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Title: Open Letter to Members of the U.S. Congress to Pass the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021
Description: "To: Members of Congress of the U.S Senate and House of Representatives: Subject: Joint Open Letter from Burmese diaspora, community based-organizations and Civil Society Organizations to the United State Congress to pass the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021 or BURMA Act of 2021 Dear Members of Congress, We, the undersigned 242 Burmese diaspora, local CSOs inside Burma, community-based organizations, and civil society organizations both here in the U.S. and around the world welcome the introduction of the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021, or, the BURMA Act, and call on all members of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives to co-sponsor this crucial legislation and support its expeditious passage into law. As the situation in Burma worsens daily, U.S. action is vital to the millions of lives currently suffering at the hands of the Burmese military. The BURMA Act will provide much needed U.S. support for the realization of all Burmese peoples’ aspirations for an inclusive, rights respecting democracy. Since the February 1st coup, the people of Burma have seen increased human rights violations and militarization, and the situation is growing more dire by the day. While the number of people killed by the junta is significantly higher, there are over 1,100 confirmed deaths since February, including at least 75 children. More than 8,700 people have been arrested, of which an estimated 7,104 are still detained. 220,000 have been newly displaced, with 3 million in need of humanitarian assistance, according to the UN. The World Bank predicts an 18% drop in GDP for Burma this year, which, combined with slower growth in 2020 because of the COVID-19 pandemic, will leave Burma’s economy 30% smaller than originally expected. The World Food Program estimates that food insecurity will have more than doubled since the coup by October 2021 to more than 6.2 million people. Despite the Burmese military junta campaign of oppression to terrorize and demoralize the people, they have not won. In each of Burma’s states, ethnic minorities are witnessing the worst of the Burmese military’s violence and crimes against humanity. While it is clear that Burma’s ethnic minorities are disproportionately impacted by violence from the Burmese military, the country’s majority Burman group are also affected, representing the extent to which the junta’s attacks are indiscriminate and truly affect all in Burma. On September 7, the Burmese military used two farmers from Shan State as human shields to guard soldiers as they walked in front of a battalion. Similarly, in Karen state, reports of the Burmese military capturing and forcing women to be porters and human shields have been increasingly common. In early September, Kachin Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) were forced to return to their villages after being unable to find food in the IDP camps, despite their homes remaining in a conflict zone. Karenni state suffered from 21 clashes in August that led to an additional 5,000 IDPs to the 100,000 displaced in the state, which makes up nearly half of the Karenni population. Reports from Mon state in early September highlight the intensified militarization in many of the state’s townships, where civilian arrests and security checkpoints have increased. In Rakhine state, close to 10,000 IDPs returned to their villages in fear of rising COVID-19 cases in IDP camps, despite the threat of landmines and zero humanitarian aid in their townships. An estimated 50,000 civilians and 5,000 IDPs living in southern Chin state are suffering from food shortages as the Burmese military blocks transportation routes into the area. From February to July, there were 3,601 attacks on civilians or armed clashes that failed to protect them, which is a 521% increase from the same months in 2020. These atrocities occurring throughout the country have been the lived experiences of marginalized communities for decades. Clearly, the situation in Burma necessitates U.S. action and will only continue to deteriorate the longer accountability and aid are delayed. In July, Burma was hit hard with a third-wave of the COVID-19 virus. While the junta officially reported an estimated 6,000 deaths and 141,000 infections, many civil society organizations in Burma believe these reports grossly underestimate the actual number of COVID-related deaths, especially as cemeteries in Yangon received 1,500-2,000 bodies every day in mid-July. As thousands were dying of COVID-19, the junta cut off medical and oxygen supplies to the people of Burma. Many accused the junta of denying oxygen to private clinics and hospitals, instead funneling the available oxygen to military-controlled health facilities. The junta also shut down any charity supplies and blocked all initiatives created by community and civil society organizations to battle COVID-19. In an aggressive approach to deny access to lifesaving oxygen, the military fired into a line of people waiting to purchase oxygen tanks. In another case, witnesses stated that the military also lured medical professionals by pretending to be COVID-19 patients, only to arrest them and raid their affiliated clinics. Even as the COVID vaccine was procured from China, the junta reportedly reserved the vaccine for its military and loyal allies before making it available to the public. However, it was also reported that due to the mistrust of the junta’s intentions and the vaccine from China, many avoided vaccinations. It is clear from the actions of the junta and its military that they are weaponizing the virus and vaccine. While COVID-19 numbers have decreased since August, the people of Burma are still battling the COVID crisis while fighting the illegal junta for democracy. Despite the violence perpetrated by the Burmese military, the Burmese people continue to stand resolutely against the junta’s rule. Since February, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) continues to be supported by over 400,000 civil servants without losing any steam. This movement started in central Burma and spread to major cities in the ethnic states. The people of Burma also launched themed protests, such as the hanging of sarongs, flashlights at night, and the clanging of pots and pans to display signs of dissidence. Members of the CDM also boycott military businesses and refuse to pay for military-controlled services like electricity bills, with estimates reporting that this loss of revenue will cost the junta up to $1 billion per year. The CDM has grown past the borders of Burma to gain international support. The Burmese diaspora in other countries, such as the United States, Australia, and the UK, have come together to protest against the February 1st Coup and rally their respective policymakers to make a public stand against the military junta. For more than six months, the protest movement has remained undeterred by the junta’s brutal crackdowns and arbitrary arrests. In addition to the CDM movement, civilians are joining the National Unity Government’s People’s Defense Force to provide safety and security that has been repeatedly denied by the Burmese military. Given the Burmese military’s unrelenting violence, it is clear that Congress must act now to support the people of Burma. The BURMA Act will showcase U.S. leadership in alleviating an increasingly dire situation and hold the Burmese military accountable for their illegal seizure of power. Justice and accountability are more important than ever, given the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya people - and the over one million Rohingya people who have been forced to flee their homeland over many decades and remain stuck in limbo in Bangladesh and other countries in the region with limited access to livelihoods or education and any chance to return home, integrate into their country of asylum, or be resettled to a third country. Checking the junta’s power would ensure that the crimes they continue to commit against the Rohingya, other ethnic and religious minorities, and all civilians come to an end. The bill will additionally support a strategy for the U.S. to coordinate policy on Burma multilaterally; provide support for civil society organizations, democracy activists, political prisoners and independent media; and authorize sanctions laser-focused against the military, its economic interests, and its primary sources of remaining revenues, while minimizing a humanitarian impact on the people of Burma. While we note and appreciate the action that the U.S. has taken for Burma so far, it is simply not enough. We thank Sen. Cardin (D-MD), Sen. Klobuchar (D-MN), Sen. Lujan (D-NM), Sen. Merkley (D-OR), Sen. Wyden (D-OR), Sen. Markey (D-MA), Sen. Murray (D-WA), Sen. Peters (D-MI), Sen. Padilla (D-CA), Sen. Sanders (D-VT), Sen. Rosen (D-NV), Sen. Feinstein (D-CA), Sen. Durbin (D-IL), Sen. Kaine (D-VA), Rep. Gregory W. Meeks (D-NY), Rep. Steve Chabot (R) (co-lead), Rep. Michael McCaul (R), Rep. Ami Bera (D), Rep. Karen Bass (D), Rep. Joaquin Castro (D), Rep. Ilhan Omar (D), Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R), Rep. Ted Lieu (D), Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D), Rep. Suzanne Bonamici (D), Rep. Young Kim (R), Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D), Rep. Ro Khanna (D), Rep. Juan Vargas (D), Rep. Claudia Tenney (R), Rep. Grace F. Napolitano (D), Rep. Lois Frankel (D), Rep. James P. McGovern (D), Rep. Grace Meng (D), Rep. Peter Meijer (R), Rep. Kathy Manning (D), Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D) and Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D) for introducing the BURMA Act, and call upon all members of Congress to stand in solidarity with the people of Burma and co-sponsor the BURMA Act of 2021 to end the junta’s campaign of violence and cycle of impunity. Sincerely, Signed by: Burmese diaspora, community based-organizations and Civil Society Organizations 1. Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney), Australia 2. Action Committee for Democracy Development, Burma 3. Action Corps, USA 4. African Great Lakes Action Network, USA 5. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress, Thailand-Burma Border 6. All Kachin Youth Union (AKYU), Burma 7. All Young Burmese League, Australia 8. ALTSEAN-Burma, Thailand 9. Ameinu, USA 10. American Baptist Churches USA 11. Americans for Rohingya, USA 12. Anti-Dictatorship in Burma DC Metropolitan Area, USA 13. Arakan Rohingya Union, USA 14. Arakan Watch, Malaysia 15. Arizona Kachin Community, AZ, USA 16. Asian Community and Cultural Center, USA 17. Asian Student Union, KS, USA 18. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters- HRDP, Myanmar 19. Australia Karen Organisation Inc, Australia 20. Backpack Health Workers Team, Thailand-Burma Border 21. Bakersfield Karen Community, CA, USA 22. Blood Money Campaign, Myanmar 23. Boston Free Burma, MA, USA 24. Burma Action Ireland, Ireland 25. Burma Border Projects, MA, USA 26. Burma Campaign UK, United Kingdom 27. Burma Medical Association, Thailand-Burma Border 28. Burma Nationals Organization, USA 29. Burma Task Force, USA 30. Burmese American Millennials, USA 31. Burmese American women Alliance, CA, USA 32. Burmese Community Center for Education, USA 33. Burmese Community Support Group, Australia 34. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, United Kingdom 35. Calgary Karen Community Association (CKCA), Canada 36. California Kachin Community, CA, USA 37. California Karen Youth Forum, USA 38. Campaign for a New Myanmar, USA 39. Citizen of Burma Award, USA 40. Coalition of Rohingya Organisations in Malaysia (CROM) 41. Congregation Neveh Shalom, OR, USA 42. Crane Center for Mass Atrocity Prevention, USA 43. Da'wah and Empowerment Association of Rohingya (DEAR), Malaysia 44. Dallas Fort Worth Myanmar Ethnic Community, Burma 45. Dallas Kachin Community, TX, USA 46. Darfur and Beyond, USA 47. DEEKU-Karenni Community of Amarillo, TX, USA 48. Democracy, Peace and Women's Organization, Burma 49. EarthRights International, USA 50. Edmonton Karen Community Youth Organization, Canada 51. European Karen Network, UK 52. First Karen Baptist Church of Indianapolis, IN, USA 53. Florida Kachin Community, FL, USA 54. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa), South Africa 55. Free Myanmar Inc., USA 56. Freedom for Burma, USA 57. Friends of Rohingya USA 58. Friends of TCI Australia, Australia 59. Future Light Center, Burma 60. Future Thanlwin, Burma 61. Gender Equality Network, Myanmar 62. Georgia Kachin Community, GA, USA 63. Global Justice Center, USA 64. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD), USA/Global 65. Good News Detroit Church, USA 66. Hanna United Methodist Church, IN, USA 67. Holocaust and Genocide Studies Project/Portland State University, OR, USA 68. Holy Family church, USA 69. Houston Kachin Community, TX, USA 70. Human Rights Foundation of Monland, Thailand/Myanmar 71. Indianapolis Jewish Community Relations Council, IN, USA 72. Institute for Asian Democracy, USA 73. International Campaign for the Rohingya, USA 74. International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), USA 75. International Karen Organisation, Australia 76. Iowa Kachin Community, IA, USA 77. Jewish World Watch, USA 78. Justice for All, USA 79. Justice for Myanmar, Myanmar 80. Kachin American Community (Portland – Vancouver), USA 81. Kachin Community of Indiana, IN, USA 82. Kachin Community of USA 83. Kachin National Organization USA 84. Kachin Peace Network, Myanmar 85. Kachin Refugee Council – India 86. Kachin Women's Association Thailand 87. Kansas Karenni Community, KS, USA 88. Kansas Zotung Community, KS, USA 89. Karen American Association of Wisconsin, USA 90. Karen Association of Huron, South Dakota, USA 91. Karen Baptist Churches USA, USA 92. Karen Community of Akron, USA 93. Karen Community of Canada (KCC), Canada 94. Karen Community of Czech Republic 95. Karen Community of Finland 96. Karen Community of Hamilton, Canada 97. Karen Community of Iowa, USA 98. Karen Community of Ireland 99. Karen Community of Israel 100. Karen Community of Kansas City (KS & MO), USA 101. Karen Community of Kitchener & Waterloo, Canada 102. Karen Community of Leamington, Canada 103. Karen Community of Lethbridge, Canada 104. Karen Community of London, Canada 105. Karen Community of Minnesota, USA 106. Karen Community of North Carolina, USA 107. Karen Community of Ottawa, Canada 108. Karen Community of Regina, Canada 109. Karen Community of Saskatoon, Canada 110. Karen Community of South Carolina, USA 111. Karen Community of Thunderay, Canada 112. Karen Community of Toronto, Canada 113. Karen Community of Windsor, Canada 114. Karen Community of Winnipeg, Canada 115. Karen Community Society of British Columbia (KCSBC), Canada 116. Karen Environmental and Social Action Network, Burma 117. Karen Human Rights Group, Thai-Burma border 118. Karen Organization of America, USA 119. Karen Organization of Minnesota, USA 120. Karen Organization of San Diego, USA 121. Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN), Thailand/Burma 122. Karen Refugee Committee Education Entity, Thailand 123. Karen Society of Nebraska, USA 124. Karen Student Association at UNO, USA 125. Karen Swedish Community, Sweden 126. Karen Thai Group, Thailand 127. Karen Youth Education Pathways, USA 128. Karen Youth Networks, Burma 129. Karen Youth of Norway 130. Karen Youth of Toronto, Canada 131. Karen Youth Organization, Thailand 132. Karenni Civil Society Network, Thailand-Burma Border 133. Karenni Community of Arizona, AZ, USA 134. Karenni Community of Arkansas, AK, USA 135. Karenni Community of Austin, TX 136. Karenni Community of Bowling Green, KY 137. Karenni Community of Buffalo, NY 138. Karenni Community of Chicago, IL 139. Karenni Community of Colorado, CO 140. Karenni Community of Dallas, TX 141. Karenni community of Des Moines, IA 142. Karenni Community of Florida, FL, 143. Karenni Community of Fort Worth, TX 144. Karenni Community of Georgia, GA 145. Karenni Community of Houston, TX 146. Karenni Community of Idaho, ID 147. Karenni Community of Indianapolis, IN 148. Karenni community of Kansas City 149. Karenni Community of Massachusetts, MA 150. Karenni Community of Michigan, MI 151. Karenni community of Minnesota, MN 152. Karenni Community of Missouri, MO, USA 153. Karenni Community of North Carolina, NC, USA 154. Karenni Community of Portland, OR, USA 155. Karenni Community of Rockford, IL, USA 156. Karenni Community of San Antonio, TX, USA 157. Karenni Community of Sioux Falls, SD, USA 158. Karenni Community of Utah, UT, USA 159. Karenni Community of Utica, NY, USA 160. Karenni Community of Washington, WA, USA 161. Karenni Community of Wisconsin, WI, USA 162. Karenni Society of Omaha, NE, USA 163. Karenni-American Association, USA 164. Karenni-American Catholic Association, USA 165. Kentucky Kachin Community, KY, USA 166. Korea Karen Organization, Korea 167. Korea Karen Youth Organization, Korea 168. LAI Baptist Church of Maryland, USA 169. Like We Don’t Exist, USA 170. Louisiana Kachin Community, LA, USA 171. Lowell International Church, USA 172. Mae Tao Clinic, Thailand 173. Maryland Kachin Community, MD, USA 174. Metta Campaign, Myanmar 175. Michigan Kachin Community, MI, USA 176. Milwaukee Myanmar Christian Church, USA 177. Minnesota Kachin Community, MN, USA 178. Minnesota Peace Project, USA 179. Mon State Development Center, Myanmar 180. Myanmar Community Church, CA, USA 181. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS), Yangon 182. Nationalities' Alliance of Burma, Washington D. C., USA 183. ND-Burma, Canada 184. NeT Organization, Myanmar 185. Never Again Coalition, USA 186. New York Kachin Community, NY, USA 187. No Business With Genocide, USA 188. North Carolina Kachin Community, NC, USA 189. Nyan Lynn Thit Analhtica, Myanmar 190. Olive organization, Burma 191. Omaha Kachin Community, NE, USA 192. Oversea Karen Organization Japan, Japan 193. Overseas Burmese Christian Fellowship, USA 194. Pennsylvania Kachin Community, PA, USA 195. Progressive Voice, Thailand 196. Pyit Taing Htaung Social Club, Australia 197. Refugees International, USA 198. Rohingya American Society (RAS), WI, USA 199. Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee (RARC), USA 200. Rohingya Cultural Center of Chicago, IL, USA 201. Rohingya National League, USA 202. Rohingya Society of Greater Nashua, NH, USA 203. Rohingya students Unity Right, Bangladesh 204. Rohingya Women Empowerment and Advocacy Network, Bangladesh 205. Rohingya Youth Development Forum, Burma 206. Rohingya Youths for legal Action (RYLA), Bangladesh 207. RW Welfare Society, Bangladesh 208. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas, Burma 209. Saydanar Community Development Center, MA, USA 210. Shan MATA, Myanmar 211. South Carolina Kachin Community, SC, USA 212. St. Puis X Catholic Church, USA 213. STAND: The student-led movement to end mass atrocities, USA 214. Students for Free Burma (SFB), USA 215. Support the Democracy Movement in Burma, USA 216. Ta'ang Legal Aid, Burma 217. Ta'ang Students and Youth Union - TSYU, Myanmar 218. Temple Adath Israel --Lexington, KY, USA 219. Tennessee Kachin Community, TN, USA 220. The Burmese Rohingya Association of North America, USA 221. The PLAN: Public Legal Aid Network, Myanmar 222. The Sound of Hope, USA 223. The Urban Village, USA 224. U.S. Advocacy Coalition for Myanmar, USA 225. U.S. Campaign for Burma, USA 226. Unitarian Universalist Association, USA 227. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC), USA 228. University of Hartford Philosophy Club, USA 229. US Chin Coalition, USA 230. Utica Karen Community, USA 231. Utica Karen Wesleyan Church, USA 232. Virginia Kachin Community, VA, USA 233. Washington Kachin Community, WA, USA 234. West Virginia Kachin Community, WV, USA 235. Women Advocacy Coalition, Myanmar 236. Women Empowerment and Advocacy Network, Bangladesh 237. Women's Peace Network, USA 238. World Outside My Shoes, USA 239. World Rohingya Organization, Jackson Heights, NY, USA 240. Youths of Tomorrow, Myanmar 241. Zion Karen Baptist Church of Albert Lea, MN, USA 242. Zotung organization of America, USA..." ‍
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-10-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration: Announcement No.4/2021 - ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "CDM ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ ယာယီအုပ်ချူပ်ရေးကော်မတီ ဖွဲ့စည်းကြောင်း ကြေညာခြင်း ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ရက်စွဲ ၊ ၇ ရက် အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်လာကြသော CDM ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ နှင့် မိသားစုဝင်များအား ပြန်လည်စုစည်းပြီး ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုရှိစေရေး စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရန်၊ CDM ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ နှင့် မိသားစု များအကြား ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာမည့် အခက်အခဲများအား ကူညီဖြေရှင်းပေးနိုင်ရန်၊ CDM မပြုလုပ်ရသေးသော ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား CDM နှင့် Pre CDM များ ပြုလုပ်လာစေပြီး အနာဂါတ်ဖက်ဒရယ် ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ ဖွဲ့စည်းနိုင်ရေးအထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့်လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် CDM ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ ညှိနှိုင်းအစည်းအဝေးကျင်းပကာ “CDM ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ ယာယီအုပ်ချူပ်ရေး ကော်မတီ” အား ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည်။ ပုံ လွင်ကိုလတ် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration - Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-10-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Fifteen-year-old student leader arrested in Naypyitaw
Sub-title: The military council units also raided the boy’s house two days after he was detained
Description: "Junta authorities arrested the teenaged president of the Basic Education Students’ Union of Naypyitaw’s Zabuthiri Township at his home earlier this week, according to the group. Tun Aung Kyaw, age 15, was taken into detention by two police officers and two local administrators, a spokesperson for the Naypyitaw Students’ Union said. It is said that the military units arrested Tun Aung Kyaw, the president of the basic education students’ union of Zabuthiri township, Naypyidaw, at his home on October 3 evening. “He is technically a minor, so they said that they just had some questions to ask and that they’d let him go soon,” he told Myanmar Now. At the time of reporting, the boy was still being held at the No. 3 police station in Zabuthiri and had not been allowed contact with his family, the student union representative said. At 10pm on Tuesday, military troops reportedly ransacked his house. Myanmar Now called the police station for comment on Tun Aung Kyaw’s arrest but the calls went unanswered. Another Naypyitaw student leader, Yan Paing, was arrested by the military on May 2 and died on October 1 during an interrogation, according to a statement released by the Naypyitaw Students’ Union. According to the statistics reported by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), there have now been at least 7,104 civilians detained by the junta since the February 1 coup and at least 1,158 civilians killed during that same period. As they have been active in participating in anti-coup demonstrations, student union members have been frequent targets of military arrests, but the exact number of students in detention is not known. Most recently, four students preparing to protest against the junta were arrested near the Pathi dam in Taungoo Township, Bago Region on the evening of September 19..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-10-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration: Announcement No.3/2021 - ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့်လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ============================ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ ပြည်သူလူထုဘက်မှ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တည်‌ပေးနိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်ကြစေရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ကြေညာချက် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁) ရက်စွဲ ၊ ၉ ရက် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ပြည်သူလူထု ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအစိုးရထံမှ လက်နက်အားကိုး ဖြင့် မတရား အာဏာသိမ်းယူခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်သူများကို ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ အကျဉ်းချခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူများ ပိုင်ဆိုင်သည့် အိုးအိမ်များ၊ ဥစ္စာပစ္စည်းများကို အဓမ္မသိမ်းယူခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းစသည့် ဥပဒေမဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်များ၊ ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လာခဲ့သည်မှာ ၈ လတာကာလ အတွင်းသို့ ရောက်ရှိလာခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ ယင်းသို့ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ဖိနှိပ်အနိုင်ကျင့်ခြင်းများကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး ကိုယ်စိတ်နှစ်ပါး ဆင်းရဲပင်ပန်းနေကြရပြီး အကြောင်းအမျိုးမျိုးကြောင့် အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်မှ ရုန်းမထွက်နိုင်ကြသေးဘဲ မလွှဲမရှောင်သာ ဆက်လက် တာဝန်ထမ်း ဆောင်နေကြရသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့၊ အထွေထွေအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဦးစီးဌာန၊ အထူးစုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေးဦးစီးဌာန၊ အကျဉ်းဦးစီးဌာန၊ မီးသတ်ဦးစီးဌာန၊ လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဦးစီးဌာန စသည့် ဌာနအသီးသီးမှ ဝန်ထမ်းအချို့သည်လည်း စိတ်နှလုံးမချမ်းမြေ့ဘဲ ထိခိုက်နာကျင်ခံစား နေကြရ သည်ကို ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။ ၃။ ပြည်သူလူထုကို ရက်ရက်စက်စက် ဖိနှိပ် ညှဉ်းဆဲ သတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန့် ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ဖီဆန်ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ သဘာဝအခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သကဲ့သို့ နိုင်ငံသားများ၏ လွတ်လပ်မှု အခြေခံအုတ်မြစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဝန်ထမ်းများ Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) တွင် ပါဝင်လာခြင်းအားဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့ လွတ်မြောက်ရေး တော်လှန်မှုတွင် ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည်ပါဝင်လာခြင်းသည် ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတော်လှန်ရေး၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်လည်း ဖြစ်ပေသည်။ ၄။ ယခုအချိန်တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ယာယီသမ္မတကြီး ဒူဝါလရှီးလက ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ နိုင်ငံတော်ကို အရေးပေါ် အခြေအနေ သတ်မှတ် ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီကို ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးမှ လှည်းနေလှေအောင်း မြင်းစောင်း မကျန် ခုခံတွန်းလှန်ကြဖို့ မိန့်ခွန်းမြွက်ကြားခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၅။ ပြည်သူလူထုဘက်က ရပ်တည်လိုသော်လည်း အကြောင်းအမျိုးမျိုးကြောင့် အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်တွင် စိတ်မချမ်းမြေ့စွာ ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေကြရသည့် ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနလက်အောက်ရှိ ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ ဘက်မှ ပူးပေါင်းရပ်တည်ခြင်း၊ သတင်းပေးခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး ရဲဘော်များနှင့် ပြည်သူများကို တတ်စွမ်း သမျှ ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ခြင်းများ လုပ်ဆောင်၍ ပြည်သူလူထု ဘက်မှ ပြတ်သားစွာ ပူးပေါင်းရပ်တည်နိုင်ရေး အတွက် အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်ကြဖို့ အချိန်တန်ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ ယင်းသို့ ပြည်သူ့ဘက်မှ ပူးပေါင်းရပ်တည်လာကြသည့် အင်အားများသည် အာဏာရူးအကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များကို ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲနေကြသည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး၏ ပွဲသိမ်းအောင်ပွဲကို ကြီးမားသည့် အထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေပြီး ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်များကို ပိုမိုကာကွယ် စောင့်ရှောက်နိုင်မည် ဖြစ်သည့်အပြင် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်တစ်သားတည်း ရပ်တည်ကြခြင်းဖြင့် မိမိကိုယ်တိုင်နှင့် မိမိတို့ မိသားစု ဝင်များကိုပါ ပြည်သူလူထုက အပြန်အလှန် ကူညီဖေးမ စောင့်ရှောက်ပေးနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်ရာ နိုင်ငံသား အားလုံးကို ပိုမို ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုရစေမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၇။ နိုင်ငံဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏ မူလတာဝန်ကို ကျေပြွန်စွာထမ်းဆောင်ရာတွင် အဓိက အလေးထား ရမည့်အချက်မှာ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက် ပေးရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ လိုအပ်ချက်များကို ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းလက်တွဲ ကူညီရန် ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြောက်တရားကြောင့် မိမိတို့၏ မူလတာဝန်ကို မေ့လျောကာ ပြည်သူလူထုကို အကြမ်းဖက် ပစ်ခတ် သတ်ဖြတ် ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်နေသည့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်ကိုင်တုတ်၊ လက်ပါးစေဘဝသို့ ကျရောက်မသွားစေရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် သစ္စာမဖောက်မိစေရေးအတွက် မိမိတို့ ကိုယ်စွမ်း ဉာဏ်စွမ်းရှိသမျှ အားထုတ်ကြရမည် ဖြစ်ပါ သည်။ ၈။ အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ကာ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေပါက ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးတိုက်ပွဲအတွင်း ပြည်သူ့ ရန်သူအဖြစ် တိုက်ခိုက်ချေမှုန်းခံရနိုင်သည့်အပြင် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးတိုက်ပွဲပြီးဆုံးချိန်တွင်လည်း တရားဥပဒေ အရ အရေးယူ အပြစ်ပေးခံရမည်ဖြစ်ရာ၊ လက်ရှိကာလအတွင်း ပြည်သူလူထုဘက်မှ ပြတ်သားစွာ ပူးပေါင်း ရပ်တည်ရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် နိုင်ငံ့တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေကြသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်၊ အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ပေးရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏လိုအပ်ချက်များကို ဖြည့်ဆည်း ပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းလက်တွဲကူညီရန် တာဝန်ရှိသည့်အားလျော်စွာ မိမိတို့၏ မူလ တာဝန်ကို လစ်ဟင်းမှုမရှိစေရေး အတွက် သတိချပ်ကြစေလိုပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်တစ်သားတည်း ရပ်တည်နိုင်ရေး အလျင်အမြန် ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်သည်။ ပုံ လွင်ကိုလတ် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration - Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Global Charity Warns Thousands of Displaced Myanmar Children Facing Starvation
Description: "A large proportion of more than 76,000 children in Myanmar who have been forced to flee their homes since the February coup could go hungry as their families share a single meal per day, Save the Children has warned. Citing the UN refugee agency, the UNHCR, the charity said on Monday that around 206,000 people have been displaced by violence since the coup. Of them, 76,000 are children and many are sheltering in forests during torrential rain under tarpaulins without enough food, it reported. “While the world’s attention has moved on, a hunger crisis is unfolding in Myanmar,” Save the Children said. “Children are already going hungry and very soon they will start to succumb to disease and malnutrition.” Myanmar is seeing growing popular resistance to military rule in response to attacks on peaceful protests. The junta has retaliated with brutal raids on villages suspected of harboring resistance fighters while torching houses and making arbitrary arrests, particularly in Sagaing and Magwe regions, Chin and Kayah states. While the displaced people are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and food, delivery of aid is often blocked or restricted by the junta. A volunteer at a displacement camp in Kayah State said hunger was a huge concern for displaced families. “In the beginning, they received public donations or from charities that were helping people in the camps. But now donations are limited because people are being prevented from going to the camps. Some rice bags were donated and every family got just five cups. That’s not much for a family of seven people to live off,” the volunteer told Save the Children. In Kayah State, around 22,000 people fled their homes in September alone, according to the UN, which said more than 79,000 people, including around 29,000 children, are displaced in the state. Earlier this year, the World Food Programme estimated that the number of children in the country going hungry could more than double to 6.2 million this year, up from 2.8 million in February..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Why Myanmar's current democracy movement lacks global support
Sub-title: Few states have the appetite to invest in a force dominated by Aung San Suu Kyi's ousted party
Description: "We are facing crimes against humanity. We are facing a humanitarian catastrophe. Yet the world has ignored us. They have closed their eyes." Such was the plaintive cry of Dr Sasa, minister for international co-operation in Myanmar's shadow National Unity Government (NUG), in a recent interview. He was referring to the situation in his country after the military ousted the incoming democratically elected administration headed by Aung San Suu Kyi on February 1, since which, according to the UN Special Rapporteur Thomas Andrews, more than 1,100 people have been killed, over 8,000 arbitrarily detained, and at least another 230,000 forcibly displaced. Dr Sasa is correct, if one were to go by the nugatory coverage of the trial of Ms Suu Kyi on what are widely considered to be trumped-up charges, including inciting public unrest and corruption. There was a time when the military's treatment of Ms Suu Kyi – they kept her under house arrest for a total of 15 years and allegedly even attempted to assassinate her – provoked international outrage. But the legions of human rights defenders are not flocking to the former democracy activist's banner any more. At one level, this seems unfortunate. "Junta-controlled military forces had killed protesters in the street, murdered civilians in their homes, beaten individuals to death and tortured people to death in their homes," said Mr Andrews in a submission to the UN's Human Rights Council late last month. "The junta also continued to deny the existence of the Rohingya ethnic minority while denying them citizenship, freedom of movement and other fundamental rights." The problem is that similar atrocities and far, far worse occurred while Ms Suu Kyi was the country's de facto head of government from 2016 to 2021. Her dwindling band of apologists may point out that it was not her, but the military – over which she had no effective control – that committed what most of the world believes to be acts of ethnic cleansing against the Muslim Rohingya minority in western Myanmar between 2016 and 2019. But Ms Suu Kyi as good as denied that such events took place at the International Court of Justice in The Hague in 2019, labelling accusations of genocide as “incomplete and misleading”. She and her National League for Democracy (NLD) administration were complicit in these crimes. The relative lack of sympathy for Myanmar's democracy movement – even though the NLD won an overwhelming majority of the vote in both 2015 and 2020 – is therefore hardly surprising. Ah, some will say, but the NUG is different. It is far more inclusive, both of the country’s numerous armed ethnic groups and now, potentially, of the Rohingya too. Indeed, in June, it did promise a new citizenship act that would base “citizenship on birth in Myanmar or birth anywhere as a child of Myanmar citizens”. But this is all too convenient. The NUG is dominated by the NLD. When it was in government, the latter had every opportunity to stop or attempt to stop the slaughter of the Rohingya. To reach out a bloody hand to them now may be too little, too late. One has to ask how genuine the move is, in any case. Would the NLD have extended citizenship rights if the military had not taken over? Given its past record, that seems extremely unlikely. And here is the really unpalatable issue. Speakers at the UN Human Rights Council called for “the military regime to respect the will of the people expressed in the November 2020 election”, and that is a sentiment with which I would agree in theory. Regular readers will know that I have always argued for the rights of people to choose representatives of whatever stripe they will, regardless of whether I or anyone else disapprove of their politics. But there is a limit. And when the democratically expressed will of the people is to return to power a party of genocide enablers, I find myself well past that limit. Clearly I am not alone – hence the apparent reluctance of democracy champions around the world to rally to the NLD-led NUG’s side. "Far, far worse occurred while Aung Suu Kyi was the country's de facto head of government from 2016 to 2021 So here is my prediction: Dr Sasa is right. As long as the disruption and violence in Myanmar are contained within its borders, the world will to all intents and purposes continue to ignore the junta’s suspension of democracy. Of course there will be debates and resolutions passed at the UN and elsewhere, the Association of South-East Asian Nations – of which Myanmar is a member – will continue to attempt to broker a solution, probably fruitlessly, and China will carry on keeping its options open by maintaining relations with both the military and the NLD. The junta will have to manage border issues; 15,000 people have already crossed into India since the coup. They’ll have to live with sanctions and a shredded economy. However, they can also scan the horizon and see that there is no state with the appetite to take the kind of intervention necessary to force them from power. The world has lived with Myanmar being an authoritarian military regime for most of its post-independence existence. It can and will do so again. If the country’s pro-democracy movement wants to ask why, they have only themselves to blame, for they have stripped themselves of whatever moral authority they once possessed. After all, the difference between those “complicit in genocide and responsible for genocide” – as the former UN special rapporteur Yanghee Lee said – is only a matter of degree. So why, some would ask, should they come to the aid of one set of pariahs over another?..."
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Source/publisher: "The National"
Date of publication: 2021-10-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government of Myanmar: Ministry of Defence: Announcement No.2/2021 - တပ်မတော်သား၊ ရဲ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်းသည့် ကြေငြာချက်
Description: "၁။ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီကို ရှေးရှူ၍ ပြည်သူ့ဘက်မှ ရပ်တည်ကာ ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်သို့ ခိုလှုံဝင်ရောက်လာကြသော CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများသည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ တော်လှန်ရေး အတွက် ကြီးမားသော ခွန်အားဖြစ်စေပြီး အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အင်အားကို ချိနဲ့စေရုံ သာမက အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ် တည်ဆောက်ရေး အတွက်လည်း အားကိုးအားထားပြုရမည့် အင်အားများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု မှတ်ယူအသိအမှတ်ပြုပါသည်။ ၂။ ပြည်သူလူထုဘက်သို့ ပူးပေါင်းရပ်တည်လာကြမည့် မြန်မာ့တပ်မတော်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့မှ CDM နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းသားကောင်းများအတွက် ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ CDM ကုဒ်နံပါတ် များအား မကြာခင်တွင် ထုတ်ဝေအသိအမှတ်ပြု သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃။ CDM ပြုလုပ်ထားပြီး စာရင်းပေးသွင်းလိုသော တပ်မတော်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ အတွင်းမှ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းကောင်းများအနေဖြင့် အချက်အလက်ပေါက်ကြားမှုကို စိုးရိမ်စရာမလိုဘဲ http://t.me/MyanmarPeople Telegram မှတစ်ဆင့် ဆက်သွယ်စာရင်းပေးသွင်း နိုင်ပါကြောင်း အသိပေး ကြေငြာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Eight Months After Coup, Myanmar Must Fend For Itself Amid Muted Response to Junta Abuses
Sub-title: Observers say that without stronger global action, the country is at risk of total collapse.
Description: "Two-thirds of a year after the military seized power in a coup, government mismanagement has made life in Myanmar worse by nearly every metric, but the junta has shown little interest in stepping down and observers say that without a stronger global response the country could be heading for ruin. Friday marks the eighth month of junta rule in Myanmar, which had enjoyed a decade-long experiment with democracy until Feb. 1, when the military overthrew the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government by claiming the party had stolen the country’s November 2020 ballot through voter fraud. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed anti-coup protests, killing at least 1,146 people and arresting 6,921 others, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). In addition to the country’s spiraling political crisis, an ongoing coronavirus outbreak—hampered by arrests of medical professionals engaged in the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)—has seen at least 17,682 people die from COVID-19, with more than 462,000 people infected since the start of the pandemic. On Sept. 7, the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) declared a nationwide state of emergency and called for open rebellion against junta rule, prompting an escalation of attacks on military targets by various allied pro-democracy militias and ethnic armed groups. The number of civilians displaced by the violence numbers in the hundreds of thousands and aid workers face a humanitarian crisis. The instability has caused investors to flee the country, pumping up already high unemployment rates and prompting a lack of confidence that has sent the value of the kyat into a freefall. The official U.S. dollar exchange rate rose Thursday to around 1,980 kyats, down from 1,330 on Feb. 1, while the black-market rate climbed to 2,500 kyats. The cost of a tical of gold (0.578 ounces) has soared to 2 million kyats, up from 1.3 million on the day of the coup. Lines have formed at banks around the nation as people race to withdraw their savings, and inflation has sent the cost of daily necessities soaring to an all-time high. The country’s largest border trade zone, Muse, has closed its gates with China, while border gates with other neighboring countries remain shuttered. Imported goods are costly and largely unattainable to the public. Myanmar's GDP is projected to fall by negative 18.4 percent in 2021, according to the latest report by the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Global response muted Despite its failure to lead, the junta has found support from Russia and China, and while the governments of Western nations have leveled sanctions against the military over its violent repression of protesters, the NUG told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the international community has largely left the people of Myanmar to fend for themselves. “Since the military took over, innocent people have been brutally suppressed and their homes destroyed. Thousands of people have become helpless because of the brutalities,” said Naing Htoo Aung, permanent secretary at the NUG Ministry of Defense. “The NUG has called on the international community to respond effectively to these issues, but no effective international action has come, and the atrocities of the military are getting worse. That is why both the people and the NUG had no other alternative but to start a war in self-defense, instead of waiting for the international community to act.” He said a combination of international pressure and self-reliance are key to resolving Myanmar’s current crisis. “We are working hard to bring international pressure [on the junta], but at the same time the struggle of those at home is crucial,” he said. “Foreign pressure can make the people’s struggle stronger, but we all need to understand that real power must be demonstrated at home.” In April, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) leaders agreed to a “five-point consensus” that would see the junta end violence in the country and enter into dialogue to find a peaceful solution to the country’s political crisis, however few measures have been implemented and the military has instead ramped up a crackdown on its opponents. Locked in a stalemate Ye Tun, a political analyst, said he fears the people of Myanmar will be the ones to suffer while the junta and NUG remain locked in a stalemate. “One side thinks it has full public support and the world is behind it, while the other believes that it can defeat the opposition and control the state with the strength of the armed forces,” he said. “Neither wants to hear about talks or negotiations.” Ye Tun said he believes that if the two sides allow mediators to approach with a solution, a positive result could be found. However, dialogue has proved unsuccessful in recent decades between vying stakeholders in Myanmar, and many now believe that the people themselves must act if they hope to end military rule. “We cannot rely on anyone to put an end to the situation of our people and our country,” a resident of Yangon’s North Dagon township told RFA, speaking on condition of anonymity. “We called out for international help, but our calls have been met with empty statements. Nothing works. So many people have died, and thousands are homeless. We can no longer sit and wait for others to help us with our problems. We must fight it out ourselves.”..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The train driver who died defying Myanmar’s dictators
Sub-title: Win Ko Oo gave up his career—and lost his life—because he couldn’t bear to see his country fall under military rule again
Description: "On an August morning at a wet market in Mandalay’s industrial suburbs, a 50-year-old man was selling noodles and cheerfully greeting fellow vendors and customers alike. Win Ko Oo was well-known for his friendliness. But not everyone who had grown familiar with his smiling face knew that he had once had a very different life. When the year began, Win Ko Oo was a train driver with 25 years’ experience. But then the army seized power, and everything changed. As someone who had lived through the aftermath of a similar coup in 1988, he knew he had to resist the return of military rule. A month after Myanmar’s elected civilian government was overthrown, Win Ko Oo made up his mind to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) that was sweeping the country. “I hesitated at first because I had to think about my family. We had nowhere else to go. But in the end, my hatred for the regime outweighed my concerns about the hardships we would have to face, so I quit,” he told Myanmar Now that August morning. Mandalay’s railway workers were among the first to join the movement in large numbers. In the department that Win Ko Oo belonged to, 285 of 319 staff members walked off the job in an effort to deny the regime control over state mechanisms. This resulted in hundreds of railway employees and their families being forced to leave the housing compound where most of the striking workers lived. But as one of the leaders of the protesting workers, Win Ko Oo also had another reason to worry: a warrant for his arrest on charges of incitement. Lying low Feeling that he couldn’t afford to take any more chances, Win Ko Oo decided it was time to slip under the junta’s radar for a while. A relative gave him a place to stay, but he still had to make a living, so he started selling noodles in the market. With a son in university and a daughter already married, this was not an easy move for him to make. He was used to being the family’s provider, but now that their only income was from his wife’s work as a seamstress, he had to swallow his pride. “I was so ashamed at first that I wanted to cry. I was new to this business, so it was also pretty challenging for me to get the hang of it. But once I started earning money again, I came to like it,” he said. Although Win Ko Oo spoke freely about his experiences since the coup, Myanmar Now decided not to publish his story after learning about it last month to avoid putting him at risk. Since then, however, there has been another development that has made it more important to reveal the enormous price he has paid for following his convictions. At around 5am on September 9, as he was making an early-morning delivery, Win Ko Oo was savagely beaten by a group of eight men who also stole his motorcycle. Ten days later, he died of a cerebral hemorrhage. No investigation During the remaining days of his life, an unconscious Win Ko Oo was treated at a private hospital for a broken skull and multiple injuries to his arms, legs and ribs. Finally, however, it became clear that he would never recover. “We decided to bring him home on September 18 as he wasn’t getting any better. He died at home the next day,” said a family member. There was never any investigation into the attack, in part due to the fact that his family didn’t report it because they didn’t trust the police. The indifference of the police to this case even after it became public would seem to justify the family’s suspicions, according to a friend who dismissed any suggestion that Win Ko Oo was simply the victim of a robbery that went horribly wrong. “It couldn’t have been because they wanted his motorcycle. There was no need to beat him like that just to take his motorcycle. It’s more likely that he died because he was a leader of the railway workers who joined the CDM,” the friend said. Win Ko Oo’s family declined to comment on his death, but said that he never stopped believing in the struggle to create a better future for the people of Myanmar. “He always said that he wanted this revolution to succeed, that he wanted to operate trains again, and that he wanted to send his grandchildren to school,” said a family member..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-03
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Title: ‘Everything Has Been Destroyed’: Myanmar Artists on the Coup’s Impact
Description: "The Myanmar military’s coup turns eight months old on Friday, and the takeover has had a resounding impact on the country and its people. The regime’s follow-up crackdowns on protesters over the last seven months have seen more than 1,000 people killed and several thousand others detained. For all its brutality, the junta still can’t control the country due to various forms of ongoing popular anti-regime resistance. While some people have taken up arms, some of the country’s most popular artists are using their skills and fame to rally people to the cause and keep the revolution going strong. Meet Kyar Pauk, one of Myanmar’s most famous rockers, and heartthrob actor Daung. Both artists have denounced the coup from the outset. Now in hiding, they still find ways to resist the regime. The lead singer of the band Big Bag produces podcasts chronicling unfolding resistance-related events, with the aim of keeping people motivated without giving them “false hope”. The 31-year-old actor Daung actively lobbied for the Civil Disobedient Movement (CDM) against the regime following the coup. For his activism, he was targeted with false rumors that he had a relationship with the regime leader’s daughter—claims he strenuously denies in the interview below. Currently, he said he is supporting the revolution as best as he can but is reluctant to go into details due to security concerns. They talked to The Irrawaddy about the reasons behind their opposition to the junta, as well as their hopes. What led you to participate in the revolution against the military dictatorship? Kyar Pauk: I joined the movement neither as a rock star nor an artist. I reject military rule as a citizen. The people have the right to speak if they do not like the person who rules them. You need to make your voice heard. It has nothing to do with having many followers. You have to stand on the side that you think is right and show the right side of what you stand for. I do play that role. Another reason is I want to share my message. It doesn’t matter if they block my views one way or another, or whether my songs are not allowed to be sung on stage or be aired on the radio. We have to think about how often we speak out through our own platform. That is the key. For eight months since the Feb. 1 coup, you have played your part by motivating others. In this revolution, if some feel depressed and frustrated, what would be your message to them? KP: The main thing is that we need to know the real situation. The real situation is it will take time, because a lot of things are out of our control. Things can’t be done based on our decisions alone. It depends on the decisions of other people, so patience is key. No one can say at this time how long it will take. You have to choose what role you will play. But if we get too excited and work so hard every day, we will get tired and burn out. We must strike a balance. We have to know our situation. We must keep that in mind. How has the coup affected you? KP: I’ve lost everything. I’m afraid that may sound like a complaint or as if I’m depressed. There are so many memories I try not to dwell on. What we have to keep in mind at this time is not what we have lost. There are some who have lost their lives and some who have lost their family and loved ones. We have to think about that. Before the coup, you must have had plans for the future. How were you preparing for 2021 before the coup? Are those plans all gone now? KP: In fact, life is ruined. Everything you believed in and built has been destroyed. I am not alone. As you know, it has happened to all of us, more or less. What prompted you to be outspoken against injustice and stand up for truth? And what do you want now? KP: Before 2010, throughout our lives, we did not know much about education or social problems. Then the political transition came, the doors were opened. I knew I did not have freedom under previous military regimes. Then under the civilian governments, we did have relative freedom, if it was not absolute freedom. But when the coup happened, these freedoms were immediately revoked. That’s it. That is the inspiration for all of us. It’s not just me who is motivated to defy the military regime. Everyone knows that loss of freedom is losing a part of our life. Everyone feels empty. Actor Daung Could you tell us about the beliefs that led you, as an artist, to get involved in the Spring Revolution and the current anti-dictatorship movement? Daung: When this [coup] happened, it went without saying that our future was ruined. This is not fair. If we did not respond, we would not be human. Because we live in a society. As a citizen, I cannot accept it at all. That’s why I resist. I am an artist and the artists belong to the people. We stand with the people to show that we, the artists, do not accept the coup. That’s how I got involved in this revolution. In the beginning, I rejected injustice, and then resisted. For the past eight months since the coup, you have continuously shown defiance and relentless opposition to the military dictatorship. Some express doubt about how long the revolution will last. How do you keep your spirits up? Daung: Simply put, the time has passed while we’ve been contributing our part. Before this coup, I posted on Facebook that we, the people, voted [for the National League for Democracy in last November’s election]. The next day, when the military staged the coup, I felt so sad. I think that feeling is still going strong. From then on, I asked myself, ‘What can I do?’ I will do my best as a citizen. I’ve been working based on my beliefs and decisions step by step until now. My purpose is simple. I will continue to work until this dictator is overthrown. I don’t think I could work on creating any art other than revolutionary art. I wouldn’t want to. I don’t know why. Yourself and many young people were born and raised during the previous military dictatorships. Then, we had this era of democracy for 10 years. How did you feel when you heard about the military coup on that day? Daung: Let me give you an analogy: It’s like the electricity going out while you are watching a very interesting movie. There is anger when you’re plunged into darkness. Everyone feels empty and [in Burmese] we say the word “ha” in unison. It was not just me who felt that way: It happened to the whole country. As you said, we grew up under the dictatorships. We lived like a bird in a cage that did not know we could fly in the sky. Then, the cage door opened [with the democratic transition] and we got half way, flying in the sky. Suddenly, we are now put back in a cage. Such a situation is unacceptable. We are not only fighting the coup leaders and the regime; we are fighting with the intention of making our country the best it can be. I think we all need to understand that. We must fight them, to deter their destruction. They must be destroyed, demolished and eradicated. Since you have many supporters as an actor, have there been any personal attacks against you or threats for joining this revolution? Daung: Now I’m being accused of extra-marital relations with someone I do not know. I have never talked to her. I only shot one film with that production company [Seven Senses]. I did not know that it was led by them [Khin Thiri Thet Mon, the daughter of coup leader and commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing). I think a few actors and actresses took a group photograph with her once at the launch of that film production. That’s it. I’ve received lots of criticism since then. I have already made a decision since then that I would not make contracts with that company. That’s how I’ve rebelled. It hurts so much to be accused of having a relationship with this woman. I don’t have any such relationship. There are such attacks. Next time, when our country gets back on the path to democracy, I will practice my art again. I value my art a lot. I believe that art will return in a new form. Because of the experience we are going through now, it will be a lot more mature than before. The people, all of us, want to contribute our best for our country. I believe we can make more beautiful creations. We put our hope in that. That is why we are continuing the revolution..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Interview: ‘We Have Decided to Make Sacrifices For The People,’ Says Myanmar Film And TV Star
Sub-title: Mya Hnin Ye Lwin says she joined the popular resistance against the junta after peaceful protests brought repression.
Description: "Myanmar model and television and film actor Mya Hnin Ye Lwin, 34, gained widespread recognition for her roles in popular TV drama series and 10 movies, including the 2016 legal drama “Angel of Eden” and the 2018 romantic comedy “Yee Sar Ta Won Kwal.” She also holds a degree in psychology from Dagon University. Earlier this year, she returned to the spotlight, but this time as one of the most active celebrities in the resistance movement against the national military’s seizure of power on Feb. 1. Mya Hnin Yee Lwin has denounced the coup at anti-junta rallies and on social media. In response, the military government in April issued a warrant for her arrest for inciting the public to disturb the peace and stability of the nation. Although she has fled Yangon and sought refuge in a rebel-controlled “liberated” area, she has vowed to keep up the fight against the junta. Reporter Aye Aye Mon of RFA’s Myanmar Service spoke to Mya Hnin Ye Lwin about her decision to join in the anti-junta activities. The interview has been edited for length and clarity. RFA: Many film and music artists have joined the protests against the Feb. 1 military takeover, but most of them did not choose to take up arms. Why did you decide to join the protests and stand up for the people? Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: I took part in the protests after hearing the shocking news about the coup that morning on Feb 1. I felt that it was an injustice against the people and decided to join the protests. In the beginning, I did not have much fear because there were so many people, thousands of us trying to peacefully express what we wanted for the country. Later on, when arrests were made and a warrant was issued against me under Section 505(a) [of Myanmar’s Penal Code], I became a little frightened of what might become of me if I was arrested. I went into hiding at first and decided later to join the resistance, despite the fear in my heart. RFA: You come from a very well-off and educated family and have been quite successful in your career. Do you find daily life to be very difficult in your present situation? Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: I had never dreamed about, not even joked about, spending my days in the jungle like this. Of course, there are hardships. Food and shelter are poor. Sanitary conditions are unspeakable, especially for a young woman like me. Sometimes it is a little disheartening and I have to lift up my spirits by thinking about those who have made greater sacrifices. I have no regrets, and now I have become used to life here. The changes in life were so sudden, and I have had to adjust myself mentally as well as physically. RFA: You must miss home. Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: Of course, I miss home very much sometimes, but we told ourselves we cannot go home yet. We have decided to make sacrifices for the people. And with that in mind, even when looking at posts and pictures on social media, I put my emotions aside and just look at them as a third person. RFA: Some people say that you resemble former Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi in photos posted on Facebook. When did you first realize that you look like her? Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: People began noticing that I looked very much like her when they saw pictures of me in interviews with some media [outlets]. At one time, a photographer friend asked me to model for him, and I dressed up in a long-sleeve top with long hair flowing down like Amay [Mother] Suu. I have a habit of learning the styles and movements of people I’m portraying even though I may not totally resemble them physically. More people noticed the resemblance one day at the protests. That day, all the women protesters were asked to wear traditional Myanmar dresses and wear a flower in their hair the way Amay Suu always does. I dressed up accordingly, and people saw how much I look like her. RFA: Many people have made sacrifices but for some, successful people like you, the sacrifice is greater. How do you feel about leaving behind all you have worked for? Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: Like I said earlier, there were days when I felt a bit down in the dumps. But I try not to think of how many sacrifices I have made. The hardships we face each day are nothing compared to the lives of those who gave up life and limb and those who have been imprisoned. With such thoughts in my mind, I will carry on this fight until we have victory. RFA: What do you think of the daily killings and fighting across the country at present? Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: All this unnecessary violence and killings stemmed from the brutal suppression of peaceful protesters by the junta. Millions of people peacefully protesting on the streets were all unarmed, but the junta resorted to violence that resulted in bloodshed on the streets and arbitrary arrests and killings. People were not even safe in their own homes, and finally they had no other choice but to take up arms to protect themselves and their families. We will have to fight on until we win so as to honor those who have given their lives..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: This Is What Impunity Looks Like
Sub-title: Myanmar’s Coup Built on Years of Failed Accountability
Description: "On August 1, Myanmar’s commander-in-chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, dressed in civilian clothes, made a televised speech six months to the day after leading a coup that thrust the country back under brutal military rule. Amid claims of establishing a multiparty democracy, the junta leader announced that his manufactured state of emergency, which has given rise to massive human rights abuses, would be extended until August 2023. Later that day, Min Aung Hlaing appointed himself prime minister of the State Administration Council (SAC) junta’s “caretaker government.” “We have to try to bring them back to a stable condition,” he said of the junta’s use of force against the millions of peaceful protesters who have taken to the streets since February 1. “We must apply our collective strengths.” The past eight months have offered a stark demonstration of the military’s application of its “collective strengths.” Since the coup, security forces have carried out a bloody crackdown on nationwide protests with the same callous disregard for life that has driven their scorched-earth strategy in ethnic regions for decades. Police and soldiers have killed over 1,000 people, including about 75 children, arrested more than 6,000 protesters, journalists, and others, and tortured and raped detainees. Human Rights Watch determined that the military’s post-coup abuses—vast, methodical, and systematic—amount to crimes against humanity. The broad-based and consistent nature of the crackdown reflects not the individual actions of security officers, but a countrywide policy of the junta. Crimes against humanity committed since February 1 include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering. Across the country, security forces have repeatedly used lethal force, including live ammunition, mortar shells, and grenades, while using so-called less-lethal weapons indiscriminately and excessively. Video footage has captured soldiers shooting down children on motorbikes, brutally beating medical aid workers, and firing shotguns into crowds of peacefully protesting doctors. These displays are tragic but not surprising for anyone who has been paying attention to the human rights situation in the country. In 2017, Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated crimes against humanity in which the military committed genocidal acts and other horrific abuses against ethnic Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, killing thousands and forcing over 730,000 to flee to Bangladesh. The same notorious military units implicated in the 2017 atrocities—since sanctioned by the US and UK—have been deployed in the streets of Yangon, Mandalay, and other cities and towns since the coup, terrorizing protesters calling for civilian democratic rule. The throughline of these two grave crises—the 2021 coup and the 2017 atrocities against the Rohingya—lies in the decades-long impunity enjoyed by Myanmar’s military, or Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw is an institution driven by brutality. It sows disunity and fear with the sole aim of propping up the supremacy of its leadership. It seeks to create an oppressive atmosphere of terror, in ways both overt and subtle. It knows no other way of exercising power. And has done so unchecked for decades. The coup has made clear that the bloodshed happening today on the streets is a direct corollary of a military that for years has faced few to no consequences for its crimes. In the four years since the military’s atrocities in northern Rakhine State, the situation for Rohingya in Myanmar and abroad offers a dismal reflection of justice delayed. In Rakhine State, 600,000 Rohingya remain trapped under a system of discriminatory laws and policies that amount to apartheid under international law. In Bangladesh, nearly a million Rohingya refugees live in sprawling, overcrowded camps, their prospects of voluntarily returning to a Myanmar where they could live safely and securely more distant than ever. The commander-in-chief who orchestrated the ethnic cleansing campaign that led to the massacres of their families and neighbors has now not only evaded justice, but installed himself as leader of the country. There have been some flashes of progress toward accountability. Gambia, one of the smallest countries in Africa, has brought Myanmar before the International Court of Justice for violating the 1948 Genocide Convention in its atrocities against the Rohingya. The International Criminal Court is conducting a limited investigation into alleged crimes against humanity which were completed in Bangladesh that will identify individuals for prosecution. But as a whole, the international response to the Tatmadaw’s cycles of ethnic cleansing and forced deportation of the Rohingya has been fragmented and halting. The UN Security Council, the body with the authority to respond with binding resolutions on states, has remained paralyzed. At the time of coup, the Council had not produced a formal document on Myanmar in over three years. Diplomats meanwhile have favored the closed-room tactics of quiet diplomacy and “dialogue” over strong measures for accountability—a futile approach compounded by an enduring and misguided faith in the former de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s imagined democratic credibility. A clear and consistent multilateral strategy for accountability and justice never emerged in the wake of the 2017 violence. Instead, the military maintained its grasp on Myanmar’s levers of political and economic power, with Min Aung Hlaing remaining untouched at the helm. When armored vehicles rolled through the streets of the capital, Naypyidaw, before dawn on February 1, with the military detaining Aung San Suu Kyi and other elected leaders, foreign governments were quick to voice concern. Their condemnation grew louder as the death toll of protesters rose in March and April. Some consequences followed. The US, UK, EU, and Canada sanctioned junta leaders and major military enterprises, including its two main conglomerates, the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). But the sanctions’ toll on the military’s cash flow has not been enough. France and other governments have skirted the global call for sanctions on the massive foreign oil and gas revenues that bankroll the junta and its weapon purchases. Japan and Australia have done even less, issuing no sanctions on military leaders or entities since February, despite condemning the coup. Meanwhile, the Security Council’s historical inaction on Myanmar endures, with permanent members Russia and China—long serving as Myanmar’s protectors at the Council—resisting substantive action, and Western members too timid to push the limits. As a result, the Council has done little beyond issuing statements calling for the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence. “What are we waiting for?” a US diplomat asked in a speech at a July council meeting. “The longer we delay, the more people die. This Council is failing in our collective responsibility to safeguard international peace and security. And it is failing the people of Burma.” The UK, the Security Council’s designated penholder for resolutions on Myanmar, has for years taken a hyper-cautious approach to the country. Since the coup, it has bound its own hands under the banner of maintaining consensus among council members, focusing on anodyne statements over substantive action. This strategy already failed to achieve an ounce of justice for the Rohingya, only emboldening the military with a sense of reprieve. The unwillingness of the UK, US, and France to press for a resolution in fear of vetoes by China and Russia has ultimately betrayed the Council’s mandate to ensure international peace and security as well as the millions of people risking their lives in Myanmar by opposing the coup. “We will do everything we can to mobilize all the key actors and international community to put enough pressure on Myanmar to make sure that this coup fails,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres said days after the coup. Eight months on, that momentum has waned. The Security Council failed to capitalize on the international outcry triggered by the coup and the window it offered for real, swift impact. The people of Myanmar continue protesting, but they do so with a sense of having been abandoned. “There is nobody coming to help them to stop this violence,” said activist Khin Ohmar. The dangerous narrative persists that there is a way forward with the Tatmadaw seated at the table. Calls for “all parties to engage in dialogue,” as the UK ambassador to Myanmar recently tweeted, ring hollow in the face of the military’s depravity and stark repression of any opposition. The UK and other governments’ delayed action under the pretense of waiting for effective leadership from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is similarly empty. The regional bloc has a track record of neglecting its responsibility to act to protect the people of Southeast Asia. Since releasing its five-point consensus in April, ASEAN has taken no meaningful steps to press the junta to end its abuses. Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, has been unwilling to meet even ASEAN’s low bar. In June, faced with Security Council inertia, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling on member states to prevent the flow of weapons into Myanmar. Lamentably, the Security Council has yet to follow the General Assembly’s lead with a binding global arms embargo. The Human Rights Council held a Special Session following the coup but adopted a watered-down resolution in the interest of consensus. Subsequent resolutions have been stronger, but the crisis has received reduced attention from the Council in recent months. Over the next months, UN member states will be drafting a Myanmar resolution for the Third Committee of the 76th General Assembly session now underway. Drafters should ensure the resolution expressly condemns Min Aung Hlaing and the Tatmadaw as orchestrators of the crisis, identifies the abuses committed since February 1 as crimes against humanity, and calls for the Security Council to advance international accountability. The resolution should recognize the coup and the atrocities against the Rohingya as intersecting crises with shared perpetrators that demand a cohesive response. This could reinvigorate pressure on the Security Council to pass a resolution instituting a global arms embargo and referring the Tatmadaw’s grave crimes across Myanmar since at least 2011 to the International Criminal Court. The Council should also impose targeted sanctions including global travel bans and asset freezes on the leadership of the junta and military-owned conglomerates. To cut off the military from the revenue funding its ongoing crimes against humanity, the US, UK, EU, and other governments should work together to strengthen international sanctions. Governments should target the junta’s gas revenues, its largest source of foreign income, totaling about US$1 billion annually in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, and other profits. Broad coordination and enforcement are crucial for these to have an effective influence on the military’s calculations. Myanmar’s crisis may have faded from the front pages of world news, but its urgency still pulses across the country, a hum both daily and catastrophic. “They are attempting for the disintegration of the Tatmadaw,” said Min Aung Hlaing, denouncing the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement in his August 1 speech. In fact, what the protesters are risking their lives for is nothing more than respect for their rights and freedoms, and justice for their suffering. But concerned governments supporting the fight for civilian democratic rule in Myanmar also need to recognize that achieving such aims will require excising the Tatmadaw from the vast control it wields in every layer of Myanmar life..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-30
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Title: The children who are locked up for the political beliefs of their parents
Description: "(CNN) - Five-year-old Su Htet Waing often wakes up crying for her mother and older sister. Hiding in the mosquito-infested jungles of Myanmar in a makeshift tent with her father, her young world has been torn apart. "I want to sleep with mummy, but the police have taken her," she said in an audio clip recorded by her father, Soe Htay, on his phone and sent to CNN in early August. Soe Htay was one of the early leaders of the pro-democracy movement against the military which overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi's elected government in a coup in February. He says his family is now paying the price for his activism. His wife and teenage daughter remain behind bars, and his youngest daughter says she was forced into a half sitting, half standing pose during the 18 days she was in detention -- a stress position that the United Nations Committee Against Torture views as a form of torture. The military has not responded to CNN's detailed emails and texts about the girl's detention and treatment. Soe Htay, left, and his daughter Su Htet Waing. But Soe Htay and his daughter are not alone. In the months since the coup, the junta has waged a bloody campaign against its opponents, shooting dead protesters in the street and detaining thousands of doctors, activists, journalists, artists -- anyone it deems an enemy. Sometimes, the junta isn't able to find its opponents. And increasingly, the military is going after another group of people to sow fear among the population and make them fall in line: the family members of dissidents, according to Tom Andrews, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar. "It's just horrific, it's horrific, it's outrageous, it's completely unacceptable and the international community should be up in arms," he said. "That's the brutal reality we're facing in this country and most importantly that the people of the Myanmar are facing." Cracking down on protests After the military took over, Soe Htay took to the streets in protest. And, like thousands of others in the country opposed to the takeover, Soe Htay became a target of the military junta. In June, months after he had stopped protesting for fear of being shot by the military, soldiers came to his home in Myanmar's central Mogok city to arrest him, Soe Htay told CNN from his jungle hideout. They raided his house four times, but he had already gone into hiding with his two sons, he said, leaving his immediate family behind. On the final visit in June, they arrested his wife and two daughters instead. "This is a hostage-arrest," he said. "Since they arrested my family when they couldn't arrest me ... my youngest daughter wasn't even 5 yet." Su Htet Waing spent 18 days in detention. Su Htet Waing spent her fifth birthday in detention, said Soe Htay. She was let out on June 30 after 18 days as part of a mass prisoner release. Her mother and sister remain behind bars, sentenced to three years in prison, Soe Htay said. Local media reported the pair were charged with incitement -- a common punishment leveled at pro-democracy activists. While Su Htet Waing was detained she was forced into the half-sitting, half-standing position, which caused her "mental trauma," said Soe Htay. Andrews, the UN special rapporteur, said he has heard of many similar cases of children being brutally punished for the political views of their parents in the months since the military junta took control. "The stress position is outrageous," he said. "I have seen reports of children being beaten, reports of children, of iron rods burning their legs, I've seen them detained for several days ... I'm speechless and outraged and truly angry at what despicable behavior we're seeing." The United Nations Committee Against Torture views stress positions as contrary to the Convention Against Torture. Innocent hostages Khaing Zin Thaw also tried to fight against the junta -- and like Soe Htay, it's her family that is paying the price. Khaing Zin Thaw's parents were arrested in April. She says they haven't done anything wrong. The 21-year-old used her role as a social media influencer to raise money for the Civil Disobedience Movement, which saw thousands of people leave their jobs to destabilize the coup and economy. She helped collect donations for those who had lost their jobs and were struggling to get by. Khaing Zin Thaw also made posts supporting the movement on Facebook, where she has about 700,000 followers. But that soon put her onto the radar of the military. Shortly after February's coup, she left home for safety and has been moving constantly ever since within Myanmar. But in April she got an alarming phone call. "One of my friends called me and told me there were military trucks outside my house. They called back half an hour later and said your parents have been arrested," she said. Her parents have done nothing wrong, she said, her voice wavering. Her father does not even know how to use Facebook. Her sister-in-law was also taken in her place, Khaing Zin Thaw said, but has since been released. "I heard that my father has been tortured and has not asked for his medication ... sometimes, my mind goes blank and I feel like I am losing my mind," she said, adding that both her parents have been charged with incitement. The military has not responded to CNN's detailed requests for comment. Taking 'hostages' At least 182 people, including children, have been detained in place of their family members since the coup -- and 141 of them remain in detention, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The group characterizes these arrests as hostage taking, and stresses the military's actions are in violation of international law. According to AAPP, when children are taken into detention, they are not sent to prisons, such as the notorious Insein where thousands of pro-democracy protesters are held. Instead, they are sent to interrogation centers, police custody, military barracks or junta administration offices. "The children who are detained as hostage are placed in the same cells as their family. But exact details inside detention are difficult to confirm," AAPP said in a written interview. "As far as we know, hostages are not being mixed with other pro-democracy detentions." AAPP said because the junta is making this distinction, it "clearly understands what it is doing is hostage taking." The group warns the practice is likely to increase. Myanmar has been brought to the edge of collapse since the coup, with the junta waging a bloody campaign against nationwide protests and strikes. The economy is in tatters, and a deadly Covid-19 wave is devastating the nation. Civilian insurgencies in the cities and border regions have declared a people's war on the military, with local militias carrying out guerrilla-style attacks on military forces. "(Hostage taking) is a strategy by the junta to inflict 'worry', it is part of the junta's wider campaign of terror waged against the population," the group said. "(It) will only get worse as the junta is increasingly losing on the front lines, with attacks in the cities like Yangon and Mandalay also escalating." The future The practice of detaining relatives is aimed at suppressing dissent, but it doesn't appear to be working. Far away from her happy childhood at their family home, little Su Htet Waing spends her days with her father, exposed to Myanmar's monsoon season, mosquitoes, and the risk of disease. Su Htet Waing is in hiding in Myanmar's jungles. Soe Htay says he believes the military is still hunting for him so he has to stay in a makeshift tent in the jungle. His daughter has her backpack ready in case they have to run again. He is determined to continue the fight for democracy in any way he can, despite his seemingly desperate situation. Soe Htay has been told by friends in the pro-democracy movement, who trickle information out of the prisons and during prisoner releases, that his daughter and wife were separated since their sentencing. He's also been told his daughter caught Covid-19, but has since recovered. "The way I see it," he said. "Their sorrow will only be healed after the revolution ... my only thought is to root out the dictatorship, for now I have to bury my bitterness and hatred in the revolution." Khaing Zin Thaw said she is now in "a safe place" but has to continue moving for fear of being tracked down by the military. "I am sad and dejected, and I am frustrated as I can't do anything for my parents in jail," she said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar on a military-made road to disaster
Sub-title: Myanmar military is waging war on civilian populations in a brutal campaign to seek and destroy new people's defense forces
Description: "What began as carnival-like protests against Myanmar’s military takeover on February 1 has since morphed into a vicious nationwide insurgency that has hit areas of the nation that had seen no armed confrontations between rebels and state forces for decades. Brutal repression and massive atrocities committed by the military, known as the Tatmadaw, have underscored its reputation as the nation’s most loathed institution at a time when it has seized absolute power and appointed a new, non-elected government. At the same time, the country is being ravaged by the Covid-19 pandemic and a faltering economy the World Bank this month predicted will contract by at least 18% in 2021. The percentage of the population living in poverty is expected to rise to 48.2% by 2022, nearly double the 24.8% recorded in 2017. And while a darling of the Western aid community after introducing political and economic reforms beginning in 2010 and resulting in historic 2015 elections, Myanmar has resumed its previous pariah status. By any measure, the country appears to be heading for a disaster of unparalleled proportions. Eight months ago, millions of people took to the streets in virtually every city, town and major village across the country. Youth in fanciful costumes, some dressed as contestants in beauty pageants or as ghosts carrying placards saying “the military is scarier than us”, voiced their strong opposition to the coup. Older protesters, inspired by the Generation Z youngsters, dressed in pre-Buddhist temple robes met for religious ceremonies reminiscent of those during Myanmar’s fabled nat pwes, or spirit festivals, asking deities for help to get rid of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other coup maker generals — and then cast evil spells on them. At one point, almost the entire nation was on strike. But the situation took a turn for the worse when the Tatmadaw began shooting mainly peaceful demonstrators. Specially-trained snipers picked out the youngest in the crowds in order to get their brutal message across. At the end of March, Min Aung Hlaing even said in a televised speech: “You should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly days that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back.” Today, after more than a thousand demonstrators have been killed and thousands more remain in military custody, small-scale protests continue in the old capital Yangon, the central city of Mandalay and other places. But expressions of dissent are changing as anti-junta forces increasingly detonate bombs on military and military-affiliated targets in urban areas and assassinate junta-aligned officials and their suspected informants. New rebel forces, known as people’s defense forces (PDFs), are battling the Tatmadaw primarily in Sagaing, Mandalay and Magwe regions as well as Chin and Kayah states. While they often started their hit-and-run attacks with rudimentary hunting rifles and slingshots, many now possess automatic rifles and are inflicting heavy casualties on the Tatmadaw. Unable to locate the new generation rebels, the Tatmadaw has resorted to shooting indiscriminately into villages from helicopters and with heavy artillery, looting homes at random, killing civilians for no apparent reason and burning property such as motorcycles, cars and livestock. Some of the new-age rebels’ weapons have been captured from the police and Tatmadaw, while others have been supplied by ethnic rebels, namely Kachins in the north and Karen and Karenni on the Thai border in the east. Myanmar’s many long-running ethnic rebellions have also been revitalized since the coup. In Kachin state, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has gone on the offensive and even expanded its area of operation to northern Sagaing and Mandalay regions, where it is working with local PDFs. When Min Aung Hlaing visited the Kachin state capital of Myitkyina on September 19, he stayed for only one day and security reasons was forced to cancel a planned trip to Putao in the far north. The Irrawaddy, a Myanmar website, reported on September 21 that dozens of young people took to the streets in Myitkyina shouting “Min Aung Hlaing, don’t you feel ashamed to come to Kachinland? Get out of Kachinland!” Kachin civil society organizations, meanwhile, have slammed the Tatmadaw-appointed Kachin state chief minister Khet Htein Nan, calling him a traitor to the Kachin people. The deteriorating security situation nationwide prompted the US embassy in Yangon to post an alert on its website on September 25 warning of “potential attacks” that may be carried out not only in the old capital but also in Mandalay and the new capital Naypyitaw “in the coming months.” Internationally, Myanmar’s only remaining friends are its Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) partners, Russia and China. But even China is playing a double game to hedge its bets. While Beijing recently supplied US$6 million in aid to the ruling junta, known as the State Administration Council (SAC), in Naypyitaw, it has also reaffirmed Chinese Communist Party “party-to-party relations” with the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi who led the now military-toppled government. China’s recent deal with the US to delay which government should represent Myanmar at the United Nations – the coup-installed government or the National Unity Government (NUG) comprised of ousted politicians – further underscored Beijing’s double game. Moreover, China has given nearly 13 million doses of its Covid-19 vaccines to Myanmar’s military-controlled health authorities and an undisclosed number of the same shots to people in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups, including in Kachin and Shan states and Wa-controlled areas. The vaccinations were reportedly conducted by Chinese medics who entered and then left the areas. Several rebel groups, primarily the Kokang-based Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army among the Palaungs of northern Shan State, the Shan State Army of the Shan State Progress Party, the Arakan Army in the southwest, and, to some extent, the KIA are armed with Chinese-made weapons provided by the United Wa State Army, a group with links to China’s security agencies. China is also known to have told those groups not to fight near the oil and gas pipelines it has constructed from Myanmar’s coast on the Bay of Bengal to the China’s southern province of Yunnan, or disrupt other Belt and Road Initiative-related investments in Myanmar. The Tatmadaw had probably not anticipated any of this when it seized power on February 1. At the same time, the generals appear determined to cling to power at any cost, probably realizing that it would be held accountable for the atrocities it has committed before and, especially, after the coup, if it were to fall. To survive mounting international sanctions and boycotts and its own gross economic mismanagement, the Tatmadaw is attempting to tighten its grip on the lucrative jade trade, a multi-billion industry centered on the jade mines in and around Hpakant in Kachin state. According to a report issued by the international environmental watchdog Global Witness and quoted by Al-Jazeera on June 29, the coup could turn the income from jade exports, mainly to China, “into a ‘slush fund’ for the military and source of political patronage to prop up the military regime.” The Hpakan area has turned into a war zone since the coup, with KIA forces ambushing the Tatmadaw and even capturing some of its outposts, thus making it much less secure to mine for jade there. But, according to reports compiled by Global Witness in 2015 and this year, among those making profits from the jade trade is Kyaing International Gems Company, which is owned in part by Kyaing San Shwe, one of the sons of senior general Than Shwe, Myanmar´s dictator from 1992 to 2011. Meanwhile, Min Aung Hlaing’s son Aung Pyae Sone plays a role in the military’s control of the sale of dynamite in Hpakan, which is needed to extract the jade from the ground. On March 10, Aung Pyae Sone was placed under US sanctions along with his sister, businesswoman Khin Thiri Htet Mon. The survival of SAC hinges on such connections and income, but if it fails to satisfy Tatmadaw leaders other than those in immediate power an internal coup cannot be ruled out. But observers monitoring the Tatmadaw say there is no guarantee that whoever dared to take such a drastic move would have a more liberal outlook than Min Aung Hlaing and his top brass allies. To the contrary, the uncharismatic Min Aung Hlaing is seen by some top soldiers as weak and that even harsher methods are needed to quell the spreading dissent. Any significant split in the Tatmadaw, some suggest, could lead to a full-scale civil war and even greater humanitarian disaster. But whatever happens next in Myanmar’s evolving tragedy, it is becoming increasingly evident that Min Aung Hlaing and his military allies opened a Pandora’s box of disasters when their tanks rolled into Naypyitaw and Yangon on February 1..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
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Title: Plea to armed groups to avoid harming civilians including children
Description: "1. It has been nearly eight months since entire Myanmar people staged Spring Revolution opposing Myanmar military' s February 1 coup. The National Unity Government has also declared a nationwide state of emergency to wage a "people's defensive war" against the military. 2. The military regime has been continuously committing human rights violations since the coup, and evidence of its systematic, deliberate and widespread human rights violations points to international crimes. The oppressed are revolting in various ways against those atrocities. 3. The National unity Government has established military code of conduct and rules of engagement for People’s Defense Force to ensure they respect human rights and avoid inflicting harm on innocent civilians in the revolt. 4. Under no circumstances, violence shall be used against innocent civilians, particularly the vulnerable groups including women, children, the elderly and the disabled. It is clearly stated in international human rights laws that women and children must be given special protection during conflicts. Our ministry is working together with international community to document the regime's human rights violations including those against women and children, and to hold perpetrators accountable under the law. 5. Thus, ordinary civilians including the vulnerable groups such as women, children, the elderly and the disabled must be protected from harm anywhere, anytime and under any circumstances. Every armed unit and group has responsibility not to harm them. 6. We urge respective armed groups around Myanmar that are revolting in their own ways against the military regime to exercise due caution not to violate international human rights laws..."
Source/publisher: Ministry o f Human Rights
Date of publication: 2021-09-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Plea to armed groups to avoid harming civilians including children - ကလေးသူငယ်များအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားများအပေါ် ထိခိုက်မှုမရှိစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းချက်
Description: "1. It has been nearly eight months since entire Myanmar people staged Spring Revolution opposing Myanmar military's February 1 coup. The National Unity Government has also declared a nationwide state of emergency to wage a "people's defensive war" against the military. 2. The military regime has been continuously committing human rights violations since the coup, and evidence of its systematic, deliberate and widespread human rights violations points to international crimes. The oppressed are revolting in various ways against those atrocities. 3. The National unity Government has established military code of conduct and rules of engagement for People’s Defense Force to ensure they respect human rights and avoid inflicting harm on innocent civilians in the revolt. 4. Under no circumstances, violence shall be used against innocent civilians, particularly the vulnerable groups including women, children, the elderly and the disabled. It is clearly stated in international human rights laws that women and children must be given special protection during conflicts. Our ministry is working together with international community to document the regime's human rights violations including those against women and children, and to hold perpetrators accountable under the law. 5. Thus, ordinary civilians including the vulnerable groups such as women, children, the elderly and the disabled must be protected from harm anywhere, anytime and under any circumstances. Every armed unit and group has responsibility not to harm them. 6. We urge respective armed groups around Myanmar that are revolting in their own ways against the military regime to exercise due caution not to violate international human rights laws..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication: 2021-09-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ‘No Future’ for Myanmar People Unless Spring Revolution Succeeds
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has been waging war in Chin State in the mountainous far west of the country for months. Intense fighting between the junta and civilian resistance groups has forced thousands of people to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian catastrophe. In the past ten days alone, junta troops bombarded the town of Thantlang, prompting an exodus of nearly 8.000 people. Regime soldiers also shot down a Christian pastor in the town and mutilated his corpse. The Irrawaddy spoke to Dr. Sasa, the Minister of International Cooperation for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), himself an ethnic Chin, about the current situation in Chin State and the NUG’s efforts at home and abroad to deliver aid and win international support. By THE IRRAWADDY 27 September 2021 Myanmar’s military regime has been waging war in Chin State in the mountainous far west of the country for months. Intense fighting between the junta and civilian resistance groups has forced thousands of people to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian catastrophe. In the past ten days alone, junta troops bombarded the town of Thantlang, prompting an exodus of nearly 8.000 people. Regime soldiers also shot down a Christian pastor in the town and mutilated his corpse. The Irrawaddy spoke to Dr. Sasa, the Minister of International Cooperation for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), himself an ethnic Chin, about the current situation in Chin State and the NUG’s efforts at home and abroad to deliver aid and win international support. What can you tell us about the current situation in Chin State? The military regime’s State Administration Council (SAC) has targeted Chin State since shortly after the coup, and there have been especially heavy crackdowns in Mindat and Kanpetlet. The regime bombs and uses heavy weapons against civilians. The use of such weapons to destroy villages and towns in Chin State is both a war crime and a crime against humanity. They attack the Chin people with the intention of massacring them. What happened in Thantlang earlier this September is further proof of the junta’s brutality. Not only did they kill the Chin Christian pastor Cung Biak Hum, but they also cut off his wedding ring. We feel that is not only an insult to the Chin people, but it is also a declaration of war against all the Christian community. They do it on purpose. Now, everyone in Thantlang has fled their homes. They deliberately burned down 19 houses. Are the Chin people being repressed more because they are so active in the resistance against the junta? What we have come to understand is that if this Spring Revolution does not succeed, there will be no future for the ethnic nationalities and for the people of Myanmar as a whole. Ethnic groups have been persecuted for 74 years. For those 74 years, we have had no hope from the generals and they have had nothing to offer. We Chin people have been discriminated against for generations on the basis of race and religion. Now all Chin people understand that the whole system needs to be changed. All ethnic groups understand that, too. We have a choice. We will end the rule of the military. Then, we will establish a federal democracy. [Under the federal democracy system] our constitution guarantees our right to self-determination. We will never back down until we have taken that path. If not, then military dictatorships will happen again and again. What kind of support can the NUG provide to the Chin people, especially those who have fled from Thantlang? There are a lot of areas where we can’t say what the NUG is doing to support people for security reasons. But I want to say that almost US$1 million is being provided indirectly for humanitarian support in Chin State. In the Indian state of Mizoram, which borders Chin State and shares a similar culture to ours, we are in talks with the local government to help our people. There is a lot we are doing in collaboration with all the religious organizations in Mizoram, as well as with the international community, on health, education, and humanitarian assistance. Of course, not all the needs are being met. The NUG continues to work behind the scenes with humanitarian groups. In Chin State, people are resisting the junta with traditional rifles and are suffering human rights abuses. What is the NUG’s message to them? The Myanmar military have been using the four cuts policy for many years. It is a tactic to cut off food, funding, intelligence and recruits. Under that policy, humanitarian aid is much harder to deliver. For example, it takes a lot of permits just to transport a bag of rice. We have a lot of resources. As a person communicating with the international community, I can say that there are many organizations that want to help. There are many philanthropists. But the four cuts policy is hurting our efforts to provide assistance to almost all villages in Chin State. The problem is that the military council aims guns at people to prevent them from getting help. We understand the frustration of the people and their suffering and how that might cause them to blame the NUG. But the people are suffering because of the generals’ four cuts policy. It is the SAC that is depriving us of the humanitarian assistance we deserve. We are facing a real hell. The United States (US) alone has provided about US$200 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar. Along with the contributions from the United Kingdom and the European Union (EU), the total support amounts to about US$300 million. If the four cuts policy could be taken away, no one would go hungry and no would be homeless. The longer the regime stays in power, the worse the situation will get. Therefore, we are working hard to end this dictatorship as soon as possible. The NUG said earlier this month that the armed resistance movement is growing because of the failure of the international community to intervene. What do you think the international community should do? Eight months after the coup, we are still urging the international community to recognize the NUG immediately. The NUG takes its legitimacy from the people. The NUG leadership is based on the results of the 2020 general election, which was won by the National League for Democracy. Our legitimacy comes from the people who support us. The 76th United Nations (UN) General Assembly Resolution recognizes the 2020 elections as free and fair. The independent electoral observer group in Asia also said it was free and fair. So the question is why does the international community not recognize the people’s government? The NUG needs to be recognized internationally as soon as possible. Only by recognizing us, can the basic needs of the people be met. We are using our own four cuts strategy to counter the military. Number one in the strategy is to cut the financial flow and income to the SAC. Number two, supplies of fuel and weapons must be cut. Number three is to cut all the SAC’s attempts at diplomacy. The international community must not cooperate politically with the military regime. For example, the Association of Southeast Nations must cut ties with it. And all international organizations must cut ties with the SAC. Number four is to cut the legitimacy of the military council. They must not be allowed to administer the country. How successful has the NUG’s four cuts approach been? Think about it. Even now the junta-controlled lottery is not working. When our spring lottery was introduced [in August], their lottery faded and [seems to be] dead. Then there is the tax issue. The people do not want to pay taxes anymore. It is a way of non-violent [resistance against the military rule]. We now have electricity tax exemptions. It’s really a success. If you pay the electricity fee, the money will go to [coup leader Senior General] Min Aung Hlaing. He will use that money to buy weapons. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is another example of our four cuts strategy. The CDM brings an end to the regime’s attempt at administration. The whole world knows they can’t administer the country. This is the success of the people. Internationally, the US government is monitoring the SAC’s military-owned companies. Similarly, the EU has imposed sanctions on all the military leaders and their companies. The same is true of Canada. We are urging Australia and New Zealand to back us. So the success we have had in the last seven or eight months has been huge. The UN resolution also calls for an end to arms sales to the military regime. Our goal is to weaken the SAC financially so they are unable to get access to more weapons. Currently, they are not able to govern. In the meantime, we are advocating hard to the international community not to support the junta. So I want to ask the people if there is any country that accepts the SAC? There is none. The military regime is really falling apart..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Seeks to Arrest Doctor Assisting Displaced Persons in Chin State
Description: "The Myanmar junta has announced it plans to prosecute Dr. Aye Nyein Thu, better known as A Nyein, who has been aiding and providing healthcare treatment to internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Chin State’s Mindat Township, for allegedly supporting local People’s Defense Force (PDF) groups. Last week, junta forces arrested three volunteers delivering medical supplies to the doctor in the remote mountain town, which saw an exodus of thousands of residents after regime troops attacked civilian targets with artillery and engaged in random shooting throughout the town following clashes with PDF fighters. On Thursday night, the junta announced in its state-controlled media the arrests of the three volunteers—Ko Kyaw Htay and Ko Zaw Naing Win from Pauk Township, Magwe Region; and Ko Kyaw Kyaw Tun from Pakokku Township, Magwe Region—and the seizure of medical equipment including one portable X-ray machine, one anesthesia machine, an oximeter and medicines intended for delivery to Mindat. The report stated that the three had delivered “weapons, ammunition, money, medicines and medical equipment to main suspect Dr. Aye Nyein Thu, who provides the Chinland Defense Force [CDF] with these supplies”. It also claimed that Dr. Aye Nyein Thu provided assistance to members of the CDF on the orders of Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the health minister in the shadow National Unity Government, for whom the junta has issued an arrest warrant. The report added that regime officials would take action against the detainees and called on the public to work together to secure the arrest of Dr. Aye Nyein Thu and associated suspects. After the junta launched bloody crackdowns on anti-coup protests in February, Dr. Aye Nyein Thu joined a team of volunteer healthcare professionals that provided emergency services in Mandalay and treated wounded civilians. When thousands of Mindat residents had to flee junta forces in May, leaving them without access to healthcare, she went there to help assist in the camps. According to the Mindat IDP camp management committee, around 25,000 to 30,000 people from Mindat and nearby villages have sought shelter in the temporary camps. “This proves how cruel they are. Seizing medicines and medical supplies for IDPs is the same as preventing the saving of lives,” said a member of the Mindat People’s Administration Team, a local administrative group formed by local residents in the weeks following the Feb. 1 coup. “The military arrests those who are working to help the IDPs and deliver supplies, and brings nonsense charges against them,” he added. He said that recently, three other people working to provide food, medicines and other supplies to IDPs in Mindat were also arrested and charged..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Activists fear for life of detained students’ union leader
Sub-title: Aye Nandar Soe was taken away on Sunday and her whereabouts are unknow
Description: "Activists say they fear for the life of a students’ union chairperson after she was detained by junta forces on Sunday afternoon while travelling on a long distance bus. Aye Nandar Soe, 21, was stopped and arrested at the Yadanabon bridge connecting Mandalay and Sagaing regions. She leads the students’ union at the Sagaing University of Education, where she is in her fourth year of studies. Her friends say her whereabouts are unknown and believe she was arrested because of her opposition to the military’s February coup. Her detention comes as the junta steps up its crackdown against student and youth activists across the country. The junta has not made a public announcement about Aye Nandar Soe’s arrest or the grounds on which she is being detained. Many other student activists who were detained recently have been charged with incitement. “Our comrade Aye Nandar Soe is being detained… but we still do not know where she is being held,” the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), of which Aye Nandar Soe’s union is a member, said in a statement. “We fear for our comrade Aye Nandar Soe's life and safety,” the statement said. An ABFSU spokesperson said he had no information about where she was travelling when she was detained. The military has stepped up arrests of anti-junta student activists in recent weeks, but the exact number detained is unknown, the spokesperson added. “Many students from the ABFSU and other students’ unions were arrested, but the ones who were not will continue to revolt against the military,” he told Myanmar Now. On Sunday three young activists, including two members of the ABFSU, were detained in Yangon and accused of being involved in bank robberies to fund armed resistance against the junta. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 1,122 people have now been killed by the junta and 6,698 others are in detention..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Mandalay youth leader killed in Kayah State battle
Sub-title: A 20-year-old protest leader dies in Demoso Township after arriving in Kayah State in early September to join the armed resistance against the coup regime
Description: "A member of the Karenni National Defence Force (KNDF) was killed in a clash with the Myanmar army in Kayah (Karenni) State’s Demoso Township this week, according to a statement released by the group on Wednesday. The soldier was 20-year-old Sai Bhone Min Thant, one of his close friends told Myanmar Now. “I heard that they were shelled. We can’t even get his body back yet, let alone bury him,” the friend said. Before joining the KNDF, Sai Bhone Min Thant had led anti-coup protests in his native Mandalay, and before the February 1 military coup he had been a student at the Mandalay Government Technical Institute. “He always protected us during the protests. He was a good leader. It’s such a great loss,” his friend said, adding that Sai Bhone Min Thant had travelled to Kayah State in early September to join the armed resistance against the junta. During a Wednesday protest in Mandalay against the military council, demonstrators held photos of the late Sai Bhone Min Thant to honour his contribution to the movement. The battle in which he died broke out on Monday in Daw Poe Si village, when a joint force made up of the KNDF, the Karenni Army and the Demoso People’s Defence Force attacked around 300 junta troops, but were later forced to withdraw by the military’s heavy artillery fire. The military council has not released any information regarding casualties on their side during the clash..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar : Civil Unrest Response - Operation update n° 1 (MDRMM016)
Description: "A. SITUATION ANALYSIS Description of the disaster The humanitarian impact of the civil unrest in Myanmar has continued to impact on affected populations since the political crisis on 1 February 2021. In February and March, affected populations required first aid, ambulance services and emergency medical assistance in major cities and townships across the country. During March and April, the number of people displaced increased significantly in areas of protracted crisis, including Kayin, Northern Shan and Kachin, renewed or escalating clashes between the Myanmar Military and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) resulted in additional levels of displacement. In May and June, clashes between newly formed People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) generated further displacements. These have occurred in regions/states previously not experiencing this level of instability. These included Kayah, Chin State (Mindat townships), Magway Region, Shan South, Mon State and Sagaing In the period since early April, incidents of people injured during street protests substantially reduced, however, the security context was characterised by increased incidents of explosive devices, affecting in particular, locations with public administration and security forces. Socio-economic vulnerabilities already exacerbated by COVID-19 impacts in 2020 have increased. The numbers of households with reduced/minimal coping capacity are estimated to have increased significantly. This includes people in peri-urban locations, incorporating six townships under martial law since March 2021. Affected populations include economic migrants from other states/regions who faced sudden job loss in factories following incidents in these townships between February and April 2021. The third wave of COVID-19, impacting across Myanmar since June 2021 has significantly exacerbated the existing humanitarian crisis. Public health sector response capacity has been limited, and the new forms of COVID Variants have resulted in high levels of related morbidity and mortality. Associated regulatory measures, including extended stay -athome orders have also had additional socio-economic implications. Between late July and Mid-August, humanitarian needs in Myanmar included the impacts of sustained flooding in 22 townships in 5 regions/states. (Details are summarised in Needs Analysis section below) Compounding the areas of increased insecurity, population displacement and other areas of humanitarian needs detailed above, economic activity, as well as humanitarian and development interventions have been constrained by disruptions to the banking sector. These disruptions, linked to the Civil Demonstration Movement (CDM) have been ongoing in response to the events of 1st February. Humanitarian response agencies have had limited access to cash-based modalities to reach affected populations at scale. Financial sector disruptions are also impacting increasingly on the overall logistics supply chain with reduced supplier payment options. A further consequence of the civil unrest and associated CDM response has been reduced public health sector capacity over the last six months. In a context of reduced service capacity as well as increased transport and security challenges, access to basic as well as emergency health services has become increasingly difficult. Households with limited financial resources and support networks have been particularly impacted. All 17 States and regions are impacted by the multiple effects of the crisis, with specific townships in at least 11 of these hard-hit states/regions in need of immediate assistance. Six townships in Yangon and in Mindat township in Chin State remain under Martial Law. Many regions and townships continue to be impacted regulatory and control measures that include curfews, detentions, and property searches. In some of areas of protracted crisis, displacement numbers have increased. There has also been a corresponding decrease in access and response capacity by many humanitarian actors, as a combined result of both security and COVID related regulatory measures. Six months since the onset of the Myanmar Civil Unrest, there is no resolution of the crisis, and the associated humanitarian impacts are both now intensified and protracted. In August 2021, the Myanmar military has announced caretaker government for the next two years..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 631.6 KB
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Title: Three activists detained over bank robberies ‘to fund armed resistance’ against the junta
Sub-title: The anti-coup organisers are accused of helping to rob 136m kyat from two banks in Yangon
Description: "Three young anti-coup activists were arrested on Sunday in Yangon’s Tamwe Township and accused of helping to rob two banks to raise funds for armed resistance against the junta. Win Htet Mar, who is the former chair of a local branch of the Youth for a New Society activist group, was detained at 9:30am at her apartment on 152nd street. “Residents from Win Htet Mar’s neighbourhood told me that plainclothes officers from the military broke into the apartment she was staying in,” a fellow activist said. Kyaw Zin Lin and Pyae Phyo Kyaw, two activists from the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, were arrested in Tamwe later that afternoon, he added. “The two were together when the military made the arrests. I think [the soldiers] came to their apartment after arresting Win Htet Mar,” he told Myanmar Now. Relatives said they do not know where the three are being held. The activists all played leading roles in street protests against the coup regime after the military seized power in February. Military-run newspapers on Wednesday accused the three activists of being involved in robberies at two branches of the Global Treasure Bank, in South Okkalapa and Mayangon townships, on July 15 and August 30. Robbers stole more than 136m kyat (roughly $75,000) from the banks, the newspapers said. The reports named seven other people accused of involvement. Kyaw Zin Lin is accused of supervising the robberies and of possessing weapons and ammunition at his apartment. He attended a “terrorist training course” in territory controlled by the Kachin Independence Army along with Win Htet Mar and three others involved in the robberies, the newspapers claimed. The reports said the stolen money was spent “on purchasing vehicles and weapons, renting apartments, supporting protesters in Yangon and... personal staff.” “Their gang aimed to rob and lead to armed attacks,” the Global New Light of Myanmar said. Myanmar’s underground National Unity Government declared a “resistance war” against the junta on September 7. Since then, the military has intensified its hunt for people involved in armed resistance against regime targets. Junta forces in Yangon carried out several raids last week aimed at stamping out guerilla attacks on soldiers and military informants in the city..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Two injured activists who survived deadly Yangon raid transferred to Insein Prison
Sub-title: Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet were hospitalised due to severe injuries they sustained when they jumped from the 44th St apartment building during a junta raid
Description: "Two seriously injured young activists who were arrested during a raid on an apartment on Yangon’s 44th Street last month were transferred from a military hospital to Insein Prison last week, according to a relative. Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet are among the five people who jumped from a three-storey building as they attempted to escape a military raid in August. Two of them died at the scene after the fall, while three others—Ye Min Oo, Min Thitsar Aung, and Wai Yan Htet—survived but suffered severe injuries. Before they were sent to Insein Prison, Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet were undergoing treatment at the 500-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township until Friday for injuries they endured from the fall. Min Thitsar Aung’s father, Thein Kyaing, said he was informed of his son’s transfer on Sunday by the Botahtaung Township police officer that had filed the charges against the young activists at a district court. “He said the police sent the pair by ambulance from Mingaladon to a hospital inside Insein Prison. I was not able to see them though. I would like to see my son, of course,” Thein Kyaing said. He added that his son sustained an injury that had left him still unable to walk without assistance and Wai Yan Htet, who broke both his legs in the fall, requires the use of a wheelchair. On Monday, Thein Kyaing said he went to Insein to deliver basic items to Min Thitsar Aung but the staff did not confirm whether he was detained there. “The prison staff said they would inform me if my son was not there. They have not said anything to me yet, so I assume he is there,” he said. At the time of reporting, Myanmar Now was unable to get in touch with the family of Wai Yan Htet. On August 10, junta troops raided an apartment on 44th St in downtown Yangon where nine anti-coup activists were present. Five people—Wai Wai Myint, Wai Zaw Phyoe, Ye Min Oo, Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet—jumped from the three-storey building to the ground while three people were arrested inside the apartment. The ninth person, Kaung Min Thant, managed to flee the raid. Wai Wai Myint and Wai Zaw Phyoe did not survive the fall. The three people who survived the jump, as well as the three others who were arrested from within the apartment and a taxi driver who had been hired by the group, were all charged with violating the Explosive Substances Act. The three young men who jumped, Ye Min Oo, Min Thitsar Aung, Wai Yan Htet, and two of the people arrested from inside the apartment—Thiha Kaung Sett and Phyo Wai Aung—were all charged on September 10 with making and possessing explosives with the intent to endanger life. They face a maximum penalty of life in prison if found guilty. Their next hearing is scheduled for Friday..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Jailed Myanmar Actress Wins Top Award at German Film Festival
Description: "Imprisoned Myanmar actress Eaindra Kyaw Zin has won the Best Performance Award at Germany’s Oldenburg International Film Festival. The famous actress was arrested and jailed for anti-regime activities in early April and is currently spending her 164th day in Yangon’s Insein Prison, alongside thousands of other political prisoners. She won the Seymour Cassel Best Performance Award for the melodrama What Happened to the Wolf? The movie follows two women who meet and fall in love while patients at a hospital for the terminally ill, with Eaindra Kyaw Zin and fellow Myanmar Motion Picture Academy Award winner Paing Phyoe Thu playing the women. At the September 15 opening ceremony of the Oldenburg International Film Festival, the festival director Torsten Neumann and others wore t-shirts in honor of the detained actress. Eaindra Kyaw Zin is among the highest-profile supporters of Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). She was arrested along with her husband Pyay Ti Oo, who is also a famous actor. The two face potential three-year prison terms for sedition for their opposition to the military regime The couple, reputedly the highest-paid actors in Myanmar, joined street protests demanding a return to democracy following the junta’s February 1 coup. They urged civil servants to refuse to work for the regime and join the CDM. What happened to the Wolf? is directed and produced by Na Gyi, who made the film before the coup. Na Gyi, along with his wife Paing Phyoe Thu, is in hiding after arrest warrants for sedition were issued for the couple for allegedly using their celebrity status to oppose the coup. Also in hiding are two other actors in the film, Kyaw Htet Aung and Aung Myint Myat. Paing Phyoe Thu was also nominated for the Seymour Cassel Award for Best Performance. “Na Gyi’s What happened to the Wolf? and the performances of the lead actresses left us breathless,” said award-winning actress and festival jury member Deborah Kara Unger as she announced the award. “We celebrate her [Eaindra Kyaw Zin] elegance, her soul, her invaluable gift to cinema with hope that this reaches her,” she added. Over 8,200 civilians including protesters, activists, politicians and celebrities have been detained by the junta since the coup. Another 2,000-odd people are the subject of arrest warrants. The junta has also banned the showing, broadcasting or publishing of works by artists arrested or wanted for their involvement in anti-regime activities..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Women's League of Burma - August Situation Update
Description: "In the seven months which have now passed since the junta’s attempted coup, the people of Burma/Myanmar have been forced to endure multiple grievances, all of which have taken a toll on the state’s economy and socio-political affairs. The whole country has been pushed back to living under constant threads and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing, torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. The junta also employs state-controlled media to defame women who have joined resistance forces. The junta’s spokesperson in particular has used sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women in an attempt to discredit them. After the arrest, the people continue to suffer from the violence during the interrogation process and in detention. Three dozen civilians have already been tortured to death following interrogations by the military. Many died within 24 hours of being tortured. Eighty- two percent of those in detention are in locations that the junta has not disclosed. At this moment, it is impossible to know how many more women and children are being abused under the scrutiny and increased surveillance of the junta. Women face various challenges as they face the onslaught of the pandemic in the midst of the coup and crippling internal conflict. Female health workers are under attack as they join the hundreds forced to go underground as the junta seeks out medical professionals with any connection to the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
Date of publication: 2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 905.84 KB (12 Pages)
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Title: MYANMAR’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
Description: "AN INTRODUCTION TO MYANMAR’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT: On 8 November 2020, Myanmar held a third round of national elections since the start of an extended reform process instigated by the 2008 Constitution and national elections in 2010 and 2015. This reform process was premised on the country transitioning away from military dictatorship and civil war and towards peace and federalism. During the November 2020 elections, the military-backed political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), lost decisively to the National League for Democracy (NLD), which is led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Subsequently, the USDP and the military started to make false claims of widespread electoral fraud. Both domestic and international election monitors had deemed the poll fair and credible. Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, launched a coup d’état on 1 February 2021, removing the elected NLD government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. The Tatmadaw’s commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing took power, forming a dictatorial body of the “State Administration Council” (SAC), composed largely of generals. The Tatmadaw also announced a “one-year-long state of emergency” and that multi-party elections would be held at the end of this year. This period was subsequently extended by SAC in July. The generals announced, unsurprisingly, that elections would not be held within one year of the coup but instead would not be held until at least August 2023. Despite their own unconstitutional actions in the form of a coup, the Tatmadaw cynically contends that the 2008 Constitution is still sacrosanct. Opposition to the Tatmadaw’s unconstitutional and coercive action was quick and nation-wide. Peaceful protests spread across the entire country demanding the release of all political prisoners and the return of the elected government. The Tatmadaw’s claims of electoral fraud were met with widespread contempt from the Myanmar people because of the military’s distinctly toxic history of launching coups and denying or corrupting elections. As peaceful protests were expanding across the country in early February, a novel movement also began to emerge. This movement intended to demonstrate both moral and ethical repulsion at the actions of the coup leaders but also to begin applying peaceful pressure on the military regime to relinquish power. The first incident of what would quickly grow into a national movement occurred on 2nd February. Medical doctors and other healthcare workers at the Mandalay General Hospital, all civil servants, posted social media statements that they would not work for an illegal military regime. As Naypyidaw surgeon Zwe Min Aung recounted to the Voice of America, “At the time, we really disagreed [with] this [the military coup], and we created [a] small group in Mandalay hospital and other hospitals, too. We distributed the statement on February 2 from Facebook and the nationwide CDM began.”2 Though CDM began as an online campaign but has expanded into a wider prodemocracy movement as civil servants from across the ministries started to boycott the military regime. As the movement gained momentum, ever wider parts of Myanmar society joined to make their opposition to the junta known.....MYANMAR’S PEOPLE REJECT MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: Myanmar is not a failed state. Its condition is not that of chronic state weakness caused by civil war, corruption, or entrenched dictatorship. Rather, it is a country where the public, as well as both the private and public sectors, reject the military coup staged on 1 February 2021. In this sense, Myanmar is a country where the near entirety of the population - including civil servants and the private sector – is staging a general strike to peacefully protest the illegal seizure of power by the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw. This effort is the CDM, a non-violent endeavour of an entire population to resist brutal dictatorship. By early-2021, the public had experienced nearly a decade of civilian leadership, economic growth and more generally reform and positive change. This was particularly so after the fully free elections in 2015 that brought the NLD political party, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to power. The prospects of returning to decades of impoverishment and dictatorial violence through Tatmadaw rule was revolting to the tens of millions of Myanmar citizens who sought to show their unwillingness to accept the coup through peaceful demonstrations in countless villages, towns, and cities across the country. CDM is composed of three major groups from the Myanmar people: the general public, private sector businesses and associations, and civil service personnel. CDM by Myanmar’s Public Since the 1 February coup, countless protests have taken place daily across the entire country to show solidarity for CDM and to demonstrate an absolute rejection of the junta. Over February and March, hundreds-of-thousands of normal Myanmar citizens gathered across the country’s cities, towns, and villages to demonstrate their anger and demand a future of federal democracy. These early mass demonstrations served to unite the various societies within Myanmar. The revulsion of the junta is near universal. For instance, Myanmar’s national football team refused to play under military dictatorship, while hundreds of monks led a prayer session supporting CDM and protestors. Numerous professional associations have regularly demonstrated on the streets wearing their respective attires (doctors, nurses, engineers, teachers, and lawyers). Women have been prominent in the protests and LGBTs groups have also joined protests. The mass protests were not limited to one ethnic group or a particular area of the country. They were across the entire country, spanning religious, ethnic, and socio-economic lines. What united all the millions of people peacefully protesting was a shared desire for a better future defined by a path of democratization, peace, and economic development. The traumas of decades of brutal dictatorship, civil war and crushing impoverishment under the military are too painful to accept returning to. As such, some of the most common placards held high delivered the key messages - “Respect Our Votes” and “Say No to Coup.” Some young women joined early protests playfully wearing wedding gowns and holding placards with messages such as “we don’t accept military coup.” Myanmar’s people just want a normal life for themselves and their families. They know the military will never provide that. Given its toxic history, Myanmar’s military predictably resorted to mass violence against peaceful protesters as they have done so many times over the decades since independence in 1948. Large protests were no longer possible by the end of March after the military started regularly using war weaponry automatic rifles, rocket propelled grenades, and machine guns to disperse peaceful protest rallies. Despite this violence by an organization claiming to protect the people, viz. a national army, Myanmar’s people have continued to protest across the country using novel methods - such as so-called ‘flash mobs’ - to avoid opportunities by the junta to kill. Such is their determination and despite the risk of death, Myanmar’s people can still be seen from the smallest villages to the largest cities demonstrating their desire for a return to democracy and a better future..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 2.12 MB(Original version), 428.52 KB (Reduce version) -15 pages
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No. 15/2021
Description: "Republic of the Union of Myanmar National Unity Government https://nugmyanmar.org Weekly Press Release (15/2021) 17 September 2021 1. National Unity Government (NUG) issued a Press Release (14/2021) on 13th September in which the NUG stressed the following points; - That the People’s revolution and uprising against the military council had begun. - That the military council has no interest in finding a peaceful political solution and still clinging onto power by continuing its atrocious inhumane activities. - That the NUG has a duty to protect the lives and livelihood of the populace. - That even though it acknowledges the combined efforts of the international community and that we as a nation united, instead reliant on them, will have to wrest the power back. - That the People’s Defence Forces have started the resistance movement. - That the People’s Defence Forces after joining forces with Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAO) together are preparing to take part in the revolution. - That the general public stay united and offer assistance. 2. NUG collectively with the Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAO) has formed a committee of implementing the Peoples Embrace Project to welcome and embrace those soldiers and police who have defected to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). A social network page https://facebook.com/peoplesembrace and telegram Channel - https://t.me/MyanmarPeople have also been created for this purpose. 3. A special announcement prohibiting proposed sale of public estate belonging to diplomatic missions of Myanmar and declaring any purchase thereof to be unlawful, was made by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment on 14th September (Announcement 11/2021). All land, buildings,properties and holdings held in the name of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and organs of state, both within and outwith the Union, belong to the people of Myanmar.The illegal military council and its subsidiary institutions being devoid of moral and legal right to represent the people of Myanmar, have no right to control, manage or dispose of these public estates. NUG has declared that any sale, in part or in whole, of any estate belonging to the diplomatic mission of Myanmar, conducted by the military council to be unlawful and therefore prohibited.The NUG reserves the right to persecute either the seller or the purchaser or both partaking in any such transactions at a time and jurisdiction of its choosing. 4. Ambassador and Permanent Envoy HE Kyaw Moe Tun attended the closing ceremony of the 75th Session of (UNGA) United Nations General Assembly and the opening ceremony of the 76th Session of UNGA and the 1st plenary meeting. The first plenary meeting was opened by 76th UNGA incoming President HE Mr. Abdulla Shahid (Maldives). Members of the UNGA’s Credentials Committee were then elected. Members elected were from Bahamas, Bhutan, Chile, China, Russia, Sierra Leone, Namibia, Sweden and the United States of America. 5. Radio NUG owned by National Unity Government is broadcasting daily programmes. once at 8 am on short wave 16 metre (17.71) megahertz, and another at 8 pm on short wave 25 metre (12.00) megahertz. Daily broadcast of television news is also taking place at 8 pm via NUG, CRPH, RadioNUG and PVTV Social media pages. Daily broadcasts of military campaign news by the Ministry of Defence and advisory notices for the public by the Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration are also taking place. 6. At the request of the National Unity Government, the Directorate of School Education of the Government of Mizoram has made a decision to provide free and compulsory Education, according to their education law (2009), basic education appropriate to school age children between the age of 6 years and 14 years to include those children who have been externally displaced due to conflict. The NUG expresses, on record, their gratitude for the decision made by the Government of Mizoram..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 130.94 KB
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No. 15/2021 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ က သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အမှတ် (၁၅/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ https://nugmyanmar.org သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၅/၂၀၂၁) ၁၇ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့က သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁) ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး စတင်ခဲ့သည့်ကိစ္စနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြထားရာ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဖြေရှင်းမှုကို လုံးဝစိတ်မဝင်စားပဲ အာဏာဆက်လက် တည်မြဲရေး အတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း၊ NUG က ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်နှင့် လုံခြုံမှုကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန် တာဝန်ရှိကြောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုသော်လည်း နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းကိုသာ အားကိုးနေ၍ မရပဲ တမျိုးသားလုံး စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းရန်ကြိုးပမ်းမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ပြည်သူများက ခုခံရေးအဖွဲ့များ ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မှုများ စတင်နေပြီဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များ ကလည်း တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် အတူလက်တွဲ၍ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်သွားရန် ပြင်ဆင်နေပြီဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးက ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း ပါရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ(EAOs)နှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်ခိုလှုံရေးအစီအစဉ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရေးကော်မတီကို ဖွဲ့စည်း၍ CDM ဝင်ကာ ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင် ခိုလှုံလာမည့် တပ်မတော်သားနှင့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များကို ကြိုဆိုလက်ခံနိုင်ရေး စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင် လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာ https://facebook.com/peoplesembrace နှင့် telegram Channel - https://t.me/MyanmarPeople တို့ကို ဆက်သွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ပါသည်။ ၃။ တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ရောင်းချရန် စီစဉ်နေသည့် ပြည်ပနိုင်ငံများရှိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံပိုင် သံရုံးမြေနှင့် အဆောက်အဦများအား ဝယ်ယူခြင်းသည် တရားဝင်မှုမရှိသောကြောင့် ဝယ်ယူခြင်း အလျဉ်းမပြုကြရန် အထူးသတိပေး တားမြစ်သည့် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၁/၂၀၂၁) ကို စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုတ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံက ပိုင်ဆိုင်သည်ဟု အမည်ပေါက်သော ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပရှိ နိုင်ငံပိုင်မြေ၊ အဆောက်အဦ၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုအရပ်ရပ်တို့၏ မူရင်းပိုင်ရှင်သည် နိုင်ငံတော်အတွင်း မှီတင်းနေထိုင်ကြသော နိုင်ငံသားပြည်သူများသာ ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအားကိုယ်စားပြုမှု အလျဉ်းမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ် ကောင်စီနှင့် ယင်း၏လက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါ မြေ၊ ဆောက်အဦနှင့် အခြားပိုင်ဆိုင်မှု များအား ထိန်းချုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်၊ စီမံခန့်ခွဲပိုင်ခွင့်၊ ရောင်းချပိုင်ခွင့် အလျင်းမရှိကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်ပနိုင်ငံများရှိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံပိုင် သံရုံးမြေနှင့် အဆောက်အဦများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက တစ်စိတ်တစ်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်စေ၊ တစ်လုံးတစ်ခဲတည်းဖြစ်စေ၊ ရောင်းချရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှု မှန်သမျှသည် တရားဝင်မှု လုံးဝမရှိကြောင်းကြေငြာ လိုက်သည်။ ထိုသို့ရောင်းဝယ်မှုများကို လုံးဝမလုပ်ရန်လည်း အထူးသတိပေး တားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။ ဤသို့သတိပေးတားမြစ်ထားသည့်ကြားမှ အရောင်းအဝယ်ပြုခဲ့သည်ရှိသော် စစ်ကောင်စီဘက်မှ တာဝန်ခံရောင်းသူကို သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ လက်ခံဝယ်ယူသူကိုလည်းကောင်း၊ နှစ်ဦးနှစ်ဘက်လုံးကိုလည်းကောင်း သင့်တင့်လျောက်ပတ်သည့် အချိန်တွင် သင့်လျော်သော စီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည့်တရားရုံးတော်၌ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဥပဒေကြောင်းအရ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ခွင့် အကြွင်းမဲ့ရှိသည်ဟု မှတ်ယူရမည် စသည့်အချက်များ ပါရှိပါသည်။ ၄။ (၇၅) ကြိမ်မြောက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၊ ပိတ်ပွဲအစည်းအဝေး နှင့် (၇၆) ကြိမ်မြောက်၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၏ ဖွင့်ပွဲ နှင့် ပထမအကြိမ် မျက်နှာစုံညီအစည်းအဝေးများသို့ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာ အမြဲတမ်း ကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဉီးကျော်မိုးထွန်း တက်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ (၇၆)ကြိမ်မြောက်၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၏ ပထမအကြိမ် မျက်နှာစုံညီအစည်းအဝေး ကို ဆက်လက်ကျင်းပခဲ့ရာ၊ အစည်းအဝေးကို (၇၆)ကြိမ်မြောက် အထွေထွေညီလာခံဥက္ကဋ္ဌ H.E. Mr. Abdulla Shahid မှ ဖွင့်လှစ်ပေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့နောက်၊ အထွေထွေညီလာခံ၏ အရည်အချင်းစစ် ကော်မတီ (Credentials Committee) အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများကို ရွေးချယ်ခန့်အပ်ခဲ့သည်။ အရည်အချင်းစစ် ကော်မတီ တွင် အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများအဖြစ် ဘဟားမားစ်၊ ဘူတန်၊ ချီလီ၊ တရုတ်၊ ရုရှား၊ ဆီရာလွန်၊ နမီးဘီးယား၊ ဆွီဒင်နှင့် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု တို့ပါဝင်သည်။ ၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ RadioNUG အစီအစဉ်ကို နေ့စဉ် နံနက် ၈ နာရီ လှိုင်းတို ၁၆ မီတာ (၁၇.၇၁) မက်ဂါဟက်ဇ် တွင် တစ်ကြိမ်၊ ည ၈ နာရီ လှိုင်းတို ၂၅ မီတာ (၁၂.၀၀) မက်ဂါဟက်ဇ်တွင် တစ်ကြိမ် ထုတ်လွှင့်လျက်ရှိသလို၊ နေ့စဉ်သတင်းရုပ်သံအစီအစဉ်ကိုလဲ ည ၈ နာရီခွဲအချိန်တွင် NUG , CRPH , RadioNUG နှင့် PVTV တို့၏လူမှုကွန်ယက် စာမျက်နှာများမှ ထုတ်လွှင့်ပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက စစ်ရေးသတင်းအကျဉ်းချုပ်နှင့် ပြည်ထဲရေးနှှင့်လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ပြည်သူလူထု၏ခုခံကာကွယ်စစ် သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို နေ့စဉ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးလျက် ရှိပါသည်။ ၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ မေတ္တာရပ်ခံတောင်းဆိုချက်များအရ အရွယ်ရောက်ပြီးသော ကလေးငယ်များ လွတ်လပ်စွာ အခမဲ့ပညာသင်ကြားခွင့်ဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေ (၂၀၀၉)က အသက် ၆ နှစ်နှင့် ၁၄ နှစ်အကြား ကလေးငယ်များသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ အသက်အရွယ်နှင့်ညီမျှသော အခြေခံပညာသင်ကြားပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည့်အတိုင်း ဒေသစွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးခိုလှုံလာသော ကလေးငယ်များကို ပညာသင်ကြားခွင့်ရရှိရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးသွားမည်ဟု မီဇိုရမ်အစိုးရ ကျောင်းပညာရေးဒါရိုက်တာအဖွဲ့က ဆုံးဖြတ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုအပေါ် လွန်စွာကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်း မှတ်တမ်းတင် အပ်ပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 654.75 KB
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Title: Electricity Bill Boycott Denies Myanmar Military US $1 Billion in Power Revenues Since Coup
Sub-title: Customers say they believe the junta would use the money to maintain power instead of help the nation.
Description: "Myanmar’s junta has lost some 2 trillion kyats (U.S. $1 billion) in revenue from its military-operated power company since seizing power seven months ago amid a widespread public boycott of the paying of electricity bills, according to the country’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG). NUG Minister of Finance and Investment Tin Tun Naing said Tuesday that 98 percent of electricity customers in the country’s Yangon region, 97 percent in Mandalay region, and about 80 percent in the country’s remaining states and divisions have been refusing to pay their bills as part of a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) to protest the junta and its Feb. 1 coup d’état. “We have a record of the Ministry of Electricity and Energy’s meter bills, and they have failed to recoup about 2 trillion kyats in the last seven months,” he told RFA’s Myanmar Service. “The people need to keep up with this action. I predict that the junta could lose about 2.5 trillion kyats U.S. $1.43 billion) by the end of the year.” Following its establishment in May, the NUG’s Ministry of Electricity and Energy issued an order exempting all households from paying electricity bills and on June 8 announced that it had also ordered the suspension of payments for commercial entities. According to a leaked departmental directive issued on Sept. 7 by the junta’s Yangon Region Electric Power Corporation, residents of townships in Yangon region alone were in arrears of more than 281 billion kyats (U.S. $161 million) from June to December 2020. The junta recently issued a letter of warning ahead of the close of the 2020-21 fiscal year, instructing district and township level offices to discuss overages with customers and cut off power, if necessary, to ensure that they pay their balances on any overdue electricity bills beginning from March 2021. The directives come after junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, during a May 20 meeting in the capital Naypyidaw, noted that electricity revenues were down and called on the people of Myanmar to pay their bills. The junta’s Ministry of Electricity and Energy acknowledged in a statement on July 8 that it has had to purchase power from privately owned power plants to make up for shortfalls and warned that it would only be able to supply electricity to the country if the government can earn enough revenue. The Independent Economists of Myanmar (IEM) reported in July that the ministry’s revenue had dropped by 90 percent since February this year due to the boycott on the payment of monthly meter fees. The IEM said in a statement that the ministry is currently losing 100 billion kyats (U.S. $57.2 million) a month, with only two percent of customers in Yangon and three percent in Mandalay—the two cities that account for the nation’s highest electricity consumption—making electricity payments in March. More than 4,000 employees have been fired from the department, which is now dealing with a shortage of staff, it added. ‘Trying to starve the junta’ Several people told RFA’s Myanmar Service they are taking part in the boycott because they believe the junta would use electricity tariffs to perpetuate military rule and said they would not pay electricity bills until a civilian government is elected. A resident of Mandalay recently told RFA’s Myanmar Service that he had joined the boycott because he believes the junta would use the money for its own benefit. “We are trying to starve the junta of vital revenues so it will not be able to function by refusing to pay all taxes,” said the resident, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Income from the electricity sector is definitely a part of the government machinery. What benefit will we get from … paying them?” Since the coup, security forces have killed 1,093 civilians and arrested at least 6,533, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)—mostly during crackdowns on anti-junta protests. The junta says it had to unseat Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) government because the party had engineered a landslide victory in Myanmar’s November 2020 election through widespread voter fraud. It has yet to present evidence of its claims and public unrest is at an all-time high. Last week, the NUG declared a nationwide state of emergency and called for open rebellion against junta rule, prompting an escalation of attacks on military targets by various allied pro-democracy People’s Defense Force (PDF) militias and ethnic armed groups. Infrastructure targeted Power infrastructure has also been the target of sabotage by the PDF and other armed groups in opposition to the junta. A July 16 bomb blast in Mandalay’s Pyigyidagun township killed an employee of the Electric Power Corp. and a man waiting to pay his meter bill and injured at least seven people. The week prior, on July 7, township power offices in Yangon’s Hlaing, Mayangone, Kamayut, South Okkalapa, and Thingangyun townships were targeted in bomb blasts. The Yangon Revolutionary Front claimed responsibility and said the explosions were a warning to the Department of Electricity to refrain from forcing people to pay their bills. Since then, there have been at least 10 bomb blasts at power offices in Mandalay’s Mogok and Pyigyidagun townships, Yangon’s Lanmadaw township, and Magway region’s Myothit and Yezakyo townships. A 30-year-old man from Yangon’s South Dagon township told RFA that the explosions had made him too afraid to visit a power office to pay his bill. “At first, the reason for not paying was in protest of the junta, but later it was because NUG and PDF groups have warned against paying meter bills,” said the man, who also declined to be named. “There were incidents in Mandalay where two people who went to pay their bills were killed in a bomb blast, so now even those who were not against [the military] dare not go pay their bills.” An employee of the power corporation said he had to be extremely cautious when distributing meter bills to customers. “There are no security guarantees provided by the department, so we have to look out for ourselves,” he said, speaking anonymously due to concerns about his safety. Long term impact Analysts told RFA that Myanmar’s major cities that account for the nation’s largest share of energy consumption could be severely impacted by the boycott and any subsequent power outages. “It’s not as simple as people think because electricity and water are basic requirements,” said Aung Phyo, an energy researcher in Shan state’s Kalaw township. “If a certain situation arises, there will be no money from the people. How can the government prepare a budget without revenue? You need revenue to carry out maintenance and repairs. Without these, factories may have to close. People in urban areas who require a lot of electricity will suffer more.”..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Interim University Council - University of Yangon: Order No.1/2021 - ကြားကာလရန်ကုန်တက္ကသိုလ်ကောင်စီ အမိန့်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ကြားကာလရန်ကုန်တက္ကသိုလ်ကောင်စီ အမိန့်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁) ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ တော်သလင်းလဆန်း (၉)ရက် (၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၄) ရက်)..."
Source/publisher: Interim University Council - University of Yangon
Date of publication: 2021-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.32/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၃၂/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၃၂/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၄) ရက် အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း (ကျန်ရှိသော စာရင်းများကို နောက်နေ့ရက်များတွင် ဆက်လက်ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.31/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၃၁/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၃၁/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၃) ရက် ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Letter from Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun to Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres on 3 Sep 2021
Description: "Letter dated 3 September 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, H.E. U Kyaw Moe Tun, addressed to the Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, on the heartbreaking situation in Myanmar, together with the weekly information update on current situation in Myanmar as of 29 August 2021..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Students Sacrifice Books For Bullets in ‘Fight For Future’ Against Junta
Sub-title: A growing number of children are leaving school and picking up arms out of desperation.
Description: "Security forces in Myanmar are targeting anti-junta youth activists throughout the country, forcing many to drop out of school and take up arms with militia groups seeking to unseat the military regime despite international laws prohibiting children from becoming soldiers, family members said Thursday. Youth activists, many of whom say they felt hopeless about their future under military rule, began to join the widespread resistance movement against the junta after it seized power from Myanmar’s democratically elected government in a Feb. 1 coup. Many have been arrested or even killed in clashes with the military, prompting concern from observers who lament what they say is an increasingly lost generation of children forced to sacrifice their dreams in the hopes of reclaiming their country from an oppressive regime. In the seven months since the coup, security forces have killed 1,058 civilians and arrested at least 6,343—mostly during crackdowns on anti-junta protesters—according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The junta says it had to unseat Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government, claiming the party engineered a landslide victory in Myanmar’s November 2020 election through widespread voter fraud. It has yet to present evidence of its claims, though, and public unrest is at an all-time high. Among the youth activists who have joined the fight against the military is 16-year-old Zaw Myo Mai Laban from the Kachin state capital Myitkyina, who went underground in June after around 50 soldiers and police officers tried to arrest him at his home for taking part in anti-junta protests. “We know young students like us are not physically fit for fighting yet—we’ve only just passed childhood,” the member of the Basic Education Students' Union Network (BESUN) of hundreds of students from more than 50 townships told RFA’s Myanmar Service. “However, we are doing this with the sole intention of fighting injustice and oppression. We give encouragement to one another when we find ourselves weak and try harder to be competent for the revolution.” Zaw Myo Mai Laban said that ethnic armed groups in the liberated areas of the country’s remote border regions had initially refused to allow those under the age of 18 to attend military training, in accordance with international laws prohibiting the use of child soldiers, but eventually relented due to “the strong enthusiasm of the young students.” “It is true that I am underage according to international law and laws against child soldiers, but [the military is] killing people whether they are underage or not,” he said. “International law doesn’t mean anything to the military.” Despite the military’s heavy-handed response to anti-junta protests, many high school students continue to take part in the gatherings, particularly in Myanmar’s largest cities Yangon and Mandalay. A student with BESUN in Mandalay, who spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity, said he participates in protests daily “for the future of the country’s youth.” “We are more afraid of losing our future than we are of the military,” he said. “Education in Myanmar at present is completely in shambles. Conditions were just about to see some improvement when they staged this coup. All our hopes were dashed … We had a spirit of revolution long before the coup, and their atrocities made us want to fight back even more.” ”When your friends are killed, there is little you can do but grieve for them. I would rather fight for them instead,” he said. Most of the high school students now involved in the anti-junta movement are minors under parental guardianship. Many parents told RFA they are worried about their sons and daughters being arrested, maimed, or killed, although some have allowed their children to join the protests. The mother of two high school students aged 15 and 17 in Yangon’s South Okkalapa township said she accompanies her children to protests but has asked them not to join the armed uprising. “I went along with them so they would not get into trouble or be harmed, because you can’t stop them from joining the protests,” she said. “However, I asked them not to do anything like take up arms because they are not old enough. If they get arrested and sent to prison for taking part in the protests, at least I could go and see them. I may be selfish, but I cannot allow my young kids to join a revolution.” A student with the Launglon township branch of BESUN in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi division, who also declined to be named, said he regularly speaks with parents as part of an effort to bring more youths into the anti-junta movement. “If students don’t get involved in politics, politics will work against them,” he said. “We enlightened [parents] by explaining that students have been detained and tortured too. This helped them understand why we have taken to the streets, and they allowed their sons and daughters to join us.” Investigating youth activists Meanwhile, authorities have spared no effort in investigating high school students involved in anti-junta activities. In Myanmar’s Bago region, five high school students were arrested in the first week of September, including one who died in detention while being interrogated. According to AAPP, at least 23 school age children were among those killed in the past seven months since the coup, while at least 20 high school students have been arrested. An AAPP spokesman told RFA that school age children are still very much at risk from the military. “If things continue like this, the children in our country will no longer have a future, including those who would one day be the nation’s leaders,” he said. “Children must have the right to freedom of movement and to follow their dreams. They shouldn’t be living in fear. However, at present, they must be careful even of what they wear because of current restrictions. The loss of their future is a loss for the country.” Calls by RFA to military spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun seeking comment went unanswered Thursday..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Notification No.4/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ( ၄/ ၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ( ၄/ ၂၀၂၁) ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ တော်သလင်းလဆန်း၊ ၃ ရက် ( ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ၊ ၈ရက် ) ၁။နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာဏာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှ မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ပြီးနောက် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ခန့်အပ်သည့် ဦးဝဏ္ဏမောင်လွင် စိတ်တိုင်းကျ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သော ဌာနတွင်းစောင့်ကြည့်ရေးအဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီအလိုကျ ဌာနတွင်းအရာရှိများကြောင့် ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူရပ်တည်ပြီး အာဏာဖီဆန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် CDM ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချခံရခြင်း၊ အရပ်သားအစိုးရကို ထောက်ခံခဲ့သူများ/ ၎င်းတို့ စိတ်ချယုံကြည်ခြင်းမရှိသည့် တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူဝန်ထမ်းများ ဌာနတွင်း နေရာပြောင်းရွှေ့ ခံရခြင်း၊ CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှု မပြုလုပ်ရန်/ထောက်ခံခြင်းမပြုရန် သတိပေး ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခံရခြင်း၊ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်၍ ရုံးပြန်တက်စေခြင်း၊ စစ်ကောင်စီအား မထောက်ခံ၍ အလုပ်မှ နုတ်ထွက်လိုသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား နုတ်ထွက်ခွင့်/လုပ်သက်ခွင့်တင်ခြင်းများ ခွင့်မပြုခြင်း စသည်ဖြင့် ဝန်ထမ်းအခွင့်အရေး၊ နိုင်ငံသားအခွင့်အရေးများ ချိုးဖောက်ခံရလျက် ရှိကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။ ၂။ထို့အပြင် အရပ်သားအစိုးရလက်ထက်၌ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းနှင့် မိသားစုများအတွင်း COVID-19 ကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာနိုင်သည့် အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုများကို ကုစားနိုင်ရန် ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့် နှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလမှစတင်၍ အတိုးမဲ့ ချေးငွေ(၂)လစာအား ထုတ်ချေးခဲ့ပြီး ပြန်ဆပ်ရန် မလိုအပ်သည့် ချီးမြှင့်ငွေအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ပေးခဲ့သော်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေများက CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား အဆိုပါ ချီးမြှင့်ငွေများကို (၆)လအတွင်း ပြန်လည် ပေးဆပ်ရန်နှင့် မပေးဆပ်ပါက တရားစွဲဆိုရန် ပြင်ဆင်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း၊ အလားတူ အရပ်သား အစိုးရလက်ထက်တွင် ပြည်ပသို့ ပညာတော်သင် သွားရောက်ခဲ့ပြီး မိခင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတွင် ပြန်လည်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရမည့် သတ်မှတ်ကာလမပြည့်မီ စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဆန့်ကျင်၍ ပြည်သူ့ဘက်မှ ရပ်တည်ခဲ့သည့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကိုလည်း လျော်ကြေးငွေပေးသွင်းရန်နှင့် လျော်ကြေးငွေ မပေးသွင်းပါက တရားစွဲဆိုမည်ဟု ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။ ၃။သို့ပါ၍ အာဏာသိမ်းအကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ပါးစေအဖွဲ့နှင့် တာဝန်ပေး စေခိုင်းသည်ထက်ကျော်လွန်၍ ပြည်သူ့ဘက်တော်သား CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား စောင့်ကြည့် ဖိအားပေး နှိပ်ကွပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်ပါးစေ ဝန်ထမ်းများ (ပထမအသုတ်) အား ပြည်သူ့အကျိုးငှာ အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း (BLACK LIST) ရေးသွင်း၍ ပြင်းထန်စွာ သတိပေးလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-09-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Weekly Updates on Current Situation in Myanmar (29-8-2021)
Description: "After 200 days have passed since the coup, the Myanmar military group is still ignoring the will of the people, putting the country into turmoil with disproportionate actions when the people are facing the nationwide health crisis under the resurgence of the COVID-19 pandemic. Deaths and Arbitrary Arrests As of 28 August 2021, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a total of 7, 627 people have been arrested, 6,005 people have still been detained, whereas 1,984 people have been issued with warrants and 1,026 people were ruthlessly murdered by the military since 1 February 2021 when the military unleashed systematic and targeted attacks and violence against innocent civilians. Irrational Arrests and Unprovoked Shootings On 20 August 2021 in Sagaing, the security forces in plainclothes reportedly arrested the parents of Mr. Zaw Min Win, a police sergeant who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). According to the news received, Mr. Zaw Min Win left his wife and two daughters at the police housing complex, and he took the weapons with him. On the same day, he left the house; about two dozen of security forces went to the house of Mr. Zaw Min Win’s parents, destroyed the properties, and arrested his parents. On 21 August 2021, around 8 pm, Mr. Maung Aye and his wife, Ms. Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region, returned home by motorbike, were reportedly shot to death by the patrolling military forces. It is reported that Mr. Maung Aye was shot in the head, and Ms. Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach. On 22 August 2021 in Hintha village in Yesagyo Township of Magwe, the police forces reportedly raided a house in an ambulance. According to the residents, the forces surrounded the house and opened fire. Due to the incident, a 21-year-old man was killed, and four others were arrested. The owner of the house is believed to have participated in anti-coup movements. In accordance with the information received, a 10 year-old-child, Ven Bway Htan, was shot dead in the neck on the evening of 25 August 2021 in Htantalang Township of Chin State due to an unprovoked shooting by the military forces. Children are not safe, and the Myanmar military has no regard for the safety of children. It has no intention to abide by international laws protecting children in an armed conflict. According to the credible report, on 26 August 2021, in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon, Mr. Thein Min Oo was shot dead by the military forces on 121st street. His body was found between two buildings on 121st after the military forces reportedly opened fire at a drunken man shouting on the street. Neighbors believe that a stray bullet hit Mr. Thein Min Oo while the military forces chased and shot the drunk man. It is also reported that there were some injured civilians during the shootings. Taking Hostages On 24 August 2021, in Taw Kyaung Lay Village, in Khin-u Township of Sagaing Region, it is reported that the military forces arrested Ms. Ei Thandar Phyo, the younger sister of an alleged PDF. The forces took Ms. Ei Thandar Phyo as a hostage since they could not find her brother. On 27 August 2021, in South Dagon Township in Yangon, the husband and daughter of Political Activist Ms. Su Mar and a guest who were with them at home were reportedly arrested as the security forces could not find Ms. Su Mar at home. Deaths from Torture Mr. Soe Paing, a.k.a. Mr. Kyaw Khaing Win, a physics teacher from Tharkayta Township in Yangon Region, was reportedly arrested on 22 August 2021. He later died on the night of 23 August due to torture in interrogation. Similarly, on 24 August 2021, at night in Khayan Township of Yangon, Mr. Min Aung was shot and arrested by the security forces while passing by Khayan Police Station by a motorbike. He was then reportedly beaten during detention and died from the torture. In Monywa Township in Sagaing Region, Mr. Thet Paing Soe was reportedly arrested on 24 August 2021 and later died on 25 August. The security forces informed his family that he died due to COVID-19. However, his body was found with serious injuries due to constant torture. On 26 August 2021, Mr. Yan Aung Soe from Gonetan Village, in Shwebo Township of Sagaing Region, was reportedly arrested and taken to Gonetan Village Cemetery. The security forces then shot dead, who questioned him for allegedly possessing weapons in his house. Raiding in Rural Areas Myanmar military forces have reportedly been raiding in rural areas in Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region. They raided Nwe Khwe village on 23 August 2021, Taw Kyaung Lay village on 24 August 2021, and Taw Kyaung Gyi and Thone Pan Hla villages on 26 August 2021. According to the residents, the forces invaded the villages where there were no anti-coup activities. They took even small things, and they did not leave behind a tiny amount of money. They searched the houses of youths who have been volunteering the charity work during the Covid-19 period. According to credible news, during the raid in Taw Kyaung Lay village, they destroyed some houses and took 9 million kyats, six motorcycles, jewelry, and clothes. Five youths who were taking care of Covid patients were reportedly arrested. Seizing Kar Paung Kya Village Military forces have seized Kar Paung Kya Village in Taze Township of the Sagaing Region since 26 August 2021. According to the residents, nearly a hundred soldiers in six trucks stormed the village at around 2 am on 26 August 2021. Troops started shooting a man who came out of the house to see what was happening. It is reported that several houses were torched and destroyed. More than a thousand of the 800-household inhabitants fled to a nearby forest. And the military troops even fired light weapons and heavy artillery into areas where villagers were hiding. On 27 August 2021, about 50 troops went into the forests to look for the fleeing villagers. People reportedly lost contact with each other, families have been separated, and many others have gone missing. During the raid, Mr. Moe Swe Oo and his younger sister were reportedly shot when they were hiding in a small hut three miles away from the village. According to a resident, Mr. Moe Swe Oo and his sister were shot while running away from soldiers. Mr. Moe Swe Oo reportedly died from his injuries, and his sister was severely wounded. According to the villagers, Kar Paung Kya village has been targeted repeatedly by the military troops. They keep coming into the village, destroying and looting things. Using Civilians as Human Shields It is reported that 30 civilians were detained by divisions 66 and 55 of the Myanmar military between 13 and 18 August 2021from Demoso, Hpruso, and Bawlakhe in Kayah State and Pekon township in Shan State during tensions between military forces and resistance fighters. The military has reportedly released 15 detainees; 10 from Pekon, three from Demoso, and two from Hpruso. However, 15 others are still being detained. According to credible news, six people taken from Demoso and Hpruso are in Loikaw after being used as human shields in different places. They will be interrogated in Loikaw. Those six people were detained on 14 August when they returned to their villages for food. One of the six is a 15-year-old with a health problem. A woman and seven men are reportedly being held by Light Infantry Battalion 531 based in Hpruso, and they have been seriously tortured. Generals, officers, and infantry soldiers have no regard for human life. They show no intention to abide by international humanitarian laws that protects civilians during the war. Mobilizing Military Troops in Karen State In accordance with the credible report, the Myanmar military has mobilized its troops in villages of the south of Kawkareik Township in Karen State. On 24 August 2021, Myanmar military forces and forces of the Karen National Union (KNU) clashed twice in Kawkareik Township after Myanmar military forces trespassed into KNU-controlled territory. It is reported that the military forces fired around 30 rounds of artillery, and there were casualties and deaths on both sides. Following the clashes, about 200 residents from Kawthanaw village fled their homes. According to the news, a jet fighter was seen on 25 August 2021 and was likely engaged in aerial reconnaissance. It is expected that a major invasion from the Myanmar military is coming soon. Targeting the members of the NLD On 21 August 2021, Mr. Kyaw Soe Win, a.k.a Kay Kay, NLD executive member in Aung Lan Township of Magway Region, was reportedly arrested in Shwe Pan Taw Village in Aung Lan Township. On 22 August 2021, it is reported that Ms. Khin Myat Thu, a Pyithu Hluttaw MP and NLD member of Mingaladon Township of Yangon Region, was arrested with her husband. Moreover, on 22 August 2021, Mr. Htay Win, MP of Htilin Township of Magway Region and executive member of the NLD of Magway Region, was also reportedly arrested in Sar Kyin Village in Pakokku Township of Magway Region. On 22 August 2021, Mr. Kyaw San Htoo, Magway Region NLD executive member, was reportedly arrested in Panmata Village at the Aung Lan Township of Magway Region. On 27 August 2021, in Kyaikhto Township of Mon State, Mr. Zaw Moe Htet, a.k.a. Gwen Gyi, NLD secretary of Theinzayat Town, who was issued a warrant under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code, was reportedly arrested by the security forces who were wearing plain clothes. Soldiers and Police joining the CDM It is reported that around 2,000 soldiers and police have joined the Civil Disobedient Movement (CDM) since the coup on 1 February 2021. Most of the soldiers who have joined the CDM are privates and sergeants. There are also around 100 officers ranking from lieutenants to majors. Most of them have reportedly fled to areas controlled by Ethnics Arms Organizations (EAOs), or some are hiding among civilians. These striking soldiers expect more military officers to join the CDM as the military regime continues to use violence against civilians. Humanitarian Situation The humanitarian update for Myanmar, issued by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on 27 August 2021, highlighted the situations of people displacement and conditions of food insecurity in Myanmar. It is underlined that due to clashes and insecurity, thousands have been displaced in Sagaing Region and Chin State, particularly in and around Mindat Township. Also, in the south-eastern parts of the country, an estimated 141,200 people remain displaced, mainly in Kayah and Kayin States since the military coup. In the Shan States, more than 26,300 people have been displaced across the State since the beginning of 2021, of which about 6,400 of them remain displaced to date. It is also stated that food insecurity, particularly food shortage, is increasing in the displacement sites and communities in northern Shan and Rakhine states. The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) also announced monthly food and cash assistance for vulnerable families in Rakhine State resumed during the fourth week of August. With monthly life-saving support, World Food Programme has provided food, and cash aids to nearly 360,000 food-insecure people in Chin, Kachin, Rakhine, and the Shan States, including women, children, and persons with disabilities and families displaced conflict. Activities of the National Unity Government On 24 August 2021, the National Unity Government released a Statement regarding the 4th anniversary of the atrocity crimes committed against the Rohingya people in 2017. In the statement, the NUG has stated how it was saddened by the horrendous violence, gross human rights violations, and massive displacement that the Rohingya people suffered four years ago. The statement further explained that the same military responsible for all those atrocities has also perpetrated crimes against humanity and war crimes against the people of Myanmar over the decades. The NUG also expressed its endeavor in seeking justice and accountability for all crimes committed by the military against the Rohingya and all other people of Myanmar across the country throughout history. The NUG also informed its concerns regarding the situation of the Rohingya people in refugee camps of neighbouring countries and within Myanmar. It stated that voluntary and safe repatriation of the Rohingya people in a dignified manner is their utmost priority. Finally, the NUG also expressed its commitment to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Federal Democratic Charter, including fundamental human rights, human dignity, individual rights, collective rights, and establishing a Federal Democratic Union. The Radio NUG started its programme on 26 August 2021 at 8 am and 8 pm at SW 16, MHz 17.71. On 27 August 2021, the Ministry of Planning, Finance, and Investment released an Announcement on the Illicit Printing of Banknotes. In the announcement, the Ministry informed that they had received credible information that the illegitimate military council has made approaches to foreign banknotes and security printing times to seek assistance in printing new Myanmar Kyat banknotes. The Ministry also stated in the announcement that according to Section 16 of the Unlawful Associations Act 1908, the National Unity Government has determined the illegitimate military council to be an unlawful association, and thus, any issuance of currency effected by the military council, its successor entities, and any of its subordinate or subsidiary associations, including the so-called “caretaker government,” shall be deemed to lack legitimacy. The NUG called upon the military council to desist from the act of economic sabotage. It implored the foreign banknote and security printing approached the military council to refrain from printing Myanmar kyat Banknotes and providing any raw materials, supplies, etc., that could be used in their production. The NUG further called upon all responsible firms to follow the example set by Giesecke Devrient GmbH in March 2021. On 28 August 2021, the Ministry of Defence of the National Unity Government released Directive No. 2/2021 to Tatmadaw and Police Forces members. In the Directive, the Ministry referred to the policy of the NUG released under statement No. 8/2021 on 23 August 2021. According to that policy, the NUG also extended a special welcome to members of Tatmadaw and police forces who defected the State Administration Council to stand with the people. The NUG further instructed them not to obey the SAC’s orders and directives, to not obstruct, hinder, or attack People’s Defence Forces (PDF) and allied forces, and to not arrest, torture, or kill civilians and not plunder public and private properties. International Action and Pressure On 22 August 2021, Japan has reportedly refused to issue visas for two Myanmar military-appointed diplomats to the Embassy of Myanmar in Tokyo. However, the military has requested Japan to grant visas to them for the replacement in the Embassy. These two diplomats will be transferred to replace the two Myanmar diplomats who have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) in early March 2021 and were dismissed by the military-controlled Ministry. During the 42nd ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) General Assembly held on 23 August 2021, Speaker of the parliament of Singapore Tan Chuan-Jin remarked that platforms, particularly AIPA, are crucial for supporting a more integrated, digital, and forward-looking ASEAN community. He highlighted that the world is closely watching the response of ASEAN in resolving the crisis in Myanmar. Speaker of the parliament of Singapore stressed that Singapore welcomed the appointment of Brunei’s Foreign Minister as Special Envoy of the ASEAN to Myanmar, hoping that the special envoy will be allowed to have discussions and to facilitate meaningful dialogue with all stakeholders in Myanmar to facilitate the meaningful dialogue among all stakeholders in Myanmar for a peaceful political solution. He also affirmed that “the Myanmar people must determine the solution to the situation in Myanmar.” In the speech by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris on the Indo-Pacific Region on 24 August 2021, it is highlighted that the U.S. is committed to supporting the people of Myanmar and restoring the democracy in the country and called for Indo-Pacific nations to join in that effort. In response to the reports of a journalist charged for doing their job, the U.S. embassy in Yangon issued an announcement on 26 August 2021 that the people in Myanmar and abroad should be free to express their beliefs and seek, receive, and share information and ideas. Following the public petition being signed by 268,428 people, which called on Seoul to render formal support to the National Unity Government (NUG) and to reject the military, the Office of the President of South Korea announced on 26 August 2021 that they will continue to engage with the NUG and continue to support the restoration of democracy in Myanmar through close cooperation with the international community. ***** Date: 29 August 2021 Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations, New York..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-08-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government of Myanmar Order No.5/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမိန့်အမှတ် (၅ /၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမိန့်အမှတ ( ၅ /၂၀၂၁) ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဝါခေါင်လပြည့်ကျော် ၈ ရက် (၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၃၀ ရက်) ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်စေရေး တို့အတွက် အလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင် နေပြီး (CDM) ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းနှင့် အမျိုးမျိုးသောဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်ဗဟိုဘဏ်မှ အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်းများအား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း (Blacklist) သွင်းလိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်။ အမိန့်အရ (ပုံ) တင်ထွန်းနိုင် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.29/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၂၉/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၉/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၆) ရက် အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း (ကျန်ရှိသော စာရင်းများကို နောက်နေ့ရက်များတွင် ဆက်လက်ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: Joint statement of 246 Local and Foreign students’ unions - ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂ (၂၄၆)ဖွဲ့ ၏ ပူးတွဲကြေညာချက်
Description: "Now is the third time of the repeated coups by the fascist military with the purpose to oppress and exploit the people for the benefit of their own kith and kin. Throughout all those recurring coups of the fascist military, we, students, have fought, handing on the unyielding red flag of the fighting peacock, and our fight rages on to this day. Even amidst the crackdowns by the military, the chants of Students’ Unions and youths against military dictatorship are still covering the streets to this day. Overseas students are still serving the revolution in every possible way as well. The common goals of all the people are the absolute eradication of the fascist military and dictatorship and building Federal Democracy Union. We now observe that the fascist junta is relentlessly trying to earn international recognition, including that of the United Nations. We, students, and the people have demonstrated our objection against ASEAN's attempts of helping the fascist junta gain recognition. Furthermore, we, the Students’ Unions, earnestly request United Nations, International Governments and Organizations not to acknowledge the terroristic fascist junta. Concurrently, we declare unequivocally that we, the Students’ Unions, condemn nations and organizations that are helping the fascist junta to get recognition..."
Source/publisher: 246 Local and Foreign students' unions
Date of publication: 2021-09-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Rock Singer Ito Arrested for Alleged Anti-Regime Activities
Description: "The Myanmar junta arrested rock singer Ito at his home in Yangon’s Mayangone Township on Wednesday night for alleged connections with anti-regime activities. At least five others were also arrested, according to sources close to the artist. Professionally known as Ito, Ko Win Htut Thawdar is in his 30s. He is also a composer and a son of famous Myanmar rocker Zaw Win Htut. Details of the alleged anti-regime activities of which he is accused are not yet known, nor is the location where he is being held. Myanmar has been in political turmoil since the military seized power from the country’s democratically elected government on Feb. 1. Following the coup, many celebrities joined the anti-regime movement, using their popularity to amplify its pro-democracy message. They took to the streets to protest against the coup and urged civil servants to strike by joining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). They have been targeted for their participation in protests against military rule, with arrest warrants being issued for nearly 100 celebrities, artists, singers, actors, actresses and directors. About a dozen have been arrested, and nine famous Myanmar artists including comedian U Zaganar, director Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, actors Lu Min and Pyay Ti Oo, model Paing Takhon, actress Eaindra Kyaw Zin and singers Saw Phoe Kwer and Po Po are still in detention. In June, rock singer and songwriter Raymond, 32, passed away while evading arrest for participating in the anti-regime movement, after being charged under Article 505A of the penal code. Like other pro-democracy activists, many in the arts community are in hiding, having fled their homes to evade arrest. A few others have joined Myanmar’s “Spring Revolution.” Some artists have joined the armed resistance struggle and others are working for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG). As of Thursday, the Myanmar regime had killed a total of 1,058 civilians, arrested 7,992—of whom 6,343 are still in detention—and issued arrest warrants for 1,984, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Vox Pop: Members and allies of Myanmar’s resistance respond to NUG’s declaration of war against junta
Sub-title: Myanmar Now speaks with stakeholders about what it means to go to war with the coup regime
Description: "Following Tuesday morning’s declaration of war against the junta by the National Unity Government (NUG), Myanmar Now spoke to members and allies of the anti-dictatorship movement about what could await the resistance forces in confronting a military that both outnumbers and outguns them. The NUG’s announcement came seven days and seven months after Myanmar’s February 1 coup, during which time the military council killed more than 1,000 people and jailed several thousand opponents and dissidents. The declaration was also made one week before the opening of the 76th Session of the UN General Assembly in New York on September 14. The UN Credentials Committee is expected to be asked to make a decision regarding who will occupy Myanmar’s seat at the General Assembly—NUG-allied Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, who was appointed by the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government, or a junta-appointed representative. Junta spokesperson Gen Zaw Min Tun told the pro-military People Media on Tuesday that he believed the NUG’s announcement was intended to coincide with the opening of the General Assembly. He dismissed the NUG’s call to arms, referring to them as “extremists.” “They are inciting [others] to commit more violence and for the public to become terrified and for instability,” the general was quoted as saying, telling the public that they “do not need to worry.” The NUG was formed in April with the support of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which is made up of elected lawmakers who were unable to take their seats in parliament. Recognising the NUG as Myanmar’s legitimate government, many members of the Myanmar public showed support for the administration’s call to war against the junta, which they aim to topple. Dr. Miemie Winn Byrd, retired US army officer “Between firepower and the people power, the latter has proven to be more important during a battle,” Dr. Miemie Winn Byrd, a Burmese-American retired lieutenant colonel who served nearly three decades in the US army, told Myanmar Now. She speculated that the Myanmar military, despite possessing advanced weaponry, is struggling due to the momentum brought on by the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), including the securing of public trust, new recruits, and international support. “People are already questioning the integrity of the military leaders. This factor is very important in this war. It would be very hard for them to get anything done because no one is believing anything they say,” Dr. Byrd continued. While rumours of Tuesday’s NUG announcement had been circulating online for weeks, Dr. Miemie Win Byrd said that the resistance would need to be tight-lipped about its plans regarding the revolution in order for their actions to have maximum impact. “We should be very careful so as not to reveal our plans to the opponent, as it would do nothing but make them more prepared to retaliate against our attacks,” she said. “When the weak goes against the strong, their best chance is to ambush them when the opponent is not expecting it. If information leaks [online], it would help prepare the enemy to respond to the ambush.” Cpn Lin Htet Aung, Myanmar military defector Cpn Lin Htet Aung, a Myanmar army officer who took part in the CDM by defecting and joined the resistance, told Myanmar Now that he believes many soldiers still serving in the junta’s armed forces are opposed to the coup, and more will defect when the war begins. “It is now high time that the junta soldiers pick the side of the people and disobey the dictators. Failing to do so will bring nothing but misfortune to their lives,” he said. “It has now become clear what’s right and what’s wrong. Be on the right side of history. Come to the people’s side in whatever way that you can.” Col Naw Bu, KIA Col Naw Bu, the spokesperson for the Kachin Independence Army (KIA)—which has been engaging in clashes with the junta’s armed forces in the northern part of the country—welcomed the NUG’s call to arms, noting that Kachin forces had already been fighting against the military for 60 years. “The people need to take responsibility and contribute however they can if we want to end the dictatorship led by Min Aung Hlaing. We also need to be very careful regarding our own security. These are the two responsibilities of the people,” the colonel said. Col Naw Bu declined to comment on the extent of communication between the KIA and the NUG. Khu Daniel, KNPP Khu Daniel, Secretary (1) of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP)—whose armed wing, the Karenni Army, has been fighting against the junta forces in ethnic Karenni territory—said that Tuesday’s declaration signified the start of more intensified resistance to the military council by the NUG and their allied forces. “Now that the official announcement is here, everyone needs to actually participate in the process. Everyone, including the civil servants that are still going to work. This can end only if everyone takes part in it,” he said. Political analyst, Yangon A Yangon-based political analyst pointed out that because of the sacrifices they have made, the public have high expectations of the NUG and its forces and expect the complete overthrow of the military dictatorship. “If they don’t manage to give us a strong start, the people will start losing trust in the NUG and this could lead to a decrease in the people’s support in the future,” the analyst said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Border Consortium Mid-Year Overview: January to June 2021
Description: "On 1st February 2021, the Myanmar military took power in a coup, announced a state of emergency, and formed the State Administrative Council (SAC) to rule the country instead of the elected parliament. The coup was justified under claims of electoral fraud, which were comprehensively rebuked by independent observers. The coup was widely condemned and millions of protestors took to the streets in protest participating in a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). The military response to these protests was increasingly violent, with over 5,500 people arrested and more than 900 people killed since 1st February. With the brutal backlash against the Civil Disobedience Movement in the urban areas, thousands of people sought shelter in the ethnic controlled areas. The National Unity Government (NUG) established by elected MPs and civil society leaders took steps to abolish the 2008 Constitution and to create a space for genuine Federal Democracy. SAC interventions in the Central Bank of Myanmar and restrictions on internet access caused massive disruptions in the financial sector. The lack of cash liquidity constrained the operations of aid agencies alongside all other sectors with premiums increasing to at least 10% in informal money markets. The World Bank and UNDP have projected that the proportion of people living in poverty could double to almost half of the nation’s population by the beginning of 2022. This would reverse the gains made since 2005. Indiscriminate artillery attacks against civilians in northern Karen and Kayah States have been the primary cause of displacement for 170,000 people. School buildings, health clinics and churches are amongst the community buildings that have been damaged by heavy artillery attacks. Patterns of systematic violence and abuse reflect the “four cuts” counter-insurgency strategies that have targeted civilians for decades to undermine the access of EAOs to food, recruits, intelligence and resources. These military offensives have disrupted access to fields just as upland farmers should be preparing hillside plots for the wet season rice crops, so food security for the coming year will be adversely affected. More than 8,000 people crossed into Thailand, to be detained at the border by the Royal Thai Army and then sent back to Myanmar after the Thai army considered it safe, only to cross again when the airstrikes resumed but once again were returned back to Myanmar within days. COVID -19 has surged in Myanmar with over 150,000 cases confirmed and 3,300 deaths exacerbated by the near collapse of the health system, targeting of health personnel, seizure of life saving equipment by the military and a slow roll out of vaccinations, hampered by mistrust of the military regime. By June only 3% of the country was fully vaccinated..."
Source/publisher: The Border Consortium (Thailand) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-09-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Steps Up Arrests of Striking Civil Servants
Description: "Myanmar’s regime has intensified arrests of striking civil servants, including teachers, medics and administrators, who joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM) as it undermines the junta’s ability to govern. At least two teachers in Myaung Township, Sagaing Region, were detained on Sunday. According to residents, junta forces raided Daw Zarchi Lin’s home on Sunday and, after failing to find the teacher, her father and brother were beaten and taken instead. She later turned herself in in exchange for the release of her father and brother. Another teacher, Daw Tu Tu Khin, was detained on Sunday, according to the Civilian Defense and Security Organization in Myaung. At least seven teachers were also detained in Kalay, Depayin and Shwebo townships in Sagaing Region last month. In Pauk Township, Magwe Region, junta forces detained a striking civil servant from the Land Statistics Department and at least four other civilians on Sunday. Since the February I coup, government employees, including directors, police, soldiers and staff at the military-controlled home affairs and defense ministries, have refused to work for the regime, preventing the junta from running the country properly. Many striking civil servants have been sacked or threatened with arrest. Many are in hiding. During last month alone, at least 21 civil servants, including eight teachers, five medics, five administrators, two public servants and a police officer, were arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed by elected lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy and its ethnic allies, is trying to pay salaries for striking civil servants, especially junior staff. Over 400,000 civil servants have been on strike since February, according to the NUG..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Real Stories Not Tales, A Collection of Youth Stories (Part 1): Heartbroken Kachin youth decides it is time to go back home
Description: "In Part 1 of a 3-part special series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Hpare Salum (pseudonym) decides it is time to go back home. Editor’s note: This is part 2 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Access to the full report will be available in Part 3 of this series. This story tells the journey of a Kachin youth based in Yangon who chooses to go back to Lai Zar and join the KIA post-Coup. Hpare Salum recently finished an internship after having graduated in Yangon. He was interviewed on April 17 in Kachin State. "I had already experienced something similar in the past, so I knew this was happening for real. I felt hopeless. I felt destroyed. I felt as if my future had been stolen from me." - Hpare Salum When the coup happened, I was staying with my school‘s] seniors in Hlaing Township, Yangon. One of them was going to attend his first day at work and while he was getting ready, the leader of his organization called him and informed him about the coup. That’s how we found out that the military had seized power and cut all networks. I had already experienced something similar in the past, so I knew this was happening for real. I felt hopeless. I felt destroyed. I felt as if my future had been stolen from me. Just before the coup, I had gotten a job in Yangon, and was planning to gain more work experience in preparation for my studies abroad. But I knew this wouldn’t be possible under a military regime, so I decided to go back to Kachin State. Most of my school comrades chose to stay and participate in the protest movement in Yangon, but honestly, I had no intention of doing that. I was certain that the military would do anything to stop the protests. I know this military junta and I know that they are capable of committing the worst atrocities. In 2011, they shot a friend of mine and a relative, and I didn’t want to live through anything like that again. We, the Kachin people, have been bullied since we were born, never receiving any support from the central government and even less so from the military. When the ceasefire between the KIA and the Myanmar military collapsed, I was in Grade 9. On June 22nd, 2011, the military came to our village. It was a devastating experience: we had to flee and stay in the jungle on the Chinese border for days. In the end, this place became a camp for IDPs, including me and my family. The camp leaders managed to build a school with the very few resources available, which is how I was able to carry on with my education. Most young people and adults were asked to join the KIA, and so my father became a soldier. I lived with my mother, my younger brother, and two sisters in the camp. My three other siblings stayed in Myitkyina. In 2016, we had to flee again, because the military engaged in mortar shelling of an area nearby. Having fled civil war twice in my life, I don’t like the military junta at all—to put it mildly. I think non-violence works in some parts of the world, but it doesn’t work in Myanmar. Now I’m staying in a new city-state on the Chinese border called Laiza, where the headquarters of the KIO are. The city is in a valley, and you only need to cross a river to get into the Chinese territory. Everything you need can be found in Laiza: hotels, restaurants, shops, schools (providing free education), and hospitals (providing free health care). You can use both Myanmar kyats and Chinese yuan here. It’s a safe place. There is no CDM in this area, but many CDM people from the rest of the country are coming to find refuge here or to join basic military training. I heard most of the training is given in Burmese. There are also many young Kachin people coming to Laiza, some to serve the KPICT. My personal hope for the future is still to study abroad, but it has been a real struggle, and I am tired of trying. Right now, I need to help my people. If I need to engage in combat, I will; I can’t avoid it. Many Kachins have become actively involved in the KIO or its army. Having an independent state is the dream of Kachin people and I wish to be a part of the generation that will see this dream come true. We need to stand for what we believe in; we have that responsibility. I know there will be many challenges on this journey to freedom, but we will fight until we achieve independence. I believe that the KIO will be one of the leaders of real political change in Myanmar. Speaking to the international community, I would like to ask them to recognize Myanmar’s EAOs and the systems of governance they have established in their respective states and regions, including the education systems. I wish the world would cooperate with the EAOs, since Myanmar’s ethnic people see them as their legitimate governments. In reality, these EAOs represent the voice of ethnic people. Read Part 2 and Part 3 here. (Links will be live on August 19 and 23 respectively). Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: 100 Senior NLD Leaders Arrested and Charged Since Myanmar Junta’s Coup
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has charged at least 100 elected leaders, ministers and prominent members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) with high treason, corruption and incitement over the past seven months, as the junta steps up its efforts to destroy the party. Senior NLD figures who have been arrested and charged since the military’s February 1 coup include at least four government ministers, 10 chief ministers, 30 ministers of state and regional cabinets, 44 elected lawmakers and members of party offices nationwide, and seven other senior party members. There are 93 political parties in Myanmar, but the NLD is the only one that has been targeted by the military regime. Most notably, the junta has brought various charges against ousted State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint in an effort to keep them behind bars for years. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi faces a total of 10 cases and a potential prison sentence of 75 years in total. The junta has accused her of accepting cash and gold, as well as of abusing her authority and funds donated to a charity foundation she leads. She also faces charges for the illegal possession of walkie-talkies, breaching COVID-19 restrictions, incitement and one case under the Official Secrets Act. Myanmar’s military detained Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and other senior officials of the NLD-led government before dawn on the day of the coup. Chief ministers of the states and regions, parliamentary speakers at union and state and regions level were also detained during the takeover, along with other senior leaders and members of the NLD’s Central Executive Committee (CEC). Coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has claimed that the coup was staged because the NLD committed “election fraud” during the 2020 general election that the NLD won by a landslide. The results of the election have since been annulled and the party faces the possibility of being disbanded. NLD members continue to face arrest, including those who won seats in the 2020 election. Several detained party members have been killed while in detention. Numerous members face arrest warrants and have gone into hiding, while NLD offices have been raided, vandalized and forced to close. Over 300 NLD leaders, ministers, elected lawmakers and other members at party offices are currently being detained. The four detained ministers of the NLD-led government have been accused of violating the Official Secrets Act and the Anti-Corruption Law. U Win Myat Aye, the ousted Minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, and ousted Upper House Speaker Mahn Win Khaing Than have been charged with corruption and high treason respectively. Both were re-elected in the 2020 election. Since the coup, U Win Myat Aye has been made the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management for the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), while Mahn Win Khaing Than has been appointed as NUG prime minister. Corruption charges have also been brought against NLD ministers and officials who were renowned for their good reputations while in office and who enjoyed the support of the general public. Of the 13 chief ministers who are still being detained, nine have been accused of bribery, abuse of their authority and embezzlement of public funds under the Anti-Corruption Law, all charges that carry long prison terms. One chief minister has also been charged with incitement. The other chief ministers are likely to be charged soon. Members of the NLD’s CEC face harsher charges. Detained NLD vice-chairman Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, who is also the Mandalay Region Chief Minister, has been charged with alleged corruption, incitement and breaching of COVID-19 restrictions. Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, who has blood cancer, caught coronavirus while being detained in Mandalay’s Obo Prison and was put on oxygen support. On June 7, the Magwe Chief Minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, who is also a member of the CEC, was sentenced to two years in prison on an incitement charge. He was accused of publishing statements saying that the junta’s State Administration Council is not an official government. The ousted chief minister also faces corruption charges along with three ministers of his cabinet. Around 50 ousted ministers, advocate generals and auditor generals of state and regional cabinets are also still being detained. At least 30 of them face charges such as corruption, incitement, violating COVID-19 restrictions and disobeying military regime orders. NLD CEC members U Nyan Win, U Han Thar Myint, U Thein Oo, U Mya Thein, the party’s patron U Win Htein, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal physician Dr. Tin Myo Win and the party spokespersons, Dr. Myo Nyunt and Monywa Aung Shin, were also arrested by the junta. They have been charged with sedition and incitement. 79-year-old U Nyan Win, who was also Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s long-time personal lawyer, died of COVID-19 on July 20 while being detained in Yangon’s Insein Prison, where he caught coronavirus. At least 13 NLD members, including the Bago Region parliamentary speaker and elected lawmakers, have been sentenced to two to three years in prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. NLD CEC member U Aung Kyi Nyunt, who chairs the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), said the arrests and charges against NLD members are a plot to ensure that the regime illegally wins the next general election. U Aung Kyi Nyunt is the subject of arrest warrants for sedition and other charges, along with other NLD leaders, members and other anti-regime forces and ethnic minorities who managed to evade arrest and form the CPRH and the NUG to oppose the junta. The number of detained NLD members is rising as the regime continues to crackdown on the party across the country. In the last month alone, at least 38 NLD members, including elected lawmakers and chiefs and members of state and region offices at the township and ward level have been arrested. Youth members of the NLD have also been detained. Regime-controlled media has stated that those arrested will be prosecuted for supporting the Civil Disobedience Movement and the NUG, as well as supplying civilian resistance fighters with food and financial aid. “As the junta knows, there is no way the military can compete against the most popular party so they are trying to eliminate the NLD before holding an election,” U Aung Kyi Nyunt told The Irrawaddy in June. “But that won’t be possible as it is has been clear from the beginning that this is not fair and that the people won’t accept it,” he added..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar LGBTQ Makeup Artist Swaps Beauty Salon for Border Hideout and Revolution
Description: "Until the military takeover on Feb. 1, cosmetics, fashion and beauty design were the most important parts of May Oo’s daily life. For more than a decade, he loved to visually transform people’s appearance through his skills. His passion turned him into one of Yangon’s most highly sought-after makeup artists. His customers included celebrities and family members of high-ranking military officials. By THE IRRAWADDY 3 September 2021 Until the military takeover on Feb. 1, cosmetics, fashion and beauty design were the most important parts of May Oo’s daily life. For more than a decade, he loved to visually transform people’s appearance through his skills. His passion turned him into one of Yangon’s most highly sought-after makeup artists. His customers included celebrities and family members of high-ranking military officials. “It’s the profession I really love and I see it as a creative art,” said May Oo, who is gay. But the military takeover that toppled the elected government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) has turned his life upside down. As a supporter of the NLD government, the 33-year-old opposed the coup. “We can’t accept it. The military stole power from the elected civilian government, which we voted for,” May Oo said. Like millions of others, he joined the anti-coup campaigns that have sprung up across the country and which range from banging pots and pans at night to marching in daily street protests to calling on civil servants to strike. At the same time, he disseminated information on the anti-regime protest movement known as Myanmar’s Spring Revolution via his own social media page, which has 770,000 followers, awing his customers with pictures of him shouting anti-regime slogans via a bullhorn at the front of a protest column. In March, May Oo refused to do the makeup for well-to-do families planning to attend a junta-organized religious ceremony in Naypyitaw, at which the junta conferred titles on wealthy persons. However, he had to pay a price for his activism. An arrest warrant was issued by the regime for incitement. Soldiers raided his apartment and took everything including his computer and makeup boxes. “They also destroyed everything in the whole room,” he recalled. Luckily, he managed to evade arrest. After the junta’s crackdowns against protesters intensified in late March, he was forced to go into hiding in April, partly because of his involvement in protests and for providing support to crackdown victims and their families. As of Sept. 2, the junta had killed 1,043 civilians and arrested a total of 7,768, of whom 6,132 are still detained. In addition, during their raids, junta troops have looted and destroyed property. While in lockdown during the first and second waves of COVID-19 in 2020, May Oo was able to continue his work, including providing training to amateur artists. He had trained amateurs and young talents in his profession since 2017, when he opened the May Oo Magic Beauty school, as well as leading a makeup team. His salon employed 12 full-time staff and some 60 part-time artists before the coup. Now the makeup artist lives a very different life in a place where he feels safe on the border. (He declined to provide details for security reasons.) He once received some weapons training like other young people determined to topple the regime through armed resistance. But he found that his hands, familiar only with makeup brushes, were not good with guns. Since then May Oo has devoted his time and energy to other activities, like raising funds for the movement. “I know my strength is not [in military activities], so I choose to support this revolution in whatever way I can. I just see myself as a pillar to help the revolution be victorious,” he explained. May Oo admitted that he can’t help but take off his hat to the young women he has seen seriously engaging in military training, adding that seeing them left him with mixed feelings. “I’m sure they never thought they would go through such a hard life. But they see that nothing is more important than ousting the regime. So, they feel immune to all the misery and difficulties they are facing. I feel sad for them but at the same time I feel happy [for the country],” he said. As a gay man who is open about his sexuality, his hopes when voting for the NLD in the November 2020 election were simple: He wanted a government that would respect human rights, including those of the LGBTQ community, which has long faced discrimination in Myanmar. “The NLD is the only party which respects the rights of minorities and marginalized groups. As an LGBTQ person, we have seen improvements and dignified treatment under the NLD government,” he said. He told The Irrawaddy that from his point of view, physical and verbal abuse of LGBTQ people decreased under the civilian government. “For a long time, we were insulted for our sexual orientation; but after 2015, we felt less discriminated against, and there were opportunities for makeup artists to choose the path they want.” LGBTQ people are subject to official persecution and discrimination under Section 377 of the Penal Code as well as the Police Act. People who engage in same-sex acts can be punished with up to 10 years in prison. The push for legislative change got under way under the NLD government and the LGBTQ community had high hopes for it. “I have suffered discrimination as a gay person since my younger days. I don’t want to experience it again,” he said. It has now been nearly five months since May Oo went into hiding. He said sometimes he feels regret, especially when he sees people having fun on Facebook. “That feeling doesn’t last long, though, because I comfort myself with knowing I have done nothing wrong and am taking a stand on the right side,” he said. Asked if he missed his former life as a makeup artist, he said yes and no. He misses it when he thinks of what his life was like in the past. “But when I think about tomorrow under this current situation, I no longer miss it at all, because you can’t guess what will happen next. It’s exciting [to see] what the future will hold for me.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.27/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၂၇/၂၀၂၁) ထုတ်ပြန်
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၇/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၂၄) ရက် အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း (ကျန်ရှိသော စာရင်းများကို နောက်နေ့ရက်များတွင် ဆက်လက်ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Thousands of Myanmar Soldiers and Police Have Joined Anti-Junta Forces Since Coup
Sub-title: The shadow government and other opposition groups are encouraging defections.
Description: "Nearly 2,500 soldiers and police in Myanmar have broken with the military junta to join the resistance movement since the Feb. 1 coup that ousted the country’s democratically elected government, defector groups said on Thursday. Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), a shadow government made of former lawmakers ousted in the coup, as well as several armed ethnic groups, last month issued calls on members of the military and police to switch sides. The security forces that have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) that sprang up to resist the coup with protests and widespread work stoppages are represented by two groups. The CDM Myanmar Police Channel says 1,000 police have joined the movement, while People’s Embrace says about 1,500 members of the military have switched sides, and both groups say their numbers are growing. To date, the highest-ranked defector has been an army colonel, the groups said on Facebook. The NUG’s defense minister, Ye Mon, told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the appeal to the military is part of the shadow government’s plan to overthrow the military dictatorship. "We understand that there are intelligent people among the military and the police. Especially those who know what is right or wrong, what is justice and what is injustice,” said Ye Mon. “We believe there are many people who know which side they should choose. We expect this directive to have a major impact on most members of the police force and military personnel, except for the handful of the junta’s leaders and minions who have committed a series of war crimes," he said. Myanmar’s military overthrew the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government on Feb. 1, claiming the party had stolen the country’s November 2020 ballot through voter fraud. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed anti-coup protests, killing at least 1,043 people and arresting 6,132 others, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Ye Mon said the skills and expertise of security forces who defect would be extremely useful in helping the people regain control of the country. In addition, he said the NUG would provide for the safety and well-being of their families. Captain Lin Htet Aung, who recently joined the CDM, told RFA that the NUG’s outreach had been effective and many soldiers and police officers still serving the junta have contacted his group to learn more about how they can defect. “One of the reasons that people are not leaving the army is because they are thinking about their current rank and position, as well as their own security,” said Lin Htet Aung. “The NUG is giving guarantees for that. Many in the armed forces are aware of this statement and have contacted us,” he said. Current members of the military can be divided into three groups: those who support the junta, those who do not trust the junta, and a neutral group, Lin Htet Aung said. The defection of the latter two groups would spell doom for the junta, he added. The NUG’s defense ministry last week urged police and soldiers to stop obeying junta orders and to stop arresting, torturing and killing civilians and destroying public property. The ministry also called on them to stop attacking the people’s defense forces (PDF), the hundreds of militia groups formed by citizens opposed to the coup, some of which are receiving training and support from armed ethnic groups that have been fighting with the military for decades. The NUG also told security forces how to contact the NUG if they wish to join the resistance. A former police officer from Myingyan, in the country’s central region, told RFA that the messages from the NUG are encouraging to other police officers because there are many who want to leave but do not know how. “There were people who wanted to leave their posts from the very beginning. It is encouraging for them to see such a statement that welcomes them,” Thet Naing Oo said. “It was not only that they didn’t approve of the coup. They were unhappy that most of the higher positions in the police force were given to former army officers instead of those among them who had loyally served as officers for years. It was a slap in the face,” he said. The Karenni National Defense Force (KNDF) and the Chin Regional Defense Force (CDF), two of the armed ethnic groups that control territory in the country and have been fighting the military for years, told RFA they are trying to encourage members of the security forces to switch sides. "The military coup was an unjust and coercive process. Only an insane person would say the actions of the junta are fair,” a KNDF spokesman told RFA. He said it was common in Myanmar’s history for power hungry generals to exploit lower ranking soldiers for their own benefit, so these soldiers should stop serving the junta as soon as possible. “There is still time for those in the army and police force as well as those who are working in support of the junta to engage with the people,” he said. The KNDF said on Aug. 20 that it would work with the people to uproot the military dictatorship and would welcome those who join the movement with special security guarantees as well as monetary support from public donations. The CDF, which launched the first civilian armed uprising after the coup, announced on Aug. 10 that it would pay each member of the military who joins the opposition force 5 million kyat (U.S. $3,037) and guarantee their safety. CDF officials would not disclose to RFA where the money was coming from, but a spokesman for the group said that they expected the announcement to entice soldiers to defect. "Wouldn’t it be better if there is one less gun pointing at ordinary people?” he said. “We released the statement as an incentive for police and soldiers who are confused, those who do not want to die for nothing in the jungle and those who dislike the military council," said the spokesman. The stepped up defection enticement effort came as branches of the PDF militias from a dozen regions in Myanmar announced an alliance to collectively take on the country’s junta. The groups are mostly based in embattled Sagaing region and Chin state, but are also located in of Mandalay and Magway regions, as well as Kachin and other ethnic states. The junta said last week that the NUG and other groups are trying to disrupt government business and are carrying out terror attacks daily to intimidate the public. The military also offered rewards to whistleblowers and informants who help make arrests of people associated with anti-junta groups. The military has not yet commented on soldier or police defection to the CDM or other resistance groups. Local media outlets have quoted military sources as saying that the number of soldiers and officers leaving their posts to join the CDM is rising daily, prompting the junta to consider releasing the country’s ousted leader, Aung San Suu Kyi and holding national elections. According to the CIA’s World Factbook, there are about 400,000 soldiers in Myanmar’s military, making it one of the largest in Southeast Asia..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်အတွင်းတပ်စွဲထားတဲ့ စကစတပ်နဲ့ CDM မလုပ်တဲ့ပညာရေးဝန်ထမ်း ၁၂၆ ဦးကို လိုအပ်သလိုအရေးယူပေးဖို့ ကလေး တကသအဖွဲ့က PDF (Kalay), CDF နဲ့ ကလေးအခြေစိုက်ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များထံတောင်းဆိုခြင်း
Description: "သို့ ၁။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မဝောာ် (ကလေး) ၂။ CHINLAND DEFENSE FORCE (HEADQUARTERS) ၃။ ကလေးအခြေစိုက်ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များ ရက်စွဲ။ ။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁) ရက် အကြောင်းအရာ ။ ။ (၁) ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်အတွင်း မတရားကျူးကျော်ဝင်ရောက်ကာ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အအုံနှင့် ပစ္စည်းများကို လုယက်ဖျက်စီးသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား ထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူပေးရန်နှင့် (၂) သာထွန်းမောင်၊ ဝင်းမာ၊ ထားထားရီ၊ ယောဟန်ထွန်း အပါအဝင် ကျွန်ပညာရေးဝန်ထမ်း (၁၂၆) ဦးအား လိုအပ်သလိုအရေးယူပေးနိုင်ရန် အသိပေးတောင်းဆိုခြင်း။ (၁) သာထွန်းမောင်မှ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူပိုင် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ပရဝုဏ်အတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ ဝင်ရောက်တပ်စွဲစေကာ (က) မတ်လ (၁၂) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်းရှိ "CDM" ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်ပြီး နှုတ်ပိတ်ရန်ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုနေ့တွင်ပင် ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်း ဖြစ်လာသမျှပြဿနာများကို သူ (သာထွန်းမောင်) ကိုယ်တိုင် တာဝန်ယူပါမည်ဟု ကတိစကားများပြောဆိုခဲ့သည်။ (သာထွန်းမောင်ကိုယ်တိုင်ပြောဆိုခဲ့သည့် အသံဖိုင်နှင့်ဗီဒီယိုဖိုင်များ ယနေ့တိုင် မှတ်တမ်းအဖြစ် သိမ်းဆည်းထားပါသည်။) (ခ) နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် သာထွန်းမောင်ကိုယ်တိုင် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်အတွင်းရှိ "CDM" ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးကာ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ယာများမှ ပြောင်းရွှေ့စေခဲ့သည်။ (ဂ) ကျောင်းသားတို့၏ အိပ်ဆောင်များဖြစ်သည့် ဗန္ဓုလအဆောင်နှင့် အောင်ဇေယျအဆောင်ရှိ ကျောင်းသားပိုင်ပစ္စည်းများအား စစ်ကောင်စီအကြမ်းဖက်လက်ပါးစေတို့၏ ဖျက်ဆီးလုယူမှုကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြုကာ ခွင့်ပြုခဲ့သည်။ (ဃ) ထိုသို့လုပ်ရပ်များကို သာထွန်းမောင်ဘက်မှ တာဝန်သိစွာဖြေရှင်းပေးရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ "ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ၊ ဗဟိုအလုပ်မှုဆောင်အဖွဲ့" အနေနှင့် မေလ (၃) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် စာထုတ်ကာ အသိပေးပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ဒုတိယပါမောက္ခချူပ်အဖြစ် ခန့်အပ်ခဲ့သော ဒေါ်ဝင်းမာ (ရူပဗေဒဌာန) သည်လည်း ကျွန်ပါးဝစွာ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်း (၂၃၈) ဦးအား မေလ(၆)ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါရက်စွဲဖြင့် "ရာထူးမှယာယီဆိုင်းငံ့ကြောင်း" ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၃။ ထို့နည်းတူစွာ ကျွန်ဝန်ထမ်း ဒေါ်ထားထားလွင်ကလည်း ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်း (၂၃၂) ဦးအား ၊မေလ(၂၀)ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါရက်စွဲဖြင့် "ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ကြောင်းစာ" ကို စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန်ခံကာ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၄။ ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူတို့နှင့်ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး စစ်ဖိနပ်လျက်ပြီး လက်ရှိကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်သစ္စာခံကာ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေသော ယောဟန်ထွန်းနှင့် အပေါင်းအပါ (၁၂၆) ဦးတို့အား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်းကာ ၎င်းတို့၏ ရာထူးကိစ္စအဝဝကို တာဝန်ယူမည်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်ပါ (ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၁၅/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့်၊ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ယာယီတက္ကသိုလ်အုပ်ချူပ်ရေးကောင်စီမှ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ ဩဂုတ်လ (၁၅) ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်တွင် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်‌ပရဝုဏ် အတွင်းရှိ ကျေင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ အားထားရသော "ဆရာချစ်မိတ္တူကူးဆိုင်" အား ကျောင်းဝန်းအတွင်းတပ်စွဲထားသည့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေတို့မှ ဝင်ရောက်ကာ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၆။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်မှစ၍ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်တို့ကြောင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင် ကိုအာကာသူအောင်(ခ) Salai Tluang Tin Lain@LianTeအပါအဝင် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအာဇာနည်တို့၏သွေးများ မြေခခဲ့ရသည်မှာ ယနေ့တိုင် မခြောက်သေးပေ။ ထို့အပြင် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ဝင် ကိုဇင်မင်းထက်အပါအဝင် ကျောင်းသားပြည်သူတို့သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မတရားအကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ယနေ့တိုင် အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရသည်မှာ မိဘပြည်သူများ မျက်မြင်အသိပင်ဖြစ်ပေသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ (၁) ပြည်သူ့အခွင့်အာဏာအပ်နှင်းခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား "ဖိအားပေးနှင်ထုတ်ခြင်း၊ ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းခြင်း၊ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း" များပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော စစ်အုပ်စုသစ္စာခံများနှင့် အပေါင်းအပါကျွန်ဝန်ထမ်း (၁၂၆) ဦးတို့အား လူကြီးမင်းတို့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအသီးသီးတို့မှ လိုအပ်သလိုအရေးယူမှုများ ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ပါရန်နှင့် (၂) အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ပုရဝုဏ်အတွင်း တပ်စွဲထားသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား ထိရောက်သောအရေးယူတုံ့ပြန်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ပေးပါရန် လူကြီးမင်းတို့၏အဖွဲအစည်းများအား ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသား၊ကျောင်းသူများနှင့် ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ အသိပေးတင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။ ကလေးတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမ္မဂ..."
Source/publisher: Kalay University Students' Union
Date of publication: 2021-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Joint Statement on Rohingya Genocide Day
Description: "Today, 25 August, marks four years since our people fled genocidal attacks by Myanmar security forces in Arakan State also known as Rakhine State, Myanmar in 2017. Today, 25 August, is the fourth Anniversary of the Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day. We mark this day so that all future generations of Rohingya will know what happened to our people. We the undersigned organizations, remember, mourn, and call for accountability for the atrocity crimes committed by the Myanmar security forces including genocide and crimes against humanity. The Myanmar security forces killed, raped, and burned our villages trying to destroy us. The attacks led to the exodus of nearly one million Rohingya to Bangladesh, where we now live in sprawling and overcrowded refugee camps. On 1 February 2021, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Myanmar military overthrew the elected Government of Myanmar in a coup. The military and police have since killed more than 1,000 men, women, and children- p rimarily peaceful protesters- a nd imprisoned several thousand others for opposing the junta's rule. The junta that controls the country is the same military junta that led genocidal attacks against our people and now are committing human rights violations against the whole country. Rohingya are still at grave risk in Rakhine State where the junta commits crimes with impunity. The military continues to confine thousands of Rohingya to internment camps and Rohingya are still denied citizenship, freedom of movement, and other basic human rights. We are citizens of Myanmar and support the resistance movement against the junta including the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) the National Unity Government (NUG), and all people working for democracy and human rights. We support the international community and the NUG's commitment for international justice including at the International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice, and through the universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. However, we call on the NUG to expand on its Rohingya policy and appoint a Rohingya minster and other Muslim leaders. We call on United Nations member states to impose targeted sanctions against the Myanmar military and work to end impunity in the country. United Nations have been slow to show coordinated action to hold preparators accountable for crimes. We support the International Court of Justice genocide case at the World Court. We the undersigned organisations, call on governments around the world including the United States, United Kingdom, and others to make a clear genocide determination about the crimes committed against Rohingya. We Rohingya are still living in overcrowded and sprawling refugee camps. We thank the Bangladesh government for welcoming us to the country and providing us safety. We long to return home to Myanmar. Four years on, we will work to be able to return to our homeland as citizens, to build a country that ensures justice and rights for people regardless of race, religion, or ethnicity..."
Source/publisher: Champions of Change, Education & Wisdom Development for Rohingya Women , Rohingya Refugee Committee , Rohingya Women Education Initiative, Rohingya Youth for Legal Action, Rohingya Youth Unity Team, Voice of Rohingya, Rohingya Student Union
Date of publication: 2021-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Labour Order No.2/ 2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အမိန့်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁)ကို အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁) ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဝါခေါင်လပြည့်ကျော် ၁၀ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ရက် ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အလုပ်သမား ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ ၂၂ ရက်စွဲပါ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီကို စိတ်ရောကိုယ်ပါ ထောက်ခံပူးပေါင်းပြီး၊ ဌာနတူဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိနှိပ်သူများကို အရေးယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း ဖော်ပြထုတ်ပြန်ထားပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM)တွင် ပါဝင်ကာ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ ဖိအားပေး၍ ချက်ချင်း ဖယ်ရှားစေခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပေးဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာထားသည့် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း ချေးငွေများအား ပြန်လည်ပေးသွင်းရန် အဓမ္မဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ရှေးဦးစုံစမ်းမှု(PE) နှင့် ဌာနဆိုင်ရာစစ်ဆေးမှု(DE) များ ပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် တမင်နှိပ်ကွပ်၍ လှုပ်ရှားမှုမှတ်တမ်းတို့အား ရယူဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း တို့အပြင် အခြားဖိနှိပ်မှုများနှင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုမျိုးစုံ ပြုလုပ်ကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရား ပုံမှန်လည်ပတ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တက်ကြွစွာ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသူ ဝန်ထမ်းများအား မိမိတို့ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် စက်ဆုတ်စွာ ရှုံ့ချပါသည်။ ၃။ မိမိတို့ လုပ်ဖော်ကိုင်ဖက်များအပေါ် ရန်ဖက်သဖွယ် သ‌ဘောထားကာ ဓမ္မနှင့် အဓမ္မ ကိုပင် ဆင်ခြင်သုံးသပ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိဘဲ အထက်ဖော်ပြပါဖိနှိပ်မှုမျိုးစုံကို တိုက်ရိုက်ဖြစ်စေ၊ သွယ်ဝိုက်၍ဖြစ်စေ ကျူးလွန်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ၊ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်း(၆၅)ဦးအား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist)သွင်း၍ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်ကာ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပယ်(Dismiss)လိုက်သည်- နိုင်သုဝဏ္ဏ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် စာအမှတ်။ ၇/၁-စီမံ/၂၀၂၁(၀၀၂) ရက်စွဲ။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ရက် ဖြန့်ဝေခြင်း နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတရုံး ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံး ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးဌာနအားလုံး..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Labour
Date of publication: 2021-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: POSITION STATEMENT ON KNU MINISTER SHWE MAUNG’S LETTER OF 24 AUGUST 2021
Description: "1. On the 24th of August 2021, KNU Minister Saw Shwe Maung issued a letter to the Karen Military Brigades, Battalions, and Township Administration Offices. The subject letter advised that the Burmese Coup Military and Border Guard Force (BGF) would be entering the Karen liberated areas, to conduct unwarranted searches for those who identified as members of the People’s Defence Forces (PDF) and National Unity Government (NUG). 2. On the 19th of August 2021, Myanmar Military Coup Council’s Deputy General Soe Win attended at the Burmese Military Brigade 44 stationed in Thaton District to command the advancement of the major offensive on the Karen National Union (KNU). This resulted in the Burmese Military and BGF troops entering the KNU controlled areas with forced violence. 3. Upon attack, Karen villagers were threatened to vacant their homes within two days, when the offensive would be increased. The KNU has since reported there being more than 81 army clashes between its troops and the opposing BGF and Burmese Military, ascending within Thaton District, Taungoo District, Nyaunglebin Township, and Papun District, since the 1st of August 2021. 4. Notwithstanding Minister Shwe Maung’s repeated assertion that (as their representative) the KNU’s underlying objective is to succeed in negotiation by way of political solution rather than the Myanmar Military’s violent approach, his actions and blatant disregard for the present situation of the Karen has been to the contrary; further disdaining the genuine efforts of the democratic forces (including NUG and PDF) to end military rule and rebuild the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. The Minister’s ill-intentions are evident in his cooperating with the Myanmar Military’s scheme for illegitimate control of the liberated areas and people. 5. Pursuant to the KNU Media Release of the 2nd February 2021, the Myanmar Military Coup has been strongly condemned, along with the Myanmar Police forces for their excessive violence against peaceful civilian protestors. The KNU has since allied with the entire population of Myanmar standing against the Coup in striving to transition to a democratic Burma. 6. The KNU’s condemnation of the Military Coup has been reaffirmed by the bodies which are also signatories to the Nationwide Cease Fire (NCA). These bodies have collectively undertaken to suspend their involvement in the National Peace Conference with the Myanmar Military junta for as long as the Coup persists. In expressing their full support for the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), the signatories have also confirmed their intent to assist the CDM by all means necessary, alongside the democratic forces within Burma, abroad, and the International Community. 7. The premise upon which Minister Shwe Maung’s letter of the 24th of August 2021 is based, together with his misconduct in cooperating with the Myanmar Military Coup, contradicts the principled objectives of the Karen National Union and their above-mentioned Media Release, entirely. 8. The Minister’s cooperation with the advancement of the Military Coup’s offensive including their plan to arrest and detain members of democratic forces, whilst assaulting any civilian who is seen to be in support of such, would constitute as crimes against humanity and war crimes, and deemed to be breaches of Articles 3 and 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 9. Despite being issued an order for provisional measures by the International Court of Justice to prevent genocidal acts, the Myanmar Military junta has continued to commit crimes against humanity. In assisting the junta and representing the KNU, Minister Saw Shwe Maung’s intentions and actions evidently misrepresent the founding principles of the Karen National Union on a global scale. The Australian Karen Organisation Inc. continues to encourage the KNU, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) in working with PDF, Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), CDM, NUG (all inclusive of domestic and international democratic forces) to end the Myanmar Military rule, and strive for the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Australian Karen Organisation
Date of publication: 2021-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Soldiers detain relatives of 79-year-old former NLD chief minister who took up arms against the junta
Sub-title: Junta focus raided Mahn Johnny’s home after a photo of him posing with a large rifle was published on Facebook
Description: "Soldiers raided the home of former National League for Democracy (NLD) regional chief minister Mahn Johnny on Sunday and detained his relatives after a Facebook page released a photo of him holding a large rifle and wearing military fatigues. The 79-year-old, who has announced he will fight against the junta after receiving training in a rebel-held area of Karen State, told Myanmar Now last week that the February 1 military coup was a “heinous crime” that must be combatted. A group of around 20 soldiers from the 36th Light Infantry Battalion arrived at his home in Kyonpyaw, Ayeyarwady Region on Sunday afternoon accompanied by police and village informants. ​​ They briefly detained his son at a police station and have told his family they are not allowed to leave their home. They also confiscated three mobile phones and a car, a woman close to the family told Myanmar Now. “His family and friends here are worried,” she said. “The military warned all the family members not to go anywhere and to report to them if they need to go somewhere.” Soldiers also raided the local Nazareth Catholic Church near his home on the same evening, a man who lives in Kyonpyaw said. Locals said that five of Mahn Johnny’s relatives live in the house; two sons, two daughters-in-law and a grandchild. Tun Shwe, a deputy police chief in Ayeyarwady, said his force was unaware of Sunday’s incident. Security in Kyonpyaw has been tightened over the past two days, with soldiers manning checkpoints around the town, the Kyonpyaw resident said. “They are doing security checks in the middle of the town and also at the town’s exit,” he said. “We have never experienced anything like this before.” Mahn Johnny represented the NLD in the general elections of 1990, 2015 and 2020, as well as in the 2012 by-elections – he won his seat on all four occasions. He served as the chief minister of Ayeyarwady Region for three years until 2018, when he resigned for health reasons. On Saturday he told Myanmar Now that he had decided to take up arms against the military dictatorship. “We will win once the people unite,” he said. “This is the endgame.”..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ဥပဒေအထောက်အကူပြုကွန်ရက်၏ထောက်ခံတင်ပြချက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ က NUG အား မြန်မာနိင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်သည့် အခြေအနေများနှင့် လိုအပ်ချက်များ
Description: "အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်သည့် အခြေအနေများ (၁) အစိုးရ၏ အဓိပ္ပါယ် လူ့သမိုင်းတွင် အစိုးရဟူ၍စတင်ပေါ်လာသည့် အချိန်ကထဲက ယနေ့အထိ အစိုးရ၏အရင်းခံအကျဆုံး တာဝန်မှာ ပြည်သူလူထု၏လုံခြုံမှု ကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များက ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်ပြစ်မှုကြီးများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အဆင့်ကပင် တရားဝင်နည်းလမ်းတကျ စွပ်စွဲထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်ကောင်စီအာဏာသိမ်းသည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ လ (၁) ရက်နေ့ ကစ၍လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ဆက်တိုက်ဆို သလိုပင် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့်ပြင်းထန်သည့် ပြစ်မှုကြီးများ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်ဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်ကောင်အဆင့်သို့ ကျရောက်နေ ပြီဖြစ်သော အဆိုပါစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား ကုလသမဂ္ဂ နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လုံးဝ အသိအမှတ် မပြုသင့်ပါ။ NUG သည် ယင်းနှင့်ပြောင်းပြန်ပင် လူထုကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်နိုင်ရန် ဘက်ပေါင်းစုံမှနေ၍ ကြိုးစားလျက်ရှိသည်။ (၂) အစိုးရတရပ်၏ တရားဝင်မှုအဓိပ္ပါယ် ကမ္ဘာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေငြာစာတမ်း၏ အပိုဒ် (၂၀) ပုဒ်ခွဲ (၃)1 တွင် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒသည် အစိုးရအာဏာ၏ အခြေခံဖြစ်ရမည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဆန္ဒကို ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်္ဘာလ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် အတိအလင်းဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းကို ဆန့်ကျင်၍ စစ်ကောင်စီက အာဏာ သိမ်းခဲ့သောအခါတွင်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီကို လက်မခံကြောင်းငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုကြီးဖြင့် လူဦးရေသန်းနှင့်ချီကာ တပြည်လုံးနီးပါးမျှ လွှမ်းခြုံဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ကြသည်။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ပြည်သူလူထုက အနေအထား နှစ်ခုလုံးတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ဆန္ဒကို ထုတ်ဖော်ခဲ့ပါလျက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက အသိအမှတ်မပြုပါက ကုလသမဂ္ဂသည်လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာသည်လည်းကောင်း ကမ္ဘာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေငြာစာတမ်းကို ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ ယင်းသို့မဖြစ်သင့်။ စစ်ကောင်စီကို လုံး၀ အသိအမှတ်မပြုသင့်ပါ။ ပြည်သူလူထု အများစုကြီးဆန္ဒအရ ထောက်ခံမှုရရှိထားသော NUG ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်ပါသည်။2 (၃) အစိုးရတရပ်ရပ်ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့်မသင့်အား ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို အထောက်အကူပြုသည့် ဘက်မှနေ၍ စဉ်းစားသင့်ခြင်း ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကိုဦးတည်ပြီး ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အခြေခံမူများအား လေးစားသည့် အခြေခံမှနေ၍ နိုင်ငံများအတွင်း ဆက်ဆံရေးတည်ဆောက်စေရန်မှာ ကုသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အရေးကြီး သည့်အခြေခံမူတရပ်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တောင်အာဖရိကနိုင်ငံတွင် လူဖြူလူမဲခွဲခြားမှုစနစ်ကို ကျင့်သုံးထားသော ၁၉၈၃ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံ ဥပဒေသည် ကုလသမဂ္ဂပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အခြေခံမူများနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ကြောင်းဖြင့် ၁၉၈၄ ခုနှစ်တွင်ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီက ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အမှတ် ၅၅၄ ဖြင့် ပျက်ပြယ်ကြောင်း ကြေငြာခဲ့ရသည်။3 စစ်အာဏာ ရှင်စနစ်ကို ကျောရိုးပြုထားသည့် ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေသည်လည်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်း၏ အခြေခံမူများနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခြင်းခံရသည့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) က ၂၀၀၈ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံကို ပယ်ဖျက်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေသစ်တရပ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရေးကို ဦးတည်ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်သူများတွင် တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့် ကိုလည်း အာမခံထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ CRPH/NUG သည် ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို ဦးတည်သည့်လမ်းကြောင်းကို လျှောက်လှမ်းနေကြောင်းထင်ရှားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အခိုင်အမာအသက်သွင်းထားသည့် ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ဆက်လက်အသုံးပြုပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပေါင်းစုံ ပြည်သူလူထုကြီးတရပ်လုံးကို ဆက်လက်ဖိနှိပ်လျက် ရှိသော အကြမ်းဘက်အဖွဲ့ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို ဦးတည်သည့်လမ်းကြောင်းမှ သွေဖည် လျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလိုက်မည်ဆိုပါက နိုင်ငံတနိုင်ငံအတွင်း အကြမ်းဘက်သည့် အဆင့်မှနေ၍ နိုင်ငံတကာအကြမ်းဘက်အဖွဲ့အဆင့်သို့ တက်သွားပါမည်။ကမ္ဘာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်း ရေးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်သည့် အဆင့်သို့ရောက်လာနိုင်ပါသည်။ (၄) နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ စံချိန်စံညွန်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ၊ နိုင်ငံ တကာလူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားသည့်ဥပဒေ နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေများ အတည်ပြု ကျင့်သုံးခွင့်ရစေရန် တာဝန်ရှိခြင်း NUG နှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီနှစ်ခုအနက် မည်သူ့ကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုသင့် ကြောင်းအား အထက်ပါအခြေခံမှ ရှေးဦးစွာလေ့လာရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာ အဆင့်ပြင်းထန်ကြီးမားသော ပြစ်မှုကြီးများကျူးလွန်သူများအား ခွင့်လွှတ်၍မရ၊ အရေးယူရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ၏ စံချိန်စံညွှန်း (Peremptory norms/ jus cogen ) လူတိုင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတိုင်း လိုက်နာကြရမည့် တာဝန် (Erga omnes ) ကို နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် သတိပြုစေလိုပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီအဖြစ် အာဏာ မသိမ်းမှီ နှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်းတွင်ပါ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်(တပ်မတော်)၏ ထိပ်ပိုင်းခေါင်းဆောင် များသည်ပြစ်မှု ကြီးများအား ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြောင်းထင်ရှားပါသည်။ အာဏာမသိမ်းမှ ီ ရှေ့ပိုင်းတွင်ကျူးလွန ် ခဲ့သောပြစ်မှုကြီးများ အတွက် ကမ္ဘာ့တရားရုံး ICJ တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အမှုရင်ဆိုင်ရလျက်ရှိပြီး4 နိုင်ငံတကာပြစ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံး ICC တရားစွဲအရာရှိကလည်း တရားဝင်စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေး (Investigation) လုပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။5 ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက စစ်ကောင်စီအား တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အတည်ပြုလိုက်ပါ က ရာဇဝတ်ကောင်ကို သူတော်စင်အနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလိုက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ အထက်ပါ နိုင်ငံတကာ ဥပဒေများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာစံချိန်စံညွန်းများအား ပျက်ရယ်ပြုရာလည်းရောက်ပါမည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေ ကော်မရှင်က ပြဌာန်းပေးပြီး ကမ္ဘာ့တရားရုံး ICJ ကပင် လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးလျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အဆင့်မှားယွင်းသောပြုမူမှုများအတွက်နိုင်ငံများ၏ တာဝန်ရှိမှု ပြဌာန်းချက်အား6 ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကိုယ်တိုင်က ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ ICC အနေဖြင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ICJ အနေဖြင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် မှုုခင်းကြီးများရှုံးနိမ့်စေရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက သက်သေခံပစ္စည်းများအား ဖျောက်ဖျက်နိုင် ခြေကို နိုင်ငံတကာက အားပေးလိုက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့် တရားရုံးကြီးများ၏ လုပ်ငန်းများ ကို ပံ့ပိုးပေးရာမရောက်ဘဲ၊ နှောက်ယှက်ရာရောက်ပါမည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီအား တရားဝင်အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လုံးဝ အသိအမှတ်မပြုသင့်ပါ။..."
Source/publisher: Legal Aid Network
Date of publication: 2021-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
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Title: ‘I can’t betray our people at this age’ — Elderly Karen politician takes up arms against the junta
Sub-title: The Spring Revolution signifies a ‘knockout fight’ between the people and the military, says Mahn Johnny, who, at nearly 80 years old is still committed to winning
Description: "Former Ayeyarwady Region Chief Minister Mahn Johnny represented the National League for Democracy (NLD) in four elections, from 1990 until 2020. He won a parliamentary seat every time. On Saturday, the Dawkalu Network Facebook page published photos of Mahn Johnny wearing army fatigues and holding a loaded rifle, stating that he had joined others across the country in taking up arms against the junta that seized power in the February 1 military coup. Myanmar Now spoke with the nearly 80-year-old ethnic Karen politician about his thoughts on the anti-dictatorship movement. Following this interview and the earlier release of the photos, Mahn Johnny’s home was raided on Sunday by around 20 junta soldiers, who briefly detained his son and allegedly seized property including a car. Myanmar Now: Almost seven months after the military coup, we are seeing a photo of you holding a gun. What is your role in the movement? Mahn Johnny: We cannot accept the coup because it is a heinous crime. I will openly and boldly say that I will continue fighting against this injustice, because that is what I believe in. MN: Do you believe the movement will succeed? MJ: I believe that we will achieve 100 percent success, because we are on the right side. They have seized power unjustly. Since the day of the military coup, the people have been protesting to express how much they are suffering, but the junta shot them dead. In the past, the 1988 pro-democracy uprising ended in failure because people could not see video footage of the crackdowns until one or two weeks after it had happened. Now we can see it almost immediately. I am a representative of the Upper House, elected by the citizens. I am 80 years old now. I cannot betray our people at this age. Even if the military does not kill me, I will die. I always meditate on the fact that I could die at any time. They [the military leaders] will also die—they are mortal, too. If they earned the people’s respect, adoration and love, they might be elected to government, too. MN: How do you keep up your morale at this age? MJ: It's strange. I was not in good enough health in February to go to Parliament [as planned]. At that time, people had to help me even to get out of bed. When I arrived in Naypyitaw [before the coup], I needed to fill out a form, but I could not even hold a pen. Yet now, because I exercise regularly, I can run again. All of those previous illnesses seem to be gone. I do not know what happened. I am not even taking any medication. During my tenure as Chief Minister, I was in three car accidents, but I did not die. I suffered from one disease after another. Now I am very healthy. I can run—anyone who is the same age as me who wants to race me can come and try! MN: PDFs—People's Defence Forces—have been formed. We have heard that they have links to ethnic armed organisations. How connected are these revolutionary forces in their struggle to overthrow the military dictatorship? MJ: The links between groups are not new. The connections have been established since the [anti-coup] strike began. I will continue my fight whether we win or lose. Even if they do not kill us, many people have died from Covid-19, suffering. Some people will die in battle. Every mortal will die. So we have to work for the people every day. Now, I am 80, so it is near the end of my life. I have already chosen how I will live during the last days of my life. I will never betray the people because it is the people who have elected me. MN: The NLD often spoke of the principle of national reconciliation, but the military staged a coup. Has national reconciliation been damaged? MJ: There must be an army, but we do not want a military dictatorship. We must get rid of it. Frankly, this is a knockout fight. They will attack us and we will attack them. If they win, they will take it all. If we win, we will take it. They have one of the most powerful armies in Southeast Asia. But the people are revolting against that powerful army. Are they able to control us now? Have they won? Think about it. Who gave birth to these soldiers? Farmers and workers—the citizens gave birth to them. So, why are they killing their people? That’s what we cannot accept. MN: Is the coup going to lead to an unfortunate end for the military leaders? As a veteran politician and former chief minister, what do you think? MJ: That's a very good question. The people need to be involved. If the people are involved, we will be able to get rid of [the junta]. They are shooting at anyone, so the people now feel that they are just unruly gunmen. They can no longer win the hearts of the people. They are losing. The military should treat the citizens as if the citizens were their father and mother. If they would accept that they must serve the people, everything would be all right. But now we are in a boxing ring. We will have to knock them out. MN: What would you like to say about the pretext of electoral fraud that the military coup was based on? MJ: We do not accept it at all. In the electoral commissions, there are a lot of people from [the military’s] side, including secretaries. They told us to check the voter lists. We checked the voter lists three times, carefully. If they were not satisfied with the lists, they could have cancelled the voter lists [before the election]. They could have called off the election by saying that some areas were unstable. But they did not. Only when we had won the election did they seize power and say it was because the voter lists were incorrect. After the election results were announced to the world, it was ridiculous to say that the election was rigged. MN: What message do you want to give to the people involved in the Spring Revolution? MJ: I was a student who participated in the July 7 Uprising [in 1962]. In 1988, I was an assistant township education officer. Looking back on all of this, were my 80 years of life full of thorns? We can see clearly who planted those thorns, so I will continue doing what I need to do. Citizens, please support us because we will continue working for you. We must win. MN: Is there anything else you would like to say? MJ: I want to tell the citizens that with their cooperation, we can win it all. They have a key role. They are our father and mother. If the citizens are involved [in the pro-democracy movement], we will win. This is a knockout fight. If [the military] does not lose, we will lose. If we do not lose, they will lose. This interview was edited for clarity and brevity..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG: Announcement No.14/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁) အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း
Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁) ++++++++++++++++++++++++ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဝန်ထမ်းအသစ်များခန့်ထားမှုနှင့် ရာထူးတိုးမြှင့်မှုများမှာ တရားမဝင်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် For more- https://monrec.nugmyanmar.org..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.28/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၂၈/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂၈/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၃၁) ရက် အသိအမှတ်ပြုကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း (ကျန်ရှိသော စာရင်းများကို နောက်နေ့ရက်များတွင် ဆက်လက်ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-31
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Title: Atrocious Myanmar Military at Risk of Splitting: Army Defectors
Description: "With a record-breaking number of defections unmatched in nearly six decades and brewing discontent among the ranks against their superiors, Myanmar’s more than 300,000-strong military is now at risk of splitting, according to some ex-army officers who have deserted their units recently. Currently, around 2,000 soldiers and police have joined the country’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a nationwide boycott by Myanmar civil servants against the regime following their takeover in February. Many more are in the pipeline and out of the current 2,000 defectors, one-third are military personnel, said the officers who have joined the CDM as they are not pleased with the country’s military regime. Though the number of defections is small for now, it is unprecedented in Myanmar’s military history going back to 1962 when the then dictator Ne Win staged a coup and consolidated the country’s armed forces. Some soldiers protested against the army during pro-democracy uprisings in 1988 but the number at the time was far less significant. So, it’s worth asking why so many are doing so now. “[Under the regime] people are ashamed to be soldiers, to attend the Defense Services Academy or to join the military. This is a very sad thing for the future of the military” said one of the officers, Captain Nyi Thuta. After graduating in 2010 from the 52th Intake of the Defence Services Academy, he served at his base in Naypyitaw until the coup. When he learned about the takeover, he felt Myanmar was heading into a dark age. When the junta escalated its nationwide deadly crackdowns on peaceful protesters who were against their rule in March, the captain left his unit. He said “You can’t kill people who express their views.” The regime’s brutality has shocked the world. They shot dead more than 100 people in a single day in March. They have sprayed bullets in residential areas. During raids, they have indiscriminately killed people, including children as young as 6. Arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings by the soldiers persist. As of Thursday, the junta had killed 1,019 people during their crackdowns, raids, arrests, interrogations, arbitrary killings and random shootings, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which is compiling the deaths and arrests since Feb. 1 coup. Another defector, Captain Lin Htet Aung, said what his fellow soldiers did during the crackdowns were totally contradictory to the codes of conduct they were supposed to follow. “They have changed into thugs with guns,” he said. As a result, people detested the military so much that it demoralized the men in uniform like never before. The regime’s atrocities against protesters became an immediate push factor for some military personnel to join the CDM as they have become more aware of the true colors of the military junta, which has been committing atrocities and murdering its own people. Sergeant Yin Lei Lei Tun used to be proud of being a soldier. But her faith in the armed forces she joined in 2016 was lost with the coup when she saw the junta’s atrocities against peaceful anti-regime protesters. So she joined the CDM in April after defecting from her military base in Yangon Region. “After the coup, I feel insecure about being a soldier, as people hate the military. Our military is also doing the wrong thing” said the sergeant. Currently, about 5 to 10 junta soldiers have been defecting from the military daily, according to the People’s Soldier group, a Facebook page co-founded by Captain Nyi Thuta to provide assistance to striking soldiers and to persuade more military personnel to leave their barracks to join the CDM. Most of the soldiers who have joined the CDM are privates and sergeants. Officers ranking from lieutenants to majors account for around 100. The Myanmar military has been notorious for attacking its own people rather than protecting them. Its atrocities like arbitrary killings, arrests and looting in ethnic areas are internationally well known. The coup in 2021 and follow-up atrocities have worsened its already tarnished reputation while pushing its leadership into a corner, as they are facing growing armed resistance in both urban and rural areas, forcing coup leader Min Aung Hlaing to admit he couldn’t fully control the country yet. Then they face another big blow: defections by their subordinates who detest their bosses’ actions. Captain Nyi Thuta said the image of the military is now the worst in history, as more military personnel are realizing that the reputation of the military and soldiers have been totally shattered. “So, this momentum [of defections] is going to grow. The sure thing is that the time has come for the people and people’s soldiers to unite,” he said. Cracks in the military Everyone familiar with Myanmar politics knows it is hard to imagine that change in Myanmar can come about without the involvement of some men within the military, which has remained the country’s most powerful institution since 1962. Now with defections growing like never before, Captian Nyit Thuta said the military has potential to split into two groups: those who want to inherit the bad legacy of the military and others who don’t want to do so. “Anyone defecting said they want to be people’s soldiers—professionals who protect the people. They don’t want to hand over the institution’s bad legacy to their juniors,” he said. Another defecting military official, Captain Lin Htet Aung, also realized they were working for the coup leaders who put their personal benefits before the country or the military institution itself. The captain, who graduated from the 54th Intake of the Defense Services Academy, left the military barracks in Shan State a few months after the February coup after seeing the regime’s atrocities against unarmed peaceful anti-coup demonstrators and civilians. Later he formed the People’s Embrace group to help military personnel who want to defect. “We are seeing cracks in the military. There are many injustices in posting and other human rights violations that create discontent among the ranks against their superiors. So, the military could face a split,” said Captain Lin Htet Aung. For examples, he explained, some military troops have been unfairly posted on the frontline for years while others who have good connections with people upstairs are being posted in safe areas like Naypyitaw, he added. International and local observers are convinced that the military institution must split up in order to restore the path to democracy in Myanmar, as there is a lack of effective actions by the UN and international organizations and neither the armed resistance of the people nor the ethnic armed groups can defeat the junta. Captian Lin Htet Aung also agreed with the point that without the split within the military, it’s unlikely democracy will be restored. “Years-long bad habits [like corruption] and systems [like oppression] are deeply rooted in the military. We also need to fight to force those ingrained bad habits out in order to restore democracy. So, the institution needs to split up” he added. In an attempt to encourage more defections, Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG) on Monday issued a statement urging military personnel to join the CDM by promising to keep not only their original positions and pension allowances, but also their safety. It also said that security forces personnel who left the military barracks can join the federal union army and police forces reformed by the NUG. Meanwhile, people’s reception of defecting soldiers has been quite encouraging, Captain Nyi Thuta said. Both the People’s Soldiers and People’s Embrace groups are now able to support the striking soldiers due to donations made by the public. “They now realize that people just hate soldiers who support the institution that oppresses them with guns. They know now that you will be showered with love once you are no longer affiliated with them,” he said. For most defectors from the military, they believe that only a split within the military itself will bring about a radical change for the armed forces to become the people’s military. Captain Lin Htet Aung said the armed forces can’t be changed even with the death of coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, as another would take his place. “To wipe out the deeply rooted bad habits and systems of the military, reform is the only way. It can only happen when it splits,” he said. “It could happen if we are more united.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment Notification No.2/2021 - စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာ (၂/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်စေရေးတို့အတွက် အလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေပြီး CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ တရားစွဲဆို ခြင်းနှင့် အမျိုးမျိုးသောဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်နေသော အောက်ဖော်ပြပါဝန်ထမ်းများအား အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်း လိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်။ တင်ထွန်းနိုင် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-08-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: More than 100 prisoners died at the hands of the military council - စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲ သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ကျဉ်း ၁၀၀ ကျော်ရှိ
Sub-title: စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုံလောက်စွာ မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ရှိနေသည်ဟု AAPP က ဆိုသည်
Description: "စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲတွင် သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၁၀ ရှိကာ ဖမ်းဆီးစဉ် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသဖြင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများနှင့်အတူ ဆေးကုသခွင့် ကောင်းစွာမရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) က ဆိုသည်။ ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ကျော်မှာ အကျဉ်းသားအခွင့်အရေးမရရှိဘဲ နှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး သေဆုံးရသူများဖြစ်ကာ အများစုမှာ အရပ်သားများဖြစ်ကြပြီး အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) ပါတီဝင် ၇ ဦး၊ ဆရာဝန်နှစ်ဦးနှင့် ကျောင်းဆရာသုံးဦးလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း AAPP စာရင်းများအရ သိရသည်။ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရမှုကြောင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူများ ရန်ကုန်၊ ပန်းဘဲတန်းမြို့နယ် NLD ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ အသက် ၅၈ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်မှာ မတ် ၆ တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက်တစ်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် မိသားစုကို အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်ကဲ့သို့ ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်းသေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးထိရှိကြောင်း AAPP က ပြုစုထားသည့် စာရင်းအရ သိရသည်။ တချို့ကို ကိုဗစ်နိုင်တင်းရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံရ၍ သေဆုံးသည်ဟုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းပြခဲ့သည်။ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများတွင် ဦးဇော်မြတ်လင်း၊ ကိုအေးကို၊ ကိုအောင်မြင့်လှိုင်(ခ) ကိုကျေး၊ ကဗျာဆရာ ခက်သီ ခေါ် ကိုဇော်ထွန်း၊ စိုးစံ၊ ကိုမင်းမင်း၊ ကိုမျိုးဇော်ဇော်၊ ဇေယျာလင်း၊ မိုင်နွမ်ဇာထျန်၊ ကိုဇော်ထက် (ခေါ်) ဆလိုင်းဗန်ထာကျုံ၊ ကိုဇင်ကိုထွန်း၊ သက်နိုင်ဦး၊ မျိုးမြင့်သန်း၊ ခင်မောင်ကြည်၊ ကိုထက်ဇော်လင်း(ခေါ်)) ဉာဏ်စူးတို့ သေဆုံးမှုကို Myanmar Now က အတည်ပြုကာ သတင်းရေးသားဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ရွာသူရွာသား ၂၆ ဦးမှာလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ အသတ်ခံရခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း ကျောင်းဖောက်ခွဲမှုသံသယဖြင့် အဖမ်းခံရသူတစ်ဦးဖြစ် သော ကိုမင်းမင်းဆိုသူမှာလည်း ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကျဆုံး၍ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်ချိန်တွင် အမှန်တရားပေါ်ပေါက်၍ ကျူးလွန်သူများ အပြစ်ခံရစေလိုကြောင်း၊ နစ်နာသူမိသားစုဝင်များကိုလည်း ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးစေလိုကြောင်း ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးတစ်ဦးက ပြောသည်။ “နိုင်ငံတကာက ဟိုပိတ်ပင် ဒီကန့်ကွက် အဲဒီလိုပြောတာ မဟုတ်ဘူး။ ကြိုးမိန့်ပေး၊ တန်းစင်တက်၊ ဒါပဲ လိုချင်တာ။ သူတို့အသက်တွေ ပေးဆပ်ရကျိုးနပ်ချင်တယ်” ဟု ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးဖြစ်သူက ဆိုသည်။ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ပခုက္ကူမြို့တွင်လည်း မတ်လအတွင်းက အသက် ၃၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးသုံးဦးမိခင် ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက်တွင် အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းက ဒူးထောက်တောင်းပန်ခဲ့သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် အလောင်းတွင် ဒဏ်ရာဒဏ်ချက်များ တွေ့ရှိရသည်ဟုလည်း ဒေသခံတစ်ဦးကို ကိုးကား၍ AAPP ၏ စာရင်းပြုစုချက်၌ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ရန်ကုန်၊ ရွှေပေါက္ကံမြို့သစ်နေ အသက် ၃၃ နှစ်အရွယ် အောင်ခန့် (ခေါ်) ပါခန့် ဆိုသူမှာလည်း အဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သည့်အပြင် အလောင်းကို ကျပ်သုံးသိန်းဖြင့် ရွေးယူခဲ့ရကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီလက်ချက်ဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသည့်ဖြစ်စဉ်များလည်း ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မင်းကင်းမြို့နယ် စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌဟောင်း အသက် ၅၀ အရွယ် ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီ (ခေါ်) ဖွားချိုမှာ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ထဲထဲဝင်ဝင်ပါဝင်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခံရကာ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (ခ) ဖြင့် တရားစွဲဆိုကာ မတ်လအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု ကောင်းစွာ မရသဖြင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၁ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီမှာ ဆီးချိုရောဂါနှင့် နှလုံးအားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် မင်းကင်းမြို့အချုပ်ခန်းတွင် ကွယ်လွန်သည်ဟု AAPP စာရင်းက ဆိုသည်။ NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ်အမှုဆောင်ကော်မတီဝင်နှင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့ဝင် အသက် ၇၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးဉာဏ်ဝင်းမှာလည်း အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် ကိုရိုနာဗိုင်းရပ်စ်ကူးစက်ခံခဲ့ရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု အားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၀ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် ဩဂုတ် ၂၆ ထိ သေဆုံးသူ ၁၀၁၉ ဦးရှိ ကာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ ၅၉၆၉ ဦး ရှိ​ကြောင်းလည်း AAPP က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ AAPP တာဝန်ရှိသူတစ်ဦးကမူ ၎င်းတို့၏ စာရင်းမှာ လက်လှမ်းမီသလောက်သာ ပြုစုထားခြင်းဖြစ်ကာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးကို မလွှမ်းခြုံနိုင်သဖြင့် အမှန်တကယ်သေဆုံးရသူမှာ စာရင်းထက်ပိုများရန်သာရှိပြီး မလျော့နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောသည်။ “တစ်ချိန်မှာ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိဖို့ဆိုရင် ဒီလိုအထောက်အထားတွေ မရှိဘဲနဲ့ ဘာမှလုပ်လို့ မရဘူး။ ဒီလို အထောက်အထားတွေ ရှိတော့မှ ဘယ်တုန်းက ဘယ်သူက ဘယ်လိုဖြစ်သွားတယ်။ ဘယ်သူက ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တယ်ဆိုတဲ့ဟာတွေ တကယ့် သက်သေသက္ကာယ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာနဲ့ လုပ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ၎င်းက Myanmar Now ကို ပြောသည်။ ယခင်က ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သည့် ၁၉၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံနှင့် ၂၀၀၇ ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး ဖြစ်စဉ်များတွင် ယခုကာလကဲ့သို့ သတင်းစီးဆင်းမှု မမြန်ဆန်ခြင်း၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရခက်ခဲခြင်းများကြောင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို သေချာ မှတ်တမ်းမတင်နိုင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ၂၀၂၁ တွင်မူ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်နှင့် လက်ချက်များကို သက်သေ၊ အချက်အလက် အတိအကျဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိတင်ပြနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်စုဆောင်းမည်ဟုလည်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းကလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများသည် လူမျိုးသုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု မြောက်သဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည်ဟု ဆိုသည်။ "အနာဂတ်မှာ နောက်တစ်ခါ ဒါမျိုး ဘယ်တော့မှမဖြစ်အောင် ပြင်ဆင်လျက်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းက ပြောသည်။..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: At Least 12 Civilians Killed by Myanmar Junta in Week
Description: "At least 12 civilians, including a 72-year-old man and 10-year-old boy, have been killed by junta forces in Myanmar in a week. On Thursday night, junta soldiers opened fire indiscriminately in 122nd Street near a market in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon Region, killing U Thein Min Tun, 42, a vendor, who was shot in the neck. His body was found in an alley and taken away by soldiers and returned to the family on Friday for a funeral. Pedestrians and vendors fled and residents said the unprovoked shooting was in response to taunts from drunken men. Soldiers also destroyed parked vehicles, residents said. At least three deaths were reported on Wednesday. Salai Van Bawi Thang, 10, was shot dead during gunfire by junta forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State. The incident happened amid a shootout with civilian defense forces on Wednesday evening. Van Bawi Thang was hit in the neck and other civilians were injured, news outlets reported. Ko Thet Naing Soe, a 29-year-old philanthropist living in Monywa, Sagaing Region, died in detention, less than 24 hours after being apprehended. He was detained on Tuesday and on Wednesday his mother was informed of his death, a resident told The Irrawaddy. Junta forces blamed COVID-19 for his death but his mother told the media that she found torture marks on his body, including cigarettes burns on his cheeks, blood in his ears and fatal head injuries. In Yangon, philanthropist Ko San Win Aung, 19, from the Kaung Hmu Saung Charity, was killed during military interrogation on Wednesday. He was detained under suspicion of involvement in a bomb blast at the General Administration Department in South Okkalapa Township on August 22. A source close to his family told The Irrawaddy that troops asked the family to pay to retrieve his body. As the family could not pay, the body has not been returned. Ko San Win Aung volunteered with his group to help the sick and needy during the COVID-19 surge. He was taken from the charity’s office. Ko Soe Paing, also known as Ko Kyaw Khaing Win, a private teacher from Thaketa Township, Yangon Region, was detained by junta forces on August 22 and the next day his family was informed of his death. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors fatalities and detention since the February coup, reported that Ko Min Aung of Kayan Township, Yangon Region, was tortured to death in detention on the day of his arrest. He was detained by junta troops on Tuesday while passing Kayan police station on a motorbike while returning from his mother’s house. Kan Htauk, 72, was kicked and punched to death on August 18 during a raid on Hnan Khar village in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region. He died on Saturday. Since the coup, at least 1,019 civilians have been killed by junta forces, according to the AAPP. The dead have included pedestrians, children, protesters, medics who helped the injured during crackdowns on protests and members of the National League for Democracy..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Anti-junta police force formed in Karenni State by striking police officials
Sub-title: Overseen by state-based anti-dictatorship groups, the police force is the first of its kind to form since the coup
Description: "An anti-junta police force was formed by hundreds of striking police officers based in Kayah (Karenni) State on Wednesday under the leadership of a regional consultative council. The Karenni State Police (KSP) consists of 320 police who defected from the military’s home affairs ministry after the February 1 coup, the Karenni State Consultative Council announced in a statement. Formed in April following deadly crackdowns on protesters by the coup regime’s armed forces, the council is comprised of elected lawmakers and representatives of political parties, ethnic armed organisations and civil society groups. Overseen by state-based anti-dictatorship groups, the police force is the first of its kind to form since military chief Min Aung Hlaing seized power from the elected civilian government on February 1. “We will be responsible for law enforcement. But for the time being, we will mainly focus on the security of the people,” a KSP spokesperson told Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity. “Our short term responsibility will be to help displaced locals and to provide security for those within our territory,” he added. Some members of the KSP will join the armed struggle against the military dictatorship, but representatives say that the institutional goal is to create a different type of police force than the one that has long served military interests in Myanmar. “As a long term vision, we aim to make it a model police force for others in the country,” he said. The KSP will operate at the township, district and state levels, with the highest attainable ranks for officers being police colonel and lieutenant colonel. In addition to the seven townships in Kayah State delineated by Myanmar’s previous governments, the KSP territory will include Pekon Township in southern Shan State, where there is a high ethnic Karenni population concentration. More than 200 police officers—the majority of those based in the Karenni region under the previous administration—refused to serve the coup regime after the military takeover and defected from the force in February and March in accordance with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). In addition to the striking police officials from within the region, some members of the newly-formed anti-junta police force are ethnic Karenni officers who had served in other parts of the country. “Most of them are natives of Karenni state. For me, I served in Bago Region but returned here after I joined the CDM. Some of them served in Yangon. Only a handful of them are from other regions and not from here,” the police spokesperson said. Karenni State is one of the first regions where resistance fighters took up arms against the military, seizing several police and military outposts in targeted attacks. The military—which suffered heavy casualties—launched major offensives in the region, including airstrikes. More than 100,000 locals have been displaced by the fighting, according to local estimates..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: More than a thousand killed in Myanmar as repression of activists continues unabated
Description: "Nearly seven months on following the coup, Myanmar remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to the ongoing repression of civic freedoms on the country by the military junta. On 27th July 2021, the military junta revoked the results of the 2020 general election, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, claiming the poll was “not free and fair” and “not in compliance with” the constitution and the law. On 1st August, junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing named himself prime minister and said emergency rule may now extend to August 2023. He also pledged to hold a "free and fair multi-party election" but also described the ousted NLD as "terrorists". On 4th August 2021, ASEAN finally appointed Erywan Yusof, the second foreign minister of Brunei Darussalam as its special envoy to Myanmar more than 100 days after the Southeast Asian bloc’s members agreed to send an emissary to help resolve the post-coup crisis there. Observers have greeted the appointment with scepticism. Myanmar civil society groups rejected the appointment and expressed “deep disappointment with ASEAN and their lack of inclusive decision-making process”, said a statement from 413 groups. More than a thousand civilians have been killed in Myanmar since the 1st February coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a human rights group that records killings by the junta. As of 18th August 2021, the NGO said 1,006 people had been killed since the junta seized power, triggering nationwide protests and a mass civil disobedience movement. Among those killed are more than 100 teenagers. Some were killed while troops suppressed protests, but others fell in random and unprovoked shootings. As of 23rd August, at least 5,821 political prisoners remain in detention according to the AAPP. On 31st July 2021, Human Rights Watch reported that Myanmar’s military junta had committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the coup. Apparent crimes against humanity include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts. Activists have mobilised ahead of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2021 when UN member states will select the country’s ambassador. The General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) launched the “Accept NUG, Reject Military” campaign in August 2021, which called on social media users to support the National Unity Government (NUG) and its UN Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun. The United Nations Secretary-General’s special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, said the junta had not responded to her request for talks as it tries to consolidate its rule. Over the last month, concerns have been raised by the UN around the situation of human rights defenders as arrests and attacks on activists continue. A new report shows the systematic targeting of healthcare workers. The crackdown on the media has continued with arrests and sentencing of journalists. Civil society groups criticise the exit of Norwegian telco, Telenor. Protests continued across the country, including in prisons by political prisoners. There were reports of attacks on protests by the junta. Association Terror campaign against human rights defenders On 19th July 2021, UN human rights experts expressed their concern for the situation of human rights defenders in Myanmar and called for a stronger international response to the military coup, including coordinated sanctions and an arms embargo against the junta by an “emergency coalition of nations”. The experts highlighted credible information they had received concerning human rights defenders being forced into hiding after having arrest warrants issued against them under section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Their homes were raided, their possessions seized, and family members threatened and harassed. Many others, unable to flee, have been arbitrarily arrested, including labour rights defenders and student activists. Lawyers representing people detained following the coup have themselves been detained, as have journalists covering the protests. Women have played a leading role in the protest and civil disobedience movement that has emerged in the country in response to the military's seizure of the State apparatus in February, and the experts expressed particular concern for the situation of women human rights defenders in the country. “The brute force terror campaign we are witnessing in Myanmar continues to be directed towards human rights defenders,” said Mary Lawlor, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, and Tom Andrews, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. “For years, human rights defenders have been doing essential work promoting human rights in the country,” Lawlor said. “Since the coup, and despite enforced internet blackouts along with difficulties accessing basic resources, especially for defenders forced into hiding or living in rural areas, they have been documenting the mass violations being perpetrated by the military. As a result, they have been targeted,” the expert said. Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by the junta. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city. The three who survived the jump - Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set and Poe Kyaw Kyaw - were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon. Tin Zaw, the father of Ye Min Oo, said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall but was beaten to death. A witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeing activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings. A police report circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling junta. A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was arrested by the military junta while driving near Mandalay University on 17th August. Plainclothes soldiers stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha, beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness. Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township that night. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan. Threats and attacks on healthcare workers A new report by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) in August 2021 found that there were at least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities and transport that have been perpetrated in Myanmar from 1st February to 31st July 2021 The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks. Health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. 190 health workers were arrested, 37 health workers were injured and 25 health workers killed. Hospitals were raided at least 86 times and occupied at least 55 times. The report also highlights that staff from the World Health Organisation (WHO), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international NGOs have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. There are reports that the junta is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees. The military junta has continued to arrest and prosecute journalists.Two journalists were arrested on 15th August 2021 at an apartment where they had been hiding in Yangon’s Bahan Township. Sithu Aung Myint, a Frontier Myanmar columnist and contributor to Voice of America, now faces a charge of sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code on top of an outstanding incitement charge. Sithu Aung Myint has been evading arrest since 24th April 2021, when the junta opened a case against him under section 505a for incitement. Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, has been charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for associating with the NUG, which the junta labels a terrorist group. According to Human Rights Watch on 27th July 2021, since the coup the junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505(a) of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” Those sentenced under section 505(a) are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison; Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years;Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years; Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years; and Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years. On 28th July 2021, the Committee to Protect Journalists published a report, “Bitter reversal: Myanmar military coup wipes out press freedom gains,” which found the country has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists. The broadened language of penal code 505(a) has effectively made independent journalism a crime. The threat of arrest has driven many news organisations to close their offices and forced journalists underground or into exile. Further complicating access to information and the ability to report, authorities have banned satellite media and imposed rolling restrictions on the internet. Journalists who spoke with CPJ said their colleagues behind bars have been subjected to abuse and torture; at least three have reported health problems. International reporting from Myanmar is also restricted. Few foreign journalists have been allowed access. Civil society groups criticise exit of Norwegian telco In a letter to Gunn Waersted, the chair of Telenor Group’s board, a group of 45 global and Myanmar human rights, media and other organisations called on Norway’s Telenor Group to halt the controversial sale of its Myanmar operation to the M1 Group, a Lebanese company with ties to Myanmar’s junta. The group included ALTSEAN-Burma, Free Expression Myanmar, Global Witness, PEN America, Justice for Myanmar and dozens of other international and Myanmar organisations. Saying they were “surprised and dismayed” by Telenor’s deal with M1, the organisations said Telenor had acted “without seeking the views of the civil society stakeholders with whom it previously significantly engaged on responsible business, including some of our undersigned organisations. Furthermore, there was no evidence that Telenor had undertaken the “credible assessment of potential adverse human rights impacts of disengagement” from Myanmar required under the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights. Telenor announced on 8th July 2021 that it had agreed to sell its Myanmar operations to M1, which was added to the Burma Campaign UK’s Dirty List in 2019 for doing business with the Myanmar military. Telenor confirmed that as part of the deal it would transfer the call records of its more than 18 million subscribers to the Lebanese company. Rights activists say allowing the junta to access such information would be dangerous, pointing out that phone subscribers in Myanmar must supply ID cards and addresses when registering SIM cards. Protests continued across the country in Yangon, Mandalay and other townships including by youth, workers and LGBTQI+ activists. On 28th July 2021, the junta shot three people, killing at least one, during a crackdown on an anti-coup demonstration in Mandalay. Around 20 people were taking part in a flash mob protest near the east gate of Mandalay’s famous Mahamuni pagoda when they suddenly came under attack. On 2nd August 2021 it was reported that a 22-year-old anti-coup protester in Mandalay, who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid, had died in military custody. Political prisoners inside Myanmar’s most notorious jail held a protest on 23rd July 2021, singing popular songs opposing the military government and chanting political slogans, according to nearby residents and video uploaded to social media. One video showed a street close to Insein Prison in Yangon with clear audio of voices shouting support for ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ousted President Win Myint. According to a lawyer representing some of those detained, the prisoners were demanding the release of all those held on political charges, an easing of prison regulations and medical treatment for those who have fallen sick amid spiralling cases of the coronavirus. A representative of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said: “We are concerned about torture and potential additional charges being filed against the political prisoners as a consequence if the protest is dubbed a prison riot. Such incidents happened under the previous military dictatorships” Following the incident at Insein Prison, prisoners at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region also protested, according to the AAPP. Anti-coup protesters mark 1988 uprising anniversary On 8th August 2021, protesters came out in cities across Myanmar to protest against the military junta and to mark the 33rd anniversary of an uprising against military rule that was violently put down. Protests took place across Myanmar, including the main cities of Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Mongwa and Myitkyina, according to local news reports. Protesters remembered the thousands of people, many of whom were students, who rose up against military rule in 1988. That uprising was crushed in a bloody crackdown. They also organised online campaigns, bringing people out dressed in red to show the eight-finger salute, which has become one of the symbols of the protest movement, and to hold banners saying: "Let's return the old blood debt of 1988 in 2021."..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of publication: 2021-08-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Over 400,000 Myanmar Civil Servants Still on Strike Against Military Regime
Description: "Over 400,000 civil servants have been on strike against the military regime since February, according to Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG). The NUG’s Planning and Finance Minister, U Tin Tun Naing, said on Tuesday that almost 410,000 government staff have “steadfastly joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) so far”. The exact number of civil servants in the country is unknown. Some estimates suggest that there are over one million government staff. By those figures, almost half of all state employees are on strike in protest at military rule. Since the junta’s February I coup, government workers ranging from directors to junior officers and clerks, and even some police and soldiers from the Home Affairs and Defense Ministries, have refused to work for the regime, preventing the junta from running the country properly. Many of the civil servants who are on strike have been sacked or threatened with arrest. Others are in hiding. The NUG, which was formed by the country’s elected lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy government and their ethnic allies, is trying to fund salaries for civil servants participating in the CDM, especially junior staff. The regime’s ability to govern has been hit hard by the CDM. At the end of February, coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing decried the fact that nearly one-third of Myanmar’s 1,262 public hospitals had been unable to function for nearly three weeks because so many healthcare workers were on strike. In July, as the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic spread across the country, hospitals were overwhelmed because of the shortage of medics and the devastated coup leader ordered them to hire doctors and nurses on a contract basis. The banking sector has also been paralysed by the CDM, with both private and government banks barely able to operate due to striking staff. It is believed that the actual number of government workers on strike is higher than the figure reported, in part because many civil servants have been forced to return to work by the regime in the last few months. At the same time, there has been an increase in the number of soldiers and police deserting their units. As of this month, nearly 2,000 of them have joined the CDM since the coup. “Make no mistake, the striking workers have joined the CDM not for the NUG’s financial assistance to them but for the sake of a brighter future for the next generation,” said U Tin Tun Naing. “We (the NUG) are fully responsible to support them,” he added. The NUG has tried to assist striking civil servants since its formation in April, but with intermittent success. In order to raise more funds for them, the NUG launched an online lottery this month. 70 percent of the proceeds from the lottery will go to support people on strike. The lottery has proved hugely popular, with all tickets sold out in just over an hour on the day of its launch, despite threats from the regime that it will punish anyone who plays it. As of Tuesday, almost 250,000 tickets had been sold in just five days. The lottery is currently on hold for system management..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Electricity and Energy Notification No.11/2021 - လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၁/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စွမ်းအင်ကဏ္ဍ၏ မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်းရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အောက်ပါအရာရှိ (၄၉) ဦးကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၅ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၁/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Electricity and Energy
Date of publication: 2021-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Can a UN Arms Embargo on Myanmar Work?
Description: "The crisis in Myanmar has slipped from the headlines. In a predictably peripatetic news-cycle world, the continued post-coup crackdown, Covid-19 surge and humanitarian catastrophe evinces little international attention. The corroded global conscience has been gripped by the debacle of Afghanistan, the Delta variant and pandemic social disorder in multiple countries. Many of the condemnatory statements being released by Western states, much reduced now that the crisis has been sub-contracted to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), remain ‘deeply concerned’. Crucially, they have refused to recognize the junta’s ‘interim government.’ That’s so far. But a combination of sanctions and the lackluster efforts of the United Nations (UN) Secretary General Special Envoy Christine Burgener Schraner have replaced calls for the Responsibility to Protect. In other words, worn tools of inaction. Often included among these, but rarely elaborated on, is the option of imposing a UN arms embargo on Myanmar. But is that actually feasible? Hopes were certainly bolstered by the non-binding UN General Assembly Resolution passed on 18 June, the text of which stated: “(I)n line with the Secretary General’s call for a global ceasefire as supported by the Security Council in its resolution 2532 (2020) of 1 July 2020, the need to de-escalate violence, and in that regard calls upon all Member States to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar”. That has been interpreted as a call supporting an arms embargo. The resolution, which had been delayed due to divisions within ASEAN, was passed with 119 votes, 36 abstentions, and one no vote from Belarus, Europe’s pariah state. ASEAN split their votes with Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines voting for the resolution and Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Brunei abstaining. This doesn’t bode well for either ASEAN mediation or the likelihood of a comprehensive arms embargo. On May 5, 200 international groups, including human right organizations and Myanmar community support groups, called on the UN Security Council to institute a global arms embargo. The statement called for “(a) comprehensive UN arms embargo on Myanmar should bar the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons, munitions, and other military-related equipment, including dual-use goods such as vehicles and communications and surveillance equipment, as well as the provision of training, intelligence, and other military assistance. Such an embargo should be accompanied by robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms”. This wording is identical to a call by 137 groups in February. Western military assistance to Myanmar has been restricted for years. Rigid arms embargoes were imposed by individual states for three decades. The United States (US), Great Britain, Australia, Canada and the European Union (EU) have had long-standing sanctions on the sale of weapons to Myanmar, including even dual-use technology. Those measures were maintained over the past decade, even as these states sought enhanced interaction with the military. However, those embargoes were ineffective in stopping atrocity crimes against the Kachin, Rohingya, Karen and Shan ethnic minorities. There are an estimated 42 countries who have imposed arms embargoes on Myanmar over the past three decades. Many of these are EU member states or are aligned with the various common positions imposed since 1996. South Korea suspended defense ties and a ban on arms exports in March. There are several obvious reasons why a call for a UN arms embargo faces intractable impediments to succeed. First, it’s highly unlikely to work because much of the firepower being directed at ordinary people is domestically manufactured. The Myanmar military produces almost all of the light arms and ammunition it needs to kill civilians and put down urban uprisings: the same hardware it used to wage war against insurgents and ethnic civilians throughout Myanmar. This network of defense industries (Ka Pa Sa) are located mostly in central Myanmar, in Pyi, Bago and other locations, with an estimated 38 facilities in total. Anyone who has visited the Defense Services Museum in Naypyidaw will have been struck by the evident pride in domestic military self-sufficiency; perhaps also seized by just how over the top this pride, to the point of mania, really is. The Ka Pa Sa manufacture everything from small arms, ammunition, anti-personnel landmines, mortars, uniforms, mess kits, soccer balls, army rum and many other items. The military has constructed this system with a large amount of foreign assistance, particularly German, and in later years from North Korea, Ukraine and Russia, but now largely runs the system independently. Watching police officers in diverse towns such as Dawei, Yangon, and Mandalay firing live rounds against unarmed civilians, the shots mainly come from the German-designed Heckler and Koch Gewehr 3 (H&K G3) 7.62mm assault rifles, once the standard infantry weapon for the Myanmar military, designated Burma Army Type 63 or BA63. These were provided by the German firm Fritz Werner starting in the 1950s and through a close partnership up until the 1990’s. Many of these weapons were transferred to the Myanmar Police Force as the Ka Pa Sa started to manufacture the MA series of assault rifles (with Israeli assistance) in the early 1990s, which the military now uses. Should the members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and the civilian resistance fighters of the People’s Defense Forces target the network of Ka Pa Sa – its facilities, supply chains, raw materials and personnel – that could potentially have a serious effect on production and supplies. Harrying domestic manufacture of armaments and non-lethal supplies (food, uniforms, basic equipment) could impact internal military morale and drive increased defections. One officer from a defense factory who recently joined the CDM and fled to the border with India told Radio Free Asia’s Myanmar service that much of the raw materials for the factories is sourced from the Chinese defense firm China North Industries Group (NORINCO) and transited through Singapore. However, it is unclear to what extent the trail of spare parts and raw materials are sourced outside Myanmar. That is one potential avenue for further investigation: resupply, replenishment and sourcing links to the domestic arms industry. The next major impediment is the continued close links the military has with Russia and China. China accounts for half of the arms exports to Myanmar, with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute report of March 2021 estimating that, between 2016 and 2020, China accounted for 48 percent of imports. India accounted for 16 percent and Russia 15 percent. China has been a major arms supplier for over 30 years, including NORINCO, and several large aerospace companies. China has supplied numerous fighter planes to the Myanmar Air Force, including F-7 fighters in the early 1990s and, in recent years, the joint China and Pakistan manufactured JF-17 Thunder fighter. Much of the lavish arms sales from the early 1990s was disappointing in terms of quality, but China remains a major supplier and also trainer of Myanmar’s armed forces. Jane’s Defence Group reported that Chinese supplied drones, the CH-3A ‘Rainbow’ surveillance UEVs, have been deployed in Mandalay to observe demonstrations. China is also one of the major suppliers of weapons to the ethnic armed organizations, especially the United Wa State Army. Beijing, or more likely local officials in Yunnan, is the single biggest outside arms supplier to Myanmar’s multiple conflicts. Coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has turned to Moscow in recent years, expanding a relationship that started two decades ago and which has seen thousands of Myanmar personnel trained in Russian defense establishments. The commander in chief’s visit to Russia in June signaled continued firm ties, with Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu expressing support for the junta leader. Arms sales have continued, with the Moscow Times reporting that the military had imported US$15 million worth of radar equipment since the coup. Just days before the military takeover, Justice for Myanmar reported that the military was buying Orlan-10 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Pantsir-S1 short range air defense systems. The air force originally purchased second-hand MiG-29 fighter jets from Belarus, since sourced from Russia, and have announced plans to buy SU-30 fighter jets and Yak-130 training aircraft. These air assets sales should be a focus of intense attention for any arms embargo campaign, given how much more frequently air strikes, especially ones conducted at night, have been directed at civilian targets such as those in Kayin State in late March. An arms embargo campaign must also widely condemn the continued sales or support of helicopter gunships, such as the Mi-35 which has been used against both insurgents and civilians, as well as ground attack aircraft. Ukraine is an often unacknowledged arms supplier to Myanmar. In 2004, the military purchased an estimated 1,000 BTR-3U armored personnel carriers (APCs) to be assembled in Myanmar, although the exact number in the order of battle is unclear. The BTR’s include German-made Deutz diesel engines and American-made General Motors Allison automatic transmissions. These vehicles made an appearance on the streets of Yangon in February (and were not manned by Chinese soldiers as was widely reported at the time) but are not reported to have been used against protesters. Israel has had a long relationship with the Myanmar armed forces, since establishing formal ties in 1953. Israeli officials have helped train elite units, assisted with intelligence gathering and sold patrol boats to the navy, as well as providing technology for the domestic manufacture of the Uzi submachine gun, primarily used now by the police. It was a police officer firing an Uzi at unarmed protestors in Naypyitaw that resulted in the Spring Revolution’s first casualty: 19-year old Myat Thet Thet Khaing, who was shot in the head. Israel is reported to have suspended arms sales to Myanmar following an order in the Supreme Court in 2017, but this has not been confirmed. Another challenge is one of unacknowledged but naked hypocrisy. Proponents of an arms embargo are calling on some of the world’s largest arms dealers to support imposing an embargo on one country, when the US accounts for the majority of arms sales globally, significantly more than China and Russia. The United Kingdom lauds its principled approach to Myanmar, but lavishes weapons on Saudi Arabia, resuming its sales of some £1.4 billion earlier in 2021 after a pause of two years following an outcry over the bombing campaign in Yemen. The Biden Administration has suspended sales to Saudi Arabia for the same reason, but continues to supply half of the weapons to the Middle East. It is doubtful if Washington will dilute any diplomatic capitol to exert pressure on its allies in Israel and the Ukraine in order to have a questionable effect on the ability of the armed forces to violently suppress resistance in Myanmar. The Biden Administration resumed military support to Ukraine in March with a US$125 million arms sale. The credibility of the West suffered a crushing blow in its scramble out of Afghanistan. So how could an arms embargo actually work? Who will provide leadership? Human right groups, beyond the flash-in-the-pan issuance of ‘joint letters’, have publicized no clear plans for how an arms embargo could operate. The special rapporteur Tom Andrews has done little more than repeat the rhetoric of condemnation and called for an arms embargo, but has failed to articulate how it could work. His mandate is ill-suited to taking a leadership role in any campaign for an arms embargo: he is an independent expert who reports to the UN Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Andrews may also be keeping one eye on his future in US politics, so cannot be relied upon to push the Biden Administration or Congress hard and expend political capital for a ban on arms sales. International leadership for an arms embargo could be spearheaded by the venerable troika of the Special Advisory Council-Myanmar (SAC-M): former UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee, and Chris Sidoti and Marzuki Darusman, from the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. Formed following the February 1 coup, but conceived before it, the SAC-M has formulated what it calls a ‘Three Cuts’ approach to pressuring the military: cut the weapons, cut the cash and cut the impunity. It has assembled some fine understanding of the cash and impunity cuts, with Chris Sidoti especially vocal on interdicting the military’s financial sector. But the SAC-M website has no details on cutting weapons. Nevertheless, given the more legible approach of the trio and their background on Myanmar going back years, they have the skills, energy and commitment to corral the global community into at least discussing forms of an arms embargo. An arms embargo requires concerted diplomatic efforts backed up by skillful research and documentation. Where to get all the necessary details to make an effective arms embargo feasible? There are two possible sources that offer the best chance of success, if the West directed the requisite funding and technical support. The first is increased support for groups such as Justice for Myanmar, which has done the most impressively forensic work on the finances and arms supplies of the Myanmar military. This clandestine collective is effectively producing the schematics for sanctions and to scupper arms supply chains. It should receive even more resources: they are doing far more important and relevant work than the UN, Western governments and international research and rights organizations. Another source of activity is to create numerous funds for investigative journalism and academic research, utilizing the human capital of the many Myanmar people who have been displaced or exiled by the coup. Increasing investigative journalism funding for Myanmar media outlets is one step, including The Irrawaddy, Burma News International, Myanmar Now and others. Another is for donors to fund projects dedicated to uncovering the domestic arms industry. Following the threads of domestic and international supply chains and finding ways to harry and disrupt production, recruitment and supply could be as effective as armed action. This could be a component of what Western donors should have supported ten years ago: an ‘Understanding the Military’ initiative, which scrutinizes the internal dynamics of the armed forces and questions some of the canards built up around its size, internal culture and psyche, fissures and strengths, local economic behavior and relationships with varying communities. In other words, a Myanmar-driven research focus to assess the military’s vulnerabilities. There is already some fine work being pursued by the Myanmar media and in academia, with the recent publication of crucial data on Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and top generals by the Institute of South East Asian Studies. The answer to toppling the military will always be a home-grown endeavor; trust in the West to assist on this should be tempered. Calling for an arms embargo takes multi-staged, painstaking work, not just the rhetoric of performative activism. If there is no sincerity in pursuing an embargo, stop talking about one. The world has a responsibility to protect the expectations of people in Myanmar. Further failure will only compound the post-coup betrayal..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-24
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 23 August 2021)
Description: "As of 23 August, (1013) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Taunggyi Township in Shan State, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region and Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 23, a total of (5821) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Soe Lwin Lwin was a primary school teacher at a Thein Kone Village Basic Education Middle School in Taunggyi Township, Shan State, arbitrarily arrested by the terrorist junta, and had been involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Soe Lwin Lwin contracted COVID-19 while detained in Taung Lay Lone (Nyaung Shwe) Prison and died on August 22. On the evening of August 22, the terrorist junta raided and opened fire in Hinthar Village in Yesagyo Township, Magway Region, after a junta-appointed village administrator informed on them. Five villagers were shot at in an attempt to make arrests. Chit Ye Yint, one of five, was shot dead in the forehead. On August 21 around 8 pm, Maung Aye and a nurse, Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township, Sagaing Region, were shot to death by terrorist junta’s soldiers who were patrolling in the area. The husband and wife were returning home by motorbike from selling agricultural products. It is reported that Maung Aye was shot in the head and Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Detained Myanmar Columnist Faces Life in Prison
Description: "Detained political columnist U Sithu Aung Myint is facing life in prison on sedition charges for being critical of Myanmar’s junta and for allegedly backing the shadow National Unity Government (NUG). The junta arrested U Sithu Aung Myint, an outspoken junta critic, and Ma Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer working with the BBC, from a hideout in Yangon on August 15. The junta-controlled media announced on Saturday that the columnist wrote articles criticizing the military for the Voice of America and Frontier Myanmar after the February coup. It said he also posted articles on Facebook criticizing the regime’s governing body, the State Administrative Council, inciting government employees to join the civil disobedience movement and backed the NUG, which has been declared a terrorist organization. An arrest warrant was issued for U Sithu Aung Myint in April for allegedly spreading false news under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code, which carries up to three years’ imprisonment. The junta-controlled media said he was also charged with Article 124(a) of the Penal Code which prohibits “any attempt to cause hatred, contempt and disaffection” towards the military or government. The charge carries a sentence of life in prison. Ma Htet Htet Khine was charged under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for allegedly working as a volunteer editor for Federal FM launched by the NUG and for harboring U Sithu Aung Myint. Ma Htet Htet Khine was the presenter of a program for audiences in Myanmar called “Khan Sar Kyi” (Burmese for “Feel it”) for BBC Media Action, the corporation’s international development charity. “We are concerned by the detention and charges against our freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine,” BBC Media Action said, adding that it was monitoring the situation. The two journalists have had no access to a lawyer since their arrest. U Khin Maung Myint, the legal adviser to Ma Htet Htet Khine, said the two were had been relocated to police custody from a military interrogation center and are likely to be moved soon to Insein Prison, where he expects to have contact with her. The two join around 50 jailed journalists as the junta continues to crack down on journalists with arrests and lawsuits to silence coverage of its atrocities. Since the February coup, the junta has arrested 95 journalists and media staff. Of them, six have been convicted under Article 505(a) and one was sentenced under Article 188 of the Penal Code for defying government orders..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
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Title: Myanmar’s Ousted MPs Condemn ASEAN for Inviting Junta to Parliamentary Summit
Description: "Myanmar’s committee of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians has condemned ASEAN for excluding it from the regional body’s Inter Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and inviting a junta representative as an observer instead. On Saturday, representatives from ASEAN’s parliaments convened for the 42nd assembly in Brunei. The meeting lasts until Wednesday. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) or CRPH was formed mostly by NLD lawmakers after the military coup in February. In April they formed the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), claiming to be the legitimate civilian government of Myanmar. Since their formation, both the CRPH and NUG have received huge popular support at home but struggle to gain international recognition despite engaging with other countries, including the US. It is not the first time ASEAN has refused to recognize Myanmar’s democratic representatives. In April, the NUG’s representative was not invited to ASEAN’s special summit on Myanmar. Instead, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, attended the meeting where ASEAN set out five points to resolve Myanmar’s turmoil. By THE IRRAWADDY 23 August 2021 Myanmar’s committee of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians has condemned ASEAN for excluding it from the regional body’s Inter Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and inviting a junta representative as an observer instead. On Saturday, representatives from ASEAN’s parliaments convened for the 42nd assembly in Brunei. The meeting lasts until Wednesday. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) or CRPH was formed mostly by NLD lawmakers after the military coup in February. In April they formed the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), claiming to be the legitimate civilian government of Myanmar. Since their formation, both the CRPH and NUG have received huge popular support at home but struggle to gain international recognition despite engaging with other countries, including the US. It is not the first time ASEAN has refused to recognize Myanmar’s democratic representatives. In April, the NUG’s representative was not invited to ASEAN’s special summit on Myanmar. Instead, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, attended the meeting where ASEAN set out five points to resolve Myanmar’s turmoil. The CRPH on Sunday said the AIPA president, who also is the speaker of the Brunei Legislative Council, ignored its letter of nomination and approved the junta’s representative as an observer at the meeting. Last month, Myanmar’s junta revoked the 2020 election results and Min Aung Hlaing installed himself as prime minister earlier this month. The CRPH said the APIA’s action “has steered the ASEAN parliamentary family on an undemocratic and unrepresentative course … choosing dictatorship over democracy … cowardice over political principles”. The CRPH asked other ASEAN parliamentary delegates at this week’s assembly to call for the inclusion of Myanmar’s delegation. ASEAN’s recognition is seen as important to establish the NUG’s legitimacy. ASEAN is yet to officially recognized the regime. The CRPH said the exclusion of Myanmar’s delegation “will grievously impugn AIPA’s parliamentary independence and its standing among the global family of parliaments”. Myanmar’s people condemned ASEAN online. “We have no trust in you,” said a comment. Another said: “ASEAN is under influence and is biased. It should respect democracy and the elected government.” Early this month, ASEAN appointed Brunei’s deputy foreign affairs minister, Erywan Yusof, as a special envoy to Myanmar. However, there is little hope ASEAN will work effectively to resolve the crisis..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Real Stories Not Tales, A Collection of Youth Stories (Part 3): A Rakhine perspective Post-Coup
Description: "In Part 3 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Khin Thandar (pseudonym) tells her story post-coup that highlights a different reality and involvement than the rest of the country. Editor’s note: This is part 3 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Read Part 1 and Part 2. Access to the full report is available at the end of this post. Khin Thandar comes from a small village in Rakhine State. She is actively involved with a number of Arakan civil society organizations and youth groups. She was interviewed on May 2. What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future. I was in Yangon when the coup happened. I had a lot of missed calls from my friends and activists I work with that night, and when I finally answered one at around 4:30 a.m., I found out there had been a military coup. Actually, I wasn’t that shocked. I had suspected the coup would happen. My first thought was that, based on our experience in Rakhine State, people needed to prepare for an internet shutdown and for not being able to communicate with their loved ones. So, I began to calmly spread this message with my network. In contrast to many of my friends, I never really thought of going out into the streets to protest against the coup. You know, while people in Yangon and NLD supporters—mostly from the Bamar majority—were experiencing the so-called ‘democratic transition’ in recent years, we in Rakhine State continued to live and suffer under a military dictatorship. After the coup, these very same groups began calling for unity of all of Myanmar, but where were they when our ethnic people were dying in communal and armed conflicts? It is unfair and very painful. Actually, many people in Rakhine State feel as much distrust and even hatred towards the Bamar majority as they do towards the military. Because of this, I felt a little out of place in Yangon after the coup, so I decided to go back to my home state. When I arrived, I met with some youth who were thinking of organizing a protest. We discussed it for a while, especially the high risk of getting arrested or even killed since the military presence in Rakhine State is much bigger than in Yangon. We asked ourselves: Who is it exactly we would be protesting for? And do we deserve to get jailed or killed for that? In the end, we decided against it. That is why Rakhine State is ‘silent’ now: we don’t talk about the military, and there is no CDM here. What affected my life post-coup the most have been the progressive internet shutdowns. I had to cancel many of my plans, like an online civic education course for university students that I had been preparing together with some of my seniors. I was also unable to move abroad for my master’s studies as I had originally planned since my flight got cancelled in part due to the coup here and in part due to a Covid-19 outbreak over there. Luckily, I can study online, but I’ve had to move a couple of times in order to secure a stable internet connection. What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future. Of course, the coup has also affected me and everyone around me psychologically. The constant stream of bad news is heart-breaking. When I get too stressed, I spend time alone, go for walks on the beach, listen to music, or exercise. Sometimes, I write down my thoughts and feelings about what’s going on in the country. In my family there are different opinions on the current events, so it has become a very sensitive topic for us. For the first few weeks after the coup, we couldn’t even discuss it. I experienced something similar with my personal network as well. First, I was sharing my opinions about the political situation very openly, both online and offline. But then this led to fights with friends and other activists, and people began accusing me of being selfish. So in the end, I decided to stay silent. I feel like everyone wants to get media attention nowadays, but I would say that the world needs to listen to the unheard voices in Myanmar before it overgeneralizes the situation in the country. I’m personally worried about my state, because in contrast to the past when there was a lot of discussion, Rakhine State is now silent. It feels scary and I worry there will be more fighting in the future. Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 21 August 2021)
Description: "As of 21 August, (1009) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. (1) from Gantgaw Township in Magway Region died today and (1) from Shwepyithar Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 19 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 21, a total of (5787) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On the evening of August 18, terrorist junta soldiers raided Hnan Khar Village in Gantgaw Township, Magway Region. 72 years old Kan Htaunt who was not able to run away from the village because of his age was punched and kicked continuously by entering junta troops. Kan Htaunt died on the morning of August 21 from this torturous assault. On the evening of August 19, a large number of security forces raided a hostel in Shwepyithar Township, Yangon Region, having accused it of housing the PDF. A young man named Lin Lin Tun a.k.a Bo Phyu was shot in the stomach and died on the spot while he was attempting to jump out of the window to escape. In addition to this, Hnin Ei Khaing, a young woman, was arrested. Tun Win, living in Shan State’s Muse Town, who contracted COVID-19, was arrested at his home by terrorist junta troops on August 20 as they did not find his son they were looking for. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.43 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
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Title: More than 1000 Junta Killings of the Pro-Democracy Movement against the Coup - အာဏာသိမ်း ရက် ၂၀၀ အတွင်း စစ်အုပ်စုက အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူ ၁၀၀၀ ကျော် သတ်ဖြတ်
Description: "In 200 days, the terrorist-like so-called ‘State Administrative Council’ has murdered (1007) civilians from the pro-democracy movement against the illegitimate coup attempt. Our organization, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has been monitoring human rights violations since long before the military coup and began documenting recent fatalities with the fatal shooting of Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing on 9 February in Naypyidaw. Proportionately, an average of five innocent civilians is killed each day by junta. “We’ve seen how the military junta followed a pattern with its escalation of deadly and arbitrary force” said AAPP, “At first they used rubber bullets and tear gas, when this did not produce the desired subordination to dictatorial rule, a campaign of terror began in March”. Cases of arson, looting, arbitrary assaults, torture, artillery, and massacres are no widespread across the country. The paragraphs below detail categories of occupations, demographics, and events to illustrate the sweeping destruction this murderous military coup was wrought. Professions At the onset of the coup, teachers, doctors, have been some of those most systematically targeted for their involvement in anti-coup protests, the civil disobedience movement, and offering support in crackdowns. Since the coup, (6) medics, (7) engineers, (10) teachers and (71) students have been killed by the junta. Deadliest Day On 27 March, AAPP documented the deadliest day of the military’s brutal crackdown attempts. (164) courageous civilians lost their lives, across the country including in Insein and Dala Township, Yangon, in Meiktila and Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay, in Monwya and Shwebo, Sagaing, in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. (2) 18-year-olds and (14) under-18’s were killed by the junta. Total (16) 18 and under killed on this day. Regions The inhumanity of this terrorist like military has forced people Burma across the country in daily life-threatening situations. Since the coup (241) people have been murdered in Yangon Region, (217) people murdered in Mandalay Region, and (204) in Sagaing Region. Vulnerable Groups International humanitarian law has requirements for the protection of children, found throughout the Fourth Geneva Convention and in its additional protocols. The Convention on the Rights of the Child also states that parties must take “all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by armed conflict”. Yet, since the coup in Burma, (20) 18-year-olds and (62) under-18’s were killed. Total (82) 18 and under have been murdered by the junta. Since the coup at least (70) women people been murdered according to AAPP’s most recently published fatality list. International humanitarian law recognizes that males are afforded the same protection as women and vice versa, but specific vulnerabilities guarantee protection for females. This equally applies to persons not confirming to traditional gender roles, who are systemically exposed to egregious human rights violations. On 4 June Thaw Thaw, a transgender woman, was shot in the arm and rib by junta troops in in Kyaukpadaung Township, Mandalay, and died from lack of medical treatment. Protests People are being killed at peaceful protests, often spontaneous gatherings but always the movement has remained a leaderless organic rejection of an illegitimate coup attempt. (649) have been killed at pro-democracy demonstrations since 1 February. Some of the most violent and least indefensible, even for this murderous junta, have been the unprovoked shootings and raids in neighbourhood and homes. Even on streets in the middle of day, youths racing to get back home are murdered by junta terrorists in unmarked vehicles. One of the most heinous atrocities was on 23 March when the junta troops raided a family home in Mandalay City. Khin Myo Chit a 6 year-year-old, was shot covering in her fathers’ arms. When a teenager is shot in the back of the head, it signifies hostility and intent of the perpetrator. An incident which garnered international attention was the murder of Kyal Sin Lin also known as ‘Angel’, who on 3 March was gunned down running back from a barrier at a pro-democracy protest in Mandalay City. Since the coup (107) have been shot dead in the head. Torture to Death There are many other strategies a violent institution like this military will practice, and it does not stop at indiscriminate but intentional shootings. Torturing activists, striking workers, or every-day civilians has been a tactic of this junta. Since the coup (106) have been murdered this way. Conclusion The evidence is overwhelming, the intent has been to suppress dissent against dictatorship and for democracy by inflicting crimes against humanity on an entire country. The international response should have been swift and remains to be significant enough to end the impunity. International recognition of the political legitimacy to the National Unity Government sends a message that these crimes will not be tolerated and will begin the process of accountability..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 20 August 2021)
Description: "As of 20 August, (1007) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 20, a total of (5759) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Thar Htet Aung, a child under the age of 18, who had a warrant issued against him under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for his active involvement in multiple protest columns including for the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force against the dictatorship, was arrested at a house in Mandalay Region’s Maha Aung Myay Township on August 19 around 5 pm by the terrorist junta. Khaing Lwin, who was giving oxygen machines for free in Hlaing Thayar Township, Yangon Region, for those who needed it, was arrested at home and accused of being a PDF member. Over 20 terrorist junta soldiers wearing plain clothes raided the house on August 19 at around 2 pm. Three civilians named Hla Win Aung a.k.a Sin Gyi, Win Htut Nyein a.k.a Kyat Pha Gyi and Min Khaing, living in Taung Pyin (1) Ward and Taung Pyin (2) Ward in Taungdwingyi Town in Magway Region, were arrested unprovoked at their homes by the junta soldiers on August 19 at night around 12 pm. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.43 MB 5.96 MB 1.83 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 19 August 2021)
Description: "As of 19 August, (1007) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region died today and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 19, a total of (5747) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Thet Naing Oo from Kyauk Kan Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Townshipwho, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troops on the night of August 18, died on the morning of August 19. Thet Naing Oo was reportedly beaten and tortured the whole night. He was stopped and arrested because of his flashlight while he was returning home from the south of a school where the terrorist junta had set up camp. On the afternoon of August 18, junta police and soldiers raided the homes of three NLD MPs of Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region and arrested some family members as hostages. In Sai Pyin Town, the home of Pyithuhluttaw MP Win Myint Aung was raided and his wife Khin Ohn Myint, the son, and younger brother San Lin were all arrested. In the raid of Moe Min Win’s home, regional hluttaw MP for No (2) constituency, his older brother Hmet San and nephew were also arrested. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided the home of Hnin Khaing Soe, regional hluttaw MP for No (1) constituency in Sai Pyin Town. The father of Hnin Khaing Soe was reportedly not arrested because he contracted COVID-19 and was having to breathe from oxygen supplies. Political analyst Si Thu Aung Myint, who has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested on the night of August 15 whilst evading arrest in an apartment in Yangon Region’s Bahan Township. He is a regular columnist for Frontier Myanmar and VOA and wrote articles and satire criticising the coup council for which he was charged. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.41 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
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Title: Myanmar Junta Continues to Detain Journalists
Description: "Myanmar’s military junta continues its crackdown on journalists with arrests and lawsuits to silence independent coverage of its daily atrocities. This week, two more journalists were detained, bringing the number of journalists and media staff detained since the February coup to 95. The junta’s forces arrested freelance journalist and outspoken regime critic U Sithu Aung Myint and a reporter from BBC Media Action, the corporation’s international development charity, Ma Htet Htet Khine on August 15 from a hideout in Yangon. According to Bahan Township police, the two were taken to a military interrogation center. No more information has been heard about them. In April, U Sithu Aung Myint was charged under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code, which criminalizes spreading comments or false news that could cause fear or criminal offenses against government employees. It carries up to three years’ imprisonment. On July 20, three women journalists – a mother and her two daughters – from the Shan State-based Thalwin Thwaychin news agency were detained at their homes in the state capital, Taunggyi. The daughters have been released but Mya Wunn Yan, chief editor of the agency, remains in custody. The junta has targeted journalists with arrests, lawsuits, raids on newsrooms and violence. On Wednesday, at least 42 media staff were still behind bars, according to Reporting ASEAN, an independent regional news outlet. Almost all detained journalists said they were interrogated, beaten and tortured. COVID-19 has spread rapidly in Myanmar’s crowded prisons, increasing dangers for all political prisoners. Four media organizations, including The Irrawaddy, have been charged under Article 505(a) and eight firms have been banned. On June 30 the junta’s Ministry of Information told the media to stop describing the military-appointed State Administration Council as a “junta” or face prosecution. It also warned foreign news agencies to cease using the terms “military council” or “military junta” and to stop “disseminating false news”. The order said international media groups would face action “if they apply wrong usages, quote and exaggerate fake news and disseminate false information”. “Myanmar is now one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists,” the Committee to Protect Journalists reported in July..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Real Stories Not Tales, A Collection of Youth Stories (Part 2): Hope is the last to die
Description: "In Part 2 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Ko Democracy (pseudonym) tells us how the coup has affected his life and his loved ones in Myitkyina. Editor’s note: This is part 2 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Access to the full report will be available in Part 3 of this series. Ko Democracy is a young Gorkha man working for a social enterprise in Kachin State. He was interviewed on May 6. We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. KO DEMOCRACY When I woke up on the morning of February 1, I noticed I had no phone signal. Then my dad came back from the bazaar and said the Myanmar military was everywhere, especially around the NLD party headquarters and residences of NLD representatives. I decided to go for a ride on my motorbike to see what was going on, and indeed there were military trucks and soldiers with guns blocking the roads. It felt so wrong—as if we were going backwards. I feared we would be disconnected from the outside world very soon. I had all these thoughts spinning around in my head, and I knew that the military was going to torture us. Despite the tragic news, I decided to go to the office. On the way, I got stopped by a soldier that wouldn’t let me enter the district where our office was. I had to talk to him for a while, until he finally let me go. When the coup happened, I was working as a field staff and interpreter in a social enterprise. Our main office was in Myitkyina, but we mostly worked in villages close to the Chinese border. Everything became so difficult for us after the coup. First off, we suddenly had no access to money because the banks closed, so we couldn’t pay salaries or transport fees. Then, because of the internet shutdown, it became challenging for us to communicate with the local partners implementing our projects. After two months, we finally decided we couldn’t keep the enterprise running, so I’m jobless now. All my work worries haven’t stopped me from participating in the resistance movement. As soon as the coup happened, we went out into the streets, and we continue to do so, this time in the form of so-called ‘guerrilla strikes’. Unfortunately, one of my friends from the student union has already been arrested, and we don’t even know where he is. Another friend is in jail and has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. I have just come back from hiding myself. I was away from home for a month: I feared the military would come look for me after arresting my friends. As I have been very involved in the movement, I am paranoid now. I am scared that one day they’ll take my phone and find out all about my involvement and my contacts. I am not directly involved with the KIA or KIO, but I do have some contacts, and I have been giving them to people who want to join the armed resistance. I encourage them and would also do it myself if it weren’t for my parents. I am their only child, and I know it would break their heart. Still, we have agreed that if things get worse, they will allow me to go and fight for our freedom. Until then, I will continue practicing ‘civil resistance’: not paying taxes and not attending university. The military sees young people across the country as their enemies. They have been arresting, kidnapping, and killing people every single day. People are under serious pressure to go back to work, since the military arrests anyone participating in the CDM. If they don’t or can’t find the strikers, they arrest their family members instead. Recently the focus has been on teachers and students who do not want to go to school. Last night we heard six bomb explosions very close to our house. These terrible troubles are what dominate our lives now. It is a difficult time for us all. To stay strong, I listen to spiritual leaders. I very much like Sadhguru, who said that that no one can torture you unless you accept the torturing yourself. What he meant by that is that the power inside of us cannot be taken away unless we give it away ourselves. I also get inspired by the strength and resilience of IDPs in the Kachin and Karen Hills. I tell myself that I still have food and shelter, so I shouldn’t complain. We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. We do not have that much hope in the UN anymore due to its bureaucracies, but we do need the National Unity Government (NUG) to be recognized in order for other countries to be able to legally sell arms to them. So please help us with this. At the same time, the military regime must not be recognized as a legal government. Please also allow our Myanmar citizens to get visa extensions in your countries; don’t force them to return to an unsafe place. And finally, I would like to ask the international world to send humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. We need urgent help. Read Part 1 and Part 3 here. (Link for Part 3 will be live on August 23) Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 18 August 2021)
Description: "As of 18 August, (1006) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 18, a total of (5730) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Terrorist junta’s soldiers who were drunk pointed a gun to the temple of Zaw Myo Myint and shot him dead at close range among people at a port in Minkin Town, Sagaing Region on the evening of August 17. Junta troops beat and then shot Zaw Myo Myint for not wearing a face mask while he was sitting and chewing the betel nut in the port. Zin Mar Win from Min Sar village in Minkin Township who heard the sound of gunshots and witnessed Zaw Myo Myint’s dead body, died on the spot from a heart attack. Terrorist junta’s troops raided Kyauk Khel Tat Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township and arrested three villagers named Bo Aung, Chit Lwin and Phoe Toke on August 16. They killed these three villagers on August 17 and concealed the bodies in Chindwin River. Hla Myint Oo, living in Thapyay Yay Village in Magway Region Pauk Township, who had opened a shop, was shot with a tumee (traditional hunting) rifle used by junta troops on the evening of August 13. The junta then set a bomb on an old motorbike in front of his shop. In addition, junta troops raided Paline, Gonetan and Kanthar Villages in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township, then arrested and shot dead a local from Gonetan Village called Nan, on August 12. The incident happened at a school in Paline Village where they had set up camp after they questioned Nan who came past but failed to reply. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.41 MB 5.54 MB 1.84 MB
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Title: Death toll since Myanmar coup tops 1,000, says activist group
Description: "The death toll as a result of Myanmar's Feb. 1 coup topped 1,000 on Wednesday, according to an official of the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP) activist group, which has been recording killings by security forces. A spokesman for the ruling junta did not respond to a call to request comment. The military authorities have previously said the AAPP figures, widely cited by international organisations, are exaggerated. The army has also said scores of members of the security forces have been killed. The AAPP does not include them in its count. "According to AAPP records, 1,001 innocent people have been killed," AAPP secretary Tate Naing told Reuters. "The actual number of victims is much higher." The Southeast Asian country has sunk into chaos since the coup, with protests continuing daily, insurgencies flaring in border regions and widespread strikes that have severely damaged the economy. The army overthrew elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alleging irregularities in an election swept by her National League for Democracy party in November 2020. The then electoral commission and international monitors said the army accusations were wrong. The military authorities say their seizure of power should not be called a coup because it was in line with the constitution..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Karenni Army Marks Anniversary With Vow to ‘Fight to The End’ Against Myanmar Military
Sub-title: The ethnic army says it will do whatever it takes to beat the junta and form a federal union.
Description: "The ethnic Karenni Army (KA) marked the 73rd anniversary of its founding Tuesday vowing to “fight to the end” to rid Myanmar of its military dictatorship and create a federal union with like-minded groups in the multi-ethnic country. The KA is one of at least 16 ethnic armed organizations thought to be active in Myanmar, a country of 54 million people with 135 official ethnic groups. The insurgent groups control territory along Myanmar’s borders with Bangladesh, China, India, and Thailand. Their histories – and grievances with the national military – stretch back to when the then Burma gained independence from British colonial rule in 1948. “We were once a separate state but came under the rule of Burmese dictators,” KA leader Col. Phone Naing told a ceremony in in territory in Kayah state it controls along the border with Thailand, referring to the junta that has led Myanmar for nearly 50 of the country’s 73 years of independence. “Under their rule, everyone knows how we have suffered bullying and oppression. The world knows. The reason for the formation of KA was to free ourselves from that situation and live in peace.” Phone Naing said that the Karenni had always been able to overcome military invaders in the past and would do so again with the current junta, which seized power from Aung San Suu Kyi’s democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a Feb. 1 coup. The KA, the armed wing of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) with a force estimated at 1,500 troops, was joined by representatives of KA allied groups and members of the anti-junta Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). The KNPP urged its military wing to stay dedicated to the goal of forming a federal democratic union in Myanmar along with allied groups. Collaboration between anti-junta movements made up of ethnic majority Bamars and longstanding ethnic armies, including military training in remote regions, has enabled opponents of the military regime to inflict casualties on better armed junta troops and sustain opposition to the coup, analysts say. Speaking to RFA’s Myanmar Service after Tuesday’s ceremony, a CDM police officer who joined the KA after the Feb. 1 coup said nothing would deter the ethnic army from its fight against the military regime. “For more than 70 years, we have been fighting to regain a Karenni state,” said the officer, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Together with the Karenni people, we will fight together to the end.” A young KA soldier told RFA that a federal union is the only way to ensure adequate representation for Myanmar’s many indigenous groups. “Only through such a system would we be able to protect our basic rights and achieve equality,” he said. “We have made our decision to fight until the end to get rid of the military dictatorship.” Peace efforts The KNPP signed a regional state-level ceasefire agreement on March 7, 2012 under previous President Thein Sein’s military-affiliated civilian government, but has yet to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) that 10 other ethnic parties have signed beginning in 2015. The 10 rebel groups that signed the NCA suggested in June that the deal—inked in the presence of international observers and Myanmar’s highest legislature—remains in place, despite an already flailing peace process that was all but destroyed by the unpopular junta’s coup. However, they say they will not pursue talks with the military, which they view as having stolen power from the country’s democratically elected government. Kayah state was relatively free of fighting until late May, when the military launched an offensive in the region. There are now daily clashes between junta troops and Karenni forces in the state’s Demawso, Phrusoe and Mobye townships, as well as in Phekone township on the border with southern Shan state. An activist who declined to be named for safety reasons recently told RFA that around 1,000 refugees have fled to Karenni refugee camps on the border with Thailand since the last round of largescale clashes in the region, although he said that many more are living with close relatives or in the jungle to avoid the fighting. “There are a lot of people left in the jungles since the last big clashes,” he said, adding that many are living in makeshift camps there because they “don’t dare return home.” “Others have no home to return to. Some are staying in the forests because their families are separated. Some did not return because their loved ones were killed during the fighting.” RFA has documented that more than 170,000 people have been displaced by fighting in Kayah state in the more than six months since the coup. They join more than 500,000 refugees from decades of conflict between the military and ethnic armies who were already counted as IDPs at the end of 2020, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, a Norwegian NGO. The junta says a landslide victory by the NLD in the country’s November 2020 general election was the result of voter fraud, but has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed widespread protests, killing 999 people and arresting 5,712 since the coup, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Amid nationwide turmoil, the military has stepped up offensives in remote parts of the country that have led to fierce battles with several local militias..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Teachers Set up School For Children in Kayah State IDP Camp
Sub-title: Students are attending classes while local schools remain closed due to armed conflict and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Description: "Teachers who joined Myanmar’s civil disobedience movement following the military coup in February have set up a school for children displaced by conflict in a temporary camp in a rebel army-controlled area of eastern Kayah state near the Thai border. The internally displaced persons (IDP) camp where the school is located hosts more than 1,000 civilians, mostly ethnic Karennis, who fled their homes to escape fighting between the Myanmar military and Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) troops since May. The KNDF is a new network of civilian resistance fighters that includes existing ethnic armed groups in the state and Karenni organizations. Violent clashes between rebel and junta forces erupted in Kayah state’s Loikaw, Demoso, and Shadaw townships after the military coup on Feb. 1 overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi. Some 100,000 residents have fled their homes amid fighting in the state, taking shelter in Buddhist monasteries or in nearby hills and jungles. The Education Department of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the dominant ethnic political organization in the state, opened the school to provide uninterrupted instruction to the children, said Hsu Bu Rel, the department’s vice minister. Children displaced by the conflict have not been able to attend classes for a year because of the coronavirus pandemic, which hit Myanmar in March 2020 and now is in its third wave. They then lost a second year of education because of political unrest in the country, Hsu Bu Rel said. “We want the IDP children in our camp to have an opportunity for schooling,” he told RFA. “In addition, this school gives us opportunities to learn from the CDM [civil disobedience movement] teachers and to try out the new curriculum and teaching methods of the Karenni Education Department. For security reasons, RFA is identifying the location of the camp school only as being in a KNPP-controlled area near the Thai border in Kayah state. School principal Hla Moe Myint said more funding is needed for educational materials for the IDP children, school buildings, and additional teachers. “Teachers can perform fully only if they have these materials in hand,” she said. “There are so many needs. Besides, we want to set up a library as they [the teachers] have expected. We have difficulties in fulfilling their needs.” Teacher Hsu Khu Rel said the school serves students from grades one through 11 and uses both a national curriculum and a new one created by the Karenni Education Department. Another teacher named Josephine said many educators from government schools, who walked out of work to join the CDM protests against the junta and fled arrest in their hometowns have joined the school. “They have different teaching methods and a different schooling system,” she said, pointing to the teachers’ more sophisticated grading system that makes it tougher for students to pass tests because it is not based on traditional rote learning. About 265 students had enrolled in the IDP camp school by the end of June, though additional ones were incoming, teachers said. Eighth-grader Cherry Phaw said she was pleased to continue her education at the school. “For more than two years I couldn’t go to school,” she told RFA. “We were on the run whenever there was fighting, so I couldn’t go to school. I am grateful to the teachers for enabling me to learn in school. I am happy here.” Thoe Mel, the parent of students who attend classes at the school, said she is glad that she could enroll her children in school at a time when other schools across the country are closed because of ongoing crackdowns by the military regime and the COVID-19 pandemic. “My children haven’t gone to school for two years,” she said. “I am so happy now they are going to school. I am very optimistic.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The ‘Apple’ that fell in 44th street
Sub-title: The fatal fall of Wai Wai Myint—or “Apple” to her friends—was testament to her refusal to give in to injustice
Description: "In early August, 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint and her 35-year-old husband Soe Myat Thu decided to leave Yangon for a short trip to Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin. The couple, who had recently recovered from Covid-19, just wanted a break from the stress of life in Myanmar’s largest city, where post-coup political tensions and anxiety over the third wave of the pandemic seemed to be coming to a head. They took their much-needed vacation and were due to return to Yangon by plane on August 10. However, when they learned that their flight would be delayed until the afternoon, they decided to rent a car the day before so they could get back to Yangon by morning. It proved to be a fateful decision. Just hours after they arrived at their home on 45th Street at around 9am, Wai Wai Myint—known to her friends and family as “Apple”—would be lying dead in a nearby alleyway. After resting from their journey, Wai Wai Myint went out at around 3pm to meet with friends who lived a short distance away on 44th Street, according to her husband. “She took 10 or 15 thousand kyat with her to give to her friends. It was soon after she left that it happened,” he recalled. “I can’t help but blame myself. If only we taken the plane, we wouldn’t have arrived until 6pm,” he said as he tried to make sense of the tragic events of that day. Lost hope Soe Myat Thu learned about his wife’s death on social media. There were reports that five people had fallen from the rooftop of a three-storey apartment building on 44th Street. The details were unclear, but it appeared that they had been trying to escape from a raid by junta troops looking to arrest members of the anti-coup resistance movement. It was believed that the 50-foot fall had left at least some of the wanted activists dead. Photos shared on Facebook showed seemingly lifeless bodies lying in an alley behind No. 38, 44th Street, including one of a woman in a blue and yellow dress, like the one worn by Snow White in the classic Disney movie. It was the sight of this dress that shook Soe Myat Thu to the core. “I kept hoping that it wasn’t her, but at the same time, I could see that the woman in the photo was wearing the exact same dress as my wife,” he said. Even in the face of this evidence, he couldn’t quite bring himself to believe that it was Wai Wai Myint. He posted something on Facebook to see if he could get more information, and it slowly began to sink in that it was true: his wife was dead. But this did not end his quest for some glimmer of hope. The following morning, he contacted a doctor he knew at Yangon General Hospital to ask if she had been admitted there. When this failed to yield any new leads, he went directly to the hospital’s emergency department, only to be told that they hadn’t seen any patients fitting Wai Wai Myint’s description. "The Facebook post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person." He then went from one cemetery to another, beginning with the Kyu Chaung Cemetery in Shwepyithar Township, where the military often takes the bodies of its victims. Next he went to the Kyi Su Cemetery in South Dagon, and then the Yay Way Cemetery in North Okkalapa. As his grim search continued, he read on Facebook that the five people who had fallen from the building the day before had all been taken to the 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township, where one was said to still be clinging to life. “The post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person,” said Soe Myat Thu. But the thought that he might see Wai Wai Myint alive again proved short-lived. Friends at the hospital confirmed that she had died. Four hours later, he would see this with his own eyes when he went to identify her. After making a futile request for permission to take her body, which was tightly wrapped in white cloth, for burial (she had often said that she didn’t want to be cremated), he was denied another last wish: to keep her ashes. “We couldn’t take her body home. And we couldn’t have her ashes,” he recalled sadly. “They said that they couldn’t make any exceptions—that everything had to be done according to the orders from the higher ups.” ‘A peculiar girl’ He still hasn’t told their five-year-old daughter, Nan Hteik Yati, what happened to her mother. A gemstone dealer by profession, Wai Wai Myint was often away on business. Perhaps that is where their daughter thinks she is now, Soe Myat Thu suggested, before adding that that may no longer be the case. “I think she found out about her death this morning while we were praying with the monks. She started crying while she was praying,” he said. Wai Wai Myint was a devoted mother who would only bend her will to please their daughter, Soe Myat Thu recalled, remembering his wife as the sort of person who would never give up in a fight. “When we argued, she would only start talking to me again if our daughter told her to,” he said. Wai Wai Myint had lost both of her parents—her father when she was just a child, and her mother while she was in university. Perhaps it was this that made her so fiercely independent, and at the same time protective towards those who had suffered some injustice, according to some of her closest friends. “Many people called her Apple. She was such a peculiar girl. She couldn’t stand injustice. She was fierce, and tall—she always wore high heels,” said Htet Arkar Kyaw, a former classmate. “By fierce, I don’t mean she fought with or bullied people. She was a brave girl. Everyone at school knew that. She used to fight with teachers known to act like dictators with students,” he recalled. "She always stood on the side of the weak." An honours graduate with a degree in English language from Dagon University, she always spoke up when she had to. “She would always ask the teachers questions, and never gave up until she got an answer that satisfied her. And she was never afraid to tell the truth,” said her close friend Soe Soe. Seen as “mouthy” by some, to those who really knew her, she was best known for being always ready to come to the aid of those in need, Soe Soe added. Her husband said this applied as much to strangers as to friends. “There were many times when she would yell at restaurant managers for scolding waiters,” he said. “She always stood on the side of the weak.” ‘No interest in politics’ Until the coup in February, however, Wai Wai Myint’s strong sense of justice never really extended to the political sphere. As relatively well-off members of Myanmar’s middle class, she and her husband had friends who supported both the now-ousted National League for Democracy and the army’s proxy party, and they felt no desire to pick sides. “We weren’t interested in politics at all before the coup. We weren’t on either side,” said Soe Myat Thu, noting that he and his wife both preferred to put most of their energy into their work, which in his case was running a private dental clinic. But that changed just over a week after the military takeover, when a young protester in Naypyitaw became the first casualty of the newly installed regime’s brutal efforts to crush opposition to its rule. Mya Thwe Thwe Khine was just 19 years old when she was shot in the head during an anti-coup demonstration in the capital on February 9. Her subsequent death a few days later made a deep impression on Wai Wai Myint. “It shattered her when Mya Thwe Thwe Khine died,” Soe Myat Thu said about the change in his wife’s political views. Over the ensuing months, she joined many protests, even when the junta was massacring dozens or even hundreds of civilians on a daily basis. She did so against her husband’s wishes, and eventually stopped telling him what she was doing, he said. Much of her activity involved cooking and donating food to protesters, according to her friend Soe Soe. In April, she was briefly detained for her involvement in the resistance movement. "She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice." During her detention, she suffered a spinal injury after she was slapped and kicked by her captors. But more than that, it pained her that she was released while others were forced to remain behind bars. “She wasn’t happy, because only she and a few other people were freed. She felt guilty about that. She’d come to me and cry about it,” said Soe Soe. “She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice,” she added. Through her work in the movement, she made many new friends, including those who were with her on the day she died. According to the junta, Wai Wai Myint was guilty of supporting a group of youths who were making explosives. Soe Myat Thu said he didn’t know any of the people she was with when the apartment she was in was raided. The four others who fell that day were all young men. In Soe Myat Thu’s mind, there is no doubt about who is responsible for his wife’s death. She herself had told him that she would take her own life before she allowed herself to be captured and tortured again. “I’m not the only one crying now. It’s all the system’s fault. My wife wouldn’t have had to die if it wasn’t for that,” he said, laying the blame for her death squarely on the shoulders of Myanmar’s military rulers..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 17 August 2021)
Description: "As of 17 August, (999) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Kyauksei Township in Mandalay Region died on August 16 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 17, a total of (5712) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Than Sein, a local villager from Kyauk Sauk Kalay Village in Kyauksei Township, Mandalay Region, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop around 10 am on August 15, died on the morning of August 16 due to severe beatings. Three of his teeth fell out due to the punching, and beating with wire and bamboo sticks because Than Sein did not open his phone lock. Than Sein was beaten this way until in the evening, according to locals. Than Sein was actively involved in his community and in-hiding after the terrorist junta came to search and arrest NLD supporters. He was arrested because a junta-appointed administrator informed that he had arrived home from hiding. Kyaw Thiha, a protest leader with the Mandalay Boycott Forces Column, was hit by a private car driven by the terrorist junta’s troop wearing plain clothes yesterday. Kyaw Thiha was beaten and arrested at gunpoint at 5pm on August 16 on his way driving a motorbike. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided houses where protestors were hiding and Pi Ti, one of the protestors in that boycott column, was arrested that day. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Military arrests leader of Mandalay protest alliance
Sub-title: Kyaw Thiha, the youth head of an alliance of multiple protest columns, was stopped on his motorbike, beaten and arrested at gunpoint by plainclothes junta soldiers
Description: "A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force, was arrested by the junta’s forces while driving near Mandalay University at around 5pm on Monday. Plainclothes soldiers, arriving in domestic vehicles, stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha—who is in his 20s—beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness. Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township at 8pm that night. “They also raided the place where we were staying. We’re all on the run now. I still don’t know about our other comrades, but I’m in a safe place now,” Thura Aung told Myanmar Now. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance. Junta vehicles drove into the protest column in both May and June, injuring demonstrators. Six protesters including a university lecturer were arrested near Mandalay University on the morning of June 14 after the column was hit by a car driven by military personnel. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan. Thura Aung said that they would not be stopping their resistance to military rule. “They can arrest us all they want but they can’t break our revolutionary spirit. We’re not backing down, not by an inch. We will fight for the truth until the end,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Junta Seen Moving to Dissolve NLD to Ensure Grip on Power
Sub-title: The military has arrested more than 300 party members, including 98 lawmakers, since February.
Description: "Myanmar’s junta is targeting members of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD), including its leader Aung San Suu Kyi and dozens of lawmakers, in a bid to disband the party and secure its tenuous hold on power six months after overthrowing the government, ousted lawmakers and analysts said Monday. A member of the NLD’s Central Committee told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the military regime has arrested a total of 324 NLD members—98 of whom are members of parliament (MPs)—since its Feb. 1 coup d’état. Among the detained are 15 members of the NLD’s Central Committee, as well as five regional and state chief ministers, the committee member said, speaking on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. Other senior NLD members have died in detention since the coup, including Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal attorney Nyan Win on July 20 and Bago region MP Nyunt Shwe, who died of COVID-19 in prison on Monday. Three party members—Khin Maung Latt and Zaw Myat Lin of Myanmar’s largest city Yangon and Kyaw Kyaw from the capital Naypyidaw—were allegedly tortured to death at interrogation centers, according to the committee member. Meanwhile, 10 people, including Magway Region Chief Minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, have been sentenced by the military to between two and three years in prison and face additional charges. NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, former president Win Myint, and several other party leaders remain in detention on a variety of anti-state charges after being rounded up in the aftermath of the coup. The Central Committee member told RFA that the junta is targeting the NLD with the goal of removing the party from politics altogether. “The junta is afraid of losing the state authority it unlawfully seized,” they said. The committee member said they believe the military’s leadership was unhappy with the socio-economic development, transparency, and other reforms that the NLD delivered after winning the country’s 2015 elections, and afraid of being held to account for the corruption and other crimes it had committed during its 1962-2011 rule. “That must be why they are trying to completely remove the NLD from Myanmar politics, hoping that afterwards they’d be free to do what they want,” the committee member said. “[NLD] party leaders and party members are being unlawfully persecuted, and people are being brutally suppressed so that they cannot interact with the party.” Holding on to power The junta says a landslide victory by the NLD in the country’s November 2020 general election was the result of voter fraud, but has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed widespread prot4ests, killing 998 people and arresting 5,711 since the coup, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC) announced on July 26 that the 2020 election results had been officially annulled, although the NLD has dismissed the decision as illegal, saying it invalidates the will of the people. The military has called for a change in the format of the election to include proportional representation ahead of a new ballot. Political analyst Than Soe Naing told RFA that the military’s actions are aimed at holding on to power. “It doesn’t matter when elections are held—as long as the people wholeheartedly support the NLD, it will be difficult for the military to maintain power,” he said. “This is why the junta is working towards the abolition of the NLD and the long-term imprisonment of its leaders.” In the aftermath of the coup, the military raided NLD offices across the country, confiscating documents and office equipment and destroying party signboards. Party officials say grassroot-level NLD offices have since removed all signs, citing security concerns. Aung Kyi Nyunt, a member of the NLD Central Committee, said that despite the military’s efforts, the party will endure because it continues to represent the will of the people. “I don’t believe that the people will accept the annulment of the election results or participate in new elections, as they already made their decision,” he said. “As long as the people are there, the party will be there.” Little hope for justice Meanwhile, family members of imprisoned NLD lawmakers told RFA on Monday that they have little hope for justice while the junta remains in charge of the country. Lin Naing, the husband of jailed Taungup township MP Ni Ni May Myint, said that the military had arrested his wife and many other NLD members with complete impunity. “We didn’t know where people were interrogated after being taken away—most were taken to court from interrogation centers and imprisoned straight away,” he said. “There is no transparency. Those arrested were not allowed to speak with their lawyers and were jailed on random charges. Almost all the cases are like that. Anyone who is charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code [for ‘defamation of the military’] has no legal protection.” Ni Ni May Myint was arrested in Yangon on May 12 along with NLD youth leader Chit Chit Chaw and sentenced to three years in prison for defaming the military. The pair have been denied visits with family members, Lin Naing said. Thant Zin Tun, a Pyithu Hluttaw member from Dekkhina Thiri township, has been in detention in Naypyidaw Prison since March 2, when he was arrested in the capital along with Naypyidaw Council Development Committee member Min Thu, NLD MP Kyaw Min Hlaing, and Amyotha Hluttaw member Maung Maung Swe. A member of Thant Zin Tun’s family, who declined to be named, said the junta has been devoting a significant amount of effort to building a case against the MP. “We were allowed to see him 12 days after his arrest, but we haven’t seen him since,” the relative said. “They are meticulously constructing a case so that they can sentence him to prison. They have called in ‘witnesses’ that they want to testify in the case. There is nothing we can do for him.” Attempts by RFA to reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Monday..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ‘Around 1,500’ soldiers have defected and joined the Civil Disobedience Movement since coup
Sub-title: ‘If anyone who wanted to could desert right now, there would only be the commander-in-chief and the flagpole left in the barracks,’ said one captain
Description: "Around 1,500 soldiers have now defected from the Myanmar military to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the junta, a former Tatmadaw captain who is helping fellow deserters told Myanmar Now. The new figures from Lin Htet Aung, who abandoned his post at the 528th Light Infantry Battalion in eastern Shan State in April, indicate that soldiers are now defecting faster and in greater numbers than before. The number of deserters has almost doubled in a little over two months. In early June, four months after the military seized power, around 800 soldiers had defected. Among the defectors, about 1,000 hold ranks ranging from private to sergeant while hundreds more are majors, Lin Htet Aung told Myanmar Now. Most have arrived in areas controlled by rebel groups but have yet to fully earn the trust of others involved in the movement against the junta, he said. “We’re still in the process of monitoring and assessing them, so we can’t go on the offensive now,” he added, referring to plans for defected soldiers to wage war against the junta. “But many are found to be enthusiastic about taking part in whatever role possible once we go on the offensive,” said the soldier, who graduated with the 54th batch of the Defence Services Academy (DSA). Lin Htet Aung has been making introductions between defectors and the National Unity Government (NUG) while reaching out to soldiers within the army to encourage more defections. Potential defectors contact Lin Htet Aung every day, he said, and are in constant danger of being discovered. Pro-junta soldiers, he added, refer to would-be deserters as “watermelons” because they see them as green on the outside and red on the inside; a reference to the colours of the military and the National League for Democracy party. “Many do not want to work for the military council anymore as more and more soldiers lose faith in their leaders,” Lin Htet Aung said. Lin Htet Aung and another captain who has not defected told Myanmar Now that the military had recently restricted the movements of soldiers and their families. Senior officers claim this is a bid to curb the spread of Covid-19 but it is in fact meant to prevent defections, they said. “If anyone who wanted to could desert right now, there would only be the commander-in-chief and the flagpole left in the barracks,” said the second captain. Lin Htet Aung agreed that large numbers of soldiers want to leave. “If it was approved that anyone could resign, even a new soldier who just graduated from the DSA would leave,” he said. In an interview with Myanmar Now earlier this month, NUG defence minister Yee Mon urged junta soldiers to defect. “You don’t have much longer to decide whether you’re going to be on the people’s side or not,” he said. “So join the people’s defence force if you can. If you can’t, stop taking orders from the military council. Stop oppressing the people.” .....
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Electricity and Energy Notification No.10/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၀/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စွမ်းအင်ကဏ္ဍ၏ မြန်မာ့ရေနံဓာတုဗေဒလုပ်ငန်းရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အောက်ပါအရာရှိများကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၁၆ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁၀/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Electricity and Energy
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Covid-19 Surge in Myanmar’s Prisons
Sub-title: Junta Packs Jails with Opponents as Virus Thrives
Description: "Myanmar’s Covid-19 crisis is spiraling out of control, as the coronavirus spreads among the most marginalized populations, including those in the country’s prisons. The escalation of politically motivated arrests since the February 1 military coup has corresponded with a surge in infections in the country’s overcrowded and unsanitary prisons, where access to health care is poor. Over 600 Covid-19 cases have been reported in Myanmar’s prisons. The Ministry of Health estimates there are almost 4000 new infections daily across the country. But due to lack of testing and little information coming forward from a military junta that claims it has the situation under control, the real figures are likely much higher. On August 8, prisoners held a protest inside Mandalay’s Obo prison after the Covid-19 related death of a pro-democracy activist in custody. Maung Maung Nyein Tun, a 45-year-old doctor who had been detained on June 13 for participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement, was initially held in a military interrogation center, then transferred to a police station before being taken to Obo prison despite showing severe symptoms. He later died at Mandalay hospital. On July 23, a protest erupted at Yangon’s Insein prison due to a worsening coronavirus outbreak there and the death from Covid-19 of Nyan Win, 79, a prominent National League for Democracy member. As of August 9, at least 12 inmates at Insein had died after having been infected with the virus. According to local media reports, only 600 of the 9000 prisoners at Insein prison have received a vaccine. To quell the rapid spread, officials at Insein, Taungoo, and Myaung Mya prisons have ordered lockdowns. Inmates who show symptoms are quarantined but few are tested or receive adequate medical treatment. Released detainees have told us that few measures are taken to stop the spread of the virus, that masks are insufficient, and sanitary conditions are abysmal. Prison authorities have apparently also not taken any special measures to protect groups at higher risk such as older inmates and those with preexisting medical conditions. At a minimum, Myanmar’s prison authorities need to carry out widespread testing of inmates, release all prisoners who pose little security risk, and make information on the prevalence of Covid-19 in prisons public. Otherwise, the virus and loss of lives among prisoners will continue unchecked..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 16 August 2021)
Description: "As of 16 August, (998) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (27) fallen heroes today. (1) was an MP from Bago Township in Bago Region who died today and (26) from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, Bago Township in Bago Region, Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 16, a total of (5711) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Nyunt Shwe, MP of Bago Region Hluttaw in constituency No. (1) of Bago Township and also executive committee chairman of the NLD in Bago Township, contracted COVID-19 in prison and died in the early morning of August 16 from the disease while at Bago Hospital receiving medical treatment. Nyunt Shwe had been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained in Bago Prison. A civilian named Aung Yu from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, who was arrested on the night of August 11, died on August 14, three days after his arrest. His wife was informed Aung Yu died due to COVID-19, but his wife has denied that her husband caught the disease. On the night of August 14, a young man playing a game on a bench in front of a shop panicked and ran into the house in front of him when he saw a junta soldier patrol in Paya Gyi Town, Bago Township, Bago Region. The other young man in that house named Ye Htet Ko was shot dead in his left chest as the junta troops opened fire into the house with the door closed. Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye who suffers from mental illness and lives in Pa Dan Village, was beaten by the terrorist junta’s appointed night guards and died on the spot. The incident happened in front of the Ward (20) administrator’s office in Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region at 2:30 am on August 13 while Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye was returning from his mother’s home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.39 MB 5.82 MB 1.83 MB
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Title: Myanmar Parallel Govt’s Online Lottery Sells Out in About an Hour
Description: "An online lottery created by Myanmar’s parallel government has been so well received that all tickets put up for sale were sold out in just over one hour on the launch day despite the regime’s official threats to punish anyone who plays. Intended to raise funds for civil servants who are on strike to protest against the regime, the “Victorious Spring” lottery, named after Myanmar’s popular revolution against the junta that started in February, was introduced by the National Unity Government (NUG) on Sunday. Many government staff—at least hundreds if not thousands—have left their jobs in the wake of the coup in February to protest against military rule. The junta has retaliated against them by either jailing or sacking them, or issuing arrest warrants for them, prompting many to go into hiding. Their Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has proven so impactful that the regime is still struggling to run the country properly. The NUG said 70 percent of the proceeds from the lottery would go to support the strikers, while the remainder would be kept by the winners. The NUG was formed by lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy government and other ethnic representatives in April and has enjoyed popular support at home and abroad. The move—the sale of lottery tickets by a shadow government to raise funds—is unprecedented in Myanmar’s history. So is the public support it has garnered. All 50,000 lottery tickets were sold out online in just over an hour after their launch on Sunday, earning the NUG 100 million kyats (about US$60,760). “Thank you very much for the eager support. We request that you please be patient as there are many people who want to play the lottery,” organizers said on the lottery’s Facebook page, soothing people who didn’t have a chance to buy a ticket. The lottery comes as the regime’s national lottery has been left almost shattered following the coup. In pre-coup days, it was hugely popular for its lucrative 1.5-billion-kyat first prize. However, it was reduced to one third that amount in March as the public boycotts payments of any kind to the government, including paying taxes and buying government lottery tickets. For most of the people playing the NUG lottery, gambling is the last thing they have in mind. Instead, they see it as a way to give as much financial support as they can to the government they believe in. In other words, it means lending a helping hand to topple the regime. “I am just contributing what I can. I am not interested whether I win or not,” one supporter in Yangon said on condition of anonymity. He had good reason to remain anonymous; in the days before the lottery’s launch, the regime issued threats, via state-run newspapers, of legal action against anyone who participated. In an interview, U Nyi Nyi Hlaing, a director of the Aung Balay national lottery, called the NUG’s lottery “illegal” and said anyone involved—operators as well as players—could be punished. “As the payment is made online, the Central Bank would take serious action against those involved in financial transactions,” he said, referring to the country’s nascent digital payment system. Unsurprisingly, his warnings fell on deaf ears. On Monday, the second day, the NUG had to abruptly halt ticket sales as the system was overwhelmed, requesting people to hold their generosity a while as it needed to process more than 70,000 tickets sold as of that afternoon..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Coup And The Crisis In Myanmar
Description: "Myanmar, a nation whose young democracy began only a decade ago, is currently facing a threat it may not recover from. On February 1st of 2021, the military of Myanmar staged a coup d’état in the Southeast Asian country, overthrowing the democratic government and issuing a year-long state of emergency. Orchestrated under the idea that the nation’s November election was fraudulent, a claim that lacks any substantial evidence, the armed forces took control and arrested senior members of the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) party. The situation was exacerbated by the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, a pro-democracy activist and Nobel Prize winner, who led the NLD. The country’s state of emergency has been extended for another two years under the direction of Min Aung Hlaing, a leading army general who declared himself to be the nation’s prime minister at the beginning of August. Now, after months of violence and oppression, Myanmar is confronted with the same military regime that it suffered under previously. The populace of Myanmar has expressed their outrage over the return to military rule in the form of extensive protests. The demonstrations first became lethal on February 20th, when two unarmed protestors were killed by militant forces—by the 22nd, millions of civilians were marching in the streets, and the movement has since expanded into a large civil disobedience campaign. According to Reuters, at least six separate protests recently occurred on August 8th, the anniversary of a 1988 uprising against the earlier military junta. Across all of these events, violence has only escalated. Responses from the installed government have included rubber bullets, water cannons, and live ammunition – which has had deadly consequences. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has documented the deaths of 965 protestors since the military’s coup, along with the arrests and sentencings of over 5500. Furthermore, reports from the International Rescue Committee have detailed the disruption of social media and online communications in the country, systems that protestors rely on to organize. The humanitarian crisis caused by the military takeover has left Myanmar crippled. The large-scale fighting has impeded civilian access to public services and basic life necessities, such as food and water. Businesses and financial institutions have closed, leaving people out of work and fleeing from cities while Myanmar’s economy collapses. On top of the thousands of refugees that the coup has created, COVID-19 continues to ravage the nation. Reuters announced that the United States alone has given Myanmar $50 million in aid for coronavirus relief. The situation is intensified by the government’s detainment of medical professionals who have spoken out against the military and participated in civil disobedience. According to the Wall Street Journal, almost 200 doctors have been imprisoned and many more are facing warrants for their arrest. Despite this, hospital workers and practitioners continue to toil in secret to help people suffering from COVID-19. The restraints imposed by the government have impaired Myanmar’s ability to respond to the virus and the destruction it brings, leaving millions at risk. International reactions have been consistent in the condemnation of Min Aung Hlaing and his military government. Multiple actors, including the United States and the European Union, have issued sanctions on the government’s martial officers. Other countries in the region, especially those within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have worked to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. Even with these endeavors, finding an answer to end the government’s crackdown and move towards peace has been difficult. ASEAN held a summit in April at which General Min Aung Hlaing agreed to abandon the fighting and engage in communication. While this connection indicated progress, the unstable agreement lacks substance and the international denunciation of the coup has not pushed the government back towards any semblance of a democracy. The human rights abuses in Myanmar have expanded and the military government has only raised the death toll higher. As violence persists and the country’s humanitarian crisis grows, the need for progress towards a secure and peaceful state is increasingly apparent. Amidst the disorder and dangers, Myanmar is struggling with the problem of democratic backsliding; the nation’s government has gone from the bare minimum of democracy to a military junta. The electoral system only lasted a decade, having been founded in 2011, and the country has now regressed to the same militant regime that held Myanmar for over half a century. Despite the promise of General Min Aung Hlaing to return to “a free and fair multiparty general election” in the future, the chances of this happening are slim. The deconstruction of their budding democracy has only increased the trials that the public faces, and the new regime is unlikely to promote the welfare of the populace. Myanmar’s survival as a democratic government has been limited even further. With development towards a liberal democracy halted, if not completely destroyed, the future of Myanmar stands in the balance. In order for there to be a resolution to this crisis, the international community needs to create an environment conducive for peace and a strong electoral government. This involves promoting discourse between the military leadership, the opposing political party, and other countries in Southeast Asia. External actors need to use their power to influence the military regime and push them away from violent crackdowns and towards a conflict-free outcome. Isolating the administration and refusing to engage in dialogue will only aggravate the issue. Moreover, avoiding economic repercussions is crucial, as the citizens of Myanmar do not deserve and cannot handle the additional pressure that such actions would cause. The country’s current condition is perilous and requires the world’s attention, but beyond what has already occurred, there are few options that emphasize the protection of the public. The consideration of these restricted possibilities highlights a fundamental aspect of the situation that must be improved upon: intensifying the level of international accountability that Myanmar’s military is facing. Authoritarians and armies cannot be allowed to continue discrediting democratic proceedings for their own gain. Questioning the integrity of voting systems and using that as an excuse for a takeover, such as what happened in Myanmar, damages the electoral institution from the inside. It threatens the reliability and stability of democracies around the globe, and when no punitive action is taken against the perpetrators, it opens up the prospect to other abusers worldwide. The increase in democratic backsliding and corrupt leadership that can be seen in the recent past demonstrates how great the need is to encourage a resolution to this crisis. Should democracy in Myanmar be restored, returning the country to its previous state of affairs is not the most beneficial outcome. If international efforts to reestablish peace and democracy can succeed and result in the rehabilitation of the nation’s government, it cannot end with the implementation of what existed before the coup. Myanmar’s democracy was under the influence of the army before the coup. In 2017, the Myanmar government initiated a military operation against the Rohingya, a Muslim minority group. The Council of Foreign Relations approximates that 700,000 Rohingya people were forced to flee the country and become refugees. Returning to that quasi-democracy will not improve human rights or the nation’s state of affairs. World leaders need to work on building up Myanmar and giving them enough support to create a government and national order that will last. With the revival of the country’s military control, outside organizations must help in the reinforcement of democratic values and norms. Offering financial and political backing to the civilians of Myanmar throughout the myriad of crises they face is essential. While the military government will be resistant to change, combining the condemnation of democracy’s decline and the provision of aid to victims of oppression are ways in which peace and stability can at least be encouraged..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The Organization for World Peace
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Update 14 August 2021)
Description: "As of 14 August, (971) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Falam Township in Chin State, Waingmaw Township in Kachin State and Myaung Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 14, a total of (5604) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. A woman called Lang Pyung was shot by the 58th Infantry Battalion after returning from purchasing groceries from Waingmaw on the evening of August 13 when their motorbike passed through a road in front of the 58th Infantry Battalion, her husband managed to escape. The couple, from Wu Yan village in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. Lang Pyung died at Waingmaw Hospital from a gunshot wound from left to right rib. On August 12, Joshua from Parmun Chaung village in Falam Township, Chin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop, and shot dead in the back of the head. On the night of August 10, the terrorist junta’s troop raided Kyi Kone village in Sagaing Region’s Myaung Township and beat unprovoked a local villager called Nyi Nyi Latt. The junta soldiers shot him to death when he then ran away. The body of Nyi Nyi Latt was found in a port in the village with many injuries on his body, and gunshot injuries to the neck and head, according to locals. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.37 MB 5.35 MB 1.82 MB
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Title: Myanmar: The woman who jumped to her death while fleeing police
Sub-title: Even after six months of horrifying news from Myanmar, it is an incident that's shocked the country - five people who chose to jump from a building they were hiding in, some to their deaths, rather than face arrest.
Description: "The police have condemned the group as terrorists, but the husband of one victim tells the BBC she was a compassionate wife and mother who felt she was working to alleviate the people's suffering. This is the tale of her untimely death. It was on Tuesday afternoon that eight young activists found themselves trapped by a police raid. The military had seized power months earlier in February, throwing the country into turmoil as millions protested against the coup. At least 900 people have been killed by the military's violent response, and thousands more arrested. Wai Wai Myint was one of those caught up in the movement opposing the military junta. She was one of the five who jumped off a commercial building in downtown Yangon as the police charged in, falling onto a concrete pavement. She and at least one other person died at the scene. The other three have been taken to a military-run hospital. In the first photograph of Wai Wai Myint that began circulating on social media after news of her death, she stands ramrod straight, looking defiantly at the camera. Her fingers are raised in the three-finger Hunger Games salute that has become the trademark gesture used by young dissidents in South East Asia. The military authorities have described the group she was with as terrorists who were planning to plant bombs. They have published confessions by two of the activists who did not jump and were arrested there, and photographs of what they say were ingredients for explosives. But that is not the image painted by her husband, Soe Myat Thu. He had to say goodbye to Apple, as he calls her, at a military-organised mass cremation for her and four other people, including the young man who died with her when they jumped. No photographs were allowed, and the families were not permitted to take away the ashes. The military junta in Myanmar has been trying to restrict the funerals of those killed in the uprising against the coup, as they often turn into anti-military demonstrations - sometimes cremating bodies in secret rather than returning them to their relatives. Soe Myat Thu held up a flower for her, and took that back home in place of her remains. The move towards politics They were a comfortably middle-class couple, both ethnic Chinese, with a six year-old daughter. Soe Myat Thu is a dentist, and Wai Wai Myint was a gems and jewellery trader. She had been brought up by two aunts, he told the BBC, and always had plenty of money to enjoy life. Photographs of her show a well made-up young woman posing in stylish clothes. She liked going out clubbing with girlfriends, he says, but had a strong social conscience, regularly donating money to poorer neighbours or to animal welfare groups. He said the couple had not been interested in politics at all, with Wai Wai Myint even saying that they should stay away because it could be dangerous. When the coup happened, she did not react much at first. But she was kind-hearted, he says, and became upset when the first protester to die, a young woman called Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing, was fatally shot in the capital Nyapyitaw a week after the coup. Her death was widely mourned and triggered further anger against authorities. The shooting of a young protester Wai Wai Myint donated money to Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing's family, and began posting on her Facebook page about other victims of the increasingly violent military response to the civil disobedience movement. He said the couple both knew they could not change things themselves, but when she saw people being shot by the military she became more outspoken in her comments. He describes her as a bold character who was more ready to take risks than he was. Soe Myat Thu says she was arrested once during a protest, and he had to negotiate to get her out of custody. She was very angry about that, he remembers, because of the way she had been kicked and beaten. He had then warned her not to go to any more protests, reminding her that she had a daughter to care for. After that, he believed that his wife was no longer involved with the opposition. It has evolved from a non-violent protest movement in the weeks after the coup to an underground resistance which today uses handmade guns and bombs, and is believed to be behind the assassination of officials who co-operate with the military. He says he knew the other activists who were caught with Wai Wai Myint, in the building where they were staying on 44th Street in downtown Yangon, not far from their home. They were all members of the Pzundaung Botahtaung Young Strike Committee, one of many groups formed in Yangon in the first days after the coup to resist it. She used to hang out with them, he says, and sometimes brought them to their house to eat and use their internet. "I admired and felt sorry for them as they were prepared to go out and face danger when I would not," he said. But he had no idea she was going to join them in their hideout on Tuesday; she had only told him that she was going out for a little while, and left the house without changing her clothes and putting on make-up, as she usually did. It is not clear what Wai Wai Myint's role was in the group, or whether she was even a member. It was possible that she was only paying the rent and offering other kinds of material support. Activists opposing the coup in Myanmar have to keep moving from place to place to avoid arrest. Soe Myint Thu believes it was what she felt about the suffering of the people, and her determination not to accept the military junta, that eventually drove her to her fate..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 13 August 2021)
Description: "As of 13 August, (968) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 13, a total of (5571) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. A young girl around one-years-old was shot in the head and stomach and died on the spot in the morning of August 12 at Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region when the terrorist junta’s soldiers opened fire on three young men on motorbikes near the child’s house. In addition to this, Nyein Chan, father of the child, was shot twice in the arm, and the mother was also shot in the leg. On August 5, junta soldiers and the Pyu Saw Htee detained five Than Pauk villagers near Obo village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township allegedly for being involved in the anti-coup revolution. A 26-year-old was beaten to death, called Hlaing Wai Oo, right in front of the detained persons at a school in Pan Sat village. Two sons had taken their mother to Yar Village which is close to Pan Sat village because she was suffering from illness. A total of five people including two sons and their mother and two other men were arrested while returning together. Hlaing Wai Oo was killed in front of his mother. A few days later, three of the villagers were released, but nothing has yet been heard about the one remaining villager. Win Zaw was arrested when terrorist junta troops wearing plain clothes did not find his son when they searched his home in Dawei, Tanitharyi Region on the morning of August 12. Myint San, MP of Magwe Region Hluttaw in the constituency No. (2) of Pauk Township and also NLD party member, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and had a warrant issued against her, was arrested in Nattalin Town in Bago Region on the night of August 11 by local junta police. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.36 MB 5.38 MB 1.81 MB
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Title: Joint Statement by the Ministry o f Women, Youths and Children Affairs & Ministry o f Human Rights Affairs of the National Unity Government of Myanmar 3/2021 - အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့၏ အကျဉ်းထောင်အတွင်း အခြေအနေများနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ပူးတွဲထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၁
Description: "Joint Statement by the Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs & Ministry of Human Rights Affairs of the National Unity Government of Myanmar 3/2021 13th August 2021 We view that the peaceful protests erupted across prisons – one at Insein prison of Yangon on July 23, 2021 and another at Oh Pho prison of Mandalay on August 8, 2021 on the 33rd anniversary of the 8888 Democracy Uprising – were caused by the junta’s mismanagement, especially of the coronavirus pandemic in those prisons. We pay tribute to those rights activists who have been wrongfully arrested in the first place for exercising their right to free speech and for opposing the terrorist military council, and who have fearlessly demanded for their unalienable rights, including access to healthcare, despite being imprisoned. We understand that prison authorities have yet to provide an equal access to healthcare and treatment for prisoners even though authorities had agreed to increase Covid-19 prevention measures in prisons as demanded by protestors. We do not have further information about the condition of those activists who had staged recent prison protests. We are deeply concerned by the reports of the high rate of Covid-19 cases in Insein prison, and of the recent deaths of several senior political leaders. We are also highly concerned by the reports of military vehicles entering into Oh Pho prison in the wake of the protests last night. Therefore, it is of utmost importance that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is allowed to visit prisons in Myanmar as soon as possible to assess the worsening conditions of prisoners in order to take necessary measures to stop the further spreading of coronavirus. Hence, we strongly urge the international community to increase their pressure and demand the terrorist military council to implement the followings: Ensure equal access to healthcare for all Covid-19 patients in prisons, and access to adequate medicines, protective materials and resources for the prevention of Covid-19; Allow prisoners infected with coronavirus to notify their families; Lift the ban on family visits, mails and packages to prisoners; Ensure an access to adequate water supply and health care for women’s personal hygiene and their health; Ensure an unrestricted access to ICRC for political prisoners and CDM public servants through individual or group meetings to present their needs; Ensure that prison authorities respect the dignity of prisoners and not to resort violence and to fulfil the needs of prisoners on a humanitarian basis. We believe that only through the concerted efforts can we adequately pressure the junta to respect the rights of those who are unjustly being imprisoned. Thus, we appeal to you to speak up for those activists behind the bars and demand for their rights with one united voice. ------------------------- National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ် နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီး ဌာန နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် ပူးတွဲကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၁ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လိုင်လ ၅ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၃)ရက်နေ့တွင် ရန်ကုန်မြို့ ၊ အင်းစိန်ထောင်အတွင်းဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုနှင့် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၊ သြဂုတ်လ (၈)ရက်နေ့ ၊ ရှစ်လေးလုံးဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတော်ပုံ(၃၃)နှစ်ပြည့်အထိမ်းအမှတ်နေ့တွင် မန္တလေးအိုးဖိုအကျဥ်းထောင်တွင်ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုများသည် ထောင်အတွင်းဆိုးဝါးလှသည့် ကိုဗစ်၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါကူးစက်မှုကျန်းမာရေးအခြေအနေအပေါ် စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုညံ့ဖျင်းခြင်းနှင့် အခြားသောစီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုညံ့ဖျင်းခြင်းများကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု မိမိတို့ သုံးသပ်သည်။ လွတ်လပ်စွာဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်မှုနှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဆန့်ကျင်မှုတို့ကြောင့်မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံရသော တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူတို့သည် ထောင်အတွင်းအကျဥ်းကျခံနေရသော်လည်း လူသားတိုင်းရရှိခံစားခွင့်ရှိသော ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာအခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တခြားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် အန္တရာယ်ကိုမကြောက်မရွံ့ဘဲ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ချီးကျူးဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင်းဆန္ဒပြမှုမှ တောင်းဆိုထားသည့် ထောင်တွင်း ကိုဗစ်ကာကွယ်ရေး အစီအမံမြှင့်တင်ပေးရေးကို အကျဉ်းဦးစီးအာဏာပိုင်များဖက်က လိုက်လျောပေးမည်ဟု ပြောခဲ့ဆိုသော်လည်း လက်တွေ့တွင် လူတိုင်းတန်းတူညီမျှစွာနှင့် လုံလောက်စွာ ကုသမှုရရှိအောင် ထိထိရောက်ရောက် မလုပ်ဆောင်သေးကြောင်း မိမိတို့ သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ဆန္ဒပြရာတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သော တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၏ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေကို တိတိကျကျမသိရသေးချေ။ ထောင်အတွင်းရှိ အကျဥ်းသားများအကြား ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကူးစက်ခံရမှုနှုန်း အထူးမြင့်မားနေသည့်သတင်းများထွက်ပေါ်နေပြီး ဝါရင့်နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်းဆောင်တချို့ သေဆုံးခဲ့မှုနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့်‌ အထူးစိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မိသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ဆန္ဒပြစဥ်က စစ်ကားများ၀င်ရောက်သွားပြီးဖိနှိပ်ခဲ့သည့်အတိုင်း အလားတူပင် မန္တလေးအိုးဖိုအကျဥ်း‌ထောင်အတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြသည့်ဖြစ်စဥ်တွင် ထောင်အတွင်းမှ သေနတ်သံ(၂)ချက်ထွက်ပေါ်လာမှု၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ဆန္ဒပြကြွေးကြော်သံများထွက်ပေါ်လာပြီးနောက် အိုးဖိုထောင်အတွင်းသို့ စစ်ကားများ၀င်ရောက်သွားမှု၊ စသည့်အခြေအနေများအရ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများအပေါ် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ပါးစေများမှ ဆိုးရွားစွာဖိနှိပ်မည်ကို အင်မတန်စိုးရိမ်မိပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လက်ရှိထောင်တွင်းအခြေအနေများကို အမှန်အတိုင်းသိရှိပြီး ထောင်တွင်းဆိုးဝါးလှသည့်အခြေအနေများ အထူးသဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါကာကွယ်တားဆီးကုသနိုင်ရေးအတွက် လုပ်ဆောင်ရန်လိုအပ်သော အစီအစဥ်များအား အမြန်ဆုံးလုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကြက်ခြေနီကော်မတီ (International Committee of Red Cross) ကို ထောင်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်ခွင့်ပြုပြီး လုပ်ဆောင်ခွင့်ပြုရန် အထူးအရေးကြီးသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လူကြီးမင်းတို့၏ အစိုးရနှင့် သံရုံးများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အောက်ပါအချက်များ လုပ်ဆောင်လာအောင် ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ပေးကြရန် ပန်ကြားအပ်ပါသည်။ အကျဉ်းသားများအားလုံး တန်းတူညီမျှစွာ ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါကုသခွင့်ရရှိစေရေးနှင့် ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါကူးစက်ပြန့်ပွားမှုထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကာအကွယ်ပစ္စည်းများ၊ ဆေးဝါး၊ အသုံးအဆောင်များကို တိုးမြှင့်စီစဉ်ပေးရန်၊ ကိုဗစ် ကူးစက်မှုခံရသော အကျဉ်းသားများအား မိသားစုထံသို့အသိပေး အကြောင်းကြားခွင့်ပြုရန်၊ ထောင်ဝင်စာတွေ့ခွင့်ပိတ်ပင်ခြင်းကို ပယ်ဖျက်ပေးပါရန်၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ တကိုယ်ရည်သန့်ရှင်းရေးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးဆိုင်ရာကျန်းမာရေးတို့အတွက် ရေအလုံအလောက်သုံးစွဲခွင့်ရရှိရန်နှင့် အမျိုးသမီးအတွက် လိုအပ်သော ကျန်းမာရေးအခွင့်အရေး၊ အသုံးအဆောင်ပစ္စည်းများရရှိခွင့်ပြုရန်၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၊ စီဒီအမ်ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် ICRC နှင့် တဦးချင်းစီသော်လည်းကောင်း၊ အုပ်စုလိုက်ဖြင့်သော်လည်ကောင်း တွေ့ဆုံပြီး လိုအပ်ချက်များ တင်ပြခွင့်ကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ခွင့်ပြုရန်၊ အကျဉ်းသားများ၏တောင်းဆိုမှုများအား ထောင်ဦးစီး၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများက လူသားဆန်စွာလေးစားမှုပြသပြီး ဆက်သွယ်ပြောဆိုညှိနှိုင်းပေးရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်းမပြုရန်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် ထောင်တွင်းရှိ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးအကျဥ်းချခံရသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ၏ အခွင့်အရေးအတွက် ဝိုင်းဝန်းပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင်မှသာလျှင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား လုံလောက်သောဖိအားပေးနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့်အထက်ပါ အချက်အလက်များနှင့်တကွ အဖမ်းအဆီးခံအကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ထောင်တွင်းအခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် အတူတကွ စုပေါင်းအသံလွှင့်ပေးကြရန် နှင့် တောင်းဆိုပေးကြပါရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ရပါသည်။ အရေးတော်ပုံအောင်ရမည်။ ------------------------- အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ် နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs and Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication: 2021-08-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Anti-coup’ Forces Coordination Committee – Mandalay: Announcement (6/2021) - စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပြည်သူ့အင်အားများ ချိတ်ဆက်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ (မန္တလေး): ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "Anti-coup' Forces Coordination Committee – Mandalay (AFCC) Announcement (6/2021) Statement of Supporting and Recognizing “Interim National Unity Government -NUG” for Credentials of Representatives of Myanmar at United Nations Note No: 06/Aug/2021 Issue Date: August 12th, 2021 1. We are resisting and fighting against the military coup' and military dictatorship to the best we can, absolutely without giving them acknowledgement. 2. We already issued the public announcement on supporting and recognizing "Interim National Unity Government - NUG’’ (on April 16th, 2021) as a warm welcome of NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar people. 3. We strongly support the representatives appointed by NUG who fully represent the political will of the people of Myanmar, in search of the credentials in the upcoming UN General Assembly meeting. The representatives appointed by the military junta (State Administration Council), by no means, represent the people of Myanmar. 4. In relation to this, we encourage and call for the entire people of Myanmar from diverse backgrounds as well as the Myanmar activists in international communities to make strenuous efforts and campaigns for NUG to be able to represent Myanmar as the legitimate government in the United Nations. “Dictatorship must fall down” “Revolution must win” Anti-coup' Forces Coordination Committee – Mandalay (AFCC) Contact Info: ◉ Email Address: [email protected] ◉ Signal Number: 09 755 528123, 09 795 888948, 09 894 086826, 09 969 762736 ◉ Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/AFCCMandalay/ ❏ The Bodies (Organizations, Strike Groups and Civil Soceities).....စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပြည်သူ့အင်အားများ ချိတ်ဆက်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ (မန္တလေး) ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၆/၂၀၂၁) ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တရားဝင် ကိုယ်စားပြုခွင့် (Credentials of Representatives) အတွက် “ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ - NUG” ကို အပြည့်အဝ ထောက်ခံကြောင်း ကြေညာခြင်း စာအမှတ်။ ၀၆/ ဩဂုတ် /၂၀၂၁ ရက်စွဲ။ ဩဂုတ် ၁၂ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၁။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို လုံးဝလက်မခံဘဲ အစွန်းကုန် ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် “ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ - NUG” ကို မိမိတို့ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးအား ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် အစိုးရအဖြစ် အပြည့်အဝ ထောက်ခံကြိုဆိုကြောင်းလည်း (ဧပြီလ ၁၆ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်) ရက်စွဲဖြင့် အများပြည်သူသို့ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ သို့ပါ၍ ယခုလာမည့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေညီလာခံကြီးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကိုယ်စားပြုခွင့် အခွင့်အရေး (Credential Issue) အတွက် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသော “ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ - NUG” က စေလွှတ်သည့် သံကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ကိုသာ အပြည့်အဝ ထောက်ခံပါကြောင်းနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ၎င်းကစေလွှတ်မည့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့သည် မိမိတို့ကို လုံးဝကိုယ်စားမပြုပါကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံတွင်းရှိ တောင်ပေါ်-မြေပြန့် ပထဝီဒေသပေါင်းစုံရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံတို့အပြင် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ မြန်မာ့အရေး တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူတို့အနေဖြင့်လည်း ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂတွင် တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုခွင့်ကို “ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ - NUG” က ရရှိရေးအတွက် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ပါဝင်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါရန် အထူး နှိုးဆော် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ “စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် မုချကျရှုံးရမည်” “အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်ရမည်” စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပြည်သူ့အင်အားများ ချိတ်ဆက်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ (မန္တလေး) ဆက်သွယ်ရန်- ◉ အီးမေးလ်လိပ်စာ။ [email protected] ◉ Signal Number: 09 755 528123, 09 795 888948, 09 894 086826, 09 969 762736..."
Source/publisher: Anti-coup Forces Coordination Committee - Mandalay
Date of publication: 2021-08-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-12
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 12 August 2021)
Description: "As of 12 August, (966) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Botahtaung Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 10 and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. In relation to the apartment raid by the terrorist junta on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, today, AAPP added Wai Wai Myint a.k.a Apple to our fatality list as we confirmed she had died then. AAPP will continue to verify and report information regarding this incident. As of August 12, a total of (5562) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. At least five philanthropists including Naing Lin and Jue Mar were arrested on the morning of August 11 whilst they were planning to provide rice to the poor in Wakema Town, Ayeyarwady Region. A local said it is unknown why they were arrested. On the evening of July 31, Poe Ei Khaing, the wife of Aung Kyaw Htet and his one-year-old daughter were arrested as hostage when the terrorist junta did not find Aung Kyaw Htet from Mandalay who is accused of having relations with the PDF. Poe Ei Khaing was suffering from an illness when she was arrested. The one-year-old daughter was released on August 2 two days after her arrest. The day his one-year-old daughter was released, the police station announced they would allow part-time breastfeeding, but they did not end up allowing this the next day, at which point they said Poe Ei Khaing contracted COVID-19. After this, he did not hear anything about his wife, according to Aung Kyaw Htet. The nephew of Nay Myo named Myat Noe Lwin was detained as a hostage when the junta did not find Nay Myo, NLD Ward and Village Secretary of Kyauk Gyi Su Ward in Bago at home on the night of August 5. Nay Myo is charged under Section 505 of the Penal Code. In addition to this, the parents and son of Han Tun were detained as hostages when the junta did not find Han Tun, NLD campaigner of Pyan Kya Village in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township on the afternoon of August 8. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.36 MB 5.33 MB 1.82 MB
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Title: Two Myanmar Activists Die, Three Injured in Jump From Building While Fleeing Police
Sub-title: The father of one of those who died said witnesses told him his son survived the fall and was beaten to death by police.
Description: "Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured in Myanmar when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by junta authorities, witnesses said Wednesday, while the father of one of those killed said he was told his son survived the impact and was beaten to death by police. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives Tuesday night when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city. The three who survived the jump—Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set, and Poe Kyaw Kyaw—were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon. Tin Zaw—the father of Ye Min Oo, who died Tuesday—said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall. "Immediately after the fall, my son was dying, not dead. Then police officers beat them up, and my son died after the beating,” he told RFA in an exclusive interview. “I got that information from witnesses and residents.” A neighborhood resident told RFA on Wednesday that two of those who jumped called out three or four times for water and then died, while the other three remained motionless after they hit the ground. “Because they fell from a height, they must have broken their limbs,” he said. The neighbor, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeling activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings. “You could climb up to the roof, and the kids must have thought they could run across the rooftops. But there were only four buildings you could run across like that,” he said. “There was a five-storey building blocking their path on one side and an eight-storey building on the other, and they must have run this way and that, and finally when they couldn’t escape they must have jumped,” he said. Dead and injured taken to hospital Military forces ordered community service workers to take both the two who died and the three survivors to a 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon, a member of the Lin Let Social Welfare Association told RFA. “The two who died were dead when we got there,” the charity worker said. “We were sure they were dead because we made all the necessary checks required to see if they were still alive,” she said. “One of the injured had a broken leg, and another had a head injury and had to be taken to the hospital’s neurology center.” Soe Myat Thu, the husband of 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint, said he hopes the military will give him back his wife’s body so that he can bury her according to her own request. “I’m trying to get my wife’s body back, but we are under the rule of a military coup, so what can I do?” he asked. “If they refuse to release her body, there is nothing we can do about it.” “She always said, ‘Don’t cremate my body when I die. Please bury me in a grave,’ and I want to fulfill that last wish. I don’t care about anything else,” he said. A police report now circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling Military Council, while a military press release on Wednesday confirmed that two had been killed and three injured in the operation, with hand grenades and bomb-making materials recovered during the raid. An independent scout Ye Min Oo, who was born in 1994, was not connected with Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), People’s Defense Force (PDF), or any other formally organized group, his father said. Instead, he had worked independently with friends in a scouting unit gathering intelligence on pro-junta informers and other military targets, Tin Zaw said. “He never expressed any political opinions, but after the February coup, he became actively involved in anti-coup protests, and although I did not forbid this as a parent, I warned him to be mindful and careful,” he said. “My son stood and fought for his beliefs, and now he has fallen in the fight,” he said. Tin Zaw said Ye Min Oo’s fate was the outcome of the military overthrow of the country’s democratically elected government on unfounded claims of voter fraud in the country’s November 2020 election. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule. According to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 948 civilians were killed by police and soldiers between Feb. 1 and Aug. 10. “These kids were pushed into the struggle by the Feb. 1 coup. They were pure and innocent youths. I am very proud of my son,” Tin Zaw said..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Electricity and Energy Notification No.8/2021 - လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် လျှပ်စစ်ကဏ္ဍ၏ ဌာနခွဲအသီးသီးရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ် ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှနှင်ထုတ်ခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီအလိုကျ ပြည်သူလူထုထံမှ အတင်းအဓမ္မ လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခကောက်ခံ ရရှိရေးဆောင်ရွက်မှုတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံအောက်ပါ ဌာနအကြီးအကဲများနှင့် အရာထမ်းများကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း အဖြစ်မှထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၁၁ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Electricity and Energy
Date of publication: 2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
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Title: At Least 252 Reported Attacks and Threats to Health Care in Myanmar During Six Months of Military’s Crackdown
Description: "At least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities, and transports have been perpetrated in Myanmar from February 1 to July 31, 2021, according to an analysis based on open-source reports conducted by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR). The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks amid ongoing protests against the military coup. In addition to the military’s attacks on civilians and demonstrators, health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and other health workers have been attacked for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. Violence against health care is increasingly derailing Myanmar’s COVID-19 response and vaccine roll-out, the research brief finds. Within the 252 total incidents that took place across Myanmar during the first six months of the military’s coup and crackdown (February 1 to July 31, 2021), Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR highlight reports of: 190 health workers arrested 37 health workers injured 25 health workers killed Hospitals raided at least 86 times Hospitals occupied at least 55 times 17 incidents impacting COVID-19 response measures The incidents referred to are based on the dataset 01 February – 31 July 2021 Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar Data, which is available on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX). For the purposes of this research brief, one incident can comprise multiple types of violence or threats such as those above. For example, in one reported incident in Kyauk Kone township in Yangon city on February 27, 20 health workers were arrested and four were injured. The brief does not include incidents of violence against patients. While the vast majority of attacks and threats against health care have been perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces, non-state actors also reportedly committed violence against health care in May and June. Of the 252 total incidents, 234 are attributed to Myanmar’s armed forces (State Administrative Council/SAC or the Tatmadaw) and 15 to non-state actors. The increase in attacks by non-state actors was driven in part by escalating conflict between the military and local ethnic militias in recent months, particularly in the Chin and Kachin states. The research brief highlights reports that staff from the World Health Organization , non-governmental organizations (NGO), and international non-governmental organizations have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. Most of them were either working from home or had stopped working due to the current security situation. There are reports that the SAC is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees. “Myanmar’s COVID-19 response is on life support – yet another consequence of the military’s unconscionable violence against health workers and facilities,” said Jennifer Leigh, an epidemiologist serving as PHR’s Myanmar researcher. “Six months into the coup, the military’s war on medics rages on. By brutalizing medical professionals during a pandemic, Myanmar’s junta is escalating its COVID-19 catastrophe and violating long-standing international principles of protection of health care, including the obligations of health professionals to care for the sick and wounded without interference.” The research brief highlights a range of violence that has marred the country’s COVID-19 response. For example, personal protective equipment and oxygen supplies were confiscated for exclusive use by the military in Chin, Kayin, and Yangon. Throughout July, the military reportedly assaulted four civilians for transporting an oxygen tank in Mandalay, arrested three civilians retrieving oxygen and nine volunteers assisting with fills, and killed one civilian in search of oxygen. In one incident on July 13, 2021, security forces opened fire on crowds of civilians queuing in line for oxygen cylinders in Yangon. COVID-19 centers have been raided and, at least two, closed down. A COVID-19 facility in Mandalay was raided and its medical equipment seized for alleged COVID-19 violations. Two COVID-19 treatment centers in Sagaing were destroyed by military shelling. “Tragically, Myanmar has endured more reported attacks and threats against health care in 2021 than any country on Earth,” said Christina Wille, director of Insecurity Insight. “Myanmar’s surging COVID-19 crisis increasingly threatens other countries in the region and the global community. We call on all United Nations (UN) Member States to act to ensure the full implementation of Security Council Resolution 2286 and adopt measures to enhance the protection of and access to health care in situations of armed conflict. All people in Myanmar should benefit from unhindered delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccinations, medication, and supplies.” Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR used an open-source methodology to compile incidents noted in local, national, and international news outlets, online databases, and social media reports. The incidents reported are neither a complete nor a representative list of all incidents. Most incidents have not undergone verification by Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR. Data collection is ongoing and data may change as more information is made available. However, the data offers a snapshot of how Myanmar’s military is persecuting health workers and targeting facilities amid its broader crackdown on dissent. The research brief makes several recommendations to UN Member States, urging the international community to ensure the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2286, adopted May 2016, which strongly condemns attacks on medical personnel in conflict situations..."
Source/publisher: Physicians for Human Rights (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 11 August 2021)
Description: "As of 11 August, (965) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. In relation to the terrorist junta’s raid of the apartment on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, Yangon, some media outlets have said five people died, others that six died. It is without doubt there were deaths, but we are continuing to inquire and confirm the exact figure and identities. As of August 11, a total of (5550) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Terrorist junta’s troops entered Htauk Kyant village in Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township on the afternoon of August 10 and arrested the father-in-law and mother-in-law of Maung Phyu when they did not find Maung Phyu living in that village. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.37 MB 5.3 MB 1.83 MB
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