကိုယ်ကျင့်တရားကို အခြေခံ၍ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း မှတ်ယူသည်။ ထိုတာဝန်ရှိမှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သဘောတူအတည်ပြုသည့် အဖွဲ့တိုင်းသည် အခြား ကတိကဝတ်ပြု၍ သဘောတူအတည်ပြုသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုချင်း အပေါ်တွင် လည်းကောင်း၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းအသီးသီး၏ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များအပေါ်တွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ပြည်သူများ အပေါ်တွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ အနာဂတ် မျိုးဆက်သစ်များအပေါ်တွင် လည်းကောင်း တာဝန်ခံသည်ဟု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ၁။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များအား ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ (People’s Assembly) ၏ စုပေါင်းဦးဆောင်မှုနှင့်အညီ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ကာ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှုရှိပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကို တည်ဆောက်မည်။ ၂။ ထိုသို့တည်ဆောက်ရာတွင် အပိုင်း (၃) ပြည်ထောင်စုအသွင်သဏ္ဍာန် အပိုဒ် ၁၊ ၂၊ ၃နှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ အပိုဒ် ၄ တို့တွင် သဘောတူညီမှုရရှိထားပြီး ဖြစ်သည့် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာနှင့် စံတန်ဖိုးများကို အခြေခံ၍ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ဆုံးဖြတ်ပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ပြည်နယ်များသည် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများအား အပြည့်အဝ ကျင့်သုံးပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိစေရမည်။ ၃။ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများ၊ ဂျန်ဒါတန်းတူညီမျှရေးနှင့် လူနည်းစုတို့၏ အခွင့်အရေးများ ရရှိစေရမည်။ နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း၏ လူမှုဘဝ လုံခြုံမှုရှိစေရေးအတွက် လူသားလုံခြုံမှုကို အခြေခံသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒ များကို ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ၄။ နိုင်ငံသားတို့၏ လူနေမှုဘဝ အဆင့်အတန်း ပိုမိုမြင့်မား၍ ဆန်းသစ် ပြောင်းလဲမှု နှင့် စွန့်ဦးတီထွင်မှုတို့ကို အားပေးထောက်ကူပြုသည့် မူဝါဒများကို ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ၅။ လူတိုင်းလက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သည့် အားလုံးအကျုံးဝင် ပညာရေးစနစ် (Universal Education Coverage)၊ မိခင်ဘာသာစကားအခြေပြု ဘာသာစကားစုံ ပညာသင်ကြားရေးစနစ် (Mother Tongue-based Multi-lingual Education) နှင့် လူတိုင်းလက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သည့် အားလုံးအကျုံးဝင် ကျန်းမာရေးစနစ် (Universal Health Coverage) မသန်စွမ်းသူများ၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များ၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများ၊ ကိုယ်ဝန်ဆောင်များ အပါအဝင် အမျိုးသမီးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးများ၊ မူးယစ်ဆေးဝါးနှင့် စိတ်ကို ပြောင်းလဲစေသော ဆေးဝါးများ အလွဲသုံးမှုဆိုင်ရာ အန္တရာယ်လျှော့ချရေး (Harm Reduction)၊ ကုသရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးအတွက် ထိရောက်သော မူဝါဒများကို ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ၆။ ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒနှင့်အညီ အပ်နှင်းခြင်းမဟုတ်သော အခွင့်အာဏာများအား ပြန်လည် ရုပ်သိမ်းရမည်။ ရွေးကောက်ခံများကို အခြေခံသော အရပ်သား အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်မည်။ တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု မရှိသော အစိုးရများအား ပြည်သူ့အင်အားဖြင့် ဖြိုချပါမည်။ အချုပ်အခြာ၏ မူလရင်းမြစ်သည် ပြည်သူအများ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အာမခံနိုင်ရမည်။ နိုင်ငံ့အာဏာသည် ပြည်သူလက်ထဲတွင် ရှိကြောင်း သေချာစေရမည်။ ၇။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ အကြောင်းအရာများ၊ ဖော်ပြချက်များနှင့် မူဝါဒများသည် မကြာမီ ကာလတွင် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာမည့် ကြားကာလအစိုးရ၊ ကြားကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများတွင် ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် ကိစ္စရပ်များအတွက်သာမက ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲရာ၌လည်း လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရမည့် အခြေခံလမ်းညွှန်ချက်များ ဖြစ်သည်။ နိဂုံး တိုင်းရင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင်ကြီးများသည် ၁၉၄၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်ကို ချုပ်ဆိုကာ လွတ်လပ်ရေးကို အတူတကွ ရယူခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်ထောင်များ စုပေါင်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံအဖြစ် တည်ထောင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည်။ လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း၊ တန်းတူခြင်း၊ စုံလင်ကွဲပြားခြင်း၊ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်ခြင်းနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ရှိခြင်းတို့ကို ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ စံတန်ဖိုးများအဖြစ် ကိုင်စွဲ၍ လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ အေးအတူပူအမျှ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဖြင့် အတူတကွ ယှဉ်တွဲ နေထိုင်နိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအား တည်ဆောက်ရန် ရည်မျှော်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ သို့ပါ၍ ငြိမ်းချမ်းသာယာသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ မူရင်းပဋိညာဉ် ဖြစ်သည့် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်၊ ပင်လုံကတိကဝတ်နှင့် ပင်လုံမူတို့ကို ပြန်လည်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ပြန်လည်ရေးဆွဲရမည်။ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေအရ အုပ်ချုပ်သော ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေစနစ် (Constitutionalism) ကို ကျင့်သုံးမည်။ လိုအပ်သော ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုများကို ဆောင်ရွက်မည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အင်္ဂါရပ်များနှင့် ပြည့်စုံရန် လုပ်ဆောင်မည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလက္ခဏာ တည်ဆောက်ရေးဖြစ်သည့် အသွင်သဏ္ဍာန် လက္ခဏာတည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် အနှစ်သာရ လက္ခဏာတည်ဆောက်ရေးတို့ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည်။ စုပေါင်း တည်ထောင်ခဲ့သော ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးအား စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာ့အလယ်တွင် တင့်တယ်စေရမည်။ စံတန်ဖိုးများနှင့် ခိုင်မာသည့်မူဝါဒများကို လေးစားယုံကြည်လိုက်နာသော လွတ်လပ်၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်း၊ ကြီးပွား၊ တိုးတက်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုသစ်ကြီးကို ထုဆစ်ပုံဖော်ရန်အတွက် ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကြီးကို စုပေါင်း ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်း အတည်ပြုကာ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် စုပေါင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Federal Union Affairs
Date of publication: 2022-01-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Title: Federal Democracy Charter Part - 2 Interim Constitutional Arrangemဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်ents 2021 -
Description: "၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ၂၇ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့အထိ ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် ပထမအကြိမ်ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ချက်များဖြင့် အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည်။ မာတိကာ နိဒါန်း အခန်း (၁) ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံ၏ရည်ရွယ်ချက် အခန်း (၂) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ အခန်း (၃) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ အခန်း (၄) ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များ အခန်း (၅) ကြားကာလ ဥပဒေပြုရေး အခန်း (၆) ကြားကာလ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အခန်း (၇) ကြားကာလ တရားစီရင်ရေး အခန်း (၈) ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး၊ ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေး အခန်း (၉) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာ ပြင်ဆင်မှုအစီအမံများ အခန်း (၁၀) ပဋိညာဉ်အား ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ခြင်း အခန်း (၁၁) အထွေထွေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များ (General Provisions) အခန်း (၁၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကတိပြုချက်များ နိဒါန်း ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်း နေထိုင်ကြသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံးတို့၏ ခိုင်မာသည့် လိုလားတောင့်တချက်မှာ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုတို့ကို အခြေခံသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက် ပေးနိုင်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရေးပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုး ပေါင်းစုံတို့၏ မွေးရာပါအခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာတို့ကို လေးစားတန်ဖိုးထားသော စံတန်ဖိုးများ၊ ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် အခြေခံရမည့် အခြေခံမူများ၊ လမ်းညွှန်အခြေခံမူများ၊ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရမည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (သို့မဟုတ်) နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံတို့ကို ဤပဋိညာဉ်၏ အစိတ် အပိုင်း (၁) တွင် ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးကို စုပေါင်း အင်အားဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ကြမည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအင်အားစု အသီးသီးတို့ကလည်း သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချမှတ် ကတိ ပြုကြပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသည့် ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များကို လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန်နှင့် ရှေ့ဆက်သွားမည့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ အဆင့် ဆင့်အား လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ခြင်းဖြင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်နိုင် ရန် အလို့ငှာ ကြားကာလတွင် အခြေခံရမည့် “ကြားကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများ (Interim Constitutional Arrangements)” ကို ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) အဖြစ် အတည်ပြုပြဋ္ဌာန်းလိုက်သည်။ ဤကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများ၏သက်တမ်းသည် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီး စတင်အသက်ဝင်သည့်အချိန်အထိ ဖြစ် သည်။ အခန်း (၁) ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံ၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက် ၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မဆို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးကို ဦးတည်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေပေါ်ပေါက်သည်အထိ လိုအပ် သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များအား အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်၊ ၂။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မဆို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူ အင်အားစုအားလုံးပါဝင်သော ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတစ်ရပ်ကို စတင်ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပရန်၊ ၃။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်၏အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြ မြေပုံ အဆင့်ဆင့်တို့ကို ဦးဆောင်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီအား အတည်ပြုဖွဲ့စည်းရန်၊ ၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ ညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ ၎င်း၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ၊ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရန်၊ ၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ တော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွက် လိုအပ်သောစုဖွဲ့မှုများကို ပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ၊ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကို သတ်မှတ်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရန်၊ ၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာ ပြင်ဆင်မှုအစီ အမံများ ရေးဆွဲရန်၊ အခန်း (၂) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ ရည်ရွယ်ချက် ၇။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ စုပေါင်း၍ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဏာရှင် စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများ၊ မူဝါဒများ၊ မဟာဗျူဟာများနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေး ဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများ ညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေး အတည်ပြုဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ဤပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို ကျင်းပခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ညီလာခံဖွဲ့စည်းကျင်းပပုံ တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် ၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို ဦးဆောင်ကျင်းပရမည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ညီလာခံ အောင်မြင်စွာကျင်းပနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကျင်းပပုံ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများကို ရေးဆွဲရမည်။ ၉။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အောက်ပါနယ်ပယ်များမှ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို သဘောတူသော အစုအဖွဲ့များ၏ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ ပါဝင်မည်။ (က) ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ (ခ) နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ (ဂ) သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ် ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်နေကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း များ အပါအဝင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ (ဃ) တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (င) ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်ကိုယ်စားပြုနှင့် လူမျိုးအခြေပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်း/ ကောင်စီများ ၁၀။ ဤပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ပါဝင်သည့် အဖွဲ့ဝင်များသည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား တရားဝင် ကိုယ်စားပြုသူများဖြစ်၍ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များအတိုင်း ရပ်တည်၍ ပူးပေါင်း အကောင် အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရမည်။ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် တာဝန်များ ၁၁။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် အောက်ပါတာဝန်များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်။ (က) လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ကို အခြေခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်သွားရန်အတွက် လမ်းညွှန်မှုများ ပေးရန်၊ မိတ်ဖက်များအဖြစ် တာဝန်ခွဲဝေမှုများ ပြုလုပ်သွားရန်။ (ခ) နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူ များ မူဝါဒများ၊ မဟာဗျူဟာများကို ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုရန်။ (ဂ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (ယာယီ) မှ သဘောတူတင်သွင်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုရန်။ (ဃ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတက်ရောက်သည့် အင်အားစုအားလုံးမှ ကိုယ်စားပြုပါဝင်သော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီအား ဖွဲ့စည်းရန်။ (င) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို အတည်ပြုပေးရန်။ (စ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) တို့၏ မူဝါဒများကို သုံးသပ်ပြီး ဆုံးဖြတ်အတည်ပြုပေးခြင်း၊ အဓိကလုပ်ဆောင် သွားမည့် လုပ်ငန်းနယ်ပယ်များကို ချမှတ်ပေးခြင်းနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များကို သုံးသပ်ခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်။ (ဆ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ဖွဲ့စည်းသော ကော်မတီ၊ ကောင်စီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များကို အတည်ပြုပေးရန်။ (ဇ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများနှင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် များကို ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုရန်။ (ဈ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေး ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အတည်ပြုရန်။ (ည) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ ချမှတ်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အတည်ပြုရန်။ ၁၂။ ညီလာခံကျင်းပခြင်း (က) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံအား (၆) လ တစ်ကြိမ် ကျင်းပရမည်။ (ခ) လိုအပ်ပါက အရေးပေါ်ညီလာခံအား ကျင်းပနိုင်သည်။ (ဂ) ညီလာခံကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ၆၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း တက်ရောက်မှသာလျှင် ညီလာခံ အထမြောက် သည်။ ပုံမှန်ညီလာခံများတွင် မမျှော်လင့်ထားသည့်အကြောင်းတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာ သည့်အခြေအနေများနှင့် အရေးပေါ်ညီလာခံများတွင် ညီလာခံအထမြောက်မှုကို အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ဆုံးဖြတ်နိုင်သည်။ ၁၃။ ညီလာခံတွင် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် ချမှတ်ခြင်း (က) လုံလောက်သော ဘုံသဘောတူညီမှု (Sufficient Consensus) ၆၅ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကျော်ဖြင့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် ချမှတ်ရမည်။ အခန်း (၃) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ ရည်ရွယ်ချက် ၁၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်းဖြစ်သည်။ (က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံများကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ဦးဆောင်ရန်၊ (ခ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံမှ ချမှတ်လိုက်သော မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာများကို တာဝန်ခံအကောင် အထည် ဖော်ရာတွင် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ တစ်ခုနှင့် တစ်ခုအကြား ညှိနှိုင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရန်နှင့် မူဝါဒရေးရာများအား စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုဖြင့် ကြီးကြပ်မှုပေးရန်၊ (ဂ) စစ်အာဏာရှင် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး၊ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူသော အင်အားစုအားလုံးကို စုစည်းနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို လက်တွေ့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရေးတွင် အင်အားစုအားလုံး ပါဝင်နိုင်ရန် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းပေးရန်၊ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ ၁၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီကို အောက်ပါအစုအဖွဲ့များမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ (က) ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ (ခ) နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ (ဂ) သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့် လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ် ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးတွင် ပါဝင်နေကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း များ အပါအဝင် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ (ဃ) တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ (င) ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်/ လူမျိုး ကိုယ်စားပြု အဖွဲ့အစည်း/ ကောင်စီများ ၁၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီအတွင်း၌ သဘာပတိအဖွဲ့၊ နည်းပညာဆိုင်ရာ အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့တို့ကို သင့်လျော်သောလူဦးရေဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားရှိရမည်။ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်နှင့် တာဝန်များ ၁၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ (က) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံက အပြီးသတ်အတည်ပြုမည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ဦးဆောင် ရေးဆွဲရန်၊ (ခ) အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေး အတွက် ဘုံပန်းတိုင်တူ အင်အားစုများအားလုံး လက်တွေ့ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်လာရေးအတွက် စည်းရုံးစုစည်းရန်နှင့် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရန်၊ (ဂ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ တစ်ခုနှင့် တစ်ခုအကြား ကာလများတွင် ညီလာခံအား တာဝန်ခံ၍ မူဝါဒ ရေးရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဆွေးနွေးချမှတ်ရန်၊ (ဃ) စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်ရေး၊ ဖက်ရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် မဟာဗျူဟာ ရေးဆွဲချမှတ်ရန်၊ (င) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ ချမှတ်အတည်ပြုထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ၂၀၀၈ အခြေခံဥပဒေ ပျက်ပြယ်ပြီးဖြစ် သည့် အခြေခံပေါ်မူတည်၍ မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ ဦးဆောင်မှုပေးရန်၊ ကြီးကြပ်ထိန်းကျောင်းရန်နှင့် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရန်၊ (စ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ အစီအမံများကို ဆွေးနွေးချမှတ်၍ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့ တင်ပြကာ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရန်၊ (ဆ) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ (မူကြမ်း) ရေးဆွဲရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို ဦးဆောင်ရန်နှင့် အဆိုပါမူကြမ်းကို ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ၌ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရန်၊ (ဇ) ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့တင်ပြကာ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူထားသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ဦးဆောင်ရန်၊ (ဈ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို တာဝန်ခံရမည်။ (ည) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ အစည်းအဝေးများတွင် ဆွေးနွေးမည့် အကြောင်း အရာအလိုက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးများကို ဖိတ်ကြားနိုင် သည်။ (ဋ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီသည် လုပ်ငန်းများ ထိရောက်အောင်မြင်စွာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် နည်းပညာအထောက်အကူအဖွဲ့များကို လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်သည်။ ကော်မတီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များ ၁၈။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်မည့်ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ချိတ်ဆက် လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်စေရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ အဖွဲ့ဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအပြင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ထိုသို့ဖွဲ့စည်းရာတွင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရတို့မှ အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းသည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာကဏ္ဍအလိုက်ကျွမ်းကျင်သူများပါဝင်သည့် ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီများ၊ ကော်မရှင် များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များ (Joint Coordination Committees, Commissions and Working Group) စသည်တို့ကို လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်သည်။ ၁၉။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည့်ကော်မတီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များသည် ၎င်းတို့၏လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များကို ရှင်းလင်းတိကျစွာ ရေးဆွဲပြီး အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီတွင် ဆွေးနွေးအတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရမည်။ ကော်မတီ၊ ကော်မရှင်များ သည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာနည်းပညာ အထောက်အကူပြုအဖွဲ့များကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီ၏ အတည်ပြုချက်ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းတာဝန်ပေးအပ်နိုင်သည်။ အခန်း (၄) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များ ၂၀။ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ နိုင်ငံရေးရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ၊ ဦးတည် ချက်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၂၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ ချမှတ်ထားသော ရှေ့လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင် အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်။ ၂၂။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ ဦးဆောင်ရေးဆွဲထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာများနှင့်အညီ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာများ ချမှတ်၍ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင် ရွက်ရမည်။ (က) ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံတို့နှင့်အညီ ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အလိုက် ချမှတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရမည်။ (ခ) စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးနှင့် သံတမန်ရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေး စသည့် နည်း လမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၂၃။ နိုင်ငံရေး (က) ပြည်သူလူထုကို အကြမ်းဖက်ဖိနှိပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှု ယန္တရားများကို ချိနဲ့ရပ်တန့်စေပြီး၊ ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၎င်း၏ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများ ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းစေရန် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီဖြင့် ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ခ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ထောင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) ၏ မူဝါဒရေးရာ ဦးဆောင်မှုနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဂ) ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဖိနှိပ်သော ဥပဒေများကို ပြင်ဆင်ပယ်ဖျက်နိုင်ရန်၊ အခြေခံ လူ့ အခွင့်အရေးများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်သော ဥပဒေကြမ်းများကို ရေးဆွဲအဆိုပြု၍ ကြား ကာလဥပဒေပြုရေး အခန်း (၅) နှင့်အညီ အတည်ပြုချက်ရယူပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးတို့ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဃ) အကြမ်းမဖက် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (Civil Disobedience Movement) အပါ အဝင် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေစေရေးအတွက် လိုအပ် သည့် ကူညီပံ့ပိုးမှု၊ စည်းရုံးမှု၊ စုစည်းမှု၊ ညှိနှိုင်းမှု၊ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှုများဖြင့် ဆက်လက် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရမည်။ (င) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ယန္တရားကို အထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေသည့် စီးပွားရေးနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးအရင်းအမြစ်များကို လျော့ပါးချိနဲ့စေရန် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသောအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်အတူ ပြည်သူများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (စ) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးရည်မှန်းချက်ပန်းတိုင်များကို အလျင် အမြန် ရောက်ရှိရန် ဆောင်ရွက်သော မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်အတွက် လိုအပ်သော စီးပွား ရေးနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးလိုအပ်ချက်များကို ပြည်တွင်းပြည်မရှိ မြန်မာ့ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသော လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များနှင့်အတူ ပြည်သူများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ဖြည့်ဆည်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဆ) နိုင်ငံတကာဖိုရမ်များ၊ အစည်းအဝေးများအားလုံးတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုအား အသိအမှတ်မပြုရေးကို မြန်မာဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံး နှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၂၄။ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး (က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများမှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုရေး၊ ထောက်ခံရေးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လာရေးအတွက် ဆောင်ရွက်သွား မည်။ (ခ) နိုင်ငံခြားရေးမူဝါဒအရ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအစိုးရများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ကာ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား နိုင်ငံ တကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ်ပြုလာစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဂ) နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် နိုင်ငံတကာစာချုပ်စာတမ်းများအား လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးနိုင်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဃ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသော မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (င) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းက ထိရောက်စွာ ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူနိုင် ရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရုံးများတွင် တရားစွဲဆိုအရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် သံတမန်နည်း လမ်းများဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၂၅။ စီးပွားရေး (က) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ငန်းများကို အထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေသည့် စီးပွားရေးနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးအရင်းအမြစ်များကို လျော့ပါးချိနဲ့သွားစေရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ စံနှုန်းများကို လိုက်နာ၍ တာဝန်ခံမှု၊ တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုရှိသော ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ခ) ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခြေခံစီးပွားရေးကောင်းမွန်လာစေရန်၊ ငွေကြေးစီးဆင်းလည်ပတ် မှု အဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စေရန်နှင့် ငွေကြေးလိုအပ်ချက်များ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဂ) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ်တွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာ မည့် စီးပွားရေးဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုးများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေးနှင့် ဖြေလျှော့ပေးနိုင် ရေးတို့အတွက် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်မည်။ (ဃ) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် ကိုက်ညီသည့် စီးပွားရေး မူဝါဒရေးဆွဲရန် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၂၆။ လူမှုရေး (က) အာဏာရှင်စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးတွင် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်ပါဝင်လာခဲ့ခြင်း (သို့မဟုတ်) အာဏာရှင်စနစ်၏ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စစ်ရေးအရ ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်ခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံ တကာတွင် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံတို့အား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသား အဖြစ် ပြန်လည်လျှောက်ထားလိုပါက အဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည်။ ထို့ပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အမြဲနေထိုင်ခွင့်ဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများကိုလည်း စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေး ရမည်။ (ခ) အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကြောင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာရသူများ၊ လူမှုစီးပွား နှင့် ဘဝရပ်တည်မှု ထိခိုက်သူများအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာအထောက်အပံ့များ ပေးနိုင်ရန် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအကူအညီပေးရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်မည်။ (ဂ) လက်လုပ်လက်စား အခြေခံလူတန်းစားများ၏ စားဝတ်နေရေး အဆင်ပြေစေရေးအတွက် တတ်နိုင်သမျှ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဃ) နိုင်ငံတကာသို့ ရောက်ရှိနေကြသည့် အသိပညာရှင်၊ အတတ်ပညာရှင်များ၏ နည်းပညာ ပံ့ပိုး မှုများအား ရယူနိုင်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၂၇။ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေး (က) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ နှင့် ညှိနှိုင်း၍ ပြည်သူ့လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုကာကွယ် ရေးတို့အတွက် အမျိုးသားအဆင့်ကာကွယ်ရေးအစီအမံများကို ရေးဆွဲအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ရမည်။ (ခ) ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရေး ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအစီအမံကို အမြန်ဆုံး ချမှတ် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ (ဂ) ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် သက်ဆိုင်ရာပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ပြည်သူများ အား ကာကွယ်ရန် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအစီအမံကို ဆောင်ရွက်သည့်အခါ ပြည်နယ်အတွင်း အခြေစိုက်လှုပ်ရှားသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်‌ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏အခန်းကဏ္ဍကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရင်း ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ အခန်း (၅) ကြားကာလ ဥပဒေပြုရေး ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု ဥပဒေပြုရေး ၂၈။ ကြားကာလအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ဥပဒေပြုရေးအာဏာသည် ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ် ပါတီစုံ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ရွေးကောက်ခံပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း မပြုသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့်လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၌ တည်သည်။ ၂၉။ ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ် ပါတီစုံအထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် အနိုင်ရရှိခဲ့ပြီး “ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်” ကို လက်ခံသဘောတူ၍ ပူးပေါင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် သဘောတူညီသော၊ အကြမ်းဖက် အာဏာ သိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမပြုသော ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ၃၀။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ကြားကာလ ဥပဒေ ပြုရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် “ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်” ပါ ဦီးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံတို့နှင့်အညီ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ချမှတ်ထားသော မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် လိုအပ်သောဥပဒေများကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပေးရမည်။ ၃၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ဥပဒေပြုရေးကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အရ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ချမှတ်ရေးဆွဲထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာမူဘောင်များနှင့်အညီ မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက် ရယူ၍ ပြင်ဆင် ခြင်း၊ ပယ်ဖျက်ခြင်း၊ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်။ ၃၂။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် လိုအပ်သော ဥပဒေပြုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကို ခေါ်ယူကျင်းပနိုင်သည်။ ၃၃။ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ဖိနှိပ်သောဥပဒေများအား ပြင်ဆင်၊ ပယ်ဖျက်၍ အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေး များကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်သည့် ဥပဒေများ ရေးဆွဲပြဋ္ဌာန်းရမည်။ အခန်း (၆) ကြားကာလ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ၃၄။ ကြားကာလအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ၃၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရို ဖွဲ့စည်းရာတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ ညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းရ မည်။ ၃၆။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတနှင့် ဒုတိယသမ္မတများသည် နိုင်ငံတော်ကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသော နိုင်ငံဥသျှောင် အကြီးအကဲများ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃၇။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်သည် ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ အကြီးအကဲ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃၈။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်နှင့် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံအား တာဝန်ခံရမည်။ ၃၉။ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့အား အောက်ဖော်ပြပါပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းသည်။ (က) နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ (ခ) နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (ဂ) ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၁) (ဃ) ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၂) (င) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ် (စ) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးများ (ဆ) ပြည်ထောင်စုရှေ့နေချုပ် (ဇ) ပြည်ထောင်စုစာရင်းစစ်ချုပ် ၄၀။ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ပါ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးရည်မှန်းချက်များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့် အညီ ရေးဆွဲထားသော မဟာဗျူဟာအရ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို အကြံပေးရမည်။ ၄၁။ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ်၏ ရာထူးသက်တမ်းသည် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သက်တမ်းနှင့်အညီဖြစ်သည်။ ၄၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးချုပ်သည် ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦိးတည်ချက်များနှင့် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ရေးဆွဲအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် ညှိနှိုင်းလျက် အာဏာပိုင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ရပ် ရပ်ကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တစ်ဦီးဦးကိုသော်လည်းကောင်း ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအားလည်းကောင်း တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များ ပေးအပ်နိုင်သည်။ ၄၃။ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့် ညှိနှိုင်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် ကြားကာလ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစီမံချက်ကို ရေးဆွဲအတည်ပြု ပြဋ္ဌာန်း နိုင်သည်။ ၄၄။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံက တရားဝင်အတည်ပြုပေးထားသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ မူဝါဒများနှင့်အညီ ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒနှင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် ကဏ္ဍအလိုက် ကော်မတီနှင့် ကော်မရှင်များကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးများက ပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းပေးပြီး (Facilitate) လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် အခြားပါဝင်သင့်ပါဝင်ထိုက်သူများဖြင့် လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းရမည်။ ၄၅။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတသည် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိလျှင် ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၁) က နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ကိုယ်စား တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရမည်။ ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၁) သည် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတတာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင် နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိလျှင် ဒုတိယသမ္မတ (၂) က ယာယီသမ္မတအဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရမည်။ အခန်း (၇) ကြားကာလ တရားစီရင်ရေး ၄၆။ ကြားကာလအတွင်း တရားစီရင်ရေးကဏ္ဍနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုတွင် ရှိရင်းစွဲ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ နယ်မြေများတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ်သည် တရားဝင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၄၇။ ကြားကာလအတွင်း ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ တရားစီရင်မှုအာဏာသည် “အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ”က အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားသော အရပ်ဘက်တရားရုံးများတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ နယ်မြေအတွင်း ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ရှိထားရှိသည့် အဆင့်ဆင့်သော အရပ် ဘက်တရားစီရင်ရေးစနစ်တွင်လည်းကောင်း တည်ရှိရမည်။ တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာကို အဆိုပါတရား ရုံးများနှင့် တရားရေးစနစ်များတွင် ကျင့်သုံးပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိပြီး လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသော တရားစီရင်ရေး စနစ်ဖြစ်ရမည်။ ၄၈။ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ1အတွင်း တရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အငြင်းပွားမှုများအား ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းရန် လိုအပ်ပါက ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီက တရားရေးဆိုင်ရာပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာဒေသများမှ တရားစီရင် ခွင့်အာဏာပိုင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးထားရမည်။ ၄၉။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုအဖွဲ့ဝင် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်ရှိ တရားသူကြီးများ သည် လွတ်လပ်စွာ တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိပြီး တရားဥပဒေကိုသာ တာဝန်ခံရမည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ နှင့် မဆန့်ကျင်သော ရိုးရာဓလေ့ထုံးတမ်းဥပဒေများကိုလည်း လေးစားလိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးရမည်။ ၅၀။ ကြားကာလတရားသူကြီးများအား တင်ကူးကြံရွယ်ချက်ကြောင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ အဂတိကြောင့် သော်လည်းကောင်း ဥပဒေချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းမှတစ်ပါး ၎င်းတို့၏ တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် များနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး အရေးယူတရားစွဲဆွဲခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရမည်။ ၅၁။ ကြားကာလအတွင်း တရားရုံးတစ်ခု၏ အမိန့်တစ်ရပ် (သို့မဟုတ်) ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်သည် သက်ဆိုင်သူ အားလုံးနှင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရားအားလုံးအပေါ် စည်းနှောင်မှုရှိရမည်။ ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 ယခုလက်ရှိဖြစ်တည်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအခြေအနေအရ ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးအပိုင်း အခြားများကို ကြားကာလအတွင်းတွင် ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်ဟု ခေါ်ဆိုသည်။ အခန်း (၈) ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး၊ ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင်ရေး ၅၂။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဖက်ဒရယ်တည်ဆောက်မှုအခြေခံဖြင့် ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်အရ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များ၏ ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးနှင့် တရား စီရင်ရေး ယန္တရားများကို လိုအပ်သလို ဖွဲ့စည်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ ၅၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်များအကြား ဥပဒေပြုရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးနှင့် တရားစီရင် ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အရေးကိစ္စများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီတွင် ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက် ရမည်။ အခန်း (၉) အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာ ပြင်ဆင်မှုအစီအမံများ ၅၄။ ကြားကာလမှာပင် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ရေးဆွဲရေးလုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းတာဝန်ပေးအပ်မည်။ ၅၅။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေမူကြမ်းကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီတွင် ကနဦးအတည်ပြု၍ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့ တင်ပြအတည်ပြုရမည်။ ၅၆။ ကြားကာလ လွန်မြောက်သည်နှင့် အင်အားစုအသီးသီး ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ပါဝင်သည့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်း ရေးကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (Transitional National Unity Government – TNUG) ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလဆိုင်ရာဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးရမည်။ ၅၇။ တဆက်တည်းမှာပင် ကြားကာလအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးအမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် တာဝန်လွှဲပြောင်းအပ်နှင်းရမည်။ ၅၈။ ဖော်ပြပါ ပုဒ်မ ၅၆ နှင့် ၅၇ ကို ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးစီး အတည်ပြုပြီးသည်နှင့် တပြိုင်နက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံ ကို ဖျက်သိမ်းကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ကြေညာရမည်။ အခန်း (၁၀) ပဋိညာဉ်အား ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ခြင်း ၅၉။ ဖြစ်ပေါ်တိုးတက်လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေများနှင့်အညီ ဤကြားကာလဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံအား ပြင်ဆင်လိုပါက အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီတွင် လုပ်ထုံးလုပ် နည်းများနှင့်အညီ ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသို့ တင်သွင်းအတည်ပြုချက်ရယူရမည်။ အခန်း (၁၁) အထွေထွေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များ (General Prorvisions) ၆၀။ ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ၏သက်တမ်းသည် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီး စတင်အသက်ဝင်သည့်အချိန်အထိ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၆၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော ဥပဒေ၊ ညွှန် ကြားချက်နှင့် အမိန့်များအားလုံးသည် တရားမဝင်ကြောင်း အမိန့်ထုတ်ပြန်ရမည်။ ၆၂။ ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းအတည်ပြုနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိသေးမီကာလအတွင်း ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော ဥပဒေ၊ အမိန့်၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်နှင့် လက်စွဲများသည် ဤဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့် မဆန့်ကျင်ပါက အတည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည် ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ဤပဋိညာဉ်နှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော ဥပဒေ၊ အမိန့်၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်နှင့် လက်စွဲများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ချမှတ်ရေးဆွဲထား သော မဟာဗျူဟာမူဘောင်များနှင့်အညီ မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းသဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ပြင်ဆင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခြင်း၊ ပယ်ဖျက်ခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်သည်။ ၆၃။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ပါ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက်နေချိန်တွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ် လာသော နိုင်ငံရေးအပြောင်းအလဲများကြောင့် မဟာဗျူဟာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို မဖြစ်မနေ ထပ်မံ ပေါင်းစပ်ချမှတ်ဖော်ဆောင်ရန် လိုအပ်လာပါက အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက တာဝန်ပေးအပ်ထားသည့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာအစုအဖွဲ့ကို ရေးဆွဲစေပြီး ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အတည်ပြု သွားရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၆၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ အဖွဲ့ဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတိုင်းသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီကို တာဝန်ခံရမည်။ အခန်း (၁၂) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကတိပြုချက်များ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များ၊ ကြားကာလအစိုးရ၏လုပ်ဆောင် ချက်များ၊ ကြားကာလတွင် ကျင့်သုံးဆောင်ရွက်သည့် ဥပဒေပြုရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ တရားစီရင်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်များကို ပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) ပါ ပြည်ထောင်စု မျှော်ရည်ချက်၊ စံတန်ဖိုး၊ ဦးတည်ချက်၊ ရည်ရွယ် ချက်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံများနှင့် ပဋိညာဉ်အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များနှင့်အညီ စုပေါင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းတာဝန်ခံမှုတို့ဖြင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားပါမည်ဟု သဘောတူ အတည် ပြု (ratify) ကြပါသည်။ ဤပဋိညာဉ်ကို သဘောတူအတည်ပြုထားကြသော အစုအဖွဲ့အားလုံးသည် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးဆိုင်ရာကိစ္စရပ်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားကို ဦးတည်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ် ကြောင်း ကတိပြုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Date of publication: 2022-01-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Suu Kyi's Solitary Confinement Will Backfire on Myanmar Junta: HRW
Description: "Human Rights Watch says the moving of detained 77-year-old State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into solitary confinement in Naypyitaw Prison is an attempt to break her will which will backfire. “What we are seeing is the Myanmar junta moving towards a much more punitive phase, towards Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for the New York-based NGO. “They are obviously trying to intimidate her and her supporters.” According to sources, the ousted leader predicted she would be transferred to prison and arranged to leave behind all her possessions not required for her trial. Agence France-Presse reported that she remained in strong spirits after being moved from house arrest on Wednesday, quoting a legal source. Robertson told AFP that the junta may think it is showing its strength but it will backfire and boost the resistance movement. Ko Bo Kyi of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners told The Irrawaddy: “They may think the prison is safer and maybe that it will trouble her more mentally and physically and disconnect her more from the environment.” The regime has held Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest since last year’s coup in which her government was ousted. It followed her resounding victory in the November 2020 general election. She has won in every election by a landslide she and her party have contested. The junta moved her to an unknown location in Naypyitaw in April 2021 where she was accompanied by a few of her staff and her dog. In solitary confinement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will have three female prison staff. The Nobel peace laureate faces numerous charges, carrying a combined sentence of over 100 years. She remains hugely popular with the electorate. On Sunday resistance fighters, striking civil servants, anti-regime protesters, political prisoners and expats marked her 77th birthday and called for her release. Three days later, the state counselor was moved into solitary confinement. Stephane Dujarric, a spokesman for United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, told reporters on Thursday that the global body was “very concerned” for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. “The junta’s move goes against everything we’ve been calling for, which was her release and the release of all of the other political prisoners,” Dujarric said. Since the coup, the junta has detained more than 14,000 people, including elected leaders, lawmakers, activists, students, peaceful protesters and striking civil servants..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-24
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Human Rights Council Must Fully Recognise the NUG, and Set Up a Special Tribunal To Prosecute the Illegal Junta
Description: "22 June 2022: There is more that the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council can and must do to promote and protect the human rights of all Myanmar peoples and to address ongoing human rights atrocities in the country, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The Council should engage with the National Unity Government (NUG) and consider the establishment of a special tribunal for human rights atrocities in Myanmar. SAC-M recently concluded a mission to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland. During the mission, the members of SAC-M met with members of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, diplomats and UN officials. The Human Rights Council heard an oral update on the situation in Myanmar by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights during SAC-M’s mission. The High Commissioner told the Council that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the military is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with respect to the systematic and widespread use of tactics against civilians. These include the well-documented military tactic of burning entire villages, with some estimates of 11,000 protected civilian objects having been burned down since the attempted coup began, explained the High Commissioner. “We welcome the High Commissioner’s statement which continued to call out the mass human rights atrocities of the Myanmar military in its ongoing attempt to seize power, and the ineffectiveness of international efforts to reign it in,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “We also thank the High Commissioner for her leadership, in calling for international engagement with the National Unity Government of Myanmar towards identifying a solution to the crisis, and for all Member States to intensify their pressure on the military leadership.” The Human Rights Council also heard a panel discussion on the root causes of human rights violations against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Expert panellists and speakers, including activists Wai Wai Nu and Tun Khin, highlighted ongoing impunity as a key reason for the past and present cycles of violence in Myanmar. “The National Unity Government of Myanmar has accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) over international crimes in Myanmar since 2002, but the Court has not yet acted on this,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “If the ICC does not act, then the Human Rights Council must explore all other avenues towards ensuring accountability, including the establishment of a special tribunal. The people of Myanmar, including the Rohingya and all other victims of the military’s atrocities simply cannot wait.” Member States of the Human Rights Council emphasised the need for humanitarian assistance for Myanmar and expressed their support for Myanmar’s democratic process in response to the oral update and panel discussion. Yet, ironically, no representative of Myanmar’s democratically elected government was able to respond. The Human Rights Council has chosen to bar Myanmar’s participation despite the UN General Assembly’s decision to allow the NUG-aligned Kyaw Moe Tun to continue to represent Myanmar in New York. “The international community generally, and members of the Human Rights Council specifically, must wake up to the realities on the ground in Myanmar and respond accordingly,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The military junta was never the legitimate authority in Myanmar, and it is not now. That is crystal clear, but it is not even the de facto authority. The National Unity Government and allied ethnic administrations control the majority of territory in the country and, apart from the capital, Nay Pyi Taw, the rest of the country is contested. The NUG and the ethnic administrations, along with local civil society and other actors, are already providing people with essential government services and building the new Myanmar.” “If the international community is to play any constructive role in Myanmar’s future, then it must engage with the National Unity Government, as the High Commissioner herself has called for,” Sidoti concluded..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Moves Detained Leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to Prison
Description: "Dealing a new blow to detained Myanmar democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the military junta has ordered that she be moved to Naypyitaw Prison on Wednesday from an undisclosed location where she has been under house arrest, according to sources close to the matter. She will be held in solitary confinement in a small isolated building within the prison, the sources said. The Myanmar Police Force’s Special Branch informed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her lawyers of the transfer during a hearing on Tuesday at a special court in Naypyitaw, where she has been tried on more than a dozen charges filed by the regime. The reason for the transfer wasn’t clear yet. The regime has held Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who turned 77 on Sunday, under house arrest since the coup in February last year. It moved her to an unknown location in Naypyitaw in April 2021. Under the previous military regime she spent 15 years under house arrest, ending in 2011. It will be the second time she has been incarcerated in a prison. In 2009, the previous regime transferred Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from her home to Yangon’s Insein Prison for four months for violating the rules of her house arrest after an American intruded onto her property. After her move to Naypyitaw Prison on Wednesday, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s ongoing trials will be conducted at a special court inside the prison. So far the regime court has sentenced her to 11 years in prison. If found guilty on all counts, she will spend the rest of her life behind bars, as the charges carry a combined sentence of more than 100 years. Since her house arrest last year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been assisted by seven people detained with her, and has had the companionship of her dog. It was not clear whether her aides would be released upon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s transfer to the prison. The move to the prison has prompted concerns about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s wellbeing, especially given her old age. On Wednesday, Myanmar’s detained President U Win Myint was also reportedly moved to Naypyitaw Prison from house arrest. The Irrawaddy was unable to independently confirm the report, however..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Press Conference (2/2022) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲ (၂/၂၀၂၂)
Description: "စစ်ရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေး၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကဏ္...စတင်ဖွဲ့စည်းမှု တစ်နှစ်ကျော်ကာလ ၊ ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ် စတင်ပြီး (၉) လကျော်ကာလအတွင်း ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF) ၏ လေ့ကျင့်မှု၊ စုဖွဲ့မှု၊ ကွပ်ကဲမှု၊ တပ်ဆင်မှု၊ ထုတ်လုပ်မှု တို့သည် ပိုမိုအားကောင်းလျက် Professional Army တစ်ရပ်အဖြစ် တဖြည်းဖြည်းပုံပေါ်လာပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကာလတွင် ပျောက်ကျားစစ်သာမက လိုအပ်လျင် တပ်ရင်းလိုက် ရင်ဆိုင်တိုက်ပွဲများ ဆင်နွှဲနိုင်သည့် အနေအထားသို့ ရောက်ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းတပ်ဆင်မှုနဲ့ပတ်သက်၍ ဝယ်ယူတပ်ဆင်ခြင်း၊ ထုတ်လုပ်တပ်ဆင်ခြင်း နည်းလမ်း (၂) ခုဖြင့် အနိမ့်ဆုံးလိုအပ်ချက် ပြည့်မီရေး ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးမှုအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးများဖြစ်သည့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်း(မြောက်ပိုင်း)တို့ရှိ အဓိကလမ်းမကြီးများ၏ ၉၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းခန့်နှင့် ကျေးရွာအများစုကို ၏ ၈၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကိုPDF များက စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်ထားနိုင်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တနင်္သာရီတိုင်းနှင့် မန္တလေးတိုင်း(မြောက်ပိုင်း) တို့တွင် PDF တို့၏လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပိုမိုအားကောင်းလာကာ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်း၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်း၊ ဧရာဝတီတိုင်း၊ နေပြည်တော်နှင့် မန္တလေးတိုင်းတို့တွင်လဲ မြို့ပြပျောက်ကြားလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ဆက်လက်ရှင်သန်လျက်ရှိနေသည်။ ပြည်နယ်များ ဖြစ်သည့် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကယား(ကရင်နီ)ပြည်နယ်၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်(မြောက်ပိုင်း) တို့တွင် မဟာမိတ် EROs များနှင့် PDF တို့၏ စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်မှုများ တိုးပွားလျက်ရှိကာ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်(မြောက်ပိုင်း) တို့တွင်လဲ EROs တို့၏ စစ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုနှင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်မှုတို့ အားကောင်းလျက်ရှိသည်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ (၁၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံးက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၁/၂၀၂၂) ဖြင့် မြို့နယ် ၁၅ မြို့နယ်တွင် မြို့နယ်တရားသူကြီးအဖွဲ့များကို ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး စက်ရှင်တရားစီရင်ရေးအာဏာများ အပ်နှင်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသို့ တိုင်ကြားထားသော ဒေသအတွင်းဖြစ်ပွားသည့် အမှုများ ကိုစတင်ကိုင်တွယ်ဆောင်ရွက် တော့မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသို့ ကာယကံရှင်ကိုယ်တိုင် တိုင်ကြားထားသော အမှုများကိုလဲ ရဲလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်နဲ့ ကိုက်ညီအောင် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိ ပါသည်။ တိုင်ကြားထားသော အမှုများကို အွန်လိုင်းမှတဆင့် စစ်ဆေးစီရင်ခြင်း၊ မြေပြင်တွင် စစ်ဆေးစီရင်ခြင်း စသည့် နည်းလမ်း (၂) မျိုးဖြင့် စစ်ဆေးစီရင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တရားစီရင်မှု မပြုလုပ်နိုင်မည့်ကာလအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးရမိသူများကို ထိန်းသိမ်းထား ရှိရန်အတွက်လဲ စိုးမိုးထိမ်းချုပ် နယ်မြေများတွင် အကျဉ်းထောင်များထားရှိနိုင်ရေး အစောတလျင်ဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအား မတရားဖမ်းဆီး ချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ တရားစီရင်ခြင်း၊ သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်း၊ ဦးကျော်မင်းယု(ခ) ဦးဂျင်မီ၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ဦးလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ဦးအောင်သူရဇော်တို့၏ သေဒဏ်ကို အတည်ပြုခြင်း စသည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချသည်။.....စီးပွားရေး၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးကဏ္ဍ...ငွေတိုက်စာချုပ်ရောင်းချရမှုမှ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၃၈ သန်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်မင်းအောင်လှိုင် မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ထားသည့် ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုကိုရောင်းချမှုမှ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၇ သန်းကျော် စုစုပေါင်း အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၄၅ သန်းရရှိပြီးဖြစ်ကာ အဆိုပါ ငွေကြေး၏ ၉၅ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကို ကာကွယ်ရေးအသုံးစရိတ်အဖြစ်အသုံးပြုထားပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရေးအသုံးစရိတ်ဟု ဆိုရာတွင် မဟာမိတ်များနှင့် မျှဝေသုံးစွဲခြင်း၊ စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်း ထုတ်လုပ်ရေးများတွင် သုံးစွဲခြင်း၊ PDF များကို လက်နက်တပ်ဆင်ပေးခြင်း စသည့် အသုံးစရိတ်များပါဝင်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရထံသို့ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ထည့်ဝင် ထောက်ပံ့မှုများကြောင့် တော်လှန်ရေးမှာ ယခုကဲ့သို့ လျှင်မြန်စွာ တိုးတက်အောင်မြင်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။တော်လှန်ရေး အသုံးစရိတ်အနေဖြင့် လစဉ် တစ်လလျှင် အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ (၁၀)သန်းရရှိရန်လိုအပ်ပြီး ထိုပမာဏကို လစဉ်ပြည့်မှီ စေရန်အတွက် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိရာ လုပ်ငန်းရှင်များအနေဖြင့်လဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရထံသို့ တော်လှန်းရေးတာဝန်တစ်ရပ် အနေဖြင့် အခွန်ဆောင် ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုသည်။ ငွေကြေးစီးဆင်းမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထိန်းချုပ်မှုမှ လွတ်ကင်း၍ လုံခြုံစွာနှင့် အဆင်ပြေချောမွေ့စွာဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် NUG Pay အမည်ရ Moblie Payment System တစ်ခုကို ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လအကုန်ပိုင်းတွင် Pilot Project Launch လုပ်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ထားပါသည်။ စိုးမိုးနယ်မြေများတွင် စတင်အသုံးပြုမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး တနိုင်ငံလုံးလွှမ်းခြုံ အသုံးပြုနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ မကြာမီအချိန်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ထားသည့် ပြည်သူပိုင် အိမ်တစ်လုံးအား ထပ်မံလေလံတင်ရောင်းချ ရန်ရှိသည့်အပြင် ပြည်သူပိုင်မြေများကို မတရားသိမ်းဆည်း ရယူထားသည့် ရန်ကုန်မြို့အချက်အချာ ကျသော နေရာမှ တပ်ပိုင်မြေအချို့ကို နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပန်းခြံ အပါအဝင် စိမ်းလန်းဧရိယာ(Green Area) တစ်ခုအဖြစ်ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် စီမံကိန်းတစ်ခုကို စိတ်ဝင်စားမှု အဆိုပြုလွှာခေါ်ယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်ရှိပါသည်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ကျဆုံးသွားသော သူရဲကောင်းများ၊ ကိုယ်လက်အင်္ဂါဆုံးရှုံး သွားရသည့် သူရဲကောင်းများ၊ အိုးအိမ်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ ရသည့် ပြည်သူများ၊ CDM သူရဲကောင်းများအတွက် ဂုဏ်ပြုချီးမြှင့်နိုင်ရန်၊ ပြန်လည်ကုစားနိုင်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပမှ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံလိုသူများအား ကြိုတင်ဖိတ်ခေါ်၍ Development Project များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်သွားမည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေများတွင် သဘာဝသယံဇာတ စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် တရားမဝင် သစ်ခိုးထုတ်မှုများ၊ တရားမဝင်သတ္တုတူးဖော်မှုများကို ကာကွယ်ရန် အတွက် သဘာဝသယံဇာတဗဟိုအဆင့် စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးကော်မတီက မြို့နယ်အဆင့်ကော်မတီခွဲများ ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိသည်။ တရားမဝင် သစ်ခိုးထုတ်မှုများကို ဖမ်းဆီးစစ်ဆေးအရေးယူလျက်ရှိကာ သိမ်းဆည်းရမိသည့် သစ်များရောင်းချ ရငွေများ၏ ၇၀%ကို မြို့နယ်အဆင့်တာဝန်ရှိသူများက စီမံသုံးစွဲပြီး ၃၀% ကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ စီမံသုံးစွဲလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ လူမှုရေး၊ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ဆောင်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကဏ္ဍ နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးမှုရှိသော ဒေသများတွင် မြေပြင် ပြည်သူ့ပညာရေးစာသင်ကျောင်းများဖွင့်လှစ်သင်ကြားလျက်ရှိပြီး နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးမှုမရှိသေးသော ဒေသများရှိ ကျောင်းသူကျောင်းသားများအတွက် Online စာသင်ကျောင်းများ ဖွင့်လှစ်သင်ကြားပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်ကာ ပြည်သူ့ပညာရေးဖော်ဆောင်နေသော Online ကျောင်း စုစုပေါင်း (၅၁) ကျောင်းရှိပြီး ၊ မြေပြင် သင်ကြားရေးအနေဖြင့်လဲ ရန်ကုန်၊ မန္တလေး၊ စစ်ကိုင်း၊ မကွေး၊ ပဲခူး၊ ဧရာဝတီ၊ တနင်္သာရီ၊ ကချင်၊ ကယား၊ ကရင်၊ ချင်း၊ မွန်၊ ရှမ်း စသည့်ဒေသများတွင် ပြည်သူ့အခြေပြု စာသင်ကျောင်းများ ဖွင့်လှစ် သင်ကြားလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ကျောင်းများကို CDM ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများက အဓိက ဦးဆောင်ပြီး စေတနာ့ဝန်ထမ်းနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိက ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ Online စာသင်ကျောင်း များနှင့် မြေပြင်စာသင်ကျောင်းများတွင် အပ်နှံပညာသင်ယူရန် အခက်အခဲရှိနေသော ပြည်သူများအတွက်လဲ နေအိမ်အခြေပြုပညာသင်ယူခြင်း(Home-Based Learning : HBL) စနစ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်လျက်ရှိပြီး အသေးစိတ်အချက်အလက်များကို လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာ https://www.facebook.com/BE.moeNUG တွင် ဝင်ရောက်လေ့လာနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အခြေခံပညာ၊ အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာ၊ သက်မွေးပညာတို့နှင့် ပတ်သက် သော သင်ထောက်ကူဗွီဒီယိုများ၊ ကျောင်းသုံးပြဌာန်းစာအုပ်များ၊ ဆရာလမ်းညွှန်စာအုပ်များကို https://learning-moe.nugmyanmar.org/ တွင် ရယူလေ့လာနိုင်ပါသည်။ အင်တာနက်အဆင်မပြေသော ဒေသများအတွက်လဲ OTG Stick များအတွင်း သင်ထောက်ကူဖိုင်များထည့်သွင်းကာ ဖြန့်ဝေပေးလျက်ရှိ ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှု ပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်အတွင်း ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူများကို ကုသမှုပေးနိုင်ရေး အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမှုဖြင့် တယ်လီကျန်းမာ အစီအစဉ်ဖြင့် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးရှိမြို့နယ်များ၏ ၇၀ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကျော်ကို Online ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှု ပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ စိုးမိုးထိန်းချုပ် နယ်မြေများတွင် ရှေ့တန်းဆေးရုံ ၁၆၇ ရုံနဲ့ အခြေစိုက်ဆေးရုံ ၅၂ ရုံ ဖွင့်လှစ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ဆက်လက်ပြီး ကုတင် (၅၀) ဆန့် အခြေစိုက်ဆေးရုံ (၆) ရုံ ကိုလဲ ဆောက်လုပ်လျက်ရှိသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များသည် စစ်ရေးအရရှုံးနိမ့်နေသည့် ဒေသများတွင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအား ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိပြီး နေအိမ်အဆောက်အအုံများအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးလျက်ရှိရာ ယခုလက်ရှိအချိန်အထိ အိမ်ခြေပေါင်း တစ်သောင်းကိုးထောင်နီးပါး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခံရမှုများတွင် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းတို့တွင် အများဆုံးဖြစ်ပြီး မေလအတွင်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး ခံရသည့်အိမ်ခြေ ၇ထောင်ကျော်ရှိသည်ဟု အချက်အလက်များအရ သိရှိရပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် တိုးပွားလာလျက်ရှိသော နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာပြေးနေရသည့် ပြည်သူလူထုထံသို့ အကူအညီများ မှန်ကန်မြန်ဆန်စွာရောက်ရှိစေရေးအတွက် တိုင်းရင်းသားမဟာမိတ်များ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အာဆီယံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီပေးရေးစင်တာ (ASEAN AHA Centre) မှတဆင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရာတွင် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ၀န်ကြီးဌာန၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ၊ ပြည်နယ် အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ကောင်စီများနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးတိုင်ပင်ခဲ့ခြင်းမရှိပဲ လုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အတွက် ကြိုတင်ပြင်ဆင်မှုနှင့် လေ့လာဆန်းစစ်မှုများဆိုင်ရာ ပုံစံဒီဇိုင်းနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်အား အပြီးသတ် လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာလူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေများနှင့် ကျင့်စဥ်ကောင်း များ၏ စံတန်ဖိုးများ အပေါ်တွင် အခြေခံ၍ သက်ဆိုင်သူ အားလုံးပါ၀င်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေးမှုကို ပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် အရေးပေါ် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီ လိုအပ်ချက်ကို နယ်စပ် ဖြစ်ကျော် ပံ့ပိုးပေး နိုင်ရန် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေး ညှိနှိုင်းမှုရုံး (OCHA)နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ကြက်ခြေနီကော်မတီ (ICRC) တို့အား တိုက်တွန်းသည်။ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေးနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးကဏ္ဍ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင် ဦးဆောင်သော ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၂ ရက်နေ့ အထိ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသို့ ရောက်ရှိခဲ့ပြီး၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ ဒုတိယနိုင်ငံခြားရေး၀န်ကြီး Mrs. Wendy Sherman ၊ အမေရိကန်သမ္မတဂျိုးဘိုင်ဒန်၏ အထူးလက်ထောက်ဖြစ်သူအပါအ၀င် အဆင့်မြင့် အရာရှိကြီးများ၊ အမေရိကန်နိုင်ငံ ရီပက်ဘလစ်ကင် အထက်လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မစ်ရှ်မက်ကော်နယ် အပါအ၀င် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ အာဆီယံမှ မလေးရှားနိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီး အပါအဝင် ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် လည်းကောင်း၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းနှင့် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ NUG ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဦးလင်းသန့်တို့သည် ချက်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဒုတိယ ဝန်ကြီး Mr. Jiri Kozak နှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ တာဝန်ရှိ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအား ဇွန်လ ၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် လည်းကောင်း၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဝန်ကြီး Professor ဇော်ဝေစိုးသည် UK ၊ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နော်ဝေနိုင်ငံသို့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၂၄ ရက်မှ ဇွန်လ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့ အထိ သွားရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း UK နိုင်ငံတွင် Minister of State for Asia and Middle East Rt Hon Amanda Milling၊ Under Secretary of State of Innovation Lord Kamall၊ Academy of Royal Colleges၊ Brussel နိုင်ငံတွင် ဥရောပပါလီမန် ဒုဥက္ကဌ Heidi Hautala နှင့် Norway နိုင်ငံ အော်စလိုမြို့တော်၌ အော်စလိုတက္ကသိုလ်၊ iNGO အဖွဲ့များ၊ အော်စလို ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသုတေသနဌာန၊ Diakonhjemmet ဆေးရုံ၊ နော်ဝေဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာအသင်းချုပ်တို့မှ တာဝန်ရှိသူများ၊ နှင့် လည်းကောင်း အသီးသီးတွေ့ဆုံခဲ့ကြပြီး မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေးကိစ္စများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုကိစ္စများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက် ထားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေးကိစ္စရပ်များ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ လမ်းကြောင်းပေါ်သို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရေးကိစ္စများနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး ဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် အသွင်းကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလအတွက် ပြင်ဆင်မှုများကဏ္ဍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်ခဲ့သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ ဆန္ဒမဲများကို လျစ်လျှူရှုကာ အရပ်သားအစိုးရ၏ သမ္မတ အပါအဝင် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ဝင် အားလုံးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးကြိုးပမ်းသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပုဒ်မအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တရားစွဲ၊ ထောင်ချခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံအနှံ့ပြည်သူလူထုကို အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီး နှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ ရပ်ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း စသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ မြောက်များစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့၊ ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲ ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်များကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို သက်သေပြနိုင်သည့် သက်သေအထောက်အထားများစွာကိုလဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့် သတင်းမီဒီယာများက လက်ခံရရှိထားပြီးဖြစ်ကာ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တရားစွဲအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အစိုးရများသို့လည်းကောင်း ပေးပို့၍ လိုအပ်သော စစ်ဆေးဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုအခါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ယင်းတို့ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့၊ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ် အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် ထွက်ပေါက်ရှာသည့် အနေဖြင့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအတုအယောင်တစ်ခုကို ဖန်တီးကာ ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းအား လိမ်ညာလှည့်ဖျားရန် ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိပေသည်။ ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲရလဒ်အရ ဖွဲ့စည်းပေါ်ပေါက်သော မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုကို အမှန်တကယ် ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ကိုယ်စားပြုပါဝင် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသော အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) တို့ကို တခဲနက်ထောက်ခံလျက်ရှိကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီပြုလုပ်မည့် အတုအယောင်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကို မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ လက်ခံမည် မဟုတ်သည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားအမှန်ကို ဦးထိပ်ထားလျက် တော်လှန်ရေး အောင်မြင်သည်အထိ ဦးလည်မသုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု ထူထောင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဠိဉာဏ်ကို လမ်းပြမြေပုံအဖြစ် ကိုင်စွဲဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပြီး လက်ရှိကြားကာလ စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရာတွင်လဲ ဖက်ဒရယ်အခြေခံမူများကို အခြေခံ၍ ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန် အစီရင်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2022-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Who is Behind Myanmar Junta’s Ye-U Massacre?
Description: "The person most responsible for the deaths of 26 residents in Ye-U Township, Sagaing Region, recently reported by Radio Free Asia (RFA), is alleged to be the head of 4th Military Operations Command Brigadier General Kyi Thaik and Light Infantry Battalion 708 under his control. The operations command, which is based in Phuu Gyi between Hmawbi and Taikkyi in northern Yangon Region, controls infantry units. Light infantry divisions and military operations commands are formed for rapid response to enemy movements. According to conversations between three Battalion 708 troops in the video obtained by RFA, the battalion commander ordered a sergeant to kill civilians. The troops were acting on direct orders from a divisional commander, said a former captain who has abandoned the regime. “A battalion commander will seek permission from the division chief on how to treat captives. The battalion commander will follow the orders,” he said. Kyi Thaik was appointed in February last year following the coup. He has been in Sagaing since last year and returned to Phuu Gyi earlier this month. After Brigadier General Phyo Thant was promoted to northwest commander in Monywa after the 2021 coup, Kyi Thaik succeeded him as operations commander. Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told RFA that the regime is investigating the case. A similar incident happened in northern Shan State in July 2016 when a divisional commander, who ordered the death of detained villagers, was sentenced to five years in prison. Light Infantry Battalion 362 under the 10th Military Operations Command raided Wan Tat village in Lashio Township on June 26, 2016, and detained five male villagers. Battalion commander Major Tin Myo Zaw phoned his operations chief, Colonel Myo Aung, about the five detainees. Myo Aung ordered their death and Tin Myo Zaw kept a recording, according to the former captain. After villagers and a lawmaker filed a complaint, seven soldiers, including Myo Aung and Tin Myo Zaw, were tried at a court martial at the northeastern command and given five years in prison. Myo Aung spent less than one year in prison after the military chief Min Aung Hlaing granted an amnesty. Myo Aung is a nephew of Aung Thaung, who was an industry minister under the State Law and Order Restoration Council junta. His cousin is the current naval chief, Admiral Moe Aung and one of Aung Thaung’s sons. Myo Aung has been a manager at Amata Distribution Co, an IGE Co subsidiary owned by one of Aung Thaung’s other sons, since late 2017. A striking major said the court martial should prosecute the division and battalion commanders and soldiers involved in the killings in Ye-U if someone files a complaint. However, those with wealth and contacts will avoid any serious punishment, he said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: (၁၄၇) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားနေ့သို့ ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: "၁။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် (၁၄၇) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားနေ့တွင် ကရင်နီ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတို့နှင့်တကွ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်တွင် နေထိုင်ကြသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွား တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအားလုံး ဘေးရန်အပေါင်းမှ ကင်းဝေးကြပြီး ညီညွတ်သော အင်အားများဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေး အမြင်သစ်တို့ကို အခြေပြုဆောင်ရွက်၍ စစ် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးလက်အောက်မှ လွတ်မြောက်နိုင်ရေး အရှိန်အဟုန်မြှင့် ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက် နိုင်ကြပါစေကြောင်း ဆုတောင်းမေတ္တာပို့သအပ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ ခရစ်သက္ကရာဇ် ၁၈၇၅ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဗြိတိသျှအစိုးရနှင့် ဗမာဘုရင် အစိုးရတို့ကြား သဘောတူညီမှုအရ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်ကို သီးခြားလွတ်လပ်သော ပြည်ငယ် တစ်ခုအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုစာချုပ် ချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့ကြရာ ၎င်းနေ့ရက်ကို တန်ဖိုးထားဂုဏ်ပြုသော အားဖြင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားနေ့ကို နှစ်စဥ်ကျင်းပလာခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့အချိန်ထိဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ လွတ်လပ်ရေးရခဲ့သည့် ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်ကတည်းက ကရင်နီလူထုသည် အာဏာရှင် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအမျိုးမျိုးလက်အောက်တွင် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခများ၊ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာစစ်ဘေး တိမ်းရှောင်ရမှုများနှင့် အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို အလူးအလိမ့်ခံစားခဲ့ကြရကာ ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှုဆိတ်သုဉ်းခြင်း အခြေအနေဖြင့် ရှင်သန်ရှေ့ဆက်ခဲ့ကြရသော်လည်း အခက်အခဲ အတားအဆီးများကြားမှ ဖိနှိပ်မှုအမျိုးမျိုးကို ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် လူမျိုး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ သမိုင်းအဆက်ဆက် ဖိနှိပ်မှုအောက်မှ လွတ်မြောက်ရန် ကြိုးစားအား ထုတ်ခဲ့သည့်နည်းတူ ကရင်နီတိုင်းရင်းသားများသည် လက်ရှိ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင်လည်း ထိရောက်သော ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်မှုများဖြင့် ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိရာ အခြားသော ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားညီအစ်ကိုများ၏ ယုံကြည်အားပေးထောက်ခံမှုများ ပိုင်ဆိုင်ထားလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ကရင်နီတိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ၏ အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ညီနောင်တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများနှင့် အတူ အေးအတူပူအမျှ လက်တွဲပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုများကိုလည်း လေးနက်စွာ တန်ဖိုးထား အသိအမှတ်ပြုပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။ ၅။ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေး၊ တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ကို ဖော်ဆောင်ကာ မွေးရာပါ အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက် ရှိသော အနာဂတ်နိုင်ငံတော်သစ်တွင် ကရင်နီတစ်မျိုးသားလုံး၏ ရည်မှန်းချက်ဖြစ်သည့် တည်ငြိမ်အေးချမ်းသာယာသော လူ့ဘောင်သစ်တစ်ရပ်အား ဖန်တီးအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ဆန္ဒပြုလျက် ဤ (၁၄၇) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားနေ့သဝဏ်လွှာအား ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication: 2022-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Death sentences announced by Myanmar military may constitute a serious international crime – Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Description: "The Independent Mechanism for Myanmar is closely following events surrounding the recent announcement by the Myanmar military that it intends to carry out death sentences imposed on four individuals by military courts following non-public trials. Imposing a death sentence, or even a period of detention, on the basis of proceedings that do not satisfy the basic requirements of a fair trial may constitute one or more crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Myanmar military announced on 3 June 2022 that it intends to execute four individuals who have been sentenced to death by a military court. The available information strongly suggests that under international law, fundamental rights of the convicted persons were blatantly violated in these proceedings. One of the most fundamental attributes of a fair trial is that it be held in public to the greatest extent possible. Exceptions based on national security or other considerations must be limited to the extent that they are strictly justified.[1] Yet it appears that there were no public proceedings nor are the judgments publicly available. The secrecy of proceedings is itself a violation of one of the most basic principles of a fair trial, and casts doubt on whether any of the other fair trial guarantees have been respected, such as the requirement that the tribunal was impartial and independent. Imposing a prison or death sentence in such circumstances could constitute crimes against humanity or war crimes. The crime against humanity of persecution is the severe denial of a person’s fundamental rights under international law when committed on discriminatory grounds, such as a person’s political affiliation. Imprisonment as a crime against humanity is committed when a person is detained without due process of law, including in violation of fundamental rules of international law. It is also a war crime to impose sentences and carry out executions without a judgement by a regularly constituted court, affording all judicial guarantees which are generally recognized as indispensable. National laws or procedures relied upon to justify a conviction and sentence must not violate international law. In particularly egregious situations, such as those presented in the Nuremberg case of Altstötter et al., the imposition of the death penalty following proceedings that blatantly violate basic fair trial rights – including holding such proceedings entirely in secret and without proper records – can lead to the inference of a “mock trial” that “is not a judicial proceeding but a murder.”[2] The participation of those involved in such proceedings is not excused on the basis that they were merely following domestic law. Even judges and prosecutors, as in the Altstötter case, can be found guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity for their roles in such proceedings. The Mechanism will continue to monitor and collect evidence in relation to these cases, and any other cases involving the imposition of the death penalty in circumstances that appear to violate fundamental fair trial guarantees..."
Source/publisher: United Nations
Date of publication: 2022-06-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: 16-year-old Boy Loses Foot to Landmine Placed in Front of Burning Karenni Church.
Description: "The boy screamed in agony as the landmine exploded, ripping his foot off. Behind him, the church burned. What was once a peaceful Karenni village has now been torn apart by the marauding Burma Army. Troops from Division 66 have been attacking this village all week. The villagers are hiding in the mountains behind the village and we have come to know them well over the last several days. Each day they pray their village is not burned. Each day they hear the sounds of shooting and shelling and watch helplessly as their homes are burned in the valley below. The local Karenni forces are made up of volunteers who have banded together to try to push the Burma Army out before they burn all the homes. One of the volunteers was a Karenni boy, 16 years old, who wanted his home back. The Burma Army has been burning villages and killing villagers at a speed and a force we have not seen before. Here in the village of Daw Nye Ku, all the villagers have fled but the Burma Army is burning homes and on June 15, they burned the new church. We watched from a distance, unable to get close as the Burma Army fired all around. Local volunteers, the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), and the Karenni Army tried to push the Burma Army out and save the town. We had set up a forward casualty collection point and went closer to the front line to find a route so we could help if people were wounded. On the way we came under intense machine gun, rifle, RPG, and M-79 grenade fire. None of us were hit and the Karenni forces were able to push the Burma Army back out of the village temporarily. We entered and saw the church on fire. It gave me a sick feeling to watch the beautiful church that had just been built, now burning. The roof collapsed and flames licked around what remained of the doors. We knew the Burma Army placed land mines in villages they occupied so we were watching our feet as we went in to film the burning church. As we got close to the church I saw that they had also shot up a cross just outside the church. I stopped looking for landmines in the ground and took a step forward to take a photo. One of our Ranger teammates, nicknamed Cobra, stepped up behind me and passed me on the side. When he turned to come back to me, a villager who was with us shouted, ”Stop! Landmine!” He pointed down and there I could see the mine clearly, about a foot away from where I had just stepped, and less than an inch away from the heel print of Cobra’s boot as he stepped over it. The villager had also stepped over it without seeing it but when he turned around he saw it. His alertness saved our legs and maybe our lives. We reinforced to everyone: “Watch out, there are landmines here.” We took photos of the M-14 Burma Army anti-personnel mine, marked it with a branch, and warned away the Karenni volunteers. We then carefully retraced our steps out of the church compound and told everybody where the landmine was and said there were probably more. We reassembled our team in the road and told the commander that we had found a mine and we thought there were more. We then started to walk back to our CCP. Just as we started to walk away we heard an explosion, then a scream of pain and anguish. We went back to the church and there are on the ground was a young Karenni volunteer, 16 years old. His foot was completely gone and his lower leg was a mangled mess. He moaned and I could hear in his voice not just pain but the anguished realization that he had lost his foot forever. He had stepped an a different mine than the one we had seen and we again realized that the Burma Army had seeded this yard with destruction. Our medic Peter, and team member Klo Law La Say, and one of the friends of the boy moved carefully forward as Cobra and I followed. Medic Peter and Klo Law La Say put on a tourniquet and begin to work on his leg. I moved carefully, checking for more mines and worked on his other leg which was intact but also injured. I held his hand before I bandaged him and prayed with him. I asked him his name he said his name was David. I told him that wasmy name too. I prayed for him and then went to work on his leg and helped Peter and Klo Law Law Say bandage the stump. We asked the commander to send a vehicle and then carried the boy out. We carefully retraced our steps by the burning church and out of the compound. We loaded the boy onto the commander’s vehicle and he sent them to our casualty collection point. Burma Army mortars came in but they were not close. We walked back to our casualty collection point but by the time we got there, the boy had been treated and sent on to a field hospital in the jungle. The fighting intensified again as the Burma Army counterattacked to drive the Karenni out of their village. The fighting is going on as I make this report. I’m grateful for the villager who saved Cobra and me. I’m grateful for the bravery of our team as they went through the minefield to save this boy. I am grateful for our team back at the casualty collection point who took care of this boy and sent him on to the hospital. I’m grateful for all of your prayers and help. I’m grateful that we have a chance to help this boy and we will do our best to get him a good prosthesis and support any decision he wants to make for his future. I’m grateful for you all who care about people being killed, maimed, chased, their churches burned and homes destroyed. We thank God that they and we are not alone in this..."
Source/publisher: Free Burma Rangers
Date of publication: 2022-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Plans to carry out arbitrary executions must halt immediately
Description: "The undersigned organizations are gravely concerned at the recent announcement by the military authorities of Myanmar that the death sentences imposed on four people after grossly unfair proceedings have been approved for implementation. We urge the military authorities to immediately halt plans to carry out the executions, which would violate the prohibition against the arbitrary deprivation of life set out under international human rights and customary laws; establish an official moratorium on executions, following more than three decades without any; and end the crackdown on large segments of the population that has swept the country since February 2021. On 3 June, Zaw Min Tun, spokesperson of the military, announced that the convictions and death sentences imposed on four men had been approved by the State Administration Council, paving the way for the executions to be carried out in a matter of weeks. Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, also known as Ko Jimmy, were convicted of and sentenced to death by a military tribunal in January 2022 for offenses involving explosives, bombings and financing terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Law – charges that our organizations believe to be politically motivated. Two other men, convicted of the murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar Township in Yangon, also had their death sentences confirmed. The proceedings against all men were secretive and grossly unfair, before a military-controlled court. Following the issuing of Martial Law Order 3/2021, 1 the military transferred the authority from civilian courts to special or existing military tribunals to try cases of civilians. These tribunals have been overseeing trials involving a wide range of offences including those punishable with the death penalty, through summary proceedings and without right to appeal. The right to a fair trial, the key elements of which are set out in Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), is a fundamental human right and one of the universally applicable guarantees proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has become legally binding on all states as part of customary international law.2 Under international law and standards, executions carried out following unfair trials violate the prohibition against arbitrary deprivation of life, as well as the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment.3 Since February 2021, an alarming increase in the resort to the death penalty is being recorded in Myanmar, where the military is using the death penalty as a tool for ongoing and widespread persecution, intimidation and harassment of and violence against the population, including protesters and journalists. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) documentation, at least 114 death sentences have been imposed since February 2021. All these death sentences were imposed by military tribunals or, in one case, a juvenile court on referral from a military tribunal. The reports indicated that at least 41 defendants were tried and convicted while not being present; some were imposed on people who were below 18 years of age at the time of the alleged offence or had a severe psycho-social disability,4 in violation of a prohibition set out under international human rights and customary law. Available information indicates that the proceedings were summary, with the defendants unable to access legal representation. It is alarming that the military authorities are taking steps to carry out Myanmar’s first known executions since the late 1980s. The resumption of executions in Myanmar, after more than three decades without any, would constitute a significant setback for the country’s death penalty and deeply concerning human rights record, and would be contrary to the stated goal of abolition of the death penalty set out in Article 6(6) of the ICCPR. Over the decades, the UN system has worked to limit the use of the death penalty and has repeatedly urged UN member states to remove it from national legislation. Among other instruments, since 2007 the UN General Assembly has adopted – with increased cross-regional support – eight resolutions calling for the establishment of a “moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty”. As of today, 144 countries, including Myanmar, are considered abolitionist in law or practice and the number of those repealing this punishment from national legislation has continued to grow – with Kazakhstan and Papua New Guinea completely abolishing the death penalty in 2022. We oppose the death penalty unconditionally and we ask Myanmar’s military authorities to uphold their international obligations to promote and protect human rights, including by protecting the right to life, in all cases, and releasing immediately all those detained in relation to the exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication: 2022-06-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: “We are Getting Stronger to Complete the Revolution”: Karenni Resistance Leader
Description: "Armed resistance to the military regime in Kayah State, southeast Myanmar began in May last year in response to the lethal crackdowns on civilians by the junta. Along with resistance groups in Sagaing Region and Chin State, Karenni fighters pioneered the use of homemade weapons against the regime. Despite being the smallest state in Myanmar, with a population of around 300,000, Kayah State is currently home to over a dozen resistance groups. Among them is the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), which has been fighting the junta for over a year. On May 31, the KNDF celebrated its one-year anniversary. The group now has 21 battalions, some with female fighters, led by young people. It fights alongside several People’s Defense Forces (PDF), and the Karenni Army (KA), the armed wing of the Karenni National Progressive Party. To understand the complexity of the resistance movement, and the prospects of building a peaceful federal democratic union, The Irrawaddy spoke to KNDF chair Khun Be Du, who is also a deputy minister of natural resources and environmental conservation for the shadow National Unity Government (NUG). A dedicated fighter, the ethnic Karenni leader patiently answered The Irrawaddy’s questions despite an unstable phone connection and having to cut off the call every two minutes to avoid it being traced by the junta and so revealing his location. What are the achievements of the KNDF since it was formed? We measure our achievements based on the current strength and capability of the KNDF. We now have control over main roads and in towns and we are better equipped to execute and accomplish missions. We also measure our achievements based on the size of our arsenal and networking with PDFs and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) fighting alongside us in Kayah State. Our achievement is that we are only getting stronger to complete the revolution in shorter time. How did you found the KNDF and is it difficult combining your role as leader with being a deputy NUG minister? The KNDF is doing an important job and the NUG also plays an important role. So we have to do those two jobs together. Young and middle-aged people in our state decided to carry out revolution and organized training. We gathered arms on our own and also looked for donors. After our group had managed to obtain around 100 weapons, people in other townships also wanted to join the revolution and we gave up our original name and ambitions. We chose our current name KNDF so that not only indigenous ethnic Karenni people but also other ethnic people in Karenni State can join the task of protecting the people. Today, we have 21 battalions and over 8,000 fighters who have signed up to serve in the army for two years. I engage mainly in preparing and overseeing military operations including the provision of food supplies and weapons. At the same time, the Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC) has assigned us to join the NUG to establish better networking with resistance groups across the country. We are assigned not just to take a seat in the NUG but to work actively in it. Besides my work as a deputy minister, I also engage as a coordinator in other NUG programs such as assisting military defectors and the NUG’s local administration as well as other committees. We coordinate closely to ensure that the revolution succeeds across the country, and not just in our state. How much territory does the KNDF now control? What are the challenges in feeding, arming and managing a big army? It is important that every member has discipline and follows the rules and regulations. Yes, there have been a few cases of KNDF member kidnapping and extorting people. But we have been able to enforce rules and regulations in most of the cases. We also treat prisoners of war in line with international procedures. We have detained more than 100 [civilian] criminals and junta soldiers. It is important to make sure our side does not commit war crimes. Our army is fed and armed by contributions from people near and far. Most of the weapons are bought by KNDF members themselves. As cash contributions from the donors are likely to decline over time, we have designed some plans. But those plans are not about extorting money or imposing taxes on people. Instead, we will use methods that are acceptable to all. We have been able to produce some weapons, as well as ammunition, in the last six months. So we believe we will not run short of weapons. The revolution will succeed when we share our resources and technology with each other. How many resistance fighters have died in comparison to junta casualties in Kayah State? It is the people who have borne the brunt of the fighting. We have sympathy for them. People are enduring this to seek justice one day. More than 200 civilians have died [in Kayah State]. Junta troops have committed arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings. They have dumped bodies into septic tanks. They are quite cruel. In December last year, they slaughtered more than 40 civilians and set fire to their bodies. Over 500 houses were destroyed and damaged by junta artillery strikes and arson attacks. Many villages were torched. This is the loss of the country. Nearly 50 KNDF members have sacrificed their lives so far. We gave them proper burial as the martyrs of our revolution. We assume some 30 junta soldiers died or were at least seriously injured for every KNDF member who has fallen. The combat capability of KNDF members is not in question. Our fighters work hard and have high morale, which determines the results of the clashes. Our arsenal grows day by day while the regime has to bring in reinforcements every day. We had to withdraw from Demoso in January and February when junta troops conducted large-scale operations with artillery strikes and aerial attacks to retake control of towns. We returned to attack junta troops in Demoso around April. Our fighters were killed or injured by landmines there, and have learned lessons from that. Although regime troops are deployed in towns, they can’t run the administration at all. And although we had to withdraw from Demoso, sneak attacks on junta troops still continue daily there. We occupied a few outposts temporarily and seized arms. The KA, which is older and more senior than us, seized the Kyar Pa Sak outpost, but had to withdraw later. We are holding fire and preparing ourselves for now, considering the losses people have suffered so far, and waiting for the rise of revolution in other parts of the country. The revolution will succeed early if the international community takes action before the country sustains huge losses. Especially, the revolution will succeed quicker if senior Myanmar military personnel take swift action [mutiny]. We are still hoping to avoid more bloody fighting that will harm the country. The KNDF has a company of female fighters. What percentage of KNDF members are women and do you think the role of women revolutionaries is important? We don’t have a military unit that solely consists of women. There are women leading companies in our 21 battalions. Women leaders are largely involved in the administration of battalions. We have strong female participation. I don’t want to highlight the number of women members. What is more important is that women are playing a part in the revolution. We haven’t sent women fighters to the frontline. But we need them now for fighting, and have provided advanced level training and refresher training for them. Now women have opportunities to utilize their shrewdness on the frontline. Soon there will be guerilla operations by women KNDF members. There will be women commanders. We will recognize, without discrimination, their rights and their ability to perform. There will be women snipers, too. Thanks to the capacity of women members, the administration of our battalions is systematic and organized. Women medics have proven their remarkable performance by saving many resistance fighters. They should be honored. They have saved the lives of more than 100 fighters who were seriously injured or lost their limbs. They also carried them back to the rear safely and protected them in safe places. How is the relationship between the KSCC, revolutionary groups, the KNDF and the NUG? The KNDF serves as the defense force of Kayah State and the Karenni State Police [KSP – a parallel police force formed by striking police officers] takes responsibility for the rule of law in Kayah. The KNDF is fully responsible to fight the regime troops and the KSP is responsible for enforcing existing laws, and the laws issued by the NUG, the KSCC, our customary laws, and enforcing the rulings of the judiciary and providing security to establish the rule of law. Both the KNDF and the KSP network with PDFs and other groups in implementing our goals on the ground, although we are not under a single chain of command. The KSCC is working to coordinate those goals and the administration of Kayah State. As everyone knows, the KSCC consists of elected lawmakers, representatives of EAOs, ethnic political parties and civil society organizations. The KSCC is providing public services as the regime’s administration has ceased. The KSCC implements its aims according to the charter [adopted by the National Unity Consultative Council]. The charter allows states and units to form their own governments, and all units and states network together in fighting the regime. The NUG is our interim government [of the country] and the KSCC is our interim government of Kayah State. We expect we will be able to present a clearer picture of union-level units and state-level units next month. We are taking pragmatic approaches to building a federal Union, which is the aspiration of the people. Karenni State was never ruled by any central Myanmar authority until independence from Britain. The KA has fought successive military regimes for autonomy for Kayah State. It is now cooperating with NUG to build a future federal union. What role will the KNDF play in any future union? Firstly, before Myanmar’s independence, Karenni State worked together with inland Myanmar to fight the British. Karenni leaders in 1947 decided to join the union. Secondly, we were oppressed all along after we became part of the union. Natural resources in our state were never used for us, but used for other parts of country or exploited by the generals, while we were denied our rights. Thirdly, we must be aware that the National League for Democracy (NLD) had power only after it won the election. Fourthly, it must be acknowledged that all of us, including those in other states who have actively participated in this revolution, hope that power will be equally shared, that there will no more civil war, and that there will be no more discrimination and repression after we win this revolution. So we can’t dwell on the past or let the NLD play us as it pleases. We have to find a common answer, which is federal democracy. We have to prepare for this now. So all the groups in our state must work in unity in fighting the regime, and when this revolution succeeds we must undergo security reforms together in the state. After the revolution is completed, the KSCC will continue to serve as the interim government and initiate reforms which will enable us, after a democratic election, to make good use of natural resources and bring about sustainable development of Kayah States as well as the country. We want to prove that it is wrong to accuse us of wanting to secede from the union. We will approach federalism pragmatically. Based on historical status, current situation, and aspirations of the people, our state will join as a part of the union. And we will make sure we can enjoy all the rights people in our state should enjoy. We will not make unrealistic demands, but the union must grant us equal rights. This is our approach. The NLD government suppressed Karenni youth and organizations before the coup. What made the Karenni people resist the military regime despite that suppression? Young Karenni people were arrested for protests against [the NLD government’s erection of] General Aung San statues in Kayah State. And some were detained and jailed when we protested over civilian deaths. There were also arrests and imprisonment under U Thein Sein’s government. Young Karenni people have always demanded equal rights and reasonable opportunities for development of our state and that our identity is recognized. But successive governments have rejected our demands and suppressed us. We have always done what is important first. We have not just demanded equal rights, but we have fought for many years to end military dictatorship. When the 2008 [military-drafted] constitution was ratified, many young Karenni people staged protests despite the risk of imprisonment. As the most important thing is to fight the regime, we have ignored arrests and imprisonment over the [General Aung San] statues. And we are even working together with people from the NLD, for example officials of the Kayah State government, who detained and imprisoned our Karenni people. We are working together with them to end military dictatorship, holding meetings with them daily. We are politically aware that military dictatorship must be deposed. Only when military dictatorship has ended, will there be freedom and transparency which will enable us to make demands and have a greater say. This is our major motivation for fighting the regime at the frontline. After the coup, we demanded that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released, parliament be convened, the 2008 constitution be scrapped and a federal union established. We have demanded that all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released and elected parties take power while our federal rights are being established. Has there been any discussion about establishing an independent Karenni State? What is the KNDF’s position? We will not work to have an independent state while we are working to establish federalism. We are concerned when charters for independent states and self-administration are talked about. As the country is gaining political momentum, some are portraying us as would-be separatists. We assume all those acts are dangerous. The position of both the KNDF and the KSCC is that we don’t have a policy to ask for a charter that allows self-government and an independent state, but that we stand for equal rights in the union. Our approach is for all parties ‘to come together’. For this approach to be successful, both the regime, the NLD and other parties that won [the 2020 general election] must see this and cooperate again with correct steps. They must welcome each other. The military regime is extremely frightened that our democratic forces will unite. At the same time, some people from the NLD are concerned that ethnic people will have equal rights, and they hold the view that the central government that won the election should decide everything. And their responses are influenced by those concerns, which is very saddening. Their actions undermine the current cooperation between us and amount to a violation of the charter agreed by the majority..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-15
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Title: Myanmar Prison Authorities Beat At Least 10 Political Prisoners in Insein
Description: "More than 10 people held in Yangon’s Insein Prison by Myanmar’s military regime for anti-junta activities were injured in a beating by the prison authorities, according to sources close to the prison where hundreds of activists are being held and face prosecution. Some political prisoners from Thabyay ward in Insein staged a hunger strike on June 8 against the junta’s decision to execute four dissidents, including prominent 88 Generation student leader Ko Jimmy and National League for Democracy lawmaker Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw. Some also complained about forced labor to a director of the Correctional Department who visited the prison the following day. Prison officers were angry with their complaints and ordered staff and criminal inmates to beat 11 political prisoners who made complaints. One of them had a rib cracked, another had his forearm broken and another had his nose torn. Among the torture victims were a priest, doctor, lawyer and engineer. The Thabyay warden reportedly told political prisoners: “You can report your beating. We just need a piece of paper [to show our commanders] why you died.” Prison staff also reportedly swore and made threats. The prisoners’ health conditions are unknown. Those who participated in the hunger strike have been moved to other wards, said a source. “They were forced to work on prison farms for 12 hours a day. They were told to pay 150,000 kyats if they don’t want to work on the farm. If they refused, they were forced to sleep in a crowded cell. Around 120 prisoners were in a cell which can only hold 60 people,” said the source. The prison authorities have cut off electricity and water to the women’s ward since a strike, forcing inmates to drink toilet water. Many are suffering from diarrhea. Last month, the prison authorities failed to take a pregnant woman having a difficult labor to hospital and the baby was stillborn, prompting women detainees to strike. Sources said the woman who lost her baby and her husband were prosecuted and jailed on political charges. Their details are unknown. A former prison officer said: “I suspect that they are deliberately and systematically torturing political prisoners. I never saw such awful things when I worked in the prison. They appear to be trying to inflict permanent trauma on inmates.” Prison commander Zaw Lin Aung and supervisor Aung Ko Oo are responsible for torture in Insein, said sources. Several criminal inmates are involved in beating political prisoners at the instruction of Zaw Lin Aung and Aung Ko Ko, said sources. Zaw Lin Aung is a former military officer who was transferred to the Correctional Department after the 2021 coup. Observers said the regime has replaced civilian staff with military personnel in prisons across the country to torture political prisoners. The torture of political prisoners has been the most severe at Insein, Obo Prison in Mandalay, Monywa Prison in Sagaing and Hpa-an Prison in Karen State, according to observers. On June 6, when political prisoners raised objections to a plan to keep them with convicted criminals in Hpa-an, the authorities fired warning shots and attacked with catapults and bamboo sticks, injuring around 60 political prisoners. Political prisoners were beaten following a brawl in Obo on June 5. Two political prisoners were stabbed by prison staff and at least 10 others were injured. Political prisoners were subsequently kept in solitary confinement..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-14
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Title: Myanmar Regime Committed Almost 2,800 War Crimes in Last Six Months: NUG
Description: "Myanmar’s junta committed almost 2,800 war crimes across the country in the last six months, according to the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG). The NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration said that from December 1 to May 31, regime forces committed 2,778 war crimes including arbitrary killings, extrajudicial executions, the use of torture, using civilians as human shields, air and artillery strikes on civilian targets, the looting and burning of houses and the use of sexual violence. Some 12,719 houses and religious building have been destroyed by junta forces, causing estimated losses of 241 million kyats (US$6.9 million). Last Friday, the ministry also said that the regime had conducted 910 arrests and carried out 479 arson attacks, 346 murders, 336 attacks, 226 robberies and 101 cases of torture in the same six month period. Regime forces also committed 10 cases of sexual violence, as well as 27 instances of using civilian detainees as human shields to deter attacks by resistance groups. Sagaing Region, a stronghold of the resistance movement, suffered the most recording a total of 1,178 war crimes, followed by Magwe Region with 537 cases and Mandalay with 234. Junta arson attacks also targeted Sagaing the most, with some 8,933 houses being lost, followed by Magwe with 2,168 and Chin State with 1,332, according to the NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration. The ministry said it has collected evidence of the military regime’s war crimes and that its priority is to hold those responsible accountable for their crimes. People are being urged to report junta war crimes to police forces and People’s Administration Groups operating under the NUG, which is working with local and international organizations to hold the regime responsible for its atrocities. “Everyone who committed war crimes must be held to account whatever the situation,” said the NUG. In early June, authorities in Turkey initiated a preliminary investigation into members of the regime, including coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, concerning a criminal complaint filed by the Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP), a UK-based nongovernmental organization. In late March, MAP filed a criminal case with the public prosecutor’s office in Istanbul, Turkey against junta leaders over the use of torture in the military interrogation center in Yangon. As of June 10, over 1,900 people have been killed by regime forces and more than 14,000 people, including democratically-elected lawmakers, have been arrested or detained since last year’s coup, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
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Title: Myanmar Resistance Leader in Sagaing Says Monsoon Will Bring Victories
Description: "Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, has seen daily clashes since January with Myanmar junta troops raiding and torching villages where they think people’s defense forces (PDFs) are operating. Numerous civilians have been killed in junta raids which have left thousands homeless. Bo Nagar, the leader of the Myanmar Royal Dragon Army, recently talked to The Irrawaddy about how PDFs are fighting the regime and the challenges facing them. Junta troops have torched many Sagaing villages over the past few months. Are they torching every village? In Budalin Township they torched three villages before we attacked. They broke into houses, boxes and jewel cases. Residents could not take all of their belongings as they fled in fear. Junta soldiers took what they liked before torching. To our dismay, we saw ruined villages along the road. Villagers worked hard over many years to build farms and homes. People hide in forests as they have nowhere else to go. They cannot build anything permanent and soldiers torch any shelter they find. Living conditions are terrible. The rainy season has begun so we are rushing ahead with the revolution. Conditions and violence are worse than on social media. We are fully committed to saving our country from the hands of the sadistic regime. We heard that you are forming a special task force to prevent arson attacks in Sagaing? Yes. We plan to form a roughly 150-member force. We have dispatched some of them to acquire military experience. And we are giving special training to those with firsthand experience. But it costs more than US$400,000 to arm 100 fighters so we can only start with what we can afford. We have nearly $200,000 and we urgently need another $250,000 within two weeks. We have obtained arms but have yet to pay for them. We also want uniforms and protective equipment for the special task force. We told them that once they are trained they will have to fight repeatedly for the people. They have to do any duty assigned to them to protect the people. I will assign them operations in consultation with the PDFs. It will carry out missions upon request. That force will keep growing in size and area of operations. Its operations will not be limited. What are the challenges in arming your group? Every resistance group needs arms and ammunition. I am not being selfish. I share cash donations with smaller groups but I give priority to my groups when it comes to the procurement of weapons. I have called on the National Unity Government [NUG] to arm all the groups. Every group needs arms and I urge the groups to help each other. We are arming them as much as we can. Previously we only had traditional hunting rifles but we bought automatic assault rifles with public donations. Members of my group are working in many townships to fight the regime. As our group grows we have a lot of difficulties. We need weapons to continue to fight the revolution and it cannot progress if we lack arms. How are discussions with the NUG on the supply of arms? They said they would supply us. We still hope they will. We believe they will. We were fighting the revolution before the NUG was formed. We view it as our government and we cooperate with it. The NUG is our leader and we have asked it to command four of our battalions. It has to take responsibility for battalions under its command. But it cannot afford to arm all those four battalions. We are among the first to start the revolution and we continue to fight. Groups formed after us have received arms so we want weapons too. We cover a large area. The civilian ministry of defense should at least arm one if it cannot arm all four battalions. We are waiting. What are the military developments in the region? Clashes have been going on in Kani since May 20. The regime has sent troops to secure jade vessels on the river. We dispatched troops to wage guerilla warfare on them. They went to Budalin to attack troops after they heard about torching villages. They clashed with troops on the border of Kani and Mingin townships and in Pale. Is the regime targeting any particular townships in Sagaing? We assume the junta is targeting Sagaing’s plains since the beginning of the monsoon. Among them are Kani, Yinmabin, Pale, Myaung and Chaung-U. Clashes are also taking place in Tapayin, Wetlet, Khin-U and Taze. Troops are focusing more on the plains. We know the terrain and gain information first. We fight guerilla warfare. We have gained the upper hand in ambushes and only suffer a few casualties. Our enemy as usual harms the people when they suffer casualties. People suffer. But we have to fight this revolution. If we don’t fight for fear that the junta will harm the people, it will rule the country as it pleases. We cannot be discouraged by damage caused to the people. We are already dead and we can only be resurrected when we win this revolution. We gain the upper hand in the fighting but the people suffer because troops torch villages. What is your assessment of the junta tactics in Sagaing? How much control does the regime have following its continuous attacks? The tactics are obscene. They have powerful weapons and use tanks, artillery and mortars. But they cannot defeat us. The tactics are the most wicked in the world. Outside Sagaing, the regime cannot control anywhere in Myanmar. Even in Naypyitaw, there are explosions and attacks. The resistance movement has only paused for a while because the junta is using excessive force and committing the cruelest acts. It cannot control anywhere, even in its cantonment. The junta cannot imagine controlling Sagaing. We won’t let them get an inch. Sagaing is where humane people have gathered to bravely fight the revolution. The junta cannot control a place of strong-minded revolutionaries. What is the military situation in Sagaing Region during the rainy season? It is encouraging. Resistance fighters will gain the upper hand. The regime cannot carry out air strikes in the rain and its troops can only reach easily accessible places. If they maintain outposts under such circumstances, it is like digging their own graves. They will have to retreat in the rainy season. If they stay, they only stay to be killed..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
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Title: US State Dept Counselor Calls Myanmar Military ‘Bunch of Thugs’
Description: "BANGKOK—US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet called Myanmar’s military “a bunch of thugs” suffering “serious losses” in their fight against their own people, who have been resisting military rule in the country. The comment comes as the junta struggles to control the country, which has been gripped by an unwavering popular armed resistance against the regime following the military takeover in February last year. Given the ongoing circumstances in Myanmar, Chollet said the regime was finding itself increasingly isolated, not just internationally but at home. “They’re not winning. They’re losing territory. Their military is taking serious losses,” he told The Irrawaddy in a recent interview. Last week, US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet visited Thailand where he also met with senior Thai officials in Bangkok. He later visited the Thailand-Myanmar border and his delegation visited the Mae La Refugee Camp in Tak Province and then toured the Mae Tao Clinic, which has provided a health lifeline for Myanmar refugees in Mae Sot and surrounding areas for decades. After returning from the border, Chollet told The Irrawaddy that Washington’s message to the regime was simple: End the fighting and return to the path of democracy. He said the regime was trying to create a new reality after its military proxy party lost the 2020 election. “But it’s quite clear that what we’ve seen inside Burma is that the people are not going to accept that,” he said, using Myanmar’s former name. When asked about his impression of the regime’s extrajudicial killings of civilians, arbitrary arrests and torching villages in central Myanmar in response to armed resistance there, Chollet said they were not things a model military does. “They are not acting as a professional military. They are acting like a bunch of thugs,” he said. As of May 26, more than 1 million people had been displaced in Myanmar, with more than half of them losing their homes since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup, and 12,700 houses, religious buildings and schools had been destroyed, according to the UN. Engaging with the NUG The US recently increased its diplomatic engagement with Myanmar’s opposition and like-minded countries in the region to pressure the regime in Naypyitaw. “We are working [to] give the opposition our best advice” as well as to “address urgent humanitarian needs,” Chollet said, noting that at least tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the regime’s raids and fighting. Last month, Daw Zin Mar Aung, foreign minister of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), met with Wendy Sherman, US deputy secretary of state, in Washington on the sidelines of the US-ASEAN summit. Myanmar regime leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was not invited to the summit. Chollet told The Irrawaddy the US will continue to engage with the NUG on capacity building and supporting the Myanmar democratic movement. The shadow government is now trying to establish its administration and education system in some resistance stronghold areas in the country. “It’s a huge challenge where there’s expectations placed upon you from people inside and how you learn about just the basic tasks of administration and keeping the trains running, schools opened and electricity. A lot of that knowledge has left. So, in areas outside of regime control, how can you maintain these services? There is capacity building that we can provide,” he said. Chollet said Myanmar people have shown tremendous resilience, courage, and bravery throughout their fight against the regime, adding that their suffering over the last 18 months has been horrendous. “What’s striking, however, is you still see so much hope and optimism in the fight for their country—whether they’re in Burma, or whether they’ve left and they’re trying to help on the outside,” referring to the determination of the majority of Myanmar people that their cause against the regime must prevail, and their effort to support it by all means. Working with ASEAN, talking to others Since the coup, ASEAN leaders have faced challenges and criticism, as the regional grouping is known to lack political capital in solving the decades-old crisis in Myanmar. There has also been strong criticism of ASEAN’s peace plan for Myanmar. So far regime chief Min Aung Hlaing has failed to honor most of the points in the plan. Myanmar opposition and rights groups have criticized it as a failure but also expressed concern that the US and Western governments are outsourcing the issue to ASEAN and hiding behind the bloc. Chollet countered the criticism, saying that ASEAN is “taking steps that I think few predicted,” referring to the bloc’s exclusion of the junta leadership from its summits due to Min Aung Hlaing’s failure to implement the peace plan. “There was doubt they would agree to the decision to disinvite political representation by the regime in high-level meetings and then stick to that position. It’s not easy to get to that point. It sounds a little self-serving, but I do think the US advocacy with the ASEAN partners to first make the decision to not invite Burma to a high-level meeting and stick to that decision matters. In individual ASEAN states, in Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia—they are quite helpful and active.” He also said that the US is working with ASEAN and had also been very active in talking to the UK, Australia, the EU, Japan and Korea about ways to work together to help people inside Myanmar. “It’s incumbent upon us to do whatever we can to support this,” he said. On China Chollet also commented on Myanmar’s powerful neighbor China, which has been supporting the regime. In April, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his Myanmar counterpart Wunna Maung Lwin that China will support Myanmar’s military government “no matter how the situation changes” in the country. Chollet said he thought China had been pretty quiet on this front recently, adding that the US interest in Myanmar was not just about China. He said he was not aware that China had worked in any way to try to push back on ASEAN, while admitting that China had a complicated relationship with the junta. “And, you know, I would say we don’t want them [China] to be part of the problem. We hope that they can be part of the solution.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2022-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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